modern religion and ancient loyalty a dialogue. ward, edward, 1667-1731. 1699 approx. 19 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-07 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a67513 wing w747 estc r15113 12208410 ocm 12208410 56214 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a67513) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 56214) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 904:43) modern religion and ancient loyalty a dialogue. ward, edward, 1667-1731. 16 p. [s.n.], london : 1699. reproduction of original in huntington library. in verse. attributed to edward ward. cf. bm. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng religion -poetry. 2003-02 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-05 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2003-05 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion modern religion and ancient loyalty : a dialogue . london , printed in the year 1699. modern religion and ancient loyalty : a dialogue . loyalty . what black decree of over-ruling fate , ordains me thus unfortunate of late , who once made nations happy , and their princes great ? the people's safety , and the throne 's delight , religion's only darling favourite ; whose holy priests assisted at my birth , nurs'd me as vertue , and proclaim'd my worth thro' all the christian kingdoms of the earth . where long , as monarch of the heart , i reign'd ; by all approv'd , and by the church maintain'd ; to me their love , i gratefully repaid ; and nations where i dwelt , i easie made : preserv'd the subjects duty to the crown , and made the people and the prince but one. i all things in a happy medium steer'd , clad in bright innocence , unstain'd appear'd , beloy'd by all good m●● , by none but r●bels fear'd . but now , alas ! by some prevailing chance , that sprang from int'rest , pride , or ignorance , or some rebellious seeds that lurk unseen , within the hearts of blind mistaken men , am i abandon'd , slighted , and despis'd , and from my milk-white robes in rags disguis'd ; thrust out of country , city , church , and court , and foo● ba●-like , become the publick sport. corrupted thus , they all conspire my doom , and raise inglorious int'rest in my room . int'rest , that oft contaminates the saint ; and makes the knave in holy language cant. int'rest , that first taught innocence to sin ; and bribes the heart to let corruption in . int'rest , that over all bears sov'reign sway , makes the friend faithful , and the rogue betray , the soldier hazzard life , and the great man obey . tell me religion — why do your teachers suffer me to fall , once so upheld , but now the scorn of all ; excluded from your pulpits , and betray'd ; by your revolving priests am odious made ; what was your doctrine once , why do you now evade ? religion . faction prevailes , and does too pow'rful grow ; you see i 'm brought by tolleration low. how can you hope by me to be advanc'd , since i my self am thus discountenanc'd ? my spurning foes on ev'ry side aspire : i lose my pow'r , they gain what they desire . how then can i ( reduc'd by their designs ) promote your int'rest , when my own declines ? no more can i redress thy present state , than falling princes make their favourites great . the growing factions thy obedience blame , and call thee but an empty sound , a name ; they think thee giddiness , a church-disease , and tumble and transfer thee as they please . thou canst expect no favour in an age , where truth is hiss'd from off the publick stage ; and vertue hides her head , whilst pride and envy rage . thy hateful strictness would my followers fright , who brand thee with the name of jacobite ; tho' known to all opinions , few apply thee right . when both acknowledg'd one supreme command , like faithfull friends , we then walk'd hand in hand ; but since the pow'r of heaven has chang'd the scene , by notions false you have misguided been ; and thro' erroneous principles , dissent from me , and heav'ns appointed government . in your behalf how can my clergy plead , if you deny submission to my head ; and think your self vnalterably bound to the meer name of king , wherein no pow'r is found ? whilst you refuse your stubborn neck to bow t' authority , both church and laws allow ; and like a treacherous g●ide betray the blind , to grope for treasure , which they ne'er can find , to all my priesthood odious wilt thou be ; and canst no aid expect from them or me. we yield allegiance to the sov'reign sway ; who heav'n anoints , religion must obey . till you submit , you can no longer bind ; the free-born subject won't be so confin'd : and if they be , when once they 've broke the chain , like bears , 't is hard to fetter them again . they 'll hazzard all to set their minds but free , so highly do they prize their liberty ; that darling object of the peoples love , the only spring that does the publick move ; the peasant's comfort , and the rich-man's care , the crown of peace , and common cause of war ; a kingdom 's pride , strength , safety and delight , the monarch's duty , and the subject's right ; a pleasing bliss the dullest lump desires , the only native good that all mankind admires . but you an adamantine yoke design'd , attempting , by a lawless force , to bind ; and make allegiance such a fatal chain , that cannot , must not be dissolv'd by man. how can such high-flown loyalty agree with bounded pow'r , and native libertie ? for if obedience be the subjects part , when kings an arbitrary pow'r exert , what lawful fence or bulwark can there be the people to secure from slaverie ? what rights or freedoms can a nation boast , but what may be by sov'reign pow'r ingrost ? what law can hinder , or what curb restrain , the wild ambition of a vitious man ? all at a tyrants mercy then must be , religion , life , estate , and libertie ; the people all are slaves , none but the monarch free. besides — submission of the whole implies consent ; and absolute confirms the government . if you bear wrongs , and may prevent the same , who but the sufferers shall deserve the blame ? such passive tameness , when you 've pow'r to nil , concludes you as a partner in the ill. the patient bigot who resigns his rights , in duty to a tyrants will submits ; against the publick good and safety , errs ; and basely does more injury than he bears . thus by degrees intails a slavery ; and gains the curses of posterity ; these are the sad effects of too strict loyalty : from hence you 're term'd a musty roman cheat , allmost exploded , and grown obsolete . as far as you the nations rights secure , and bind allegiance to the king in pow'r , such loyalty i hold , and such maintain , whose chain 's no longer than a prince's reign . but such deny as cannot be remov'd , when iust the cause , and by the states approv'd . if such exploded tenets you defend , i 'm no more yours , than you the kingdom 's friend . loyalty . too well , alas ! grave guide , you know the cause , made me aspire and tow'r above the laws : your frenzy rais'd me to a heighth too great , from whence i sunk to this dejected state : unlawfull greatness in contempt oft ends , a sudden fall too quick a rise attends . and when beneath the publick scorn i lay , thus left , you steer'd your course another way : so the rich churl , from all misfortunes free , proudly shuns others in adversitie . first by your priesthood was i made too great , preach'd up as the main prop of church and sate ; enjoyn'd on all , as monarchies best friend , on whom the throne and nation 's peace depend ; as spotless vertue in the church receiv'd ; taught as sound doctrine , and as such believ'd . thus did your clergy blaze my fame — 't was i first tam'd the brutal rage of man ; in me alone obedience first began . i was the reins to which the curb is ty'd , by which great men their lesser agents guide . the soldier i with noble warmth inspire , ( true loyalty the chillest thoughts could fire ) and turn by force of duty , fear into desire . i taught the subject , by an inward voice , t' obey his king , not by constraint , but choice ; and wade thro' dangers to protect the throne , bent on his prince's safety , heedless of his own. if you to kings are such a faithful friend , as your learn'd clergy to their flocks pretend , why do they not my exc'lent use proclaim , and to the world define me what i am ? to some known rules why am i not confin'd , or why thus tost with ev'ry change of wind ? tutor'd by you from vertues school i came ; so place me , i may always be the same ; for if i 'm no where fix'd , i next to nothing am . religion . in times of old , when man forsook his god , and pride and envy scatter'd were abroad ; when those iust moralls that preserv'd our peace , ( ere kings were chose ) began at first to cease , ambition did the heart of man possess , taught him t' insult , to conquer , and oppress ; and magnifie himself , by making others less . the world encreas'd , worse quarrells still began ; no beasts such enemies as man to man : small were their comforts , great was their di●●ress , like fish the mighter pray'd upon the less . these cruel ills and sad disorders brought desire of kings into the people's thought , that by his prudent rule might be appeas'd those dire confusions , which themselves had rais'd . to laws most fit they both subscrib'd consent , to preserve iustice , and abuse prevent ; and on this basis built their regal government , thus did the suff'rings of v●polish'd man , make the wild heard for kingly-pow'r complain , from their own ills they might prote●ted be , and dread no more each others enmity ; thus chang'd for humane safety savage liberty . with glad submission , they the laws obey'd , the laws their ruler and themselves had made ; then prince and priest in friendly vnion joyn'd ; the crowd with ioy some native rights resign'd . by crafty dreams , and inspiration led , what 's first their choice , was then their duty made ; the lord commands you now to bow your stubborn head. then was that bond call'd loyalty contriv'd ; from hence your ancient pedigree's deriv'd . at first the people did on terms agree , protect vs , we 'll your faithful subjects be ; but if you , like the crane , exert your power , make us your slaves , and us poor frogs devour ; the king 's dissolv'd , when you our lives betray , and we are bound no longer to obey . if he destroys those rights he should preserve , subjects may iustly from their duty swerve . if he 's a tyrant , faithless , and vnjust , he forfeits , when he falsifies his trust. all obligations , on the peoples side , are , by his breach of covenant , made void . when led by vice , he ceases to maintain iustice , the law of heaven has made it plain , he has no longer any right to reign . then what is loyalty , that hide-bound thing , that does to misery all such bigots bring ; who , when the pow'r is lost , pursue the name of king. so the fond cur , when his kind master dies , pines o'er the grave , where his dead sov'reign lies , expecting ev'ry moment he again will rise . into like errours you your friends betray , and lead them as a will i' th' wisp astray , to wander in great danger , from the beaten way . you ought to bind the subject to the throne , with due respect to him , who iustly rules thereon . if you direct t'wards persons , wrong 's your aim , for they may change , but still the pow'rs the same , which is from heav'n deriv'd ; and pow'r alone , confirms the right of him that guides the throne : and when that pow'r , by want of conduct's lost , the king 's dissolv'd that can't maintain his post. thus if the the prince beyond the laws has err'd , subjects allegiance may be then transfer'd , to that great mind whose wise capacious soul , hath rais'd him to be next most fit to rule . or if thro' weakness , or imprudence grown too tame , to do the iustice of the throne , how can the people rest on his protection ? then who so e'er intrudes with greater might , and shall divest him of his sov'reign right , if to his government the land agree , by greater pow'r has greater right than he : if so than you are false , and should comply , with him that bears the soveraignity . and teach your misled followers to bring , obedient hearts , as the best offering ; not to the person only , but the pow'r of king . loyalty . from my old friend , what doctrine do i hear ; in what strange monstrous shapes do you appear ? in a few years how you have chang'd your text ; and show'd your self too fickle to be fix't : the ancient purity you once might boast , in int'rest , pride , and flatt'ry now is lost. and all your glories , which appear'd so bright and dazling , shone by faith and reasons light , look dim , as if eclips'd by sinful pleasures night . when priests were nearer much to heav'n allied , and grace and truth their doctrines beautified ; teaching in gross , with pains , the peoples good ; and they the same with innocence pursu'd : then was i great , in each goods mans esteem ; and only then shin'd bright the diadem . when kings , as gods vicegerents , were allow'd , not chosen , by the blind and partial crowd ; but held too sacred to be bound in bands , or be defil'd by th' multitudes rude hands . but by a right divine the scepter swai'd , and all thus taught , the god-like man obey'd . then led by grace , your sable tribe were bent , to lengthen out the reins of government . passive obedience was the prophets dream ; and non resistance was the preachers theme . into these yoakes the people you betray'd , till gall'd them with the rig'rous chains you made . who but your selves advanc'd this airy thought , call'd duty then , tho' now as slav'ry taught . thus what you once upheld , you now crush down , to faiths contempt , and scandal to the gown : if they are useful truths , which once you teach , why not continue still the same to preach ? and if false principles , why then maintain , what now you hold so dangerously vain ? t' assert what 's false , or truth condemn's a crime , for each are still the same at every time : be 't right , or wrong , you still incur a blame ; yours was the errour , and to you the shame . no various constitutions can excuse , such shists and turns your unfix'd clergy use , to heav'ns dishonour , and the worlds abuse . if they , like shuttle-cocks , fly too and fro , how shall mankind their faith or duty know ? if the true light must kindle and expire , as th' int'rest of the prince , or priest require , who then would rashly with the church believe , or pin his faith upon the prophets sleeve ? religion sure the wise would lay aside , and choose dim reason as the surer guide . since fatal turns and changes now devide those happy links , in which we once were ty'd ; and we in sov'reign pow'r thus disagree , thro' our old christial law i 'll let you see , what you once taught , and i now hold a king to be . in chearful straines these joyful truths i sing , sacred's the royal person of the king , by th' laws allow'd to be alone supreme ; and holds of his own right the diadem . a monarch , and subordinate to none , accountable on earth , to god alone , immovably united to the throne . as heav'n it self , whose only law is will , head of all pow'r can therefore do no ill. so kings , in their own kingdoms , are the same , can do no wrong , and so incur no blame . judges and counsellors being chosen free , t' advise , determine , and if faults their be , thay skreen the prince from all rebellious calumny . the laws , by the three states in union made , ( joyn'd , or apart , the sov'reign's still the head ) have rendred plainly , and beyond dispute , the throne from all coercion absolute . the laws divine , with humane laws accord , for , touch not my anointed , says the lord , which proves that whatsoever princes do , it 's still the subjects duty to be true ; and render unto caesar what 's his due . these pious doctrines long did you maintain ; these truths first bred me in the heart of man : then was i doted on by ev'ry priest , tho'now become each cocks-comb common jest : over smooth tongues , from pulpit did i glide , and in each subjects mind triumphant ride , became the christians duty , and the states-mans pride . the soldiers honour , and the clergies fame , the kingdoms safety , and the rebells shame , the lawyers argument , the poet's theme , the young mans glory , and the old mans dream , the prince's pleasure , and the peoples joy , god save the king , the pray'r of ev'ry boy . these epethites your clergy once could give ; and preach'd , and pray'd i might for ever live. approv'd me as a virtue fit to reign , and bear dominion in the hearts of men. but that church wind that aided in my flight , and rais'd me up to such a tott'ring hight , by saints strong bellows , from the pulpit-blown , be'ng turn'd against me , brought me tumbling down : where buri'd in contempt , my fate i mourn , till rais'd again , to serve some holy turn . so the lame patient , when he 's eas'd of pain , slights his old wounds , and does the salve disdain , but when it smarts , is glad to use the like again . finis . a true separation between the power of the spirit, and the imitation of antichrist. the difference between the pretious and the vile, between the saints and professors, between the power and the form, between the wise virgins who are so indeed, and them who have gotten the name, but want the power. hubberthorn, richard, 1628-1662. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a86671 of text r207570 in the english short title catalog (thomason e809_16). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 23 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a86671 wing h3238 thomason e809_16 estc r207570 99866614 99866614 118891 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a86671) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 118891) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 123:e809[16]) a true separation between the power of the spirit, and the imitation of antichrist. the difference between the pretious and the vile, between the saints and professors, between the power and the form, between the wise virgins who are so indeed, and them who have gotten the name, but want the power. hubberthorn, richard, 1628-1662. 8 p. s.n., [london : 1654] caption title. signed at end: richard hubberthorne. imprint from wing. annotation on thomason copy: "septemb: 4. 1654". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng antichrist -early works to 1800. saints -early works to 1800. religion -early works to 1800. a86671 r207570 (thomason e809_16). civilwar no a true separation between the power of the spirit, and the imitation of antichrist.: the difference between the pretious and the vile, betw hubberthorn, richard 1654 4683 4 0 0 0 0 0 9 b the rate of 9 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-10 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-10 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true separation between the power of of the spirit , and the imitation of antichrist . the difference between the pretious and the vile , between saints and professors , between the power and the form , between the wise virgins who are so indeed , and them who have gotten the name , but want the power . to all you separated ones who profess a separation from the world , and to be come out of the worlds worship , & are gotten into the highest form and profession , but the earthly nature is yet standing in you , and therefore all your forms and religions which is set up in that nature , is ignorant of the living god , and of the pure religion which the servants of the lord live in , who are unspotted with the world , who walk in the pure light of christ which shines into the conscience , in which light you are all seen , and your profession is discovered to be but a form of words gathered up into your earthly wisdom and comprehension from the letter which they spoke forth who lived in the life ▪ and all you who are wandred from one mountain to another , and have forgotten your resting place , and are turned out from the light of christ in the conscience , which should guide your minds and stay them upon god : and all you who are setled upon your lees , and have builded your nests on high , you are seen and made manifest in the light of christ , to be out of the life of what you do profess : you who are building tabernacles of the saints words to shelter your selves in having their words in the form and in the letter which they spake from the life and power of the spirit which was in them who spoke forth the scriptures , and so you cover over your deceit with the words , and so live at ease and careless , being got up into a carnall security , and carnall peace setled in your carnall minds ; but now the day of god is dawning , and the light of christ is risen , and hath shined into our harts , and in it we do see that your bed is too short and your covering is too narrow , and you must now all be turned to your own & out of the scriptures which are theirs who live the life , and the life of the scriptures we do witness to be fulfilled in us according to our measure , and so by the life you are made manifest , and to us clearly seen who walk in the light to be out of the gate of truth , and your prefession is seen to be but a form of words , and is dust , and dust is the serpents meat , and by it the serpents nature is fed in you , and the serpents wisdome and the serpents head must be bruised , which is yet whole in you who are righteous in your own eys ; but all your righteouiness is filthy and is abomination to the lord , whose mind is turned from the light of christ within you , into the polutions and into the liberty of the flesh , a ●nd so take liberty to walk after your own ungodly lusts , and the flesh is defiled , and your minds and consciences are defiled through the lusts of uncleannesse . now as concerning virgins , i am moved and commanded of the lord from the word of the lord , which yet lieth upon me to you-wards who have taken upon you that name , but know not the virgin state , to you i speak from the lord , and to you i clear my conscience in the presence of the lord , to you who have had a light shining within you , and have had the prophesies opened in your minds by the light , the light i own which did open the things of god , and gave you a sight of them , and in this light you have seen something of a fire which should should burn up the man of sin , and all the lusts of the flesh , and all lusts of uncleannesse , but you did not abide in this light to have these things fulfilled in you ; but your minds turned from the light , and so the filthy lustfull nature got up again , and the earthly will got up again , and now the light is veiled in you , and now from the darke mind and earthly wisdome you talk of being passed through the fire , and through the death , but the fire of the lord is yet to be revealed from heaven upon you , to burn up and consume your wisdom and knowledge in which you are exalted , and from which you speak high swelling words of vanity , beguiling unstable souls , drawing them into lightnesse and liberty , and a carnall joy , and so keeps them from the crosse , and from obedience to the light of christ in the conscience ; and by this light which you are disobedient unto , by it you are judged and condemned , and all your actions from that nature which is turned from the light in the conscience which did once let you see a sight of those things , and by the unquenchable fire must that nature that now ruleth in you suffer and be burned up , which is got up to boast of great things , promising to your selves and others liberty when as your selves are servants unto sin , and bondslaves to corruption . and all you who in the light have had openings and prophesies opened in your minds of the virgin-state and of purity , but not waiting in the light which let you see these things , which light is within , and shined in you for a season , & this estate you should have waited for to have been fulfilled within you ; but your minds going forth from the light , are turned into the imaginations and imitations , and now the adulterous mind is got up again , and ruluth over the pure , and you have not kept your virgin , and you are the foolish virgins , who have onely the name , but your light is put out , and you want oyl in your lampi , and the adulterous natur which is full of fornication now reigneth in you , and the prophet is slain within you which prophesied of these things , and the light darkned which let you see such a condition there was to be enjoyed , and now the imitation is got up in the place where the light shined , and the inchanter , and now by your inventions and imaginations form to your selves a virgin estate , contrary to the light of christ , and contrary to the spirit of god , onely from imitation in your wills , and so being sensuall separate your selves , and do act in your own wills , and now divide and separate between the husband and the wife , and he that is bound to a wife amongst you , seek , to be loose , and then you say you are separated from the beastly lust , and so form a separation which is but outward and carnal , but are full of lusts , uncleannesse in the heart , & there is no separation in you , for you are turned from the light of christ , which should separate you from the lusts of the heart , for he that lusteth in the heart , hath committed adultery though he be not joyned to a woman : and here you are out of the doctrine of christ , and on of the light of christ , which pu●ifieth the heart from all lusts , and conceivings of lust & begetting in the lust , and so you act in your will and inventions , making a separtion outwardly in the flesh , but the heart full of lusts and uncleannesse within . now a virgin is pure , and kept from all pollutions , and from all lusts of the flesh , and lusts of uncleanness , is not defiled nor polluted , but is kept pure in the light of christ , and they are not defiled with women , and they are virgins who are redeemed from the earth , who follow the lamb , whose garments are undefiled ; and the virgin state we witness who love the light of christ which is pure , & doth keep our minds pure , & the pure water we do witness which the scripture speaks of , by which we are washed from all filthiness of flesh and spirit , and the light of christ we walk in , which is our guide and teacher , which will not suffer lusts to reign in the heart , nor any adultery to be committed , for in the light it is all judged and condemned , and all who love the light and walk in it , they are led out of all adultery and fornication , and they come to witnesse the virgin state . now if a virgin marry she hath not sinned , but to you this is a mystery whose minds are without , turned from the light into a sensuall separation onely in the will , forbidding to marry , which is honorable in its place , and the bed undefiled , but whoremongers and adulterers god will judge . heb. 7. 4. now in the presence of the lord i speak , and from the light of christ , to you all who are marryed , and who are unmarryed , and to the light of christ in you i speak ; and your minds being turned to it to be your teacher , loving it , and walking in it , it will teach you that have wives , to be as though you had none , and to use the world as though you used it not , and them that buy , as though they possessed not , and will lead you into singleness of heart and mind , and out of carefulness : now there is a difference between a wife and a virgin , but i speak not to feed any mans comprehension , but that every one may wait upon the lord in the light of christ for a cleer distinction and to come out of the destraction of your mindes and out of your imitations to mind the light of christ within you which will draw your minds within to be tanght of the lord , and out of all the lusts of the flesh , which all they live in who are turned from the light into the imaginations and imitations , and so are ignorant of the scriptures and of the spirit which spoke them forth . therefore i say unto you who through your vain imaginations , separate between man and woman , and say that there should be no begetting nor bringing forth after the flesh , and so looks without being turned from the light into the imaginations , and evill thoughts judgeth , to you , i say , have you not read that he which made both man and woman at the beginning , made them male and female , and they were no more twain but one flesh , what therefore god hath joyned together let no man put a sunder : now to the light of christ in all your consciences , i speak , which lightshines in darknes but the darknes comprehends it not , but all who do love the light to be taught and guided by it will lead you out of your comprehensions and out of your own wills from which your imitations are formed , and will let you see that you are out of the virgin estate for your lamps are not trimed , neither are you obedient to the light in your conscience which leads unto christ and gives enterance to the bridegroom , but you whose light is gone out and have not been obedient to it , which hath shined within you and you are they who are slumbering and dreaming in your notions , thoughts and imaginations , you filthy dreamers who hath defiled the flesh , and the night is upon you and now is the cry in the night , he that hath an ear to hear let him hear , for now is the bridegroom coming , and they who wait in the light do hear the voice of christ , and they come to witness his presence and do enter into the bride chamber , but you , whose minds is turned from the light you are shut out as the foolish virgins though you would be owned by them who walk in the light , but can have no fellowship with you who hate the light and walk in darkness , for light hath no fellowship with darkness , and here you are shut out from the children of light and from virgins , for virgins are chast and sober minded , but you who have the name but not the power you are rude and wild and live in lightnes , and wantones , and folly which the saints was redeemed from , and so you are without in the world among the dogs and swine wallowing in the mire minding earthly things , and are enemies to the crosse of christ and live without the fear of god . and you who say you are redeemed from the cross , and are come out of the fear into the love , silence flesh before the lord for that speaks in you , which never knew the cross of christ , but is for destruction , and is to be condemned by christ and the cross of christ , when it coms to be known , is to the crucifying of that nature which speaks and acts in you , who lives without the fear of god , and out of the love of god you are ; for they who love god keep his commandments : what love of god is there in you , that doe not the things which he commands you , nor doth not walk in obedience to the light of christ in your consciences , which he hath enlightned you withall , which saith , thou shalt not be proud ; now thou that livest in pride , what love hast thou to christ : christ saith swear not at all , now thou that swearest , breakest the commands of christ , and hates the light of christ in thee , which saith , swear not at all , and so thou art out of the love of god , and out of the love of christ : the light of christ tels thee thou shouldst not lye ; now thou that dost lye loves not christ , but art in the curse and in the flesh , for he who loveth and tels a lye , hath not part in the kingdom of god : now if you love the light , it will not suffer thee to lust after earthly things , nor mind earthly things , nor love the world , for he who lusteth , and he who loves the world the love of the father is not in him ; and loving the light , it will not suffer thee to fashion thy self according to this world , nor to respect persons , for he that respecteth persons , transgresseth the law of god , & disobeys the light in the conscience ; and he that takes the name of god in vain , transgresseth the law of god , and disobeys the light in the conscience , & doth not love god , for he that hates the light hates christ , and this light is the condemnation of him who hates christ ; and by this light you are made manifest to be out of the love of god which you talk of , and are enemies to the cross of christ . and you which have had experiences , and now talk of them , and your minds being turned from the light of christ , which wrought experience , into the experience ; your experience is dead , and is become an idol , that which wrought the experience , i own to be of god , but you not abiding in that which did wound , and torment , & plague the beastly nature in you , so that nature got up again , and the deadly wound of the beast was not healed , and now the earthly wil and wisdom now stands in you , and so you are got from under the judgments of god , and from under the cross . and now you tell of what experiencies you have had , & what ye have passed through , but are old and dead , and cannot witness any present workings , and present power ; for that which now speaks in you of the experience is not that which wrought the experience , but that which now speaks , is that which was judged and tormented when the experience was wrought , and now the witness being slain which did once arise in you , now you make merry and rejoice over the witness , and now you are at ease , and take liberty in the flesh , and so feeds that which is for judgment , and must now be judged by the just , who have turned out of the way from the light of christ in you , and so all that you have known or passed through is not accepted , for you must be brought back to the entrance to the light in your consciences , that in it you might see where you turned out of the way , and so lost your guide , and so are backsliders being turned back again into the earthly nature , and now by the light of christ which your minds are gone out from , which light shines into our hearts , by it we see you walking in darkness , and from your earthly wisdom telling of old experiences which once in the light you saw ; but this light will now condemn you for turning from it , and being disobedient to it , for now is the true light arising and risen , by which the world shall be judged in righteousness , which will bring you under judgment ; and a day of trouble shall come upon you , such as never was from the beginning of the world , wherein all you must be judged who live without the fear of god , and are got into a carnal rest and security , and into a fleshly liberty , and say whatsoever you do , it is not sin , and that you cannot see sin , and so your eye is blinded , and you hate the light of christ in you , which should let you see your sins , and so you are yet in your sins , and cannot witness any redemption by christ , nor through obedience in the cross , and so whatsoever you do profess in words , or what experience soever you have known or passed through , all your profession i deny , and all your experiences who do not now experience the daily cross of christ , nor do not walk answerable to the light in your consciences , for by it you must all be judged , and all your joy and carnall rejoycing in your fleshly liberty , shall be turned into sorrow and bitter lamentation , the lord of host hath spoken it , who will perform his word . the word of the lord to all you who do wait for , and expect to see a christ come without you , with a carnal eye ; and to see an outward power and outward signes and miracles to be wrought without you whereby the world shall be convinced , and gainsayers convinced , and those things you look for carnally to be fulfilled without you , and so are the adulterous generation , which seeks after a signe , and there shall be no signe given you but the signe of the prophet ionah ; and as ionah was 3 days and 3 nights in the whales belly , so shall the son of man be 3 days and 3 nights in the heart of the earth . now you whose winds are without , looking for outward things , your waiting is in vain , for you never came to see the things fulfilled , nor brought to pass which you wait for : therefore to you i say , turn your minds within , to the light of christ , to wait in it , that you may know the things fulfilled within you : for the comming of christ is within , and that which convinceth of sin is within , the light of christ , in the conscience , and this being hearkned unto and obeyed , it gives power against sin , and this power we witness made manifest within us , and this power we have received from christ which doth convince the world of sin , and by this power the gainsayers are convinced , and this is the same power as ever was , and the same christ as ever was ; and the same eternal words of god we do witness which was in the beginning , which word is christ ; and we do speak it forth in his own power , as we have received it ; and this word of power we have , which makes the devils to tremble , and makes the heathens to rage , and by it marveilous works are wrought ; for now do the blind see , the deaf hear , and the lame walk ; and they who many years have walked in darkness and trouble of mind , and terrour of conscience , and under many infirmities , who have spent their time and money upon physitians and parish priests , and have not been healed or cured , are now restored and healed freely , without money and without price ; and the lepers are cured , and the leprosie is taken away , and the poor receive the gospel ▪ and this we witness to be fulfilled in us , and in the world where this gospel is , and where it hath been preached ; and this is the everlasting gospel which is now preached , which we are witnesses of , and ministers of according to our measure ; and this gospel is not the letter , for many poor souls who have been many years in trouble , and found no peace nor satisfaction , have had the letter and it hath administred no comfort unto them though they have applyed the promises to that which was wounded yet they have not been eased , but are still in trouble til jesus christs glad tidings did appear , who is the gospel , and the glad tidings ; and they who witness him come and made manifest , they do witness a freedome and deliverance out of this condition , which they could not doe while their minds was without , looking for a christ without , and for a power without ; and to find life from the letter without , and this we witness to be but a dead letter , and did give us no life at all , but we were kept in darkness and blindness while we called the letter the light , and the letter the word , and the letter the rule , but now the true light hath appeared , which lets us see that christ is the light which lighteth every one that cometh into the world ; and in this light we see that god is the word and not the letter , for the word was in the beginning , but the letter was not in the beginning , and in this light we see that the letter without us is not the rule , but the spirit which gave it forth , and this spirit is within which is our rule , and brings us to walk according to the letter which was spoken forth from the spirit , which was their guide & rule which spake it forth , for the prophesie came not in old time by the will of man , but holy men of god spake as they were moved by the holy ghost ; and the same speaks now in sons and daughters as they are moved , and do witnesse the scriptures to be fulfilled in us , and christ to be in us which you look for without you , and this power which doth convince of sin within , and the word is within in the heart ; by which word we are sanctified and made clean , and we do witness the virgin state , and are virgins , and do follow the lamb , and are redeemed from the earth ; but you we deny to be virgins , and whose minds are without , turned from the light of christ which is within , and shines in the conscience , which should exercise your conscience , but your minds being without in the earth is defiled with the earth , and your experiences are defiled being adulterate from the lord , and are no saints nor virgins . this from the spirit of the lord i was moved to declare and publish abroad in the world , that those who are wise in their own eyes in the earthly wisdome , professing high things as to be virgins and saints , may by the light of christ in them , see themselves to be yet living in their own conceits , taking liberty in the flesh to walk in the lusts of it . and that all simple hearted ones may be turned to the light of christ in them , to be taught by it , and may not be deceived by such who professe much in words , but hath brought forth no fruit to god , but seeks to draw out the mind of the simple ones , who seek after the truth into a liberty in the flesh ; and for your sake who are simple do i speak , to the light of christ in you , which shall bear me witness before the lord , and will convince all who have it . a servant of the lord for your sakes , and in love to all your souls , desires that all your minds may be turned within to the true teacher , which will lead into the feat of god giving heed unto it . richard hvbberthorne . finis . proposals for the furtherance and propagation of the gospel in this nation. as the same were hubly presented to the honourable committee of parliament by divers ministers of the gospell, and others. as also, some principles of christian religion, without the beliefe of which, the scriptures doe plainly and clearly affirme, salvation is not to be obtained. which were also presented in explanation of one of the said proposals. owen, john, 1616-1683. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a90284 of text r206815 in the english short title catalog (thomason e683_12). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 38 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a90284 wing o799 thomason e683_12 estc r206815 99865921 99865921 166375 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a90284) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 166375) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 105:e683[12]) proposals for the furtherance and propagation of the gospel in this nation. as the same were hubly presented to the honourable committee of parliament by divers ministers of the gospell, and others. as also, some principles of christian religion, without the beliefe of which, the scriptures doe plainly and clearly affirme, salvation is not to be obtained. which were also presented in explanation of one of the said proposals. owen, john, 1616-1683. [2], 21, [1] p. printed for r. ibbitson dwelling in smith-field neer hosier lane, london, : 1653 [i.e. 1652] attributed to john owen. thomason received his copy 2 december 1652. annotations on thomason copy: "decemb. 2. 1652"; the '3' in the imprint has been crossed out. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng religion -early works to 1800. a90284 r206815 (thomason e683_12). civilwar no proposals for the furtherance and propagation of the gospel in this nation.: as the same were hubly presented to the honourable committee o owen, john 1652 6793 9 5 0 0 0 0 21 c the rate of 21 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-09 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion proposals for the furtherance and propagation of the gospell in this nation . as the same were humbly presented to the honourable committee of parliament by divers ministers of the gospell , and others . as also , some principles of christian religion , without the beliefe of which , the scriptures doe plainly and clearly affirme , salvation is not to be obtained . which were also presented in explanation of one of the said proposals . london , printed for r. ibbitson dwelling in smithfield neer hosier lane . 165● . the humble proposals of the ministers who presented the petition to the parliament , feb. the eleventh , and other persons , for the furtherance and propagation of the gospell in this nation . wherein they having had equall regard to all persons fearing god ( though of differing judgements ) doe hope that they will also tend to union and peace . i. that persons of godlinesse , and gifts in the universities and elsewhere , though not ordained , may be admitted to preach the gospel , being approved , when they are called thereunto . ii. that no person shall be admitted to triall and approbation , unlesse he bring a testimoniall of his piety and soundnesse in the faith , under the hands of six godly ministers , and christians , gathered together for that end and purpose , unto whom he is personally knowne , of which number two at the least to be ministers . iii. that a certaine number of persons , ministers , and others of eminency and knowne ability and godlinesse , be appointed to sit in every county to examine , judge , and approve all such persons , as being called to preach the gospel have received testimonials as above ; and in case there shall not be found a competent number of such persons in the same county , that others , of one or more neighbouring counties , be joyned to them . iv. that care be taken for removing the residue of ministers who are ignorant , scandalous , non-residents , or disturbers of the publick peace ; and likewise of all schoole-masters , who shall be found popish , scandalous , or dis-affected to the government of this common-wealth . v. that to this end a number of persons , ministers , and others of eminent piety , zeale , faithfulnesse , ability and prudence , be appointed by authority of parliament to goe through the nation , to inquire after , examine , judge of , and eject all such persons as shall be found unfit for the ministry , or teaching schooles , being such as are above described . vi . that for the expediting of this worke , these persons may be assigned in severall companies or committees to the six circuits of the nation , to reside in each of the counties for such a convenient space of time as shall be requisite untill the worke be done , calling to their assistance in their respective circuits such godly and able persons , ministers , and others in each of the counties where they shall then reside , to assist them in this worke as they shall thinke fit ; that these persons so sent , and commissionated may bee impowred , before they shall depart out of each county , to returne and to represent to the parliament the names of fit and sufficient persons , ministers , and others , to be appointed approvers of such as shall bee called to preach the gospel in such counties ▪ and that in the meane time the persons so commissio●●…ed as aforesaid , shall have power , while they reside in each county , to examine , judge , and approve of such persons , as having a call to preach the gospel in such county , shall upon such testimoniall as aforesaid , offer themselves to such examination . vii . that it be proposed , that the parliament be pleased to take some speedy and effectuall course , either by impowring the persons in the severall counties to be appointed for triall , and approbation of such persons as shall be called to preach the gospell there , or in such other way as they shall thinke fit , for the uniting and dividing of parishes in the severall counties and cities within this common-wealth , in reference to the preaching the gospel there , saving the civill rights and priviledges of each parish . viii . that the ministers so sent forth and established be enjoyned , and required to attend the solemne worship of god in prayer , reading , and preaching the word , catechising , expounding the scriptures , and ( as occasion shall require ) visiting the sicke , and instructing from house to house , residing amongst the people to whom they are sent , and using all care and diligence by all wayes and meanes to win soules unto christ . ix . that as it is desired , that no persons be required to receive the sacraments further then their light shall lead them unto ; so no person sent forth to preach , and already placed , or which shall be placed in any parish within this nation , be compelled to administer the sacraments to any , but such as he shall approve of as fit for the same . x. that a law may be provided , that all persons what●●ever within this nation , be required to attend unto the publick preaching of the gospell every lords day , in places commonly allowed , and usually called churches , except such persons as through scruple of conscience doe abstaine from those assemblies . xi . that whereas divers persons are not satisfied to come to the publick places of hearing the word upon this account , that those places were dedicated and consecrated , that the parliament will be pleased to declare , that such places are made use of , and continued only for the better conveniency of persons meeting together for the publick worship of god , and upon no other consideration . xii . that all persons dissenting to the doctrine and way of worship owned by the state , or consenting thereunto , and yet not having the advantage or opportunity of some of the publicke meeting places , commonly called churches , be required to meet ( if they have any constant meetings ) in places publickly knowne , and to give notice to some magistrate of such their places of ordinary meetings . xiii . that this honourable committee be desired to propose to the parliament , that such who doe not receive , but oppose those principles of christian religion , without the acknowledgement whereof the scriptures doe clearly and plainly affirme , that salvation is not to be obtained ( as those formerly complained of by the ministers ) may not be suffered to preach , or promulgate any thing in opposition unto such principles . and further , that the parliament be desired to take some speedy and effectuall course for the utter suppressing of that abominable cheat of astrologie , whereby the mindes of multitudes are corrupte●●nd turned aside from dependancy upon the providence of god , to put their trust in the lyes of men , and delusions of satan . by the thirteenth article we intend , that no persons be suffered to preach , or print any thing in opposition to those principles of christian religion , which the scripture plainly and clearly affirmes , that without the beliefe of them salvation is not to be obtained . in the further explication of which proposall , we humbly offer these following principles of our religion , which we conceive to be generally received , and therefore have not brought all the scriptures ( or any of them singly ) to prove the truth of the principles themselves , but to shew , that without the beliefe of them salvation is not to be obtained . first , that the holy scripture is that rule of knowing god , and living unto him , which who so doth not believe , but betakes himselfe to any other way of discovering truth , and the minde of god instead thereof , cannot be saved . 2 thess. 2. 10 , 11 , 12. because they received not the love of the truth , that they might be saved ; and for this cause god shall send them strong delusions , that they should beleeve a lye ; that they all might be damned , who beleeve not the truth , but had pleasure in unrighteousnesse , ver. 13. but we are bound to give th●●…●…s alway to god for you , brethren , beloved of the lord , because god hath from the beginning chosen you to salvation , through sanctification of the spirit , and beliefe of the truth , ver. 14. whereunto he called you by our gospel , to the obtaining of the glory of our lord jesus christ . 15. therefore brethren stand fast , and hold the traditions which yee have been taught , whether by word , or our epistle . 1 cor. 15. 1 , 2 , 3. moreover , brethren , i declare unto you the gospel , which i preached unto you , which also you have received , and wherein yee stand . by which also yee are saved , if yee keep in memory what i preached unto you , unlesse yee have beleeved in vaine . for i delivered unto you first of all , that which i also received , how that christ dyed for our sins , according to the scriptures . 2 cor. 1. 13. for we write none other things unto you then what you read , or acknowledge , and i trust you shall acknowledge even to the end , compared with acts 26. 22. &c. having therefore obtained help of god , i continue unto this day , witnessing both to small and great , saying none other things then those which the prophets , and moses did say should come . joh. 5. 39. search the scriptures , for in them you thinke to have eternall life ; compared with psalme 147. 19. & 20. verses . he shewed his word unto jacob , his statutes and judgements unto israel , he hath not dealt so with any nation ; and as for his judgements they have not known them . and with john 4. 22. yee worship yee know ●●…t what , we know what we worship ; for salvation is of the jews . 2 pet. 2. 1. but there were false prophets also among the people , even as there shall be false teachers among you , who privily shall bring in damnable heresies , even denying the lord that bought them , and bring upon themselves swift destruction , compared with 2 pet. 3. 1 , 2. this second epistle ( beloved ) i now write unto you , in both which i stir up your pure minds by way of remembrance . that yee may be mindfull of the words which were spoken before by the holy prophets , and of the commandement of us the apostles of the lord and saviour . ii. that there is a god , who is the creator , governour , and judge of the world , which is to be received by faith , and every other way of the knowledge of him is insufficient . heb. 11. 3. through faith we understand that the worlds were framed by the word of god ; so that things which are seen were not made of things which doe appear . verse 6. but without faith it is impossible to please god ; for he that cometh to god , must beleeve that he is , and that he is a rewarder of them that diligently seek him . rom. 1. v. 19. because that which may be known of god , is manifested in them , for god hath shewed it to them . verse 20. for the invisible things of him from the creation of the world are cleerly seen , being understood by the things that are made , even his eternall power and g●●●ead ; so that they are without excuse . verse 21. because that when they knew god , they glorified him not as god , neither were thankfull , but became vaine in their imaginations , and their foolish heart was darkened . verse 22. professing themselves to be wise , they became fools , compared with — 1 cor. 1. 21. for after that , in the wisdome of god , the world by wisdome knew not god , it pleased god by the foolishnesse of preaching to save them that beleeve . 2 thes. 1. 8. to render vengeance on them that knew not god , and that obey not the gospel of our lord jesus christ . iii. that this god who is the creator , is eternally distinct from all the creatures in his being and blessednesse . rom. 1. v. 18. for the wrath of god is revealed from heaven against all ungodlinesse and unrighteousnesse of men , who hold the truth in unrighteousnesse . verse 25. who changed the truth of god into a lye , and worshipped and served the creature more then the creator , who is blessed for ever , amen . 1 cor. 8. v. 5. for though there be that are called gods , whether in heaven , or in earth ( as there be gods many , and lords many . ) verse 6. but to us there is but one god , the father , of whom are all things , and we in him , and one lord jesus christ , by whom are all things , and we by him . iv. that this god is one in three persons , or subsistences . 1 john 5. 5. who is this that overcometh the world , but he that beleeveth that jesus is the sonne of god . verse 6. this is he that came by water and blood , even jesus christ , not by water onely , but by water and blood , and it is the spirit that beareth witnesse , because the spirit is truth . vers . 7. for there are three that bear record in heaven , the father , the word , and the holy ghost , and these three are one . verse 8. and there are three that beare witnesse in earth , the spirit , the water , and the blood , and these three agree in one . verse 9. if we receive the witnesse of men , the witnesse of god is greater , for this is the witnesse of god which he hath testified of his sonne . compared with john 8. 17. it is also written in your law , that the testimony of two men is true . verse 18. i am one that beare witnesse of my self , and the father that sent me beareth witnesse of me . verse 19. then said they unto him , where is thy father ? jesus answered , ye neither know mee , nor my father , if ye had knowne me , you should have knowne my father also . ver. 21. then said jesus unto them , yee shall dye in your sins . ¶ matth. 28. 19. goe yee therefore , and teach all nations , baptizing them in the name of the father , and of the sonne , and of the holy ghost ; compared with ephes. 4. 4. there is one body , and one spirit , even as yee are called in one hope of your calling . ver. 5. one lord , one faith , one baptisme . 〈◊〉 . 6. one god and father of all , who is above all , and through all , and in you all . ¶ 1 john 2. 22. who is a lyar , but he that denieth that jesus is the christ ? he is antichrist that denieth the father , and the sonne . verse 23. whosoever denieth the sonne , the same hath not the father ; but he that acknowledgeth the sonne , hath the father also . ¶ 2 epist. john , v. 9. whosoever transgresseth , and abideth not in the doctrine of christ , hath not god , he that abideth in the doctrine of christ , he hath both the father , and the sonne . verse 10. if there come any unto you , and bring not this doctrine , receive him not into your house , neither bid him god speed . v. that jesus christ is the onely mediator between god and man , without the knowledge of whom there is no salvation . 1 tim. 2. 4. who will have all men to be saved , and to come to the knowledge of the truth . verse 5. for there is one god , and one mediator between god and men , the man christ jesus . verse 6. who gave himselfe a ransome for all , to be testified in due time . ¶ 2 tim. 3. 15. and that from a childe thou hast knowne the holy scriptures , which are able to make thee wise unto salvation , through faith which is in christ iesus . 1 ioh 2. 22. who is a lyar , but he that denieth that iesus is the christ ? he is antichrist that denieth the father , and the sonne . ¶ acts 4. 10. be it knowne unto you all , and to all the people of israel , that by the name of iesus christ of nazareth whom ye crucified , whom god raised from the dead , even by him doth this man stand here before you whole . vers . 12. neither is there salvation in any other , for there is none other name under heaven given among men , whereby we must be saved . 1 cor. 3. 10. according to the grace of god which is given unto me , as a wise master-builder , i have laid the foundation , and another buildeth thereupon . but let every one take heed how he buildeth thereupon . verse 11. for other foundation can no man lay , then that is laid , which is iesus christ . vi . that this jesus christ is the true god , 1 iohn 5. 29. and we know that the sonne of god is come , and hath given us an understanding , that we may know him that is true . and we are in him that is true , even in his sonne iesus christ . this is the true god , and eternall life . ¶ esa. 45. 21. there is no god else besides me , a just god and saviour , there is none beside me . verse 22. look unto me , and be ye saved all the ends of the earth , for i am god , and there is none else . 23 i have sworne by my selfe , the word is gone out of my mouth in righteousnesse , and shall not returne , that unto mee every knee shall bow , every tongue shall swear . 4 surely shall one say , in the lord have i righteousnesse and strength , even to him shall men come , and all that are incensed against him shal be ashamed . 25. in the lord shall all the seed of israel be justified , and shall glory , which the apostle applies unto christ , rom. 14. 11 , 12. & philip . 2. 6. to the 12. vii . that this iesus christ is also true man , 1 joh. 4. 2. hereby know yee the spirit of god ; every spirit that confesseth , that jesus christ is come in the flesh , is of god . ver. 3. and every spirit that confesseth not that jesus christ is come in the flesh , is not of god . and this is that spirit of anti-christ . 2 iohn 7. for many deceivers are entred into the world , who confesse not that jesus christ is come in the flesh . this is a deceiver , and an antichrist . viii . that this iesus christ is god and man in one person , 1 tim. 3. 16. and * without controversie , great is the mystery of godlinesse . god was manifested in the flesh , justified in the spirit , seene of angels , preached unto the gentiles , beleeved on in the vvorld , received up into glory . mat. 16. 13. jesus asked his disciples , saying , whom doe men say that i the son of man am ? ver. 14. they said , some say thou art john the baptist , &c ver. 15. but whom say ye that i am ? ver. 16. simon peter answered , thou art christ , the son of the living god . ver. 17. iesus said unto him , blessed art thou , simon bar-jona , for flesh and bloud hath not revealed it unto thee , but my father which is in heaven . ver. 18. and i say unto thee , thou art peter , and upon this rock i will build my church , and the gates of hell shall not prevaile against it . ix . that this iesus christ is our redeemer , who by paying a ransom , and bearing our sins , hath made satisfaction for them . ¶ . isa. 53. 11. by his knowledge shall my righteous servant justifie many , for he shall beare their iniquities , compared with 1 pet. 2. 24. who his owne selfe bare our sins in his own body on the tree , that we being dead to sin should live to righteousnesse , by whose stripes yee were healed . 25 for yee were as sheep going astray , but are now returned unto the shepherd , and bishop of your soules . ¶ . 1 cor. 15. 2. by which also you are saved , if you keep in memory what i preached unto you , unlesse yee have beleeved in vaine . ver. 3. for i delivered unto you first of all , that also which i received , how that christ dyed for our sins , according to the scriptures . 1 tim. 2. 4. who will have all men to be saved , and to come unto the knowledge of the truth . ver. 5. for there is one god , and one mediator between god and men , the man christ jesus . ver. 6. vvho gave himselfe a ransome for all , to be testified in due time , 1 cor. 6. 20. ye are bought with a price . x. that this same lord iesus christ is he that was crucified at jerusalem , and rose againe , and ascended into heaven . ¶ . joh. 8. 24. i said therefore unto you , that yee shall dye in your sins ; for if yee beleeve not that i amhe , yee shall dye in your sins . ¶ . acts 4. ver. 10. be that known unto you all , and to all the people of israel , that by the name of jesus christ of nazareth , whom yee crucified , whom god raised from the dead , even by him doth this man stand here before you whole . ver. 11. this is the stone which was set at nought of you builders , which is become the head of the corner . ver. 12. neither is there salvation in any other , for there is none other name under heaven given among men , whereby we must be saved . ¶ acts 10. 38. how god anointed jesus of nazareth with the holy ghost , and with power , who went about doing good , and healing all that were oppressed of the devill , for god was with him . ver. 39. and we are witnesses of all things which he did , both in the land of the jewes , and in jerusalem , whom they slew and hanged on a tree . ver. 40. him god raised up the third day , and shewed him openly . ver. 41. not to all the people , but unto witnesses chosen before of god , even to us who did eate and drinke with him , after he rose from the dead . ver. 42. and he commanded us to preach unto the people , and to testifie that it is he , who was ordained of god , to be the judge of quick and dead . ver. 43. to him give all the prophets witnesse , that through his name , whosoever beleeveth in him shall receive remission of sins . ¶ . 1 cor. 15. 2. by which also yee are saved , if yee keep in memory what i preached unto you , unlesse yee have beleeved in vaine . ver. 3. for i delivered unto you first of all that which i also received , how that christ dyed for our sins , according to the scriptures . ver. 4. and that he was buried , and that he rose againe the third day , according to the scriptures . ver. 5. and that he was seene of cephas , then of the twelve . ver. 6. after that he was seene of above five hundred brethren at once , of whom the greater part remaine unto this present , but some are faln asleep . ver. 7. after that he was seen of james , then of all the apostles . ver. 8. and last of all he was seene of me also , acts 22. 8. vvho art thou lord ? and he said , i am jesus of nazareth . act. 2. 36. therefore let all the house of israel know assuredly , that god hath made that same jesus , whom yee crucified , both lord and christ . ver. 37. now when they heard this , they were pricked in their hearts , and said unto peter , and to the rest of the apostles , men and brethren , what shall wee doe ? ver. 38. then peter said unto them , repent , and bee baptised every one of you in the name of jesus christ for the remission of sins , and yee shall receive the gift of the holy ghost . xi . that this same jesus christ , being the only god and man in one person , remaines for ever a distinct person from all saints and angels , notwithstanding their union and communion with him . coloss. 2. 8. beware least any man spoile you , through philosophy and vaine deceit , after the tradition of men , after the rudiments of the world , and not after christ . ver. 9. for in him dwelleth all the fulnesse of the god-head bodily . ver. 10. and yee are compleat in him , which is the head of all principality and power . ver. 19. and not holding the head , from which all the body by joynts and bands , having nourishment ministred and knit together , increaseth with the increase of god . 1 tim. 3. 16. god manifested in the flesh , beleeved on in the world . xii . that all men by nature are dead in trespasses and sins , and no man can be saved unlesse he be borne againe , repent , and beleeve , joh. 3. ver. 3. jesus answered , and said unto him , verily , verily i say unto thee , except a man be borne againe , he cannot see the kingdome of god . ver. 5 , 6 , 7. iesus answered , verily , verily i say unto thee , except a man be borne of water , and of the spirit , he cannot enter into the kingdome of god ; that which is borne of the flesh is flesh , and that which is borne of the spirit , is spirit . marvell not that i said unto thee , yee must be borne againe . ver. 10. iesus answered , and said unto him , art thou a master in israel , and knowest not these things ? acts 17. 30. 31. and the times of this ignorance god winked at , but now commandeth all men every where to repent , because he hath appointed a day wherein he will judge the world in righteousnesse . acts 26. 17 , 18 , 19 , 20. delivering thee from the people , and from the gentiles , unto whom i now send thee , to open their eyes , and to turne them from darknesse to light , and from the power of satan unto god , that they may receive forgivenesse of sins , and inheritance among them that are sanctified by faith in mee . vvhereupon i was not disobedient to the heavenly vision , but shewed first to them at damascus , and at jerusalem , and throughout all the coasts of iudea , and then to the gentiles , that they should repent , and turne to god , and doe workes meet for repentance , luk. 24. 47 that repentance and forgivenesse of sins should be preached in his name among all nations . acts 20. 20 , 21. i have shewed you , and have taught you publickly , and from house to house , testifying both to jewes and greekes repentance towards god , and faith towards our lord jesus christ . joh. 5. 24 , 25. verily , verily i say unto you , hee that heareth my word , and beleeveth on him that sent me , hath everlasting life , and shall not come into condemnation , but is passed from death unto life ; verily , verily i say unto you , the houre is coming , and now is , when the dead shall heare the voyce of the sonne of god , and they that heare shall live . xiii . that we are justified and saved by grace , and faith in iesus christ , and not by workes . acts 15. 24. for as much as we have heard , that certaine which went out from us have troubled you with words , subverting your soules ; saying , yee must be circumcised , and keep the law , compared with gal. 1 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. i marvell that you are so soone removed from him that called you into the grace of christ unto another gospell , which is not another ; but there are some that trouble you , and would pervert the gospell of christ ; but though we , or an angel from heaven preach another gospell unto you , then that which we have preached unto you , let him be accursed . as we said before , so say i now againe , if any man preach any other gospell unto you , then that yee have received , let him be accursed , gal. 5. ver. 2. 4 , 5. behold , i paul say unto you , that if yee be circumcised , christ shal profit you nothing ; christ is become of none effect unto you : whosoever of you are justified by the law , yee are falne from grace , for wee through the spirit waite for the hope of righteousnesse by faith . rom. 9. ver. 31 , 32 , 33. but israel , which followed after the law of righteousnesse , hath not attained to the law of righteousnesse ; wherefore ? because they sought it not by faith , but as it were by the workes of the law ; for they stumbled at that stumbling stone ; as it is written , behold i lay in sion a stumbling stone , and rocke of offence , and whosoever beleeveth on him shal not be ashamed ; compared with rom. 10. ver. 3. 4. for they being ignorant of gods righteousnesse , and going about to establish their owne righteousnesse , have not submitted themselves unto the righteousnesse of god ; for christ is the end of the law for righteousnesse to every one that beleeveth . rom. 1. 16 , 17. i am not ashamed of the gospel of christ , for it is the power of god unto salvation to every one that beleeveth , to the jew first , and also to the greek ; for therein is the righteousnesse of god revealed from faith to faith , as it is written , the just shal live by faith , compared with gal. 3. 11. but that no man is justified by the law in the sight of god , it is evident ; for the just shall live by faith . eph. 2. 8 , 9 , 10. for by grace ye are saved through faith , and that not of your selves , it is the gift of god , not of works , lest any man should boast ; for we are his workmanship created in christ jesus unto good works , which god hath before ordained that wee should walk in them . xiv . that to continue in any knowne sinne , upon what pretence or principle soever , is damnable . rom. 1. 32. who knowing the judgement of god , that they which commit such things are worthy of death , not onely to doe the same , but have pleasure in them that do them . rom. 6. v. 1 , 2. what shall we say then ? shall we continue in sinne that grace may abound ? god forbid ▪ how shall we , that are dead to sinne , live any longer therein ? compared with verse 15 , and 16. what then ? shall we sinne , because we are not under the law , but under grace ? god forbid . know yee not , that to whom yee yeeld your selves servants to obey , his servants ye are to whom ye obey , whether of sin unto death , or of obedience unto righteousnesse ? ¶ 1 john 1. 6. 8. if we say that we have fellowship with him , and walke in darknesse , we lye , and doe not the truth . if we say we have no sinne , we deceive our selves , and the truth is not in us . ¶ chap. 3. verse 3. and every man that hath this hope in him , purifieth himselfe , even as he is pure . vers . 4. 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. whosoever committeth sinne , transgresseth also the law , for sinne is the transgression of the law . and ye know that he was manifested to take away our sinnes , and in him is no sinne ; whosoever abideth in him , sinneth not . whosoever sinneth , hath not seen him , neither knowne him . little children , let no man deceive you ; he that doth righteousnesse , is righteous ; he that committeth sinne is of the devill , for the devill sinneth from the beginning ; for this purpose the son of god was manifested , that he might destroy the works of the devil . ¶ 2 pet. 2. 19 , 20. while they promise them liberty , they themselves are the servants of corruption ; for of whom a man is overcome , of the same is he brought in bondage . for if after they have escaped the pollutions of the world through the knowledge of the lord and saviour jesus christ , they are againe intangled therein , and overcome , the latter end is worse with them then the beginning . rom. 8. 13. for if ye live after the flesh , ye shal dye , but if ye mortifie the deeds of the flesh by the spirit , ye shal live . xv . that god is to be worshipped according to his own will , and whosoever shall forsake and despise all the duties of his worship , cannot bee saved . jerem. 10. 15. poure out thy fury upon the heathen that know thee not , and upon the families that call not upon thy name , for they have eaten up jacob , and devoured him , and consumed him , &c. psal. 14. 4. have all the workers of iniquity no knowledge ? who eat up my people as they eat bread , and call not upon the lord . jude v. 18 , 19 , 20 , 21. how they told you there should be mockers in the last times , shall walke after their owne ungodly lusts , these be they who separate themselves , sensual , not having the spirit . but yee beloved , building up your selves in your most holy faith , praying in the holy ghost , keep your selves in the love of god , looking for the mercy of our lord jesus christ unto eternal life . rom. 10. 13. for whosoever shall call on the name of the lord , shal be saved . xvi . that the dead shall rise , and that there is a day of judgement wherein all shall appear , some to goe into everlasting life , and some into everlasting condemnation . 1 tim. 1. 19 , 20. holding faith and a good conscience , wch some having put away , concerning faith have made shipwrack ; of whom is hymenaeus and alexander , whom i have delivered to satan , that they may learn not to blaspheme ; compared with 2 tim. 2. 17 , 18. and their word will eat as doth a canker , of whom is hymenaeus and philetus , who concerning the faith have erred , saying , that the resurrection is past already , and overthrow the faith of some . acts 17. 30 , 31. and the times of this ignorance god winked at , but now commandeth all men every where to repent , because he hath appointed a day wherein he wil judge the world in righteousnesse . john 5. 28 , 29. all that are in the grave shal heare his voice , and shal come forth , they that have done good , unto the resurrection of life , and they that have done evil to the resurrection of damnation ; compared with 1 cor. 15. 19. if in this life onely we have hope in christ , we are of all men most miserable . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a90284e-290 rom. 10. 8. 2. thess. 2. 12 , 13. * {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , with one consent the naked vvoman, or a rare epistle sent to mr. peter sterry minister at whitehall; desiring him to shew the causes or reasons of his silence, in that he neither by his ministeriall office, charged the magistrates that were present to redresse, nor so much as shewd any sign of grief or detestation, as became a sincere christian; against that most strange ans shamefull late act of an impudent woman, in the midst of his sermon on a lords day at whitehall chapell, concerning the resurrection, before the chief states of this nation. a satisfactory answer he returned; which with a lving acceptance thereof, are here also printed; very worthy the observation of all, both sexes and degrees of people in these nations. brown, david, fl. 1650-1652. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a77638 of text r206796 in the english short title catalog (thomason e681_20). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 57 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 12 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a77638 wing b5014 thomason e681_20 estc r206796 99865902 99865902 118156 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a77638) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 118156) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 105:e681[20]) the naked vvoman, or a rare epistle sent to mr. peter sterry minister at whitehall; desiring him to shew the causes or reasons of his silence, in that he neither by his ministeriall office, charged the magistrates that were present to redresse, nor so much as shewd any sign of grief or detestation, as became a sincere christian; against that most strange ans shamefull late act of an impudent woman, in the midst of his sermon on a lords day at whitehall chapell, concerning the resurrection, before the chief states of this nation. a satisfactory answer he returned; which with a lving acceptance thereof, are here also printed; very worthy the observation of all, both sexes and degrees of people in these nations. brown, david, fl. 1650-1652. sterry, peter, 1613-1672. [4], 19, [1] p. printed for e. blackmore, at the angel in pauls church-yard,, london : 1652. p.15 signed: david brown. 'the ansvver to this epistle' (pp.16-17) signed: peter sterry. annotation on thomason copy: "nouemb. 23". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng sterry, peter, 1613-1672. brown, david, fl. 1650-1652. -naked woman, or a rare epistle to sent to mr. peter sterry minister at whitehall. religion -early works to 1800. a77638 r206796 (thomason e681_20). civilwar no the naked vvoman, or a rare epistle sent to mr. peter sterry minister at whitehall;: desiring him to shew the causes or reasons of his sile brown, david 1652 10395 14 0 0 0 0 0 13 c the rate of 13 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-04 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the naked vvoman , or a rare epistle sent to mr. peter sterry minister at whitehall ; desiring him to shew the causes or reasons of his silence , in that he neither by his ministeriall office , charged the magistrates that were present to redresse , nor so much as shewd any sign of grief or detestation , as became a sincere christian ; against that most strange and shamefull late act of an impudent woman , in the midst of his sermon on a lords day at whitehall chapell , concerning the resurrection , before the chief states of this nation . a satisfactory answer he returned ; which with a loving acception thereof , are here also printed ; very worthy the observation of all , both sexes and degrees of people in these nations . prov. 7. 25 , 26 , 27. let not thine heart decline unto her wayes , go not astray in her paths , for she hath cast down many wounded , yea many strong men have been slain by her : her house is the way to hell , going down to the chambers of death . london printed for e. blackmore , at the angel in pauls church-yard , 1652. the prologue to the impartial reader . the causes wherefore i write to this preacher are three in number , the first is , that all the warres of the three nations were not only contrived by the speciall advice and means of the lordly preachers , who both lived in stately palaces , and were the chief associates of kings ; but likewise all along these troubles , they whiles they had any power and authority remaining on their side , gave speciall directions to their inferiour preachers for blowing the bellows to the fire of contention , by continuall railings and threatnings in their pulpits ; although many of those temporizers have been , and are still in fatter benefices , than they were even when they used all their flatteries , both with cap in hand and bowed knees , to those their lords and masters ; yea and though divers of them have not ceased from conspiring against the present state , whereof one was made exemplary , as there was one likewise of the prelates to all the rest . the second is , that whatsoever digressions , false doctrines , and unjust applications , either the superiour or inferiour sort of those self-seeking men were pleased to deliver in publique , from such texts of scripture , as they commonly used ( or rather abused ) to serve their present occasions , even to alienate the peoples 〈…〉 ctions from truth and godliness to falshood and wickedness ; and so by that and other deceitfull means at last , to unjust and unnaturall wars , there was no man of whatsomever degree ( who was then called a subject ) throughout all the three nations , that durst upon pain of his life , yea and estate too , if he had any , oppose the meanest of those clergy-men in that place , and at that time , i mean , immediately after they had finished their sermon , although it pleaseth god to give all the men of any church absolute liberty to oppose as need doth require , 1 cor. 14. 29 , 30 , 31. so that whatsoever expressions those hirelings uttered in their pulpits , were generally received both by most of the vulgar , and all the profane multitude , even better oftentimes than if they had been the oracles of god : and as for the learned nobility , gentry , judges , lawyers , physicians and chief citizens , who for the most part had more illumination than sanctification , verily their lands , possessions , riches & great trades , yea and fear both of persecution and want of those their perishing gods , proved like as many gaggs to stop their deceitful mouths ; as that young rich man menti●ned in the gospel , who alleged that he had kept the whole law of god from his youth , and yet lacked the doing only of one thing , did chuse rather to leave christ ▪ than to do that thing , though it was as subject to perish in the using , as he himself was in his mortall condition . and the third cause is , that seeing after three moneths patient expectation , either of some course or other to have been taken concerning the presumptuous attempt of t●at shameless woman in this letter mentioned , or at least some well-affected parties to have written their minds unto this preacher therein , he being the mouth of that high assembly ; i to supply the last and least of these defects , though not in the measure i could wish , but in the manner i am ( through divine providence ) abl● , ( being all those moneths sick , as yet i am not well ) have thought it a part both of my christian duty , and as a well-wisher to this commonwealth , even to write unto him , both for mine own and many other peoples satisfaction , yea and undeceiving of all the three nations , even to know the causes or reasons of his silence and negligence , both in so pertinent a time , and so urgent a business as is here treated , he being the only man who might , if not to have prevented , yet to have gotten remedied both whatsoever was amisse then , or hath , by means and occasion of the very same his silence and negligence , occurred since . therefore , as upon other occasions both of enormities , defects and extremities of some peoples carriages , i have , through gods assistance , used my best endeavours according to my liberty , in witnessing against such irregular things ; even so through the same assistance , i have here concerning this matter , done the like to this preacher , who of a hundred i would not have expected , that any such absurd act should have so publikly escaped his censure : and so much the rather , in that he was not only interrupted on his stage , from acting his own part , whereby all his auditors for a time became spectators of the other impudent act , but carefully attending likewise what after his so long silence he would expresse : i wish that the matter here written , as it is both illustrated and compared with others of the like nature , may sink so deeply both in his heart and all theirs whom it doth especially , or may any wise concern , that they may not only repent both publikely and privately for this so hainous and notorious an offence to god and his people , but likewise all the rest of their dayes bring forth such fruits worthy amendment of life , that through gods grace they may learn to walk in the way of wisdom , christianity , modesty and sobriety . fare-well . the naked vvoman ▪ or a rare epistle sent to mr. peter sterry minister at whitehall , &c. mr. sterry , although neither i know you , nor , i suppose , you me by face , yet in regard that i always hoped better things of you , in that you served the late worthy lord brooks , than of many others of your profession , and that there is a strange report of a very barbarous act , or misdemeanour of very high nature , which hath lately occurred , where you , by your ministeriall office , might have charged those that had power , to have timely redressed ; and it 's confirmed by many credible persons , whereof some were both eye and ear witnesses ; which is no lesse grievous to the godly , than ridiculous to the wicked ; i am therefore the more earnest to intreat you by these lines , that you will be pleased to declare unto me , by your direct answer in writing , the true causes or reasons of your silence , which is usually taken for consent seeing you only filled up the room of your pulpit , much worse than any meer or bare cipher , which although of it self it signifieth no value of any thing , yet it maketh most of all the figures about it , to betoken a far greater value than they would without it , whiles a signifying figure is not in place of it ; for you made all the well-affected about you , yea and of all these united nations much worse , both through grief and evill example of that your silence and negligence , besides the strengthning of the wicked in that respect , you being esteemed to have been far more conscionable , than to have been so utterly carelesse in doing such a needfull point of your duty , as it doth seem to many even to be a conniving with such a brutish and vile attempt , both at such a solemn time , and in such an eminent place , which indeed doth greatly endanger your reputation , in that you was the only man then appointed , or at least allowed to be the mouth , pastor , overseer , and watchman of that honourable assembly ; howsoever , i conceive you both was and are there in the generall or common way of the nationall practice , and not according to the constitution , purity , sincerity , nor order of the totally separated churches mentioned in christs glorious gospel , see rom. 7. 4 , 5 , 6. 2 cor. 6. 17 , 18. and rev. 18. 4 , 5 , 6. with abundance of other places , which would be tedious to expresse . again , to go another way to worke , both for the better searching the depth , trying to find out the secrecie of this most barbarous attempt , in such a civilized nation , chiefly by the spirituall illumination of the gospell , and that must be by serious consideration of all the circumstances so pretermitted , and not regarded , but smoothed over by your silence ; neither king solomon the wisest of mankind , nor any other writer of the scripture , did ever forbid any wise or discreet man , to speak in time and place convenient , if they have a lawfull call , charge , or office to that purpose , but only all fools whatsoever or whosoever they be , and that because they lack wisdom and discretion to discern between good and evill ; and i am confident that its a greater and more inexcusable fault for a wise and discreet man to be silent , when in the dutifull discharge of his office , he ought of necessity to speak , than for a simple fool when he should hold his peace , even freely to deliver his mind , although it should not be pertinent to the matter in hand ; for the one may do both much good , and hinder much evill , by his timely , discreet and wise speech , as hushai did to king david , but the other can doe little either good or evill , by his unadvised and frivolous speech ; for the first hath not only a call appropriated to his function to speak , but likewise wisdom , discretion , moderation , conscience , reason , and it may be religion also , all concurring to enable him ; whereas the second is destitute and void of all these gifts and graces , yea , and cannot by any kind of human endeavours reach to the true understanding of any such precious favours . but the same divine author speaketh sometimes of those wicked fooles , who having too much knowledge , though little true wisdom , do use it as a weapon of unrighteousness , even to offend the almighty and great god of whom they received it , in that they are thereby as much enabled as they are willing to offend his people , which he always accounts , as an injury done to himself . moreover , by the way , it will be no lesse needfull than seasonable , to shew an example very worthy ( i suppose ) both of your , mine own , and all mens observation , not for a day , a week , a month , a year , but whiles we are in this mortality ; i knew a man about 30 years ago , that being an older teacher ( i think ) than you are in years , who being all his time untill the last year of his life ( to my best remembrance ) in so high esteem for the excellency of his gifts , and gravity of his conversation too , ( so far as man could discern ) that king james often hearing him , and his name being master john hall , did call him master iohn all ( sine aspiratione ) meaning , that the true copy of all the knowledge , memory , learning , expression , and diversity of gifts requisite in a preacher of the word , which were respectively in all others of that nation at least , were fully registred and found in him alone , saving only the shortnesse of his tongue , whereby the ripenesse of hs memory , and speedinesse of his delivery did precipitate and out-run many people who were of dull or slow apprehension ; but he proving at last , when persecution began to arise for the gospell ( never being acquainted with the feeling , but only with the hearing and reading thereof before ) to be such an open hypocrite and hireling , that he quite left those his simple sheep , by whose yeerly fleeces he was very richly and constantly maintained with all his family , as their pastor above forty years space , even when both the great woolf himself , and all his hungry followers , came to tear and devoure them to peeces yet a little while afterwards , when his conscience began to be wakened for his most hainous sins , and receiving ( i hope ) a little blink of christ's joyfull countenance , as peter who also denyed him in another case had in the hall of caiphas , and he being ashamed to be seen any more in the streets , if he had been an universal monarch , he would have given the whole world for licence onely to have preached one sermon more on a first day in that most eminent city of the nation , and chief high-place thereof , unto which he was externally advanced , and that ( as may in regard of his great earnestness afterward appear to be wel conjectured ) to have asked forgiveness publickly both of god and all his flock , for his so sinful , undutifull , and ingratefull both offending his infinite majesty , and them , and that merely for fear to incur the indignation , or ( at worst ) the persecution of a finite and perishing majesty , even by leaving and exposing them to the arbitrary will and lust of that implacable enemy , that he might impose upon them all the gross popery both transacted between him and the pope long before that time , and intended to have been begun there , and then , both by the military and all other witty aid of that nature , after they had embraced the same , even to have brought it with a high hand here , they being alwayes ( by their travels abroad ) expert in wars , and this nation in long peace , and out of use untill of late years ; which business because he was not able to effect in his own dayes , therefore , even as king david gave his sonne solomon charge to deal with joab and shimei after his death , so he left his sonne to prosecute that romish design to his utmost power after he was gone ; and in reference thereunto , upon his and the bishops of both nations urging that grosse service-book in that nation , untill the rest of that poysonable stuff should have followed , all the cruell wars throughout all the three nations , which have been almost ever since , have proceeded . furthermore , it may be upon good grounds imagined , that this antient preacher not only intended to have given his best advice to his flock , as his last will and testament , even to stand fast in the liberty wherewith christ hath made them free , and not to be entangled again with the yoke of bondage : but likewise as touching his own grievous failings , to have intreated them , that they would be pleased ( out of their tender compassion towards his everlasting weal ) to adde their fervent prayers to his , for mercy and reconciliation to him , through a lively faith laying hold on the all-sufficient merits of iesus christ , before he should goe hence and be seen no more , and to have besought them , that as they hoped to be saved at the great day of retribution , never to make his nor any other mens wanderings their examples to reiterate and follow , but altogether as so many terrors ( like sea-marks or beacons set on rocks ) for ships to avoid and eschew : and concerning the event of what great diligence his friends and acquaintances ( howsoever very numerous and powerfull ) did use , to have obtained the licence before mentioned , both of superiour and inferiour powers , they being often reproved for so high an attempt , which then was so hot in prosecution ; after they were long delayed , at last , they were absolutely refused : whereupon in great grief , but i hope with such godly sorrow as through christ he found mercy , god himself favourably accepting the will for the deed , and private repentance , when publick is hindered by man , he finished his course . by whose example , even from the beginning to the ending of his ministery , all of us , yea the best of us , have very great need to observe , that we ought not upon any kind of terms , preferments , promises , bribes ( now called gratuities ) fears , terrors , threatnings , losses , yea or persecution it self , though inflicted in the highest degree , that either sathan or his instruments can devise , to deny christ before men , and that by walking contrary to the purity of his gospell , if we any wise aim at the glory of god , and salvation of our own soules , at the great day of his glorious appearing , and confessing us before his heavenly father ▪ but to work out our salvation in fear and trembling , and to make our calling and election sure by wel-doing , chiefly in performing all and whatsomever our duties , both spiritual and temporal , to our utmost in due time , even whiles it is called to day , and not boast off untill to morrow , because we know not what a day may bring forth ; for time is one of the most precious jewels under the sun , and upon the well or ill spending of time dependeth eternity either of weal or wo . but to conclude all these first particulars tending to the dehortation of all people from such a shamelesse attempt as is here with great detestation witnessed against , and insist also in another sort thereof , before we adhere to the matter it self , wherein i shall be as brief as is requisite ; if king solomon who wrot by the inspiration of the spirit , did not only say , that a word in his place is like diamonds of gold set in pictures of silver , but likewise did direct every man who hath received knowledge , either to doe or devise any temporal work for the benefit of the common-wealth , not to delay the same , but to accomplish it with all their power ; then how much more ought those who are intrusted with any kind of charge , to perform their duties to their utmost , chiefly when they are either spirituall , or tend to any spirituall use ? yea , and he also giveth such a strong reason as can admit of no opposition ; for ( saith he ) there is neither work , nor invention , nor knowledge , nor wisdom , in the grave whither thou goest . and as in one respect , modestie be sufficient to make any sincere christian both very much grieved and perplexed , only to mention that most presumptuous and impudent act , both for matter and manner as it came to passe , even by one of the female sex , whose duty was to have been most shamefac'd , chiefly as it tendeth to open , universall , avowed and allowed wickednesse ; though i know by undoubted proof , that all such absurd things , are utterly abhorred by divers both of those worthies that sit at the helm , and of those also who under god defend them by the sword : so in another respect , howsoever necessity may seem to require an expression both of the matter and manner thereof , because the same may be a speciall means to move both that strange-like woman , and such others as be guiltie , either of that shamelesse act , or the like , unto a godly sorrow , for i hear there are many sprung up of late in and about this sinfull city ; yet in regard of the wicked and profane sort , who ( as solomon saith ) make a mock of sin , it s far more expedient ( as i conceive ) that it be henceforth concealed , than any more , chiefly in print , revealed , even to avoid imitation , as it s said ; there was no particular law made , forbidding any man to kill his father , but in generall , that no man should doe any murther : and that sir , you and i may know one anothers mind , in order to the satisfaction both of me ( who in stead of a better , doe here write unto you for that purpose ) and of many thousands of others , who have only heard of your name in that particular , and daily after so long delay , do ardently expect the same , yea , and doubtless will be very ready henceforth both to speak and respect of you according as you shall be able and willing to clear your self by your punctual answer , concerning your so countenancing with silence , such a notorious evill , as i much doubt if any record can parallel . again , you know its upon divine record , that queen vasthi the wife of king ahasuerus ( though a heathen as well as he ) so preferred her modesty , sobriety , and chastity above all other earthly things she could lose , that she absolutely refused at an inconvenient time to humor the king her husband so much , as to vouchsafe to come unto that incomparable feast , when he was merry with wine , amongst the midst of his chief princes , nobles and people , though in a very solemn manner he himself sent not only his chiefest officers , but likewise the crown-royall for her , even to shew his princes , nobles and people her beauty , for she was fair to look on ; and doubtlesse had the richest both jewels and ornaments , as well as apparell , wherewith to deck her self , that the world could afford , her husband being so great a monarch , that he had a hundred seven and twenty provinces under his jurisdiction and command , yea and of such a noble and ingenuous disposition likewise , as appeared concerning his unrequired , but not undeserved thankfulnesse to mordecai ▪ though he was both a stranger to him , and one of another nation as well as religion : all which modesty , sobriety and gravity of this worthy queen , yea and discretion also in observing fit times and seasons , as solomon saith there is to all earthly things , do so much the more aggravate the evill of that most impudent and presumptuous act , which had not any the least reason or warrant , and far lesse any call to doe it , as this famous queen had to have appeared in a most magnifick order and manner , before her husband and king : so that both that shamelesse womans presumption ( of whom we speak ) and your silent beholding her , even like other spectators , whereof many lookt far more on you , than her , admiring much that you by your ministeriall charge , and being also in the pulpit and middle of your sermon , yea , and none other then having authority to speak , how you in your conscience could both in so needfull a time , so eminent a place , and upon so urgent an occasion , be so negligent in the discharge of that your duty as well as the delivery of your sermon it self , which also you being forced to forbear , during the time and presence of that shamefull spectacle , was the more free to have expressed your mind concerning her mis-behaviour . for you as well know as i can expresse , that you ought to have used the best and speediest means , by the most pertinent and moving expressions you could , both unto the magistrates and chief military officers there present , even for justice of such a presumptuous and shamelesse woman for so barbarous and uncivill an action , as both at so solemn a time and in so eminent a place , she so unhappily , and i fear too exemplarily brought to passe , if it be not as exemplarily punished ; by which strange kind of disturbance not only your self had intermission in the midst of your sermon , but likewise all the honorable auditors discredit , by such a base opposition : for although you saw some well-affected people remove her , without any the least of your aid , encouragement , yea or allowance , so much as a bare word ; yet ( as i said ) you being the only man that was set there to speak , it was your duty so to have confirmed that their worthy act of removing her , that you should have given them charge likewise by vertue of your own ministerial charge , to have kept her close and safe from any escape , untill the matter had been exactly tryed , and so much the rather , that the like in our dayes at least , never occurred . and if such enormities be not permitted where there are neither civill magistrates , nor temporall punishments , without the highest spirituall censures that can be inflicted , even in any totally separated church frō all kind of antichristian worship , worshippers , officers , government , maintenance and high places ; then ought not such grosse , vile , and presumptuous enormities , to be condignly punished in a nationall church , where they pretend to have as lawfully the spirituall sword , as they have the temporall ? and so much the rather , in that this absurd act came to passe in one of the chief assemblies of this nation , even by one member both of your own church , and commonwealth before your eys ; and as touching the particulars which by your silence were omitted , in that the party by occasion of that your negligence was not kept , but escaped , ( even to the shame of all concerned therein , ) they are these . 1 she ought to have been to sure custody committed , untill the matter had been throughly examined , and not ( as she was half an hour ) for the fashion sake , untill she put on her cloathes , even most likely by means of some either of her own friends or favorers of her evill ways . 2 she ought to have been demanded both what were the reasons and intentions of that her so presumptuous , impudent , and barbarous attempt ? 3 whether such kind of lascivious and licentious cariage , be the custom of the company where she useth to walk ? 4 with what company she walketh ? 5 how long ? 6 whether or no she was sent by them ? 7 if not , then by whom ? 8 if by none at all , then did she not run unsent ? 9 what her name was ? 10 if she hath a husband ? 11 if yea , what his name was ? 12 where he dwelleth ? 13 and if he and she live together ? so that by knowing these or most of these particulars , both the neighbours where they dwell , and others who would have visited her in her imprisonment , might have possibly in short time declared divers things which her self would have alwayes obscured : but it passeth all expression , both the multiplicity and diversity of evils ( as was said in the preface ) which have come to passe in these distressed nations , both before and during these destructive wars , as well by the silence of hundreds o● your profession , and not pressing the best things , as by their most vehement urging the worst , the lordly sort , for the bishopricks and deanries , and the inferiour sort , for the tithes and other antichristian forced maintenance . and as the apostle paul writeth to the church of corinth , it 's reported ( saith he ) that there is fornication amongst you , and such fornication as is not so much as named among the gentiles , even that one should have his fathers wise ; so upon such an abominable account , as unto which that sodom-like act tendeth , though not expedient to be here mentioned , not only a man may have his own mother or sister , but a woman likewise her own father or brother , even like the brute beasts of the field , which not being made according to the image of god , but only subordinate to serve the use of man , are not capable of law nor reason : so that it may be no lesse grievously than truly said , to the sin and shame of this nation , yea and scandall both of profession and reformation , that besides lascivious apparell ( which sheweth a licentious life ) there be many such strange spectacles as this shamelesse act , now a dayes both in city and countrey , to be seen day and night , as ( i suppose ) the like was never since the innocency of our first parents , neither in these nations nor any others , in the dayes of the law nor gospel , where there was no extremity of cold to be endured , or either skins or figtree-leaves wherewith to be covered : and that especially in such sad dayes of blood , terrors , tears , sighs , groans , depopulations and desolations ; yea and for any thing i could ever hear , ( for i was never to see ) the like shamelesse spectacle hath not been so publikely and impudently shewed nor acted in all the vile shews , and whorish masks , ( where many thousands of pounds have been spent in one night ) even to provoke god to wrath , and mankind to wickednesse , amongst the grossest either heathenish or popish tyrants of these nations in former times , and not a little at whitehall palace before these wars , even where this vile act came to passe , which would be a great shame to expresse . only upon the 17th day of the 5th moneth called iuly 1652. being the first day of the week , a bold woman of about 30 years old , sober in her speech , came in a most strumpet-like posture , mocking you , and that your sermon of the resurrection , and all that honourable congregation , consisting of the chief states of this land , who were conveened neither to hear nor behold any sports , masks , playes , shewes , yea nor to fulfill sinfull lusts , as multitudes both of inferiour souldiers and others doe frequently in carnall whore-houses ; yea , nor to hear the word of man , but as it is indeed , the blessed and good word of the almighty , great , dreadfull , and onely wise god ; howsoever by the means of sathan , and his great deputie , that man of sin , and child of perdition , to the great offence of his divine majesty , and all that love the lord iesus in sincerity , it be for the most part delivered both in unseasoned earthen vessels , like king ieroboam's priests , and high places also like his , yea and most of all the ordinances administred as well to the profane , as other both ignorant and unfit persons , who onely make a meer shew , but quite deny the power of godlinesse . it is yet more seriously to be considered by occasion of this lewd-like womans escape , through your not being so zealous even in word , as phineas was in deed for god and his people , in getting her punished ( if you be not of her mind , and that she came thither by consent , as i hope your answer will clear ) the rest of that diabolicall sect , are not only since that time much more hardened , strengthened and encouraged to proceed in their professed wickednesse , both of renting constituted churches , and making gods word of none effect by their infernall inventions ; but likewise their arrogancie and presumption do reach now unto such a height , ( and so much the higher by thus escaping and mocking gods ordinances , his solemn day , and both mans authority and presence in keeping thereof ) in that they have begun to beat ministers out of their pulpits in london , even on that solemn day which he hath sanctifyed and appointed for his divine worship . thus by your negligence and deficiency in using the means to have had justice done in due time , which i verily beleeve the state or magistrates would not have refused upon that strumpet-like woman , who durst be so bold in out-facing shame , even on the lords day in the forenoon and midst of your sermon , to come in such a posture which is a shame to expresse , and publickly offer such a vile disgrace , provocation , contempt , yea and ( as it were ) a defyance to god , his ordinances and people , you ( so far as i can learn , untill i see your answer ) and which is also the opinion doubtlesse of multitudes who never heard of you before , are by your silence and negligence the instrumentall cause that all of her mind and faction are not only waxed both more audacious , outragious and numerous , but likewise doe think themselves to be more confirmed and allowed , thus by outfacing authority to proceed in their wickednesse , than ever since we heard that there was any such miscreants in this valley of tears , according to that worthy saying of solomon , eccles. 8. 11. because sentence against an evill work is not speedidily executed , therefore the heart of the sons of men is fully set in them to do evill . but in order to a redresse , i am confident , that if those wanton people , who almost like those of old that sate down to eat and drink and then rose up to play , were as scarce both of food and rayment as many of gods dear children are in these long and toylsom days of affliction ( to them , howsoever they be prosperous to others ) and not only they put to work and labour , with exact overseers to take a strict accompt of them daily , and that in such sure places as bridewell in all the counties of these united nations ; but likewise all thieves that cannot be proved murtherers , who usually boast , ( even which is too evidently true , ) that they care far lesse for a quarter of an hours hanging , than to work and labour a moneths time , and so the putting of such to death is so far from proving to be warrantable or good , that not only the practice thereof offendeth the majesty of god , in that it crosseth his sacred word , but it never cometh to any successfull period : for is there not constantly ( notwithstanding all such indirect means using ) a number of both sexes executed both every moneth at london , and at every sessions and assizes in the countries throughout all the three nations ? so that there is no amendment by using that most unwarrantable and uncharitable means of mans devising : therefore if the remedie before mentioned of both these evils for recovering those parties in their respective degrees and demerits were wisely and discreetly used in all these united nations , doubtless it might prove very effectuall , both to abandon the lasciviousnesse of the one sort , and besides the obedience in that respect to gods revealed will , it would save the pretious lives of the other , which though one iudge can take , who perchance is guilty himself of a thousand times greater offences , yet those lives cannot be restored by all the iudges of the world , as the stoln goods may in some considerable time by work and labour , be to the owner recovered , and so the party released . and if this most charitable , easie , profitable , needfull , vertuous and commendable means were thus tryed , there would not only much glory redound thereby to god , by obeying his word , and great advantage by their industry to the whole commonwealth ; but likewise there might be an army of above an hundred thousand men , alwaies trained , prepared , and in readinesse upon all occasions for whatsomever either sea or land services , throughout all the three nations , either against forreign invasions , or intestine insurrections ; and that by chusing out all the best affected and trained from among them at all needfull times , who after they have been broken off from their wonted both associates , idlenesse and practices , might in some considerable time , prove as good souldiers under discreet and expert commanders , as any who are at present in those services of the three nations : so that neither any more pressing of housholders , nor sound of drum for voluntiers should be used , but those prisoners happily reduced from being malefactors to be both manufactors and souldiers , yea and many of them to be also well informed in the sincere wayes of god , from which like lost sheep they have far strayed ; thus should these nations be patterns of such godly and vertuous works to all other nations , who have not already the use and practice thereof , which yet we want . verily , all honest men ( who are most subject to be deceived , they charitable judging the best of others to be like them , as i have dearly bought some experience both in that and other kinds ) did expect , that when all the playhouses in london were quite discharged , and also that great timber barn in the palace of whitehall it self demolished , which was erected for the vile exercises of masks and playes , and those to be alwayes in the night season ( even crossing the ordinance of god , which he hath appointed for people to rest , and in the day to travell ) yea and the deluge of gods temporall judgements were so abundantly powred out in these bloody , cruell , durable and destructive wars throughout all the three nations for the great abominations and crying sins thereof , even when they were ripe for the sickle , and by which the former state being quite overthrown , there remained no more excuses of any intestine opposition , to hinder a thorough and full reformation , both in matters spirituall and temporall ; so that long before any forraign troubles began there might and should have been far better seed , proceeding from a godly sorrow , not only sowed but sprung up , that there might have been a joyfull reaping before this time , than any more such of the enemies tares ( though of other kinds , as he wanteth not a magazine of temptations as god hath of judgements ) to have been either in our own days or the posterities , which now do begin of fresh so to spring up and flourish , that if they and their blossoms be permitted to bear seed and ripen untill another harvest , then doubtless the last error will be worse than the first , for that will highly provoke god in his justice , to powr out both more remarkable and inevitable judgements than the former . we have upon holy record for our learning , or at least for rendering us the more inexcusable , abundance of examples , whereof for avoyding prolixity , i will only mention two of the most pregnant and pertinent , as both times do change , and we also change in them , some being advanced to the skyes , and others humbled to the ashes ; the first is , that because the people of sodom and gomorrah , who being overcom by four kings , and through gods providence in using abraham and his family as his instruments both to destroy those kings , and bring back the prisoners and spoil of those cities , did not walk answerable unto such undeserved favors , but did wax much worse in all kind of voluptuousness and wickedness afterwards , than ever they themselves , or those their friends and neighbours who were destroyed before their eyes ; did not the same righteous god then punish them to the full , even by an extraordinary extirpation of them all , saving one family , from off the face of the earth at last , as both he did the whole world in the dayes of noah , and the amalekites for their cruelty to his own own people , in their distress ? which wonderfull visitatious are sufficient enough to terrify us and all posterities from following those wicked people in their most hainous sins , if our hearts were not hardned ( i much fear ) as both theirs and and king pharao's were , unto the day of destruction : so that the sodomites slight punishment at first , by so many thousands , who doubtless , were as guilty as the rest , being freed , ( according to the lords usuall remembring mercy in the midst of his judgments ) and yet that so great and undeserved mercy to those who so much enjoyed it , not being in any the least measure regarded , but rather their hearts so much the more hardened , presuming if such another visitation should come again , that they should have the like escape ; and upon that false ground they most ungratefully and undutifully , ( not at all considering the goodnesse of god towards them , ) both increased and multiplyed all their former abominable wickednesses : and therefore it may be justly said , that that gentle visitation by so many thousands of as guilty people as the rest escaping which at first in much mercy they had , was no preservation , and far lesse any allowance of them either in their former or latter abominations , whereby in the least either so suddenly or at all to have grown secure , and much lesse to have proceeded in wickednesse ; neither was the victory which god gave them over their enemies , any sure token of his favour to them above their brethren in evil whom he had destroyed , but it was rather a reservation of them , unto a more generall , inevitable , compleat , remarkable , and extraordinary judgment . and the second example is , that when certain men told our blessed saviour of the galileans , whose blood p●lat had mingled with their sacrifices , he answered and said unto them , suppose ye that those galileans were greater sinners than all other galileans , i tell you , nay , but except ye repent , ye shall all likewise perish ? or think ye , that those 18. men upon whom the tower in shilo fell and slew them , were sinners above all that were in jerusalem , i tell you , nay , but except ye amend your lives , ye shall all likewise perish ? sir , i could even in this most rare accident , as well as in other matters which are frequent , much enlarge my self , both from the word of truth , and occurrences in our own dayes , yea and besides the dear buying of some experience in other kinds , i have not been at small both charges and travels , besides other great losses and troubles of persecution , in being driven by wicked men with my family , oftentimes from our habitations and possessions , even from one nation to another , whereby to gain some experience also in this kind ; for i have not only been divers times excommunicated in nationall churches by the priests of the high places , and their lords , the late bishops , even for witnessing against their manifold evils , either by word , writing , not countenancing their antichristian worship , or refusing to maintain them in such indirect courses , by paying tythes or other exactions , which they call duties , they neither being christs servants , nor content with his wages , although i was not a member of any national church these 35 years , which is about the half of my few and evill dayes ; but likewise i was once excommunicated in a church in london , where i was a member indeed in obedience to gods word , which i esteemed to be of totall separation from all kind of such evills , and to walk in the order and purity of the gospell , even because i protested first against the owners of a disorderly boy between 3. and 4. year old , whom both they and all other their confederat members saving one , allowed ( as it seemed ) to trouble the exercise , both on first days , fast days , and other days of weekly meetings , for the space of divers moneths , i being the oldest in years of any member saving one woman , who had no liberty to speak , and for which as i heard by one of themselves , that if i insisted to have such peace , silence and order observed , that they had resolved i should be excommunicated . secondly , because i witnessed against the evils of divers false doctrines which were by samuel chidley one of their teachers delivered , and by the ignorant members received . and thirdly , because i both discovered , and after privat dealing with him brought famous witnesses to prove many haynous sins against him , for which he was cast out of worcester house from the states service , which i both procured for him , taught him , and kept him in it two years , after he was deposed , until he got great riches , and notice of discoveries , to my own great prejudice , through his deceitfulnesse , and the best recompence i received for all i was excommunicated , which as one of gods chief ordinances , he and his confederates most unjustly used , as a weapon of unrighteousnesse , whereby to execute their malice against me , even to their own sin and shame , for as solomon saith , as the swallow and sparrow by flying doe escape , so the curse that is causlesse shall not come . and besides all these , whereof i have the particulars , and many other worthy matters ready for the presse , i and my family once , even upon an occasion also of a sermon , where there were about 2000 people gathered to a fair neer greenwich , where we had a house and dwelt in the summer time , and we being a long time warned according to the penalties then imposed , to come unto the antichristian worship of that high-place , where there was a high altar erected for the late queen , at last went thither on that day which is unjustly called st. lukes day , before the eys of all those kentish and other malignants , although to our great damage and danger of our lives , both in tearing the surplice to pieces , and witnessing to the full all their spirituall evils , without either fear or favour , as that faithfull prophet whom god sent from judah to bethel , did deliver his message against king ieroboam's practice , in offeriug sacrifice there , contrary to the word of god , so that his salt did not lose it's savour , but still contiuued good . but in regard i affect brevity , howsoever i be oftentimes driven otherwise , either for conveniencie or necessity , and that it would be needlesse to carry water to a spring , as it must be sometimes carried to a pump , ( though i have had for many years , divers both higher and greater matters in debate with the chiefest of your profession . ) i therefore conclude with those pretious words of the apostle paul to the philippians , 4. 8 , 9. whatsoever things are honest , whatsoever things are just , whatsoever things are pure , whatsoever things are lovely , whatsoever things are of good report ; if there be any vertue , or if there be any praise , think on these things . those things which ye have both learned , and received , and heard , and seen in me , do , and the god of peace shall be with you , in whom i desire to be from my house this 19th of the 8th moneth called october , 1652. it being that great brick house with the barn , at the north end of soho in the fields , streight up hedge lane from charing crosse : where i expect your answer in writing , within a fortnight , that for generall satisfaction it may be printed with this letter , which after the time is expired , i intend to doe howsoever ▪ yours as you are his , and do clear your self in this , david brown . sir , i would have written to you so soon as i heard of this business , were it not , that i have been sick ever since , as i was a little before . for mr. peter sterry minister , at his lodging in whitehall . the ansvver to this epistle . sir , you charge me in your letter for being in the pulpit , and being silent there at the time , when a very great offence was committed in the congregation . you all along take that for granted , which is altogether a mistake , namely , that i understood the present fact . wherefore to remove this mistake , and to inform you rightly , will be at once your satisfaction , and my vindication . vpon this account i shall give you a plain narration of those passages , which relate to my self . i was in the midst of my sermon , when i saw at one end of the chapell a great disturbance among the people , with a sudden fear . i cast my eye on the other end , where i saw in the midst of the crowd a woman as i guest b● her head , bare to the middle of her back , the rest of her being hid from my sight in the throng : hereupon i turned to the disturbed people to quiet them , by telling them , that there was no danger , that it was a mad-woman onely that occasioned the stir . no other imagination upon that sudden glance entred into my spirit . before i could again turn my eye towards that place , the vvoman was suddenly carryed out by souldiers , who alwayes keep a court of guard close by the door of the chapell ; it was when i came down out of the pulpit , that i first was acquainted with the truth of that story , which for the monstrousness of it seemed incredible to me , untill it was confirmed by many hands . sir , i appeal to those who hear me in publick , how farre in a constant course upon all occasions ; how far after a more particular manner in the first sermons which i preached after that enormous scandall , i have declared my self against the heynous evill of such practises , and those corrupt principles which lead to such practises . i doe not therefore think it needfull for me to say more in a private letter , seeing i say so much , so frequently in publique . i had much rather , that the good savour of my name should arise freely from the precious oyntment of christs love in his providence , of the spirit of christ in my life , in my doctrine ; than from my own endeavours concerning it . only , as a christian , i have thus far taken this care to give to you , who are a professed brother in christ , that satisfaction which you have desired from me . having therefore kindly thanked you , for that zeal to the glory of our lord iesus , for that respect and love to me , which you expresse in yours letter ; praising you for the heat of your affections , so farre as you are carefull to joyn it with light , i commend you to the grace of god , and rest october 31. 1652. your faithfull friend and servant in christ . peter sterry . for mr. david brown at the new great brick house , at the north end of soho in the fields , streight up hedge lane from charing cross . the epilogue , to mr. peter sterry , minister , being cleared of that negligence wherewith he was charged . sir , i have received your answer to my epistle , whereby for mine own part , as one honest man should trust another , i am sufficiently satisfied , even as i was also of a discreet military officer , who at the same juncture of time commanded the guard , when the impudent woman before that high assembly appeared ; and i hope , that all the people of these united nations , who have either so much christianity as to trust a christian , or wish in other matters to be trusted themselves , or have heard , or may happen to hear or read of this businesse , as it is in this small volume both questioned and answered , or have been otherwise informed , yea , or have so much moderation and discretion as to submit unto such circumstances as are grounded upon reason , cannot chuse but rest likewise satisfied , even with those probable causes or reasons of that silence , wherewith in the epistle you are so strictly charged , which are in your answer so evidently expressed ; yet , that no man mistake me , i do not professe to speak or write infallibly , but trust every honest man , as i would be trusted by all honest men : for revealed things belong to us , but secret things to god , and therefore it 's justly said , that man judgeth by outward appearance , but god judgeth righteous judgement . howsoever as king solomon saith , he that rebuketh a man shall find more favour afterwards , than he that flattereth with his lips , and that a reproof entreth more into a wise man , than a hundred stripes into a fool , prov. 28. 23. & 17. 10. so the truth and validity of both which parables i have found , by that discretion , moderation and affection , yea and both thankfulnesse and commendation , which ( out of your ingenuity ) you are pleased in your modest answer to use and expresse towards me , though a very weak instrument of god , for the peoples satisfaction and your good , according to the first words of that divine author , pro. 15. 1. howbeit i charged you as a most negligent christian , even to the very utmost of my evidence , which from divers famous people i heard , and so far as to them in such a tumult appeared . and as concerning the difference of your judgement or practice from the separated churches , mentioned in the new testament , whereof i gave you a hint both in the beginning and midst of what i wrote , a few words being sufficient to the wise ; so still in brief , i wish from my heart , seeing the most sincere christians , do but know , practice , believe , and prophecie only in part , that none of all our endeavours , who are but weak in respect of others , may tend in the least to the quenching of the spirit , or despising of prophecie , but to prove all things , hold fast that which is good , and abstain from all appearance of evill , chiefly by exact obedience to gods heavenly call , even in comming quite out of babel , touching no unclean thing , and offering all our gifts and sacrifices in sion , which is the perfection of beauty , where god hath promised his own glorious presence in the sincere practice of all his holy ordinances . for ( to speak impartially , which we are bound alwayes to doe ) as those who come short of the mark , have very great need to strive forwards , and forget what 's behind ; so have they as great need who stand very near it , alwayes to take heed ▪ lest they should fall backwards from it : so that i argue not for any immunity , in regard of stability concerning totall separats , though i conceive that to be the very height of religion ; but that all who have the title of christians , may both attain thereunto , and persevere therein without apostacy or decling ▪ see heb. 10. 26 , &c. and 2 pet. 21. 22. which excellent duties if we could but fervently desire to perform , and earnestly beseech god for the gracious assistance alwaies of his blessed spirit , to strengthen and lead us into all truth ; then doubtless , as paul prayeth for the church of the thessalonians , the very god of peace would sanctifie us wholly , and preserve our whole spirit , soul and body blameless untill the comming of our lord jesus christ , in whom i rest , your faithfull friend to serve you in all duties of love , david brown . finis . observations vpon religio medici occasionally written by sir kenelme digby, knight. digby, kenelm, sir, 1603-1665. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a35983 of text r20589 in the english short title catalog (wing d1441). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 81 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 64 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a35983 wing d1441 estc r20589 11774452 ocm 11774452 48918 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a35983) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48918) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 25:14) observations vpon religio medici occasionally written by sir kenelme digby, knight. digby, kenelm, sir, 1603-1665. [2], 124 p. printed by r.c. for lawrence chapman and daniel frere, london : 1643. reproduction of original in huntington library. eng browne, thomas, -sir, 1605-1682. -religio medici. religion -early works to 1800. christian life -early works to 1800. christian ethics. a35983 r20589 (wing d1441). civilwar no observations vpon religio medici. occasionally written by sir kenelme digby, knight. digby, kenelm, sir 1643 14212 6 0 0 0 0 0 4 b the rate of 4 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-07 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2002-07 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-08 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion observations vpon religio medici . occasionally written by sir kenelme digby , knight london , printed by r. c. for lawrence chapman , and daniel frere , 1643. observations vpon religio medicī . to the right honourable edward earle of dorset , baron of buckhurst , &c. my lord , i received yesternight , your lordships of the 19 current ; wherin you are pleased to obleige me , not onely by extreame gallant expressions of favour and kindnesse : but likewise by taking so farre into your care the expending of my time during the tediousnesse of my restraint , as to recommend to my reading a booke , that had received the honour and safeguard of your approbation , for both which i most humbly thanke your lordship . and since i cannot , in the way of gratefulnesse expresse unto your lordship as i would those hearty sentiments i have of your goodnesse to me ; i will at the least endeavour , in the way of duty and observance , to let you see how the little needle of my soule is throughly touched at the great loadstone of yours , and followeth sudainely and strongly which way soever you becken it . in this occasion , the magnetike motion , was impatience to have the booke in my hands that your lordship gave so advantageous a character of ; whereupon i sent presently ( as late as it was ) to pauls churchyard , for this favourite of yours , religio medici : which after a while found me in a condition fit to receive a blessing by a visit from any of such master-peeces as you looke upon with gracious eyes ; for i was newly gotten into my bed . this good natur'd creature i could easily perswade to bee my bedfellow , and to wake with mee as long as i had any edge to entertaine my selfe with the delights i sucked from so noble a conversation . and truely ( my lord ) i closed not my eyes till i had enricht my selfe with , ( or at least exactly surveyed ) all the treasures that are lapped up in the folds of those few sheets . to returne onely a generall commendations of this curious peece , or at large to admire the authors spirit and smartnes , were too perfunctory an accompt , and too slight a one , to so discerning and steddy an eye as yours , after so particular and encharged a summons to read heedfully this discourse . i will therefore presume to blot a sheete or two of paper with my reflections upon sundry passages through the whole context of it , as they shall occurre to my remembrance . which now your lordship knoweth this packet is not so happy as to carry with it any other expression of my obsequiousnesse to you ; it will bee but reasonable , you should even here , give over your further trouble of reading , what my respect ingageth mee to the writing of . whose first steppe is ingenuity and a well natur'd evennesse of iudgement , shall bee sure of applause and faire hopes in all men for the rest of his iourney : and indeed ( my lord ) me thinketh this gentleman setteth out excellently poised with that happy temper ; and sheweth a great deale of iudicious piety in making a right use of the blind zeale that bigots loose themselves in . yet i cannot satisfie my doubts throughly , how hee maketh good his professing to follow the great wheele of the church in matters of divinity : which surely is the solid basis of true religion : for to doe so , without jarring against the conduct of that first mover by eccentricall and irregular motions , obleigeth one to yeeld a very dutifull obedience to the determinations of it without arrogating to ones selfe a controling ability in liking or misliking the faith , doctrine and constitutions of that church which one looketh upon as their north starre : whereas if i mistake not , this author approveth the church of england not absolutely , but comparatively with other reformed churches . my next reflection is concerning what he hath sprinkled ( most wittily ) in severall places , concerning the nature and immortality of a humane soule , and the condition and state it is in , after the dissolution of the body . and here give me leave to observe what our countryman roger bacon did long agoe ; that those students who busie themselves much with such notions , as reside wholly to the fantasie , do hardly ever become idoneous for abstracted metaphysicall speculations ; the one having bulky foundatiō of matter , or of the accidents of it , to settle upon , ( at the least , with one foote : ) the other flying continually , even to a lessening pitch , in the subtile ayre ; and dingly it hath beene generally noted , that the exactest mathematicians , who converse altogether with lines , figures , and other differences of quantity ; have seldome proved eminent in metaphysicks or speculative divinity . nor againe the professors of these sciences , in the others arts . much lesse can it be expected that an excellent physitian whose fancy is always fraught with the materiall drugs that hee prescribeth his apothecary to compound his medicines of ; and whose hands are inured to the cutting up , & eies to the inspection of anatomised bodies ; should easily , and with successe , flye his thoughts at so to wring a game , as a pure intellect , a separated and unbodyed soule ; surely this acute authors sharpe wit , had hee orderly applyed his studies that way , would have beene able to satisfie himselfe with lesse labour , and others with more plenitude , then it hath beene the lot of so dull a braine as mine , concerning the immortality of the soule : and yet i assure you ( my lord ) the little philosophy that is allowed mee for my share , demonstrateth this proposition to mee , as well as faith delivereth it : which our physician will not admit in his . to make good this assertion here , were very unreasonable , since that to doe it exactly , ( and without exactnesse , it were no demonstration ) requireth a totall survey of the whole science of bodyes , and of all the operations that wee are conversant with , of a rationall creature ; which i having done , with all the succinctnes i have beene able to explicate so knotty a subject with , hath taken mee up in the first draught neere two hundred sheets of paper . i shall therefore take leave of this point with onely this note , that i take the immortality of the soule ( under his favour ) to bee of that nature , that to them onely that are not versed in the wayes of proving it by reason , it is an article of faith ; to others , it is an evident conclusion of demonstrative science . and with a like short note i shall observe how if hee had traced the nature of the soule from its first principles , hee could not have suspected it should sleepe in the grave till the resurrection of the body . nor would hee have permitted his compassionative nature to imagine it belonged to gods mercy ( as the chiliasts did ) to change its condition in those that are damned , from paine to happines . for where god should have done that , hee must have made that anguished soule another creature then what it was , ( as to make fire cease from being hot , requireth to have it become another thing then the element of fire ; ) since , that to be in such a condition as maketh us understand damned soules miserable , is a necessary effect of the temper it is in , when it goeth out of the body , and must necessarily ( out of its owne nature ) remaine in , unvariably for all eternity ; though , for the conceptions of the vulgar part of mankind , ( who are not capable of such abstruse notions ) it be stiled ( and truly too ) the sentence and punishment of a severe iudge . i am extreamely pleased with him , when he saith there are not impossibilities enough in religion for an active faith : and no whit lesse , when in philosophy hee will not bee satisfied with such naked termes as in schools use to be obtruded upon easie mindes , when the masters fingers are not strong enogh to untie the knots proposed unto them . i confesse , when i enquire what light ( to use our authors example ) is , i should bee as well contented with his silence , as with his telling mee it is actus perspicui ; unlesse hee explicate clearely to me what those words mean , which i finde very few goe about to do . such meate they swallow whole , and eject it as entire . but were such things , scientifically , and methodically declared , they would bee of extreame satisfaction , and delight . and that worke taketh up the greatest part of my formerly mentioned treatise . for i endeavour to shew by a continued progresse , and not by leapes , all the motions of nature ; & unto them to fit intelligibly the termes used by her best secretaries : whereby all wilde fantasticke qualities and moods ( introduced for refuges of ignorance ) are banished from my commerce . in the next place ( my lord ) i shall suspect that our author hath not penetrated into the bottome of those conceptions that deepe schollers have taught us of eternity . methinketh hee taketh it for an infinite extension of time , and a never ending revolution of continuall succession : which is no more like eternity , then a grosse body is like to a pure spirit . nay , such an infinity of revolutions , is demonstrable to bee a contradiction and impossible . in the state of eternity there is no succession , no change , no variety . soules or angells , in that condition , doe not so much as change a thought . all things , notions , and actions , that every were , are , or shal bee in any creature , are actually present to such an intellect . and this ( my lord ) laver , not as deriving it from th●ologie , and having recourse to beatifike vision to make good my tenet , ( for so , onely glorified creatures should enjoy such immense knowledge ) but out of the principles of nature and reason , and from thence shal demonstrate it to belong to the lowest soule of the ignorantest wretch whiles hee lived in this world , since damned in hell . a bold undertaking you will say ; but i confidently engage my selfe to it . vpon this occasion occurreth also a great deale to bee said of the nature of predestination ( which by the short touches our author giveth of it , i doubt hee quite mistakes ) and how it is an unalterable series and chaine of causes , producing infallible ( and in respect of them , necessary ) effects : but that is too large a theame to unfold here ; too vast an ocean to describe , in the scant map of a letter . and therefore i will refer that to a fitter opportunity , fearing i have already too much trespassed upon your lordships patience ; but that indeed i hope you have not had enough to read thus far . i am sure ( my lord ) that you ( who never forgot any thing , which deserved a roome in your memory ) doe remember how wee are told , that abyssus abyssum invocat : so here our author , from the abysse of predestination , falleth into that of the trinity of persons consistent with the indivisibility of the divine nature : and out of that ( if i be not exceedingly deceived ) into a third , of mistaking , when he goeth about to illustrate this admirable mysteryby a wild discourse of a trinity in our soules . the dint of wit is not forcible enough to dissect such tough matter ; wherein al the obscure glimmering wee gaine of that inaccessible light , commeth to us cloathed in the darke weeds of negations , and therefore little can wee hope to meete with any positive examples to parallel it withall . i doubt , hee also mistakenth , and imposeth upon the severer schooles , when he intimateth that they gainesay this visible worlds being but a picture or shadow of the invisible & intellectual : which manner of philosophising , hee attributeth to hermes trismegistus ; but is every where to be met with in plato ; and is raised since to a greater height in the christian schooles . but i am sure hee learned in no good schoole , nor sucked from any good philosophy to give an actuall subsistence and being to first matter without a forme . hee that will allow that a reall existence in nature is as superficially tincted in metaphysicks , as an other would bee in mathematicks that should allow the like to a point , a line , or a superficies in figures . these , in their strict notions , are but negations of further extension , or but exact terminations of that quantity which falleth under the consideration of the understanding ; in the present purpose ; no reall entities in themselves : so likewise , the notions of matter , forme , act , power , existence , and the like , that are with truth considered by the understanding , and have there each of them a distinet entity , are never the lesse , no where by themselves in nature . they are termes which wee must use in the negotiations of our thoughts , if wee will discourse consequently , and conclude knowingly . but then againe wee must bee very wary of attributing to things in their owne natures , such entities as wee create in our understandings , when wee make pictures of them there ; for there every different consideration arising out of the different impression , which the same thing maketh upon us , hath a distinct being by it self . whereas in thing , there is but one single vnity , that sheweth ( as it were in a glasse , at severall positions ) those various faces in our understanding . in a word ; all these words are but artificiall termes , not reall things : and the not right understanding them , is the dangerousest rocke that schollers suffer ship wracke against . i goe on with our phisitians contemplations . vpon every occasion , hee shewech strong parts and a vigorous brayne . his wishes and aymes , and what he pointeth at , speake him owner of a noble & a generous heart . he hath reason to wish that aristotle had been as accurate in examining the causes , nature and affections of the great vniverse hee busied himselfe about , as his patriarke galen hath beene in the like considerations upon his little world , mans body , in that admirable worke of his de usu partium . but no great humane thing , was ever borne and perfected at once . it may satisfie us , if one in our age , buildeth that magnifike structure upon the others foundations ; and especially , if where hee findeth any of them unsound , he eradicateth those , and fixeth new unquestionable ones in their roome : but so , as they still , in grosse , keep a proportion , and beare a harmony with the others great worke : this , hath now , ( even now ) our learned country-man done , the knowing master white , ( whose name , i believe your lordship hath met withall ) in his excellent booke , de mundo , newly printed at paris , where he now resideth , and is admired by the world of letterd men there , as the prodigie of these latter times . indeed his three dialogues upon that subject , ( if i am able to judge any thing ) are full of the profoundest learning i ever yet met withall . and i beleeve ; who hath well read and digested them , will perswade himselfe there is no truth so abstruse , nor hitherto conceived out of our reach , but mans wit may raise engines to scale and conquer . i assure my selfe , when our author hath studied him throughly , hee will not lament so loude for aristotles mutilated and defective philosophy ; as in boccalini , caesar caporali doth for the losse of livies shipwracked decads . that logicke which hee quarrelleth at for calling a toade , or a serpent ugly , will in the end agree with his ; for no body ever tooke them to be so , in respect of the vntverse ( in which regard , he defendeth their regularity , and symmetry ) but onely as they have relation to us . but i cannot so easily agree with him when he affirmeth that devills , or other spirits in the intellectuall world have no exact ephemerides wherein they may reade before-hand the stories of fortuite accidents : for i beleeve that all causes are so immediately chayned to their effects , as if a perfect knowing nature get hold but of one linke , it will drive the entire series or pedegree of the whole to each utmost end ; ( as i thinke i have proved in my forenamed treatisfe ) so that in truth , there is no fortuitnesse or contingency of things , in respect of themselves , but onely in respect of us , that are ignorant of their certaine , and necessary causes . now a like series or chaine , and complexe of all outward circumstances ( whose highest linke , poets say prettily , is fastned to iupiters chayre , and the lowest is riveted to every individuall on earth ) steered and levelled by god almighty , at the first setting out of the first mover ; i conceive , to bee that divine providence and mercy , which ( to use our authors owne example ) giveth a thriving genius to the hollanders ; and the like : and not any secret , invisible , mysticall blessing , that falleth not under the search or cognizance of a prudent indagation . i must needs approve our authors aequanimity , and i may as justly say his magnanimity , in being contented so cheerfully ( as he saith ) to shake hands with the fading goods of fortune ; and bee deprived of the joyes of her most precious blessings ; so that hee may in recompence , possesse in ample measure the true ones of the mind , like epictetus , that great master of morall wisedome and piety , who taxeth them of high injustice that repine at gods distribution of his blessings , when he putteth not into their share of goods , such things as they use no industry or meanes to purchase . for why should that man who above all things esteemeth his owne freedome ; and who to enjoy that sequestereth himself from commerce with the vulgar of mankinde ; take it ill of his starres , if such preferments , honors , & applauses meet not him , as are painefully gained after long & tedious services of princes , & brittle dependances of humorous favourites , & supple complyances with all sorts of natures ? as for what he faith of astrologie ; i do not conceive that wise men reject it so much for being repugnant to divinity ( which he reconcileth well enough ) as for having no solid rules , or ground in nature . to rely too far upon that vaine art , i judge to bee rather folly then impie●y . vnlesse in our censure , we looke to the first origine of it , which savoureth of the idolatry of those heathens that worshipping the stars and heavenly bodies for deities , did in a superstitious devotion , attribute unto them the causality of all effects beneath them . and for ought i know , the beliefe of solid orbes in the heavens , and their regularly-irregular motions , sprung from the same root . ) and a like inanity , i should suspect in chiromancy as well as astrologie , ( especially , in particular contingent effects ) however our author , and no lesse a man then aristotle , seeme to attribute somewhat more to that conjecturall art of lynes . i should much doubt ( though our author sheweth himselfe of another minde ) that bernardinus ochinus grew at the last to bee a meere atheist : when after having beene first the institutor and patriarch of the capucine order ( so violent was his zeale then , as no former religious institution , though never so rigorous , was strict enough for him ) hee from thence fell to bee first an hereticke , then a iew ; and after a while became a turke , and at the last wrote a furious invective against those whom hee called the three grand-impostors of the world ; among whom hee ranked our saviour christ , aswell as moses and mahomet . i doubt hee mistaketh in his chronologie , or the printer in the name , when hee maketh ptolomy condemne the alchoran . hee needeth not be so serupulous , as hee seemeth to bee in averring downe rightly , that god cannot doe contradictory things , ( though peradventure it is not amisle to sweeten the manner of the expression , and the sound of the words ) for who understandeth the nature of contradiction , will find non entity in one of the termes , which of god , were impiety not to deny peremptorily , for hee being in his proper nature selfe-entity , all being must immediately flow from him , and all not-being be totally excluded from that effluxe . now for the recalling of time past , which the angels posed esdras withall ; there is no contradiction in that ; as is evident to them that know the essence of time ( for it is but putting againe , all things , that had motion , into the same state they were in , at that moment unto which time was to be reduced backe and from thence , letting it travell on againe , by the same motions , and upon the same wheeles , it rolled upon before . ) and therefore god could doe this admirable worke , though neither esdras , nor all the power of creatures together could doe it : and consequently it cannot in this question bee said , that he posed mortality with what himselfe was not able to performe . i acknowledge ingenuously our physicians experience hath the advantage of my philosophy , in knowing there are witches . yet i am sure , i have no temptation to doubt of the deity ; nor have any unsatisfaction in believing there are spirits . i doe not see such a necessary conjunction betweene them , as that the supposition of the one , must needs inferre the other . neither do i deny there are witches . i onely reserve my assent , till i meete with stronger motives to carry it . and i confesse i doubt asmuch of the efficacy of those magicall rules he speaketh of , as also of the finding out of mysteries by the courteous revelation of spirits . i doubt , his discourse of an vniversall spirit , is but a wilde fansie : and that in the marshalling of it , hee mistaketh the hermeticall philosophers . and surely , it is a weake argument , from a common nature that subsisteth onely in our understanding , ( out of which it hath no being at all ) to inferre , by parity , an actuall subsistence of the like , in realty of nature , ( of which kind of miscarriage in mens discoursings , i have spoken before ) and upon this occasion , i doe not see how seasonably he falleth , of a suddaine , from naturall speculations to a morall contemplation of gods spirit working in us . in which also i would inquire ( especially upon his suddaine poeticall rapture ) whether the solidity of the iudgement bee not outweighed by the ayrienesse of the fancy . assuredly one cannot erre in taking this author for a very fine ingenious gentleman : but for how deepe a scholler , i leave unto them to judge , that are abler then i am . if he had applyed himselfe with earnest study , and upon right grounds , to search out the nature of pure intellects : i doubt not but his great parts would have argued more efficacionsly , then he doth against those that between men and angells put onely porphyries difference of mortality and immortality . and hee would have dived further into the tenor of their intellectuall operations ; in which there is no succession ; nor ratiocinative discourse ; for in the very first instant of their creation , they actually knew all that they were capable of knowing ; and they are acquainted even with all free thoughts , past , present , and to come ; for they see them in their causes , and they see them altogether at one instant : as i have in my forementioned treatise proved at large : and i thinke i have already touched thus much once before in this letter . i am tempted here to say a great deale concerning light , by his taking it to bee a bare quality . for in physicks no speculation is more usefull , or reacheth further . but to set downe such phaenomena's of it as i have observed , and from whence i evidently collect the nature of it ; were too large a theame for this place ; when your lordshippe pleaseth i shall shew you another more orderly discourse upon that subject ; wherein i have sufficiently proved it to be a solid substance and body . in his proceeding to collect an intellectuall world ; and in his discoursing upon the place , and habitation of angels : as also in his consideration of the activity of glorified eyes ; ( which shal bein a state of reft ; whereas motion , is required to seeing ) and in his subtil speculation upon two bodies placed in the vacuity beyond the utmost all-enclosing superficies of heaven ( which implyeth a contradiction in nature ) me thinkes i heare apelles crying out , ne sutor ultra crepidam : or rather it putteth me in minde of one of the titles in pantagruels library , ( which he expresseth himselfe conversant in ) namely , quaestio subtilissima , vtrum chimaera in vacuo bombinans possit comedere secundas intentiones . with which short note i will leave there considerations ; in which ( if time and other circumstances allowed it ) matter would spring up of excellent learning . when our author shall have read master whites dialogues of the world , hee will no longer bee of the opinion , that the unity of the world is a conclusion of faith : for it is there demonstrated by reason . here the thread of the discourse inviteth mee to say a great deale of the production , or creation of mans soule . but it is too tedious and too knotty a peece for a letter . now it shall suffice to note , that it is not ex traduce , and yet hath a strange kind of necre dependance of the body ; which is , as it were , gods instrument to create it by . this , thus said , or rather rumbled out , may seeme harth ; but had your lordship leisure to peruse what i have written at full upon this point , i doubt not but it would appeare plausible enough to you . i cannot agree with him when hee seemeth to impute inconvenience to long life ; & that length of time doth rather impaire , then improve us : for surely if wee will follow the course of nature , and of reason , it is a mighty great blessing ; were it but in this regard , that it giveth time leave to vent & boyle away the unquietnesses and turbulencies that follow our passions ; and to weane our selves gently from carnall affections , and at the last to drop with ease and willingnesse , like ripe fruit from the tree ; as i remember plotinus finely discourseth in one of his enneads . for when before the season , it is plucked off with violent hands , or shaken downe by rude and boysterous windes , it carrieth along with it an indigested raw tast of the wood , and hath an unpleasant aigrenesse in its juyce , that maketh it unfit for use , till long time have mellowed it : and peradventure it may be to backward , as instead of ripening , it may grow rotten in the very center . in like manner , soules that goe out of their bodies with affections to those objects they leave behinde them , ( which usually is as long as they can relish them ) doe retaine still even in their separation , a byas , and a languishing towards them : which is the reason why such terrene soules appeare oftenest in coemeteries and charnell houses ; ( and not , that morall one which our author giveth : ) for life which is union with the body , being that which carnal soules have straightesh affections to , and that they are loathest to be separated from ; their unquiet spirit , which can never ( naturally ) loose the impressions it had wrought in it at the time of its driving out , lingreth perpetually after that deare confort of his . the impossibility cannot cure them of their impotent desires ; they would faine be alive againe , — iterumque ad tarda reverti corpora . quae lucis miseris tam dira cupido ? and to this cause peradventure may bee reduced the strange effect which is frequently seen in england , when at the approach of the murderer , the slaine body suddainely bleedeth afreth : for certainely the soules of them that are treacherously murdered by surprise , use to leave their bodies with extreame unwillingnesse , and with vehement indignation against them that force them to so unprovided & abhorred a passage . that soule then to wreak its evill tallent against the hated murderer , and to draw a just and desired revenge upon his head ; would doe all it can to manifest the author of the fact . to speake , it cannot ; for in it selfe , it wanteth organs of voyce , and those it is parted from , are now growne too heavy , and are too benummed for it , to give motion unto . yet some change it desireth to make in the body which it hath to vehement inclinations to , & therfore is the aptest for it to worke upon . it must then endeavour to cause a motion in the subtilest & most fluid parts ( and consequently , the most moveable ones ) of it . this can be nothing but the blood ; which then being violently moved , must needs gush out at those places where it findeth issues . our author cannot beleeve that the world will perish upon the ruines of its own principles : but master white hath demonstrated the end of it upon naturall reason . and though the precise time for that generall destruction bee inscrutable ; yet he learnedly sheweth an ingenious rule whereby to measure in some fort the duration of it , without being branded ( as our author threatneth ) with convincible and statute madnesse , or with impiety . and whereas hee will have the worke of this last great day ( the summer up of all past dayes ) to imply annihilation and thereupon interesseth god onely in it : i must beg leave to contradict him namely in this point , and to affirme that the letting loose then of the activest element to destroy this face of the world , will but beget a change in it , and that no annihilation can proceed from god almighty : for his essence being ( as i said before ) selfe-existence , it is more impossible that not-being should flow from him , then that cold should flow immediately from fire , or darkenesse from the actuall presence of light . i must needs acknowledge that where he ballanceth life and death against one another and considereth that the latter is to bee a kind of nothing for a moment , to become a pure spirit within one instant , and what followeth of this strong thought ; is extreame handsomely said , and argueth very gallant and generous resolutions in him . to exemplifie the immortality of the soule , hee needeth not have recourse to the philosophers stone . his owne store furnisheth him with a most pregnant one of reviving a plant ( the same numericall plant ) out of his owne ashes . but under his favour , i beleeve his experiment will faile , if under the notion of the fame , hee comprehendeth all the accidents that first accompanied that plant ; for since in the ashes there remaineth onely the fixed salt , i am very confident that all the colour , and much of the odor and tast of it , is flowne away with the volatile salt . what should i say of his making so particular a narration of personall things , and private thoughts of his owne ; the knowledge whereof cannot much conduce to any mans betterment ? ( which i make account is the chiefe end of his writing this discourse ) as where he speaketh of the soundnesse of his body , of the course of his dyet , of the coolenesse of his blood at the summer solstice of his age , of his neglect of an epitaph : how long he hath lived or may live what popes , emperours , kings , grand-seigniors , he hath beene contemporary unto , and the like : would it not be thought that hee hath a speciall good opinion of himselfe , ( and indeed hee hath reason ) when he maketh such great princes the land-markes in the chronology of himselfe ? surely if hee were to write by retaile the particulars of his owne story and life , it would bee a notable romanze ; since he telleth us in one totall summe , it is a continued miracle of thirty yeares . though he creepeth gently upon us at the first , yet he groweth a gyant , an attlas ( to use his owne expression ) at the last . but i will not censure him as hee that made notes upon balsacs letters , and was angry with him for vexing his readers with stories of his cholikes , and voyding of gravell . i leave this kind of his expressions , without looking further into them . in the next place ( my lord ) i shall take occasion from our authors setting so maine a difference betweene morall honesty and vertue , or being vertuous , ( to use his owne phrase ) out of an inbred loyalty to vertue ; and on the other side , being vertuous for a rewards sake ; to discourse a little concerning vertue in this life , and the effects of it afterwards . truely ( my lord ) however he seemeth to prefer this latter , i cannot but value the other much before it , if we regard the noblenesse , and heroikenesse of the nature and mind from whence they both proceed : and if wee consider the iourneyes end , to which each of them carrieth us , i am confident the first yeeldeth nothing to the second , but indeed both meete in the period of beatitude . to cleare this point ( which is very well worth the wisest mans seriousest thoughts ) we must consider , what it is that bringeth us to this excellent state , to be happy in the other world of eternity and immutability . it is agreed on all hands to bee gods grace and favour to us : but all doe not agree by what steps his grace produceth this effect . herein i shall not trouble your lordshippe with a long discourse , how that grace worketh in us , ( which yet i will in a word touch anon , that you may conceive what i understand grace to bee ) but will suppose it to have wrought its effect in us in this life , and from thence examine what hinges they are that turn us over to beatitude and glory in the next . some consider god as a iudge , that rewardeth or punisheth men , according as they cooperated with or repugned to , the grace hee gave . that according as their actions please or displease him , he is well affected towards them or angry with them ; and accordingly maketh them , to the purpose , and very home , feele the effects of his kindenesse or indignation . others that flye a higher pitch , and are so happy , — vt rerum poterint cognoscere causas , doe conceive that beatitude , and misery in the other life , are effects that necessarily and orderly flow out of the nature of those causes that be got them in this life , without engaging god almighty to give a sentence , and act the part of a iudge , according to the state of our cause , as it shall appeare upon the accusations and pleadings at his great bar. much of which manner of expression , is metaphoricall , and rather adapted to containe vulgar mindes in their duties ( that are awed with the thought of a severe iudge , sifting every minute action of theirs ) then such as we must conceive every circumstance to passe so in reality as the literall sound of the words seemes to inferre in ordinary construction : ( and yet all that is true too , in its genuine sense ) but ( my lord ) these more penetrating men , and that i conceive are vertuous upon higher and stronger motives ( for they truely and solidly know why they are so ) doe consider that what impressions are once made in the spirituall substance of a soule , and what affections it hath once contracted , doe ever remaine in it till a contrary and diametrally contradicting judgement and affection , doe obliterate it , & expell it thence . this is the reason why contrition , sorrow and hatred for past sins , is encharged us . if then the soule doe goe out of the body with impressions and affections to the objects , and pleasures of this life ; it continually lingreth after them , and as virgill ( learnedly as well as wittily ) saith , — quae gratia currûm , armorumque fuit vivis , quae cura nitentes pascere equos , eadem sequitur tellure repostos . but that being a state wherin those objects neither are , nor can be enjoyed , it must needs follow that such a soule must bee in an exceeding anguish , sorrow , & affliction , for being deprived of them ; & for want of those it so much priseth , will neglect all other contentments it might have , as not having a relish or tast moulded and prepared to the savouring of them ; but like feaverish tongues , that when they are even scorched with heat , take no delight in the pleasingest liquors , but the sweetest drinks seeme bitter to them by reason of their overflowing gall ; soe they even hate whatsoever good is in their power , and thus pine away a long eternity . in which the sharpenesse and activity of their paine , anguish , and sad condition , is to bee measured by the sensiblenesse of their natures : which being then purely spirituall , is in a manner infinitely more then any torment that in this life can bee inflicted upon a dull grosse body . to this add , the vexation it must bee to them , to see how inestimable and infinite a good , they have lost ; and lost meerely by their own fault ; and for momentary trifles , and childrens play ; and that it was so easie for them to have gained it , had they remained but in their right senses , and governed themselves according to reason . and then judge in what a tortured condition they must bee , of remorse and execrating themselves for their most resupine and senselesse madnesse . but if on the other side , a soule be released out of this prison of clay and flesh , with affections setled upon intellectual goods as truth , knowledge , and the like ; and that it be growne to an irkesome dislike of the flat pleasures of this world ; and looke upon carnall and sensuall objects with a disdainfull eye , as discerning the contemptible inanity in them , that is set off onely by their painted outside ; and above all , that it have a longing desire to bee in the society of that supereminent cause of causes , in which they know are heaped up the treasures of all beauty , knowledge , truth , delight , and good whatsoever ; and therefore are impatient at the delay , and reckon all their absence from him as a tedious benithment ; and in that regard hate their life & body as cause of this divorce : such a soule i say must necessarily , by reason of the temper it is wrought into enjoy immediately at the instant of the bodies dissolution and its liberty , more contentment , more joy , more true happinesse , then it is possible for a heart of flesh to have scarce any scantling of , much lesse to comprehend . for immense knowledge is naturall to it ; as i have touched before . truth , which is the adaequated and satisfying object of the understanding , is there displayed in her owne colours ; or rather without any . and that which is the crown of all , and in respect of which all the rest is nothing ; that infinite entity which above all things this soule thirsteth to bee united unto , can not for his owne goodnesse sake deny his embraces to so affectionate a creature , and to such an enflamed love . if he should ; then , were that soule , for being the best , and for loving him most , condemned to be the unhappiest . for what joy could shee have in any thing , were she barred from what she so infinitely loveth ? but since the nature of superiour and excellent things is to shower downe their propitious influences wheresoever there is a capacity of receiving them , and no obstacle to keep them out ( like the sun that illuminateth the whole ayre , if no cloud or solid opacous body intervene ) it followeth clearely that this infinite sun of iustice , this immense ocean of goodnesse , cannot chuse but environ with his beames , and replenish even beyond satietie with his delightsome waters , a soule so prepared and tempered to receive them . now ( my lord ) to make use of this discourse and apply it to what begot it ; be pleased to determine which way will deliver us evenest and smoothest to this happie end of our iourney : to bee vertuous for hope of a reward , and through feare of punishment , or to be so , out of a naturall and inward affection to vertue , for vertues and reasons sake ? surely one in this latter condition , not onely doth those things which will bring him to beatitude ; but he is so secured in a manner under an armour of proofe , that hee is almost invulnerable ; hee can scarce miscarry , hee hath not so much as an inclination to worke contrarily , the alluring baites of this world , tempt him not ; hee disliketh , hee hateth , even his necessary commerce with them whiles hee liveth . on the other side , the hireling that steereth his course onely by his reward and punishment , doth we●l i confesse ; but he doth it with reluctance ; hee carrieth the arke , gods image , his soule , safely home , it is true , but hee loweth pitifully after his calves that hee leaveth behind him among the philistians . in a word he is vertuous , but if hee might safely , hee would doe vitious things . ( and hence he the ground in nature , if so i may say , of our purgatory ) meethinkes two such mindes may not unfitly be compared to two maides , whereof one hath a little sprinkling of the green sicknesse , and hath more mind to eate ashes , chalke , or leather , then meates of solid and good nourishment ; but for beareth them , knowing the languishing condition of health it will bring her to : but the other having a ruddy , vigorous and perfect constitution , and enjoying a compleate entire eucrasie , delights in no food but of good nourriture , & loathes the others delights . her health is discovered in her lookes , and shee is secure from any danger of that malady , whereas the other , for all her good dyet , beareth in her complexion some sickly testimony of her depraved appetite ; and if she bee not very wary , shee is in danger of a relapse . it falleth fit in this place to examine our authors apprehension of the end of such honest worthies and philosophers ( as he calleth them ) that dyed before christ his incarnation , whether any of them could be saved or no . truely ( my lord ) i make no doubt at all , but if any followed in the whole tenor of their lives , the dictamens of right reason , but that their iourney was secure to heaven . out of the former discourse appeareth what temper of minde is necessary to get thither . and , that reason would dictate such a temper to aperfectly judicious man ( though but in the state of nature ) the best and most rationall for him , i make no doubt at all . but it is most true ; they are exceeding few , ( if any ) in whom reason worketh clearly and is not overswayed by passion and terrene affections ; they are few that can discerne what is reasonable to be done in every circumstance . — pauci , quos aequus amavit iupiter , aut ardens evexit ad aethera virtus ; dis geniti , potuere ; — and fewer , that knowing what is best , can win of themselves to doe accordingly ; ( video meliora proboque , deteriora sequor ; being most mens cases ) so that after all that can be expected at the hands of nature and reason in their best habit , since the lapse of them , wee may conclude , it would have beene a most difficult thing for any man , and a most impossible one for mankinde , to attaine unto beatitude , if christ had not come to teach , and by his example to shew us the way . and this was the reason of his incarnatiod , teaching life & death : for being god , wee could not doubt his veracity , when he told us newes of the other world ; having all things in his power , and yet enjoying none of the delights of this life , no man should sticke at foregoing them , since his example sheweth all men that such a course is best ; whereas few are capable of the reason of it : and for his last act , dying in such an afflicted manner , hee taught us how the securest way to step immediately into perfect happinesse , is to be crucified to all the desires , delights , and contentments of this world . but to come backe to our physician : truely ( my lord ) i must needs pay him as a due the acknowledging his pious discourses to bee excellent and patheticall ones , containing worthy motives , to encite one to vertue and to deterre one from vice : thereby to gaine heaven , and to avoid hell . assuredly he is owner of a solid head and of a strong generous heart . where hee imployeth his thoughts upon such things as thoughts upon such things as resoit to no higher , or more abstruse principles then such as occurre in ordinary conversation with the world , or in the common tracke of study and learning , i know no man would say better . but when hee meeteth with such difficulties as his next concerning the resurrection of the body , ( wherein after deepe meditation , upon the most abstracted principles , and speculations of the metaphysikes , one hath much adoe to solve the appearing contradictions in nature ) there , i doe not at all wonder hee should tread a little awry , and goe astray in the darke ; for i conceive his course of life hath not permitted him to allow much time unto the unwinding of such entangled and abstracted subtilties . but if it had , i beleeve his naturall parts are such as he might have kept the chaire from most men i know : for even where hee roveth widest , it is with so much wit and sharpenesse , as putteth me in mind of a great mans censure upon ioseph scaligers cyclometrica ( a matter he was not well versed in ) that hee had rather erre so ingeniously as he did , then hit upon truth in that heavy manner as the iesuite , his antagonist stuffeth his bookes . most assuredly his wit and smartnesse in this discourse is of the finest standard ; and his insight into severer learning will appeare as piercing unto such as use not strictly the touchstone and the test to examine everypeece of the glittering coine hee payeth his reader with . but to come to the resurrection , methinkes it is but a grosse conception to thinke that every atome of the present individuall matter of a body ; every graine of ashes of a burned cadaver , scattered by the wind throughout the world , and after numerous variations changed peradventure into the body of another man ; should at the sounding of the last trumpet be raked together againe from all the corners of the earth , and be made up anew into the same body it was before of the first man . yet if we will be christians , and rely upon gods promises , wee must beleeve that we shall rise againe with the same body , that walked about , did eate , drinke , and live here on earth ; and that we shall see our saviour and redeemer with the same , the very same , eyes , wherewith we now look upon the fading glories of this contemptible world . how shall these seeming contrarieties bee reconciled ? if the latter be true why should not the former be admitted ? to explicate this riddle the better , give me leave to aske your lordship if you now see the cannons , the ensignes , the armes and other martiall preparations at oxford , with the same eyes , wherewith many yeares agone you looked upon porphyries and aristotles glearned leases there ? i doubt not but you will answer mee , assuredly with the very same . is that noble and gracefull person of yours , that begetteth both delight and reverence in every one that looketh upon it ? is that body of yours , that now is growne to such comely and full dimensions , as nature can give her none more advantagious , the same person , the same body , which your vertuous and excellent mother bore nine moneths in her chast and honoured wombe , and that your nurse gave sucke unto ? most certainely it is the same . and yet if you consider it well , it cannot bee doubted but that sublunary matter , being in a perpetuall flux , and in bodies which have internall principles of heate and motion , much continually transpiring out to make roome for the supply of new aliment ; at the length , in long processe of time , all is so changed , as that ship at athens may as well bee called the same ship that was there two hundred yeares before , and whereof ( by reason of the continuall reparations ) not one foote of the tymber is remaining in her that builded her at the first ; as this body now , can be called the same it was , forty yeares agone unlesse some higher consideration keepe up the identity of it . now what that is , let us examine , and whether or no , it will reach to our difficulty of the resurrection . let us consider then how that which giveth the numerical individuation to a body , is the substantiall forme . as long as that remaineth the same , though the matter be in a continuall fluxe and motion , yet the thing is still the same . there is not one droppe of the same water in the thames that ranne downe by whitehall yesternight , yet no man will deny , but that it is the same river that was in queene elizabeths time , as long as it is supplied from the same common stocke , the sea . though this example reacheth not hom , it illustrateth the thing . if then the forme remaine absolutely the same after separation from the matter , that it was in the matter , ( which can happen onely to formes , that subsist by themselves ; as humane soules ) it followeth then , that whensoever it is united to matter againe , ( all matter comming out of the same common magazine ) it maketh againe the same man , with the same eyes , and all the same limbes that were formerly nay , hee is composed of the same individuall matter : for it hath the same distinguisher and individuator ; to wit , the same forme , or soule . matter considered singly by it selfe , hath no distinction : all matter is in it selfe the same ; we must fansie it , as we doe the indigested chaos ; it is an uniformely wild ocean . particularize a few drops of the sea , by filling a glasse full of them ; then that glasse full is distinguished from all the rest of the watery bulke : but returne backe those few drops to from whence they were taken , and the glasse-full that even now had an individuation by it selfe , loseth that , and groweth one and the same with the other maine stocke : yet if you fill your glasse againe , whersoever you take it up , so it be of the same uniforme bulke of water you had before , it is the same glasse-full of water that you had . but as i said before , this example fitteth entirely , no more then the other did . in such abstracted speculations , where we must consider matter without forme ( which hath no actuall being ) wee must not expect adaequated examples in nature . but enough is said to make a speculative man see , that if god should joyne the soule of a lately dead man ( even whiles his dead corps should lie entire in his winding sheete here ) unto a body made of earth taken from fome mountaine in america ; it were most true and certaine that the body he should then live by , were the same . identicall body he lived with before his death and late resurrection . it is evident that samenesse , thisnesse , and thatnesse , belongeth not to matter by it selfe , ( for a generall indifference runneth through it all ) but onely as it is distinguished and individuated by the forme . which , in our case , whensoever the same soule doth , it must be understood alwayes to be the same matter and body . this point thus passed over ; i may piece to it what our author saith of a magazine of subsistent formes residing first in the chaos , & hereafter ( when the world shall have beene destroyed by fire ) in the generall heape of ashes ; out of which gods voyce did , & shall , draw them out & cloath them with matter . this language were handsome for a poet or a rhetorician to speake . but in a philosopher , that should ratiocinate strictly and rigorously , i can not admit it , for certainly there are no subsistent forms of corporeall things : ( excepting the soule of man , which besides being an informing forme , hath another particular consideration belonging to it ; too long to speake of here ) but whensoever that compound is destroyed , the forme perisheth with the whole . and for the naturall production of corporeall things i conceive it to be wrought out by the action and passion of the elements among themselves ; which introducing new tempers and dispositions , into the bodies where these conflicts passe ; new formes succeed old ones , when the dispositions are raised to such a height as can no longer consist with the preceding forme , and are in the immediate degree to fit the succeeding one , which they usher in . the mystery of all which i have at large unfolded in my above mentioned treatise , of the immortality of the soule . i shall say no more to the first part of our phisicians discourse , after i have observed how his consequence is no good one , where hee inferreth that if the devills foreknew , who would bee damned or saved , it would save them the labor , and end their worke of tempting mankinde to mischiefe and evill . for whatsoever their morall designe , and successe bee in it , their nature impelleth them to be alwaies doing it . for on the one side , it is active in the highest degree ( as being pure acts , that is spirits , ) so on the other side , they are maligne in as great an excesse : by the one they must be alwayes working wheresoever they may worke ; ( like water in a vessell full of holes , that will run out of every one of them which is not stopped ) by the other , their whole worke must be malicious and mischievous . ioyning then both these qualities together , it is evident they will alwayes bee tempting mankind , though they know they shall be frustrate of their morall end . but were it not time that i made an end ? yes , it is more then time . and therefore having once passed the limit that confined what was becoming , the next step carryed mee into the ocean of error ; which being infinite , and therefore more or lesse bearing no proportion in it ; i will proceed a little further , to take a short survey of his second part ; and hope for as easie pardon after this addition to my suddaine and indigested remarkes , as if i had closed them up now . methinkes , he beginneth with somewhat an affected discourse to prove his naturall inclination to charity which vertue is the intended theame of all the remainder of his discourse . and i doubt he mistaketh the lowest orbe or lembe of that high seraphicke vertue , for the top and perfection of it ; and maketh a kind of humane compassion to bee divine charity . hee will have it to bee a generall way of doing good : it is true , he addeth then , for gods sake ; but hee allayeth that againe , with saying hee will have that good done as by obedience , and to accomplish gods will ; and looketh at the effects it worketh upon our soules but in a narrow compasse ; like one in the vulgar throng , that considereth god as a iudge , & as a rewarder or a punisher . whereas perfect charity , is that vehement love of god for his own sake , for his goodnesse , for his beauty , for his excellency that carrieth all the motions of our soule directly and violently to him ; and maketh a man difdaine , or rather hate all obstacles that may retard his journey to him . and that face of it that looketh toward mankind with whō we live , & warmeth us to doe others good , is but like the overflowings of the maine streame , that swelling : above its bankes runneth over in a multitude of little channels . i am not satisfyed , that in the likenesse which he putteth betweene god and man , hee maketh the difference betweene them , to bee but such as betweene two creatures that resemble one another . for betweene these , there is some proportions ; but between the others , none at all . in the examining of which discourse , wherein the author observeth that no two faces are ever seen to be perfectly alike ; nay no two pictures of the same face , were ever exactly made so ; i could take occasion to insert a subtile & delightfull demonstration of mr. whites , wherin he sheweth how it is impossible that two bodyes ( for example , two boules ) should ever be made exactly like one another ; nay , not rigorously equall in any one accident , as namely in weight , but that still there will be some little difference , and inequality between them , ( the reason of which observation , our author medleth not with ) were it not that i have beene so long already , as digressions were now very unseasonable . shall i commend or censure our author for beleeving so well of his acquired knowledg as to be dejected at the thought of not being able to leave it a legacy among his friends ? or shall i examine whether it be not a high injury to wife and gallant princes , who out of the generousnesse and noblenesse of their nature doe patronize arts and learned men , to impute their so doing to vanity of desiring praise , or to feare of reproach ? but let these passe : i will not ingage any that may befriend him , in a quarrell against him . but i may safely produce epictetus to contradict him when he letteth his kindnesse engulfe him in deepe afflictions for a friend : for hee will not allow his wise man to have an inward relenting , a troubled feeling , or compassion of anothers misfortunes . that disordereth the one , without any good to the other . let him afford all the assistances and relievings in his power ; but without intermingling himselfe in the others woe . as angels that doe us good , but have no passion for us . but this gentlemans kindnesse goeth yet further : hee compareth his love of a friend to his love of god ; the union of friends soules by affection , to the union of three persons in the trinity ; and to the hypostaticall union of two natures in one christ , by the words incarnation . most certainely hee expresseth himselfe to bee a right good natur'd man : but if saint augustine retracted so severely his patheticall expressions for the death of his friend , saying they favoured more of the rhetoricall declamations of a young orator , then of the grave confession of a devout christian , ( or somewhat to that purpose ) what censure upon himselfe may wee expect of our physician , if ever hee make any retractation of this discourse concerning his religion ? it is no small misfortune to him , that after so much time spent , and so many places visited in curious search by travelling after the acquisition of so many languages ; after the wading so deepe in sciences , as appeareth by the ample inventory and particular hee maketh of himselfe : the result of all this , should bee to professe ingenuously he had studyed enough , onely to become a scepticke : and that having runne through all sorts of learning , hee could finde rest and satisfaction in none . this i confesse is the unlucky fate of those that light upon wrong principles . but master white teacheth us how the theorems and demonstrations of physickes , may be linked & chained together as strongly & as continuedly as they are in the mathematickes , if men would but apply themselves to a right method of study . and i doe not finde that salomon complained of ignorance in the height of knowledge ; ( as this gentleman saith ) but onely , that after he hath rather acknowledged himselfe ignorant of nothing , but that hee understood the natures of all plants from the cedar to the hyssop , and was acquainted with all the wayes , and pathes of wisedome and knowledg ; hee exclaimeth that all this is but toyle , and vexation of spirit : and therefore adviseth men to change humane studies into divine contemplations and affections . i cannot agree to his resolution of shutting his bookes , and giving over the search of knowledge , and resigning himselfe up to ignorance , upon the reason that moveth him ; as though it were extreame vanity to wait our dayes in the pursuite of that , which by attending but a little longer ( till death hath closed the eyes of our body , to open those of our soule ) wee shall gain with ease , wee shall enjoy by infusion , and is an accessary of our glorification . it is true , assoone as death hath played the midwife to our second birth , our soule shall then see all truths , more freely then our corporal eyes at our first birth see all bodies and colours , by the naturall power of it ( as i have touched already ) and not onely upon the grounds our author giveth . yet farre be it from us to thinke that time lost which in the meane season we shall laboriously imploy to warme our selves with blowing a few little sparkes of that glorious fire which we shall afterwards in one instant leape into the middle of , without danger of scorching . and that for two important reasons ; ( besides severall others , too long to mention here ) the one , for the great advantage wee have by learning in this life ; the other , for the huge contentment that the acquisition of it here ( which implyeth a strong affection to it ) will be unto us in the next life . the want of knowledge in our first mother ( which exposed her to bee easily deceived by the serpents cunning ) was the roote of all our ensuing misery and woe . it is as true ( which wee are taught by irrefragable authority ) that omnis peccans ignorat : and the well head of all the calamties and mischiefes in the world , eonsisteth of the trouble and bitter waters of ignorance , folly and rashnesse ; to cure which , the onely remedy and antidote , is the salt of true learning , the bitter wood of study , painefull meditation , and orderly confideration . i doe not meane such study , as armeth wrangling champions for clamorous schooles , where the ability of subtile disputing to and fro , is more prised then the retriving of truth ; but such as filleth the mind with solid and usefull notions , and doth not endanger the swelling it up with windy vanities . besides the sweetest companion and entertainement of a well tempered mind is to converse familiarly with the naked and bewitching beauties of those mistresses , those verities , and sciences , which by faire courting of them , they gaine and enjoy ; & every day bring new fresh ones to their seraglio ; where the ancientest never grow old or stale . is there any thing so pleasing or so profitable as this ? — nil dulcius est , bene quam inunita tenere edita doctrinae sapientum templa serena ; despicere unde queas alios , passimque videre errare atque viam palanteis quaerere vitae . but now if we consider the advantage we shall have in the other life by our affection to sciences , and conversation with them in this , it is wonderfull great . indeed that affection is so necessary , as without it we shall enjoy little contentment in all the knowledge we shall then bee replenished with : for every ones pleasure in the possession of a good , is to be measured by his precedent desire of that good ; and by the quality of the tast and relish of him that feedeth upon it . wee should therefore prepare and make our ●ast before-hand by assuefaction unto , and by often relishing , what we shall then be nourished with . that englishman that can drinke nothing but beere , or ale , would be ill bestead , were he to goe into spaine or italy where nothing but wine groweth : whereas a well experienced goinfre that can criticise upon the severall tasts of liquors , would thinke his palate in paradise among those delicious nectars , ( to use aretines phrase upon his eating of a lamprey . ) who was ever delighted with tobacco the first time he tooke it ? & who could willingly be without it , after hee was a while habituated to the use of it ? how many examples are there dayly of young men , that marrying upon their fathers command , not through precedent affections of their own , have little comfort in worthy and handsome wives , that others would passionately effect ? archímedes lost his life for being so ravished with the delight of a mathematicall demonstration , that he could not of a suddaine recall his extasied spirits to attend the rude souldiers summons : but instead of him , whose minde had beene alwayes sed with such subtile dyet , how many playne country gentlemen doth your lordship and i know , that rate the knowledge of their husbandry at a much higher pitch ; and are extreamely delighted by conversing with that ; whereas the other would be most tedious and importune to them ? we may then safely conclude , that if we will joy in the knowledge wee shall have after death , we must in our life time raise within our selves , earnest affections to it , and desires of it : which cannot be barren ones ; but will presse upon us to gaine some knowledge by way of advance here ; and the more we attaine unto the more we shall be in lovè with what remaineth behind . to this reason then adding the other , how knowledge is the surest proppe , and guide of our present life : and how it perfecteth a man in that which constituteth him a man ; his reason ; and how it enableth him to read boldly , steadily , constantly , and knowingly in all his wayes : and i am confident , all men that shall heare the case thus debated , will joyne with mee in making it a suit to our physitian , that hee will keepe his bookes open , and continue that progresse he hath so happily begun . but i believe your lordship will scarcely joyne with him in his with that wee might procreate and beget children without the helpe of women or without any conjunction or commerce with that sweete , and bewitching sex . plato taxed his fellow philosopher , ( though other wise a learned and brave man ) for not sacrificing to the graces ; those gentle female goddesses . what thinketh your lordship of our physitians bitter censure of that action which mahomet maketh the essence of his paradise ? indeed besides those his unkindnesses , or rather frowardnesses , at that tender-hearted sex ( which must needes take it ill at his hands ) me thinketh he setreth marryage at too low a rate , which is assuredly the highest and devinest linke of humane society . and where he speaketh of cupid , and of beauty , it is in such a phrase , as putteth mee in mind of the learned greeke reader in cambridge his courting of his mistris out of stephens his thesaurus . my next observation upon his discourse draweth me to a logicall consideration of the nature of an exact syllogisine : which kind of reflection , though it use to open the doore in the course of learning and study ; yet it will necre shut it in my discourse ; which my following the thred that my author spinneth , assigneth to this place . if he had well and throughly considered all that is required to that strict way of managing our reason , he would not have censured aristotle for condemning the fourth figure , out of no other motive , but because it was not consonant to his owne principles ; that it would not fit with the foundations himself had laid ; though it doe with reason , ( saith he ) and bee consonant to that ; which indeed it doth not , at all times and in all circumstances . in a perfect syllogisme the predicate must bee identified with the subject , and each extreame with the middle terme , and so consequently , all three with one another . but in galens fourth figure the case may so fall out , as these rules will not be current there . as for the good and excellency that he considereth in the worst things ; and how farre from solitude , any man is in a wildernesse ; these are ( in his discourse ) but aequivocall considerations of good , and of lonclinesse : nor are they any wayes pertinent to the morality of that part where he treateth of them . i have much adoe to believe what he speaketh confidently : that hee is more beholding to morpheus for learned and rationall , as well as pleasing dreames ; then to mercury for smart and facetious conceptions ; whom saturne ( it seemeth by his relation ) hath looked asquint upon in his geniture . in his concluding prayer , wherein he summeth up all he wisheth ; me thinketh his arrow is not winged with that fire which i should have expected from him upon this occasion ; for it is not the peace of conscience , nor the bridling up of ones affections , that expresseth the highest delightfulnes and happiest state of a perfect christian . it is love onely that can give us heaven upon earth , as well as in heaven ; and bringeth us thither too : so that the thuscan virgill had reason to say , — in alte dolcezze non si puo gioir , se non amando . and this love must be imployed upon the noblest and highest object ; not terminated in our friends . but of this transcendent and divine part of charity that looketh directly and immediately upon god himselfe ; and that is the intrinsecall forme , the utmost perfection , the scope and finall period of true religion , ( this gentlemans intended theame ; as i conceive ) i have no occasion to speak any thing , since my author doth but transiently mention it ; and that too , in such a phrase as ordinary catechismes speake of it to vulgar capacities . thus ( my lord ) having run through the booke ( god knowes how sleightly , upon so great a suddaine ) which your lordship commanded mee to give you an account of , there remaineth yet a weightier taske upon me to performe ; which is to excuse my selfe of presumption for daring to consider any moles in that face which you had marked for a beauty . but who shall well consider my manner of proceeding in these remarkes , will free me from that censure . i offer not at iudging the prudence and wisedome of this discourse : those are fit enquiries for your lordships court of highest appeale ; in my inferiour one , i meddle onely with little knotty peeces of particuler sciences ; ( matinae apis instar , operosa parvus carmina fingo ) in which it were peradventure a fault for your lordship to be too well versed ; your imployments are of a higher and nobler straine ; and that concerne the welfare of millions of men : tu regere imperio populos ( sackville ) memento ( hae tibi erunt artes ) pacique imponere morem . such little studies as these , belong onely to those persons that are low in the ranke they hold in the commonwealth , low in their conceptions , and low in a languishing and iusting leisure , such a one as virgill calleth ignobile otium , and such a one as i am now dulled withall . if alexander or caesar should have commended a tract of land , as fit to fight a battaile in for the empire of the world , or to build a city upon , to be the magazine and staple of all the adjacent countries ; no body could justly condemne that husbandman , who according to his owne narrow art and rules , should censure the plaines of arbela , or pharsalia for being in some places sterile ; or the meadowes about alexandria , for being sometimes subject to bee overflowen ; or could taxe ought he should say in that kinde for a contadiction unto the others commendations of those places ; which are built upon higher , and larger principles . so ( my lord ) i am confident i shall not be reproached of unmannerlinesse for putting in a demurrer unto a few little particularities in that noble discourse which your lordship gave a generall applause unto ; and by doing so , i have given your lordship the best account i can of my selfe , as well as of your commands . you hereby see what my entertainements are , and how i play away my time , — dorset dum magnus ad alrum fulminat oxonium bello , victorque volentes per populos dat jura ; viamque affectat olympo . may your counsels there bee happy , and successefull ones , to bring about that peace which if wee bee not quickly blessed withall , a generall ruine threatneth the whole kingdome . from winchester house the 22. ( i thinke i may lay the 23. for i am sure it is morning , and i thinke it is day ) of december . 1642. your lordships most humble and obedient servant , kenelme digby . the postscript . my lord , looking over these loose papers to point them , i perceive i have forgotten what i promised in the eight shee to touch in a word concerning grace : doe not conceive it to be a quality , in fused by god almighty into a soule . such kind of discoursing , satisfiet mee no more in divinity , then in philosophy . i take it to be the whole complex of such reall motives ( as a soli● account may be given of them ) that incline a man to vertue , and piety ; an● are set on foote by gods particular grace and favour , to bring that worke to passe . as for example : to à man planged in sensuality , some great misfortune happeneth , that mouldeth his heart to a tendernesse , and inclineth him to much thoughtfulnesse : in this temper , hee meeseth with a booke , or a preacher , that representeth lively to him the danger of his owne condition ; and giveth him hopes of greater contentment in other objects , after hee shall have taken leave of his former beloved sinnes . this begetteth further conversation with prudent and pious men , and experienced physitians in curing the soules maladies ; whereby hee is at last perfectly converted and setled in a coure of solid vertue , and piety . now ithese accidents of his misfortune , the gentlenesse and softnesse of his nature , his falling upon a good booke , his encountring with a patheticke preacher , the impremeditated chance that brought him to heare his sermon , his meeting with other worthy men , and the whole concatenation of all the intervening accidents to worke this good effect in him ; and that were ranged and disposed from all eternity , by gods particular goodnesse and providence for his salvation ; and without which hee had inevitably beene damned ; this chaine of causes , ordered by god to produce this effect , i understand to bee grace . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a35983e-140 this story i hav but upon relation ; yet of a very good hand the shipwrack of all false churches: and the immutable safety and stability of the true church of christ. occasioned: by doctour chamberlen his mistake of her, and the holy scriptures also, by syllogising words, to find out spirituall meanings, when in such cases it is the definition, not the name, by which things are truly knowne. graunt, john, of bucklersbury. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a85548 of text r207205 in the english short title catalog (thomason e674_21). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 88 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 15 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a85548 wing g1594 thomason e674_21 estc r207205 99866274 99866274 118541 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a85548) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 118541) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 103:e674[21]) the shipwrack of all false churches: and the immutable safety and stability of the true church of christ. occasioned: by doctour chamberlen his mistake of her, and the holy scriptures also, by syllogising words, to find out spirituall meanings, when in such cases it is the definition, not the name, by which things are truly knowne. graunt, john, of bucklersbury. [4], 24 p. printed, and are to be sold by g. calvert, at the west end of pauls, and j. hancock in popes-head-alley, london : 1652. attributed to john graunt. a reply to an untraced tract by peter chamberlen. annotation on thomason copy: "august. 31.". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng chamberlen, peter, 1601-1683. religion -early works to 1800. clergy -england -early works to 1800. theology -early works to 1800. a85548 r207205 (thomason e674_21). civilwar no the shipwrack of all false churches: and the immutable safety and stability of the true church of christ.: occasioned: by doctour chamberle graunt, john, of bucklersbury. 1652 16617 38 0 0 0 0 0 23 c the rate of 23 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-06 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-06 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the shipwrack of all false churches : and the immutable safety and stability of the true church of christ . occasioned : by doctour chamberlen his mistake of her , and of the holy scriptures also , by syllogising words , to find out spirituall meanings , when in such cases it is the definition , not the name , by which things are truly knowne . jer. 9. trust not in lying words , saying the temple of the lord , the temple of the lord , &c. psal. 87. 2. the lord loveth the gates of sion more then all the dwellings of jacob . matth. 12. 36 , 37. but i say unto you , that every idle word that men shall speake , they shall give account thereof in the day of judgement . for by thy words thou shalt be justified , and by thy words thou shalt be condemned . london : printed , and are to be sold by g. calvert , at the west end of pauls , and j. hancock in popes-head . alley . 1652. to the church of christ at london , beloved of god , called by the spirit , to be saints in christ jesus . all grace be multiplyed . faithfull friends ; in love to you and the truth , i have undertaken in your cause , and in the right of you all , to discover a counterfeit friend , whom i lately met with , that did aver to my selfe , and to others of your society ▪ that , to be your state and condition , your devotion , fruit , and manifestation , which upon triall proved no better then carnall and sensuall . and having received perfect knowledge of you by the same spirit that doth make and constitute you , i could not keep silence , but instantly reproved him openly : yet notwithstanding that publick disclaim i made of what he said , he hath since printed that which he then verbally avouched , which is so unsavory , and to your holy and pure nature so contrary . from which aspersion to free you , i have made bold to declare and make knowne your holy and spirituall birth , life , constitution , fellowship , communion , hope , and worship , in the purity and spirituall part of gods ordinances : your divine communion with the father , and with the son , in the spirit , your righteous garments without you , and gods habitation , with his comfortable refreshments within you , your peculiar treasures and priviledges in knowing the truth , and the administration of it also , the heavenly power you have with christ , and what it is indeed to be gathered together in his name , and how clear and intire you stand distinct from all other churches that boldly call themselves by your titles and appellations , and lay claim to your own immunities , and priviledges also , with such particular letters that have passed interchangeably between us , touching the vindication of you in the premises , who am the lords and yours , in all humble service , in the truth . j. g. bucklersbury , the 25th of june , 1652. sir ; i have twice borne your contemptuous slightings , although what i moved was seasonable , both for gods glory , and the present occasion . and had not earnest businesse caused my long absence from london , you should have heard of me before this time , to have required an account concerning your great seemings to no purpose . sir , as there was in times past an outward appearance , that was not righteous , so there is still in this present time , which was as much manifested by your selfe in those arguings , where i was with you at mr webbs , as ever heretofore by any of your generation . now since my returne to london , i have seen you have printed a monument of your owne weaknesse , which except you repent of , will unavoydably redound to your great prejudice , and if you will give me satisfaction in the two particulars i reproved you in , well ; if not , i shall publish not only my reproofe of those two arguments , but of every thing else you then spake of , and since have printed ; this is the mind of him that answered your uncivill questions , what he was that spake , and how in profession , where for habitation , and his distinction for nomination , who then told you he was alwayes ready to meet you at any time to discover the fallacy of your baptisme and church also . subscribing my name as it is , john graunt , dwelling as abovesaid , at the signe of the halfe moon . london , the 9th of july , 1652. sir ; the last month i gave you to understand of your incivility towards me , intimating the time and place also ; and because your regardlesnesse is still continued , i thought good the second time to write , although you denyed me to speak , once and againe , and to let you to know that there is not a more certaine time of sinning against god , his truth , and children , then of suffering for wronging them . for he that affirms , that to be the church of christ that is not , wrongs the lord the husband , and his holy spouse also . and he that gives any other meaning of the scripture , then what the holy ghost intendeth , hurts and wounds the truth of gods testimonies , and his children also . now the truth is , thou art the man that hast blasphemed the tabernacle of god , and them that dwell therein , affirming her to be untempered morter , and fading ▪ that is true , dureable , & everlasting . and that to be the meaning of christ , mat ▪ 16. 17. and the apostle , rom. 10. 9 ; 10. which was never meant nor intended by them . sir , you did not consider the scriptures when you read them , if you had , you might have discerned the meaning otherwise then that you have there declared : and if it be possible , look on the text with a single eye , and then you may perceive more then yet you have , for this is a spirituall scripture , and none but spirituall eyes can discern it . in the letter it runs thus , upon peters confession . thou art christ ; the son of the living god . jesus answered and said unto him , blessed art thou simon , &c. for flesh and bloud hath not revealed this unto thee , but my father which is in heaven . you see the lord pronounces him blessed , because he was one that the lord had inspired , taught , and instructed ; that it was not peters confession as he was a naturall , but as he was a spirituall man , and so uttered from the spirit of adoption , as in another place the same apostle speaking to the same purpose , we beleeve and are sure that thou art that christ , the son of the living god . and as in the foregoing words he calls him lord , saying , whether shall we goe , thou hast the words of eternall life . again , consider the terms he useth ▪ we beleeve and are sure ; this sure and stedfast faith is that faith which ●●y had that received him , that is , that loved , understood , and obeyed him , to whom he gave the priviledge of sonship , even them that beleeve on his name , and then he shewes what manner of men they are in these words , which were borne ( saith he ) not of blood , nor of the will of the flesh , nor of the will of man , but of god : so then this blessed confession is from a blessed man , a regenerated man , the confession of a child of the covenant , as the apostle paul in the other place saith , speaking in the meaning of the lord , the word is nigh thee ( saith he ) even in thy mouth , and in thy heart : that is ( or this is ) the word of faith which we preach , the word or covenant of promise : that is , whoever by vertue of the new covenant , the word or statute of life , the covenant of grace , shall be born again , and shall beleeve in his heart , and confesse with his mouth , the lord jesus , as before is shewed , he shall be saved , for such a one is the child of salvation . now doctour , see how you have wronged these scriptures by making the first a ground of a long discourse of philosophy , in declaring to the people how in the improvement of naturall faculties , first the judgement is informed , then the will consenteth , and accordingly the affections are exercised . i tell you the truth doctour , i was ashamed of your doctrine , and that made me speak , though you returned me a scoffe . and when your wisdom led you to shew us the meaning of the apostles tearms ( believing and confessing ) by a sillogisme without distinguishing the meanings that were of divers significations in the word of god , i was so bold as to tell you before all the people your argument was fallacious , and tended to deceive , because the tearms were dubious : and then you scorn'd and despis'd me again . and according to these corrupt expositions , are all the rest of your arguings , whereof , except you prevent me by your speedy repentance , i shall make a publick anatomy to the view of the world , and subscribe my name your friend , john graunt . sir , i received a thing subscribed with your name , full of basket-hilted words and quarrelsome phrases , to provoke me to a challenge ( as i suppose ) about mr cranfords dispute at mr webbs ; and in justification of your uncivill behaviour there , which not i , but your own party rebuked . the businesse concerns mr cranford , and how you should come to interest your selfe in it , i know not . if mr cranford be pleased to resigne it to you under his hand , i shall accept it . if any thing else lye upon your stomach , you may signifie what it is , and you need not doubt of a reasonable answer from june 30. 1652. peter chamberlen . london , th●●● of july , 1652. sir , yesterday i received a letter from you , dated june 30. 1652. which antedated the last from me of the 3d instant , which had you seen before you had written this , i suppose your mind would not have been as here is expressed , for therein you might have understood no carnall quarrelling , nor provocation to fleshly challenges , nor vaine and uncivill expressions of basket hilted words , nor any private naturall mans suppositions , but a clear , plain , and earnest contention for the doctrine of faith once delivered to the saints , clearly discovered , and not dissembled , nor counterfeited ; minding more the spirit of faith , by which gods servants are inabled to speak then this or that mans busines . and a child of truth that hath his right or interest therein , they hear , they receive , they understand , they beleive the voyce of their shepheard , but a strangers voyce they will not , they cannot , they may not hear and receive : and of the same nature was yours , as i have signified twice before . at this time , i shall deal only with you , i speak not of others , and mind no such resignation as you speak of , but a vindication of the truth of god , from you withholding it in unrighteousnesse , and pray for your repentance , to become truths friend ; truly and plainly to distinguish between divinity and philosophy ; and of terms also , to preserve differing proprieties , and the contrary lyes on my stomach undigested . yours , john graunt . sir , the last night late , i met with a more civill letter of yours , and surely therein you shall not outdoe me . wherefore now , taking all your a reproaches of me , as done out of zeal and conscience , i can willingly passe them by , and endeavour to satisfie you in whatsoever you may make a scruple ▪ ( as far as the lord shall enable me . ) in your letter july 2d you say he that affirmeth that to bee the church of christ which is not , wrongs the lord , &c. and he that gives any other meaning of the scripture then what the holy ghost intendeth , hurts and wounds the truth of gods testimony , &c. to both these i b assent . let us therefore see whether i be the man that have blasphemed ( as ye say ) and i shall not dare to maintain it ; i shall also desire you in the like candour to lay these rules to heart , and examine your selfe . you say i affirm her that is true , durable , and everlasting , to be fading , and framed with untempered morter ; and that to be the meaning of christ ▪ matthew 16. 17. and of the apostle , rom. 10. 9 , 10. which was never meant , nor intended by them , which if i were guilty of , i confesse your accusation just . let us therefore speak of them both apart . first of the first , wherein we must first endeavour to bring your words to your meaning , or your meaning to your words . for if it c relate unto the first rules set down , it is a kind of contradiction . the rule intimating the making of a false church to appear as a true : the other , the making of a true church to be as a false . but if you mean two severall things , then i suppose your rule would infer an imputation on me of having maintained our church to be the church of christ , which you say is not so , and your church not to be the church of christ , which neverthelesse is so . for ( surely ) you mean not that ever i affirmed the church of christ to be fading , and framed with untempered morter , but rather that such churches which were so fading , and framed with untempered morter , are not the churches of christ . now that whereby we aver our selves to be the true church of christ , is by keeping the d pure ordinances of christ , according to his word ; and if you think otherwise , you should instance in any perticular . on the other side , we say that yours is not the true church of christ , because you keep not the true ordinances of christ according to his word . and we instance in baptisme , and the lords supper , and could instance in more . now this we doe not for any spleen or malice , ( for i say the same things to my best friends ) but that i might provoke you and them to examine your selves exactly by the word of god , and forsake the traditions of men . as to the scriptures mentioned , mat. 16. 17. the word it seems saith it was the father that revealed it to peter , and not e flesh and blood , which thing i brought to prove that the knowledge of truth commeth not by flesh and bloud , but by revelation from god . and rom. 10. 9. & 10. was no whit clouded or disparaged by the philosophicall discourse of f experience ( as you suppose ) since david ( psal. 19. & 104. &c. ) and christ himselfe is full of excellent philosophy , both morall and naturall ( mat. 5. 6. 7. chap. 5. ) and all throughout the gospel . so paul ( acts 14. 17. ) &c. be not offended at philosophy ( which is the work and providence of god ) unlesse it be vaine philosophy , which is against god . if any of my syllogisms were fallacious , surely you were more quick then mr cranford , and all the schollars there to discerne it , and truly know it better then my selfe : for i know of none , nor meant none , shew it , and i shall amend it . your last letter from john 10. 5. i confesse in all senses true ; and whosoever is but taught of man is but mans sheep . whether any pretend to be mine or mr cranfords , they have nothing to boast of . but if i speak the words of christ , in the power of christ , it is no more i , but jesus christ that dwelleth in me . and g then they that hear not me , hear not him that sent me . thus you see how large a letter i have written to you , in love unto the truth , and compassion to your soule , that you may know me to be your true freind in the lord , peter chamberlen . now the reason why i doe not answer this last letter of the doctours in a private way as he sent it me , is , because he hath so boldly and publickly wronged the truth , that she hath no way to be righted and relieved , but by publick reparation . and if i should reprove all i know of the gentleman , both old and new , some other things would fall in with my pens reprehension also . but we will lay aside all these and many more , till another opportunity , and now proceed to the tryall of his syllogismes . the shipwrack of all false churches . and the immutable safety and stability of the true church of christ . the disputes and arguings of dr chamberlen , march 1. 1651. which are since published , and as he saith , for the satisfaction of all that love the truth , but tendeth wholly contrary thereunto ; and it is so far from being justified , that it is condemned by all the children of wisdome , as i shall shew plainly , and that from his owne printed papers , gathering these three conclusions out from amongst abundance of unsound positions , vain repetitions , and absurd inferences ; and although he hath scattered them up and down , yet we will orderly reduce them , and quaerie . 1. what he saith of the church of christ . 2. of the ordinances . and , 3. of the ministry thereof . and this shall be my method with gods helpe . 1. i will shew how the doctour in all these particulars misseth the truth , and then i will manifest and confirm the truth it selfe , as the scriptures doe determine of all and each respectively . in the 20●h page of his book of vaine syllogismes , he hath these words , dr chamberlen here took liberty to make a short discourse concerning the church , which indeed is very much and large , but to little purpose ; and therein declareth himselfe not to be acquainted with true divinity ; for what are all heathenish or carnall christian assemblies , to the congregation of christs members , which are his church , or the multitudes of carnall christians , in their devotion and worship , in the litterall , externall ordinances , and yet notwithstanding be a sinfull nation , a people laden with iniquity , a seed of evill doers , children that are corrupters , such as in heart have forsaken the lord , and have provoked the holy one of israel to anger , and are gone astray backward , that is , have estranged , alienated , or separated themselves from god , through their impenitency and hardnesse of heart , notwithstanding all their pretence of outward sanctity in externall ordinances and church discipline , where there is no such thing at all in truth and in sincerity , although drawne out from others into seperated congregations , according to the traditions of mens devices , filling themselves with the old wine of harisaicall righteousnesse . and although among other churches , the doctour is pleased to affirm , that the church of christ comprehendeth all the saints , but in that he sheweth not his ▪ meaning what a saint is , he thereby cleareth not himselfe from being ignorant thereof , forasmuch as antichrist himselfe gives the title of saints to his ungodly church also . but if the doctour would have edified the congregation , he should in the first place have distinguished between the true church , and all such as are false , by a right definition , and description of the saints and true church of christ , from all others that assume to take upon them her name , and yet are ignorant of her nature , which he wholly omitting , hath lost his labour , and rendered himselfe unwise to the children of wisdome . and for wanting better principles , in his premises , he makes his conclusion as equally corrupt in these words , page 21. the church of christ , saith he , is then , and so long the church of christ , as she saith and doth what christ gave her to say and doe , even as christ himselfe . by which saying he maketh the being and continuance of the church to depend on her own obedience ; and for proof thereof , quo●es john 7. 17. & 8. 26 28. & 14. 10. 24. & 5. 19 , 20. and concludeth thus , and when she saith or doth otherwise , she speaketh , or playeth the harlot in that particular . which is not the doctrine of the spirit of christ , but of the spirit of antichrist : for the doctour makes the church to be her owne keeper , but the spirit of god saith , the lord is the shepheard and keeper of her . the spirit of christ saith , she is chast and undefiled , the doctour on the contrary affirmeth she may play the whore , and be a harlot . the spirit saith , she is led into all truth , that she is the ground ▪ pillar , and upholder of it , and so impregnable that the gates of hell shall not prevail against her , that every member is living , every stone precious . but on the contrary , the doctour saith , she is mutable , and so changeable , as that she may say and doe contrary to it , that leads her , that guides her , that speaks in her . oh miserable doctrine , and no lesse miserable are those that receive it ; for if the blind lead the blind , they will both fall into the ditch , yet the doctour would have the people beleive he is not blind , but seeth ; and therefore quotes many scriptures to prove it , as are before mentioned , which being the letter of the text , without any exposition , we will examine the meaning thereof . our lord being at jerusalem , at the feast of tabernacles , the jewes , saith the text , marvelled concerning him and his doctrine ; some said he was a good man , others , that he deceived the people ; but jesus answered . my doctrine is not mine , but his that sent me , and so adviseth them how they might have benefit by it . if any man will doe his will , he shall know of the doctrine whether it be of god , or whether i speak of my selfe , where there is not one word of the church of christ ; for they that doe not obey his will , are not his church , nor any other title to the doctours purpose . in the second place , he continues his speech to his persecuting enemies , which i hope upon second thoughts he doth not understand to be his church . in the third place , he graciously informs and confirms his faithfull servant phillip , in the mystery of his divinity , as of his humanity , and that his words are the works of god ; but not a word in the doctours meaning . and in the 24. verse , as he speaks of them that love him , so he speaks of them that hate him , whom to affirme to be his church , is to blaspheme her . and in the last place , john 5. 19 , 30. the lord speaks of himselfe as distinguishable from the father , and also declareth the hypostaticall union of both natures , humane and divine . the true meaning of these scriptures being thus considered , shewes plainly that his doctrine and their intention , were at a vast distance ; for it is far from their meaning , that the church of christ may play the harlot , and of pure , become base and unclean , because they testifie that she is so long to last , and continue holy , even every member of her his body , as jesus christ her head is to be christ , who was yesterday , and to day , and for ever . and s●ving your learning , sir ▪ this doctrine sheweth that you are still tainted with the old leaven of corrupt popery , and arminianisme , which will be more manifested when i come to shew what the true church of christ is indeed , discovering thereby your fancie more particulerly and exactly . another conclusion that he would teach the people was , that his church was a baptized church , and had the true marks of a true church , which is the true preaching the word , and the true administration of the sacraments , as he calls them . here the gentleman is at a losse also , and beats the air as before , and that which he saith is to as little purpose , his terms not being cleared to what sense he means , from their various ac●eptations . but the truth is , his owne meaning by baptisme is but that which is outward , that any man may bear witnesse to , that is present , as he affirms in page 23. so then , his baptisme is of the same nature as his church is , both carnall , the inside foule , as simon magus his heart was , not right in the sight of god , his estate naturall and miserable , in the gall of bitternesse , and in the bond of iniquity , yet washt and cleansed without . where doe you read in the scriptures that the churches of god , true spirituall christians , did ever brag and boast of the fleshly and carnall parts of the ordinances of the gospel , as you have done ? no , they see those are shaddows , elementary representations , and say , that it is not baptism in the flesh , that saves not ; but the baptism of the heart , the heart sprinkled from an evil conscience , and the body washed with pure water , by this spirituall baptisme men are saved . so also they affirm , that 's not circumcision that is in the flesh , but that is circumcision that is of the heart in the spirit , and not in the letter , inward , spirituall , and heavenly baptisme . and this circumcision is that which gods church glories in , and not the outward , that divells may participate of as well as saints . but the doctour fears not to avouch , that the washing with the old ford , or thames water , and the like places is that baptisme , which the scripture in a speciall sense speaks of , by which men are regenerated , because he maketh it the true mark of the rue church . indeed this is the opinion of the stupid , obdurat , hard-hearted jews and papists , and of most carnall protestants , in which they are all alike . but as the true church of christ is spirituall , so is her baptisme , and so are her fruits and manifestations , her marks and seals , by which she is distinguished from all other churches that are false , as when i come to establish the truth shall be cleared . but the doctour further affirmeth , that their baptized churches have the true preaching of the word ; and he thinks himselfe to be none of the meanest amongst the rest : and therefore in the first place , and in the behalf of all the baptized churches , as he calls them , we will examine his owne true preaching of the word as he affirms in page 24. that his church , and all other baptized churches baptize such as shall be saved , according to mark 16. 16. because , as he saith , they are beleivers and repenters . again , saith he , they that baptize such as confesse with their mouth the lord jesus , and beleeve in their hearts that god hath raised him from the dead , rom. 10. baptizeth such as shall be saved . but baptized churches baptize such as confesse with their mouth the lord jesus , and beleeve with their hearts that god raised him from the dead ; therefore baptized churches baptize such as shall be saved . this professed workman for want of true understanding to divide the word aright , hath from his own mouth eternalized his own shame , for want of a clear and true distinction in the same terms that have divers meanings . and that his folly may the more be manifested , we will ingeniously consider the scriptures ; the first we read thus , he that beleeveth and is baptized , shall be saved . now to find out the true meaning hereof , two terms of necessity must be opened ; for one and the same term admitting of divers meanings in scripture , that sense must be distinguished from all others of like nature , that is properly and only intended in that place . now for the term [ faith ] it hath divers significations in the scripture ; somtimes it is referred unto god , somtimes unto men ; when unto god , then it implyeth or intendeth nothing else but the sure and certain unalterablenesse of his promise , and decree . if unto men , then it signifieth and intendeth either the doctrine of the gospel it selfe , or their faithfulnes that declare it , or else some speciall gifts which the spirit of god indueth his servants with ; now of such gifts there are but three sorts that bear the name of faith . somtimes the knowledge and certain understanding of the truth of gods word , is called faith , which for distinction sake may be called , and that truly , the faith of knowledge , or historicall faith ; which faith , although all the saints under the scriptures administration of the gospel have , yet it is not peculiar to them alone , but common to all perishing christians , such as the doctours church consisteth of , and may abundantly exceed in yea , even sathan himselfe . the second gift of the holy ghost , is that by which any one miraculously doth such things as causeth admiration in the beholders , exceeding naturall effects , and is often in holy writ called by the name of faith , and so may be denominated miraculous faith . but with this gift the unholy may more excell , then the holy men of god ; for john the baptist did no miracle , but iudas the traytour did many ; in which gift of faith the priests and juglers of rome were famous ; as the spirit of the lord foretold . and they shall doe great wonders , and works of great power , so that they would deceive if it were possible , the very elect . which kind of faith may properly be defined thus , that it is a certain undoubted confidence whereby a man beleeveth that god almighty will by him doe this or that miracle , as the scripture saith , through faith in his name . the third sort of the gifts of the spirit , which any man receiveth to eternall life , is called by the name of faith ; and that more often then those before named , which the scripture calleth the faith of god , the faith of the son of god , the faith of jesus christ , the faith of abraham , the faith that worketh by love , the faith of gods elect , which is often and properly called by godly men , justifying faith ; and of this sort and kind of faith , all the saints , and they onely have , which may be truely defined in this manner , that it is a full , sure , and firme confidence ingraven by the power of the spirit of god , in a penitent , broken heart , whereby he assuredly beleeveth that all his sins are remitted , and that he is reconciled and made one with god , in everlasting love and favour through the lord jesus christ . now the doctour ought to have considered which of all these three sorts of faith is meant by our saviour in the place he alledges ; the last sort of faith cannot be understood , for that is included in the next tearm [ baptized ] as i shall shew when i give you the meaning . nor the second sort , for that 's not peculiar to them that shall be saved . and therefore without all contradiction it must be the first sort of faith , which all the elect of god must have in some measure or other , wrought by gods spirit , before he works , either repentance , or remission of sins ; which kind of faith may well be expressed in saying that it is , and it is nothing else but a sure knowledge and settled assent ▪ of the mind and heart , by which a man most undoubtedly beleeveth such things as are revealed for the salvation of mankinde . now the second tearme in the text is [ baptized ] which word is likewise of divers significations in the scripture ; and he ought here to have dealt like a skilfull spirituall workman , as before is exprest ; that is , in the first place to have shewed the manifold acceptations the same word also hath in the holy ghosts expression , and then which of all the meanings by the same tearm is here to be understood , which the doctor having omitted , of necessity i must do this work for him , to find out the true meaning of this scripture also . wherefore i say of the tearm [ baptisme ] as of the tearm faith , that it hath divers , disfinct , and severall meanings in the scriptures ; sometimes is meant by it externall elementary baptisme , that which is from below , but more often that which is spirituall and heavenly , from above , as repentance is called baptisme , and so is remission of sinnes ; and these two heavenly operations together , being regeneration , and the making parts of the new man , are called baptisme , and so are the gifts of the holy ghost given to this new creature , called baptisme : as also , the enabling grace in the holy conversation of this child of god . his mortification and vivification are called baptisme ; as also are his blessed sufferings for righteousnesse sake . can you be baptized with the baptisme that i am baptized with ? &c. now mr. doctour ; may it please you to learne which of all these distinct meanings is that which is intended by our lord and saviour : the last it cannot be , for in that our lord speaks of the work and exercise of a new man , born , and not of the birth it selfe : the first it cannot be , for that is from below ; and it is impossible for the water of the great ocean springs , or fountains to unharden the heart , to convert a naturall man , to renew the sinner , to sanctifie the polluted ; then without all question it must be the baptisme of repentance , and remission of sinnes ▪ the washing of regeneration , and renewing of the holy ghost , for whosoever is so baptized , doth so repent , and beleeve , shall be saved . now these things considered , i pray see what a corrupt manner of preaching is this of yours , and how these scriptures prove what you have affirmed , let the people of the lord judge . for as you have by your false expositions killed and taken away the life and meaning of gods holy word , in these past instances of divine writ ; even so in like manner hath your dealing been with all other scriptures you have made use of ; for which in due time and place you shall receive just reproof . in the next place , i should have discovered your ignorance of the ordinance of the lords supper , which is your confirmation of your disciples , under the power of your ordinances , as you use to say , by which you doe not onely interest your selves into their estates , but have the disposing of their bodies also . but i will defer that till i shall determine it rightly by the scriptures of truth , and will now take in hand the point you have spent most of your syllogismes about , concerning the ministry of the church of christ ; and you ground your large disputes on a question , page 2. which you frame thus . whether privat men , i mean trades-men , say you may preach the word of god without ordination . by which it appears his meaning is , they may ; and so goes on in all fury , and in a conceit of an uncontrollable ability to make good his three fold cord of major , minor , and conclusion , with cunning , sophisticall words of juglers , as the apostle speaks of some in his time , 2 pet. 1. 16. and the man is so confident , that he thinks neither word nor spirit may countermand him , but when the account of his question is audited , i think he will wish he had been better imployed , for the doctour is fallen into a mist , as he was before , and doth all his work in darknesse ; and he shall find them to prove no lesse then works of darknesse themselves , by not clearing three tearms in his question ; that is , private men , ordination , and preaching : and that i may the more fully discover the doctours weaknesse , his question 's examination shall be by the scriptures , and then it will appear how the scriptures meaning , and the doctours doth disagree . now we find the first tearm , private man , made use of by the apostle , 2 pet. 1. 20 , 21. knowing this first ( saith he ) that no prophesie of the scripture is of any private interpretation ( or motion ▪ as some translate ) for the prophesie came not at any time by the will of man , &c. the apostle teacheth us here that the private man he speaks of , is a naturall man ; and he explains his own meaning to be so , in these words , by the will of man : that is , by no naturall mans abilities whatsoever . and as he denies that the prophesie of truth and holy writ came by the power , parts , and gifts of any man in nature , so also he affirms , by whom god makes knowne his word , will , and prophesies , that is , by spirituall men , in these plain words , but holy men of god spake as they were moved by the holy ghost now doctour , see that which yet you never saw ; the church of christ , her preachers and prophets of the lord are not carnall , but spirituall men , and their motion and enablement thereunto , is not by any humane spirit , but through the movings and ability of the holy ghost . where is now therefore the multitude of your arguments , and syllogismes , of men and trades men , and gifted men , not taking into consideration , there are men and men , and gifts and gifts , which for want of scripture distinction , all the pains you have taken to spin so many curious threads to make a carnall webb of , no sooner is it toucht by the divine finger of the spirituall meaning of the word of god , but your glorious shew of humane , and of carnall , or private men falls all into filthy dust : for although carnall men may litterally preach , as judas and others have done , yet none but holy men can preach spiritually . and in this distinction the other tearms are to be understood also , of ordination and trades-men , both divine , the one in person , the other in approbation , and mission for holy men of god . the messengers and ministers of christ , are sent , appointed , and ordained by the lord himselfe , and justified and approved of by the saints and their preachings and declarations are not their own visions and though●s , as the doctours are , but the truth , word , and mind of the lord ; the same spirit in them enables them to open the scriptures now , which wrote them by the hands of his holy prophets and servants , which shall be more fully cleared when i come to the truths confirmation . now this brief discovery of the doctours large mistakes , shall suffice for this time ; some other things there are , which we shall have occasion to reprove , as we find them to hinder us in the way of truth and therefore , according to my promise in the first place i shall make a clear and plain description of the true church of christ , and so follow the doctour the same way he goes . but who is sufficient for these things , as the apostle speaks ; but wee are not as many which corrupt or deceitfully deal with the word of god , but as of sincerily , but as of god ; in the sight or in the powerfull presence of god , speak we in christ , although the doctour despise us . be it known unto him therefore , and all the world , that the true church of jesus christ is of a holy and pure nature , every part and member of her : for he that sanctifieth her , and they that are sanctified , are all of one ; that is , of the one holy spirit ; so then , as in her new nature she is holy and divine , so she is heavenly and spirituall ; spirituall children which make a spirituall family , or houshold ; spirituall trees which make a spirituall , fruitfull , fragrant garden ; spirituall stones built up a spirituall house , temple , tabernacle , a repose , an habitation for the heavenly god , the father of spirits , to abide , to delight , to dwell and reside in . yea more yet , she is a spirituall body , consisting of none but of spirituall members , knit and joyned together with spirituall sinews , supplyed with spirituall grace from the fountaine , the head , the spirituall head jesus christ , from which all the joynts and bands , having nourishment , ministred and knit together , groweth or increaseth with the increase of god ; from the head ▪ i say , conveyeth all over the body , to the least member , with spirituall veins , through which , an everlasting supplying grace is continued . for as she is the building and workmanship of god , the children and houshold of god , the plantation and garden of the lord , so she is kept by the power of god unto salvation . and he that keepeth this his israel , his chosen , called and sanctified ones , doth neither slumber nor sleep , but ever watcheth : and he their holy shepheard is mighty , and stronger then all , so that no opposite power and strength is able to take them out of his hand . now forasmuch as the faithfull servant and apostle of christ writing unto the holy and blessed church at ephesus , affirms them to be saints , and faithfull , and that they are in christ jesus . now all that are in christ jesus are holy and faithfull , for they are justified by faith , and sanctified by the holy ghost , and as the root is holy ▪ so are the branches also ; yet the apostle saith to these holy ones , you were the children of wrath as well as others . and to another church he saith , and such were some of you , speaking before of wicked and unholy men ; but yee ( saith he , meaning now ) are washed , but yee are sanctified , but yee are justified in the name of the lord jesus , and by the spirit of our god . that is , through the power of christ , by the operation of the spirit . therefore to know the way and method which god takes in the conversion of his servants that are his church , the discovery and opening thereof , will make not onely the description of the church of christ more clear , and manifest , but give us a definition also of her supernaturall making , parts : for as since the creation , propagation or birth gives being to all men naturally ; so heavenly and spirituall birth since the fall of man , is ordained and appointed of god to give spirituall being to all his saints , and children , which are the church of god , as it is written , that which is borne of the flesh is flesh , and that which is borne of the spirit , is spirit : so it is spirituall birth that gives being to spirituall men ▪ but forasmuch as this one scripture doth fully prove the assertion in both parts thereof , that is that birth taken in a two fold meaning , is the production both of naturall men , and spirituall men . and the due consideration of the wisdome of the holy ghost by declaring that which is heavenly , by that which is naturall , teacheth us that there is much resemblance of the births in the manner , although not in the nature . in the naturall birth there is a conception in the beginning , and a reception in the continuance , till bringing forth , or accomplishment . and all these distinctions with their concomitants may be comprehended in the tearm birth , now that which doth accompany conception , is compunction in nature , in sorrow , shalt thou conceive , and in the reception , all the while till the deliverance , and in the deliverance , pain , sorrow , labour , pangs , throwes intollerable dollorous till the child is born , and then comes ease , comfort , and rejoycing ; even so it is in the spirituall birth , in a likenesse and resemblance , for the manner of it , but in the nature , no similitude at all , for the the one is from below , the other from above , as it is written ; except a man be born again from above , of water and the spirit , he cannot see the kingdome of god : in which words there are four parts , and the tearms therein to be distinctly considered of . the first is , of whom our lord speaks by the name man , and by it he means a naturall man . and secondly , that this man is to be born again ; his meaning is not as nicodemus at that time understood him , to enter into that place of nature from whence he came forth , but to be born from above by a supernaturall force , power , vertue , and operation of the spirit of god . in the third place , he speaks of the matter of the birth , and that hath two parts : the first is heavenly and spirituall water , meaning thereby the grace and gift of god , which the holy ghost often in the scriptures , calls by the name of water , which is the baptisme of repentance , a true turning to god . the second part consisteth of another more excellent work of the spirit , which is here called the holy ghost , but in other places by metaphoricall tearms , blood , and fire , by which is meant the baptisme of the holy ghost , or remission of sins . the first part is full of spirituall grief , and disconsolation , the last full of heavenly comfort and consolation . and lastly , by seeing the kingdome of god , he means the knowing and being a member of his church in the state of regeneration , receiving the spirit of adoption , through which he is made the child of god , and if children , then heirs of the everlasting kingdome , the world to come , the inheritance of the saints : so then ; from this scripture thus opened we are taught , that gods method and way to convert men from nature to grace , to make them members of his church , is to turne them from darknesse to light , from the power of satan . to be reconciled unto god : to deliver us from the power of darknesse , and translate us into the kingdome of the son of his love . and by this way and means the lord made and constituted the true church of christ at collosse , as he doth all other churches of his , which were saints , and faithfull brethren in christ , and so did he likewise that famous church at ephesus , yee were somtimes darknesse ( saith the apostle ) but now are yee light in the lord , walk as children of light , mark i pray you , he calls this church , these saints , these faithfull in christ jesus , children of light , and how came they to be so , but by being borne of god , of his own will begat he them , being born again of incorruptible seed , the word of god , which is the word of his grace , the new covenant , the word of promise , the covenant of life , the making us partakers thereof , is the taking away the stony heart , and in the place thereof to give his elect a heart of flesh , that is , a soft , tender , and humble heart , and in it to write his everlasting love , mercy , and kindnesse , never to be obliterated , or revoked , as before is shewed . for those whom he thus loves once , he loves unto the end . and these children of god , are those little ones the scripture speaks of , those humble ones the lord teacheth , those contrite and penitent ones , that the lord comforteth , refresheth , and reviveth ; this is his sion , his little city , his desired habitation , his delightfull dwelling , his holy mountaine . and where two or three of these are gathered together in his name ; where by name we are to understand spirit , there is he in the midst of them ; that is it that is it that makes them his church , even his holy presence ; that is it that makes them his house , his tabernacle , to doe his great pleasure in earth , by his spirit , as the everlasting father , and the son doth in heaven , whose voyce not to regard , is as much as not to regard the voyce of god himselfe . oh doctour , for you , to compare your hay , wood , and stubble , with the purity and excellency of this churches mettle , which is gods building , it will even so eclipse your rush light , and split your hulk , and shipwrack your bark for ever , as never to recover , and your sandy foundation will shortly cause such a fall of your foolish church ▪ building , as never to be built again . and that you may repent of your ignorance of the true church of christ , i will give you another discovery of her excellency , by her pure estate , and glorious condition , which the propheticall apostle iohn saw in a vision , and writ it for posterity , in these words , and a great signe appeared in heaven , a woman cloathed with the sun , and the moon under her feet , and on her head a crown of twelve stars . and being great with child , shee cryed travelling and labouring to be delivered . in which scripture there are many things considerable . 1. a matter of wonderment and admiration , for the great excellency of it . 2. the place where it appeared , and that was in heaven . 3. what it was that appeared , and that was a woman ▪ 4. then her cloathing and apparell all over her body . 5. as also what she was crown'd with on her head . 6. what she trod under her feet ; and not only denominating all things without her , but 7. what was within her also . and being great with child , she cryed travelling , and labouring to be delivered . this precious virgin spouse , the lords bride , being in her condition spirituall , did shine forth in her primitive estate , not in any outward pomp and humane carnall glory ; as now in any externall forme , or soft rayment , after the fashion of the multitude of gathered churches in these dayes ; but in her heavenly gifts , and holy vertues , her chast and prudent conversation , the shining of her faith , love , patience , and moderation ; in all things she was such as she was the light of the world , to the wonderment and admiration of all the children that had eyes to behold her . and whereas it is said , she appeared in heaven , the meaning is , the places where the gospel was beleeved , the truth of god , and way to salvation professed , as in iudea , italy , macedonia , asia , and divers other places , cities , and countries ; in which sense the apostle speaks to the church of thessalonica , for from you sounded out the word of the lord not onely in macedonia , and achaia , but also in every place your faith to god-ward is spread abroad , &c. and that the church of christ is signified by the appellation and title of a woman ; that is usuall and often the expression of the holy ghost in the scriptures ; as the kings daughter , the daughter of sion , the spouse of christ , the lambs wife , the mother of all the saints , &c. and there is great reason for the female sex resembles the church of christ in many respects ; as for their fruitfulnesse , for their beauty , for their subjection and passivenesse , and tender bowels of compassion . and that she may want nothing that may tend to her full description in her whole attire , to make her all glorious without as the prophet saith , the kings daughter is all glorious within . the son of righteousnesse , even his own righteousnesse is her mantle , her cloathing , it is a metaphoricall speech , often used in the scripture , thereby declaring the righteousnesse of christ by being cloathed in sine linnen , by a wedding garment , and a white stone , and very apt is the resemblance , for as a stole or garment , covers and adornes the naturall body ; so the righteousnesse of christ covers and cloaths , adorns and beautifies the poverty and brokenness of the peninent souls of his elect. and this garment is of that nature , and quality , as that it warms and sustains the feeble and thirsty soule , with the assurance of the mercy and favour of god in christ jesus for ever . and the holy ghost giveth testimony also of the fruits of her lively justifying faith , in declaring her newnesse of life in her detestation of sin , and true love to her lord in this figurative expression , and the moon under her feet , declaring thereby her mortification and death too , and of her sinfull corruption , and worldly naturall affection ; and also her vivification and daily renewed mind , to a heavenly conversation , delighting and meditating day and night in the holy law and word of god , being no more carnally , but spiritually minded . the next externall , yet spirituall description is the ornament of her head , wherein shee took most pleasure , saying , shee wore on her head a crowne , not with gold and silver beset with precious stones , for the excellent matter thereof it exceeded all these , for it was made of the holy and pure doctrine of the twelve apostles , which testimonies and verities of theirs are the lords lights and torches to guide and direct sinners when they are benighted and darkned with their sins , and for this cause are called by the name of stars . and lastly , the holy ghost declares the effects , and operation of gods spirit and word in her , for by the heavenly truth which was by her ears received , her heart spiritually conceived , and shee was greatly filled with a deep sence of her owne vilenesse and unworthinesse ; with bemoaning and mournfully lamenting her sad forlorn condition , travelling and labouring under great oppression , by reason of sin , in restlesse desire of reconciliation to god ; which paines and anguish of her mourning heart and contrite spirit , the apostle most truly compareth to the throwes and paines of a woman in travell of child-birth , of which spirituall pains and labour shee could not possible by any means be eased or releived , untill her lord were formed in her , even untill her tender heart were sanctified by faith ; for nothing could cure the wound but the assurance of mercy , nor nothing satisfie her restlesse desire , but the love of god insured her in christ her lord , and written in the fleshy tables of her heart , according to his everlasting covenant . thus you see both the definition and description of the true church of christ , that she is holy and spirituall , within and without also , distinguished and disevered from all other churches , by regeneration ; as the outward court and the temple were parted by a vaile , and described by such perfect fruits of righteousnesse , as no pharisaicall congregations can bring forth . and herein i have made good my promise to you in this first particular : the second thing i promised , was to make known unto you the divine ordinances of this holy church , and they are many , but we will briefly and that truly discover such as are most materiall to our purpose . now as shee her selfe is spirituall , and their communions one with another , so also is every part of her worship spirituall likewise ; and yet we must ever remember , that most ordinances consist of two parts ; the one carnall and outward , the other spirituall and inward : now the common and carnall christians are most busied about the carnall part , as fleshly washings , corporall eatings , litterall expositions , and verball supplications , like the pharisees , that were strict to tyth mint , and the meanest externall things , but wholly omitted the weightiest and greatest , that which was internall , as true repentance , &c. diligently washed the outside , but minded not at all to cleanse inwardly the heart , in all which mr doctour , you spent most of your labour , and very few words or none , about the spirituall part . and one reason was , because all your disputes tended but to a carnall church , for a congregation of carnall christians make no better then a carnall church ; and carnall arguments and actions doe manifest the hearts of such to be carnall . but i desire your repentance of these things , and hasten to the discovery of the truth , that may make you a child thereof indeed ; and therefore we will returne to a further discovery of the true churches spirituall worship in the heavenly part of gods ordinances , in which shee and her children are most conversant , for they are alwayes mindfull of the holy covenant of their lord , in the heavenly parts of it ; they mourne , and weep , and suffer together , in their patience possesse their souls , and passe through the valley of tears , participating each with other , knowing they are thereunto called of god , not only to beleeve , but to suffer for his sake : the assured hope they have of the great portion , inheritance , and salvation they are born unto by the spirit , doth so support them , that they rejoyce in tribulation , the holy ghost bearing them witnesse , that if they suffer with him , they shall also reign with him . know you not ( saith the apostle , as if he had said in other words , you know assuredly ) that as many of us as are baptized into jesus christ , were baptized into his death ; therefore we are buried with him by baptisme into death . mark the tearms , baptized , or buried with him into death , which sheweth , if men be members of his body , then if our head suffer , the members must suffer also : and as sure as the head is raised from the dead by the glory of the father , even so we also his members are raised in our mind and affections , to newnesse of life . and in the same sence he saith again , for if we have been planted together in the likenesse and similitude of his death , we shall be also in the likenesse of his resurrection . and these broken melting hearted saints , that at first in their regeneration were thus humbled , and made low , and poor in spirit , yielding , inclining , and bowing to the will and pleasure of almighty god . this heavenly grace which the lord calls water in a spirituall meaning , abides in and with them alwayes throughout their whole life ; and by it they are enabled to be baptized with sufferings , as they were born or begotten of water , which is repentance : so likewise at the lords supper , they sometimes , and that with much comfort , eat and drink corporally the elements of bread and wine , and therein declare the lords death till his comming ; but they alwayes by faith communicate of his body and blood , the spirit of adoption that dwells in them , still bearing witnesse of the lords everlasting kindnesse , with the refreshings of the light of his countenance , affording them more comfort , then all the abundance of earthly things , or shaddows of that which is spirituall , the witnesse and evidence of the spirit of god , exceeds all testimonies and assurances , and fills the soul with satisfaction . now in this condition they know the truth of their lords words by blessed experience . my flesh is meat indeed , and my blood is drink indeed , living bread that came downe from heaven , and they that eat thereof , eat everlasting life . it is immortall food , this body and blood is the resurrection and the life , for they that eat this flesh , and drink this blood , dwell in christ , and christ in them . this food causeth union , co-habitation , one-nesse of mind , and likenesse of affection between christ and his members . this is the fatted calfe that fed the prodigall , this is the childrens bread provided of god himselfe for his servant iacob , those excellent dainties , sweet and fat things , full of marrow , the wine and milk , the honey-comb with the honey , with which the lord feeds his friends , his beloved and chosen ones , which food doth not only cheare , delight , and comfort , but it confirms , and seals with assurance , even that gold ring that sealed the fathers favour to his lost son , the best robe of all the wardrobe , for there is none like it in heaven nor in earth , for it is the righteousnesse of the saints , it covers all nakednesse , it defends from all dangers , and it ever finds acceptance with their heavenly father , in all services and sacrifices , for these worshippers have their hearts purged from an evill conscience , and their garments dipt in blood for the lamb is in them , and they in him . and thus spirituall are their prayers also , this sacrifice likewise is a broken heart , and as it is the spirits habitation and dwelling , so it is his place of acting and working ; and although the saints themselves cannot tell how to pray as they ought , yet the spirit their continuall comforter , guider , and directer helpeth them , and secretly prompteth them with sighs and groans that cannot be uttered , with the organ of the tongue , so inward , faithfull , and fervent , are the spirits requests to god that only knowes the meaning thereof : and for their matter they are faithfull supplications , they ask in faith , in the name of their lord , that is , in the powerfull assistance of christs spirit ; and this is the confidence we have in him ( say the saints ) if we ask any thing according to his will , he heareth us , and if we know that he hears us , that is , if the spirit do so witnesse to us , we know then , that we have the petitions that we desired of him ; for number they are but few ; for place , private ; for practice and performance , often and frequent ; pray continually , saith the apostle . and shall the elect cry day and night unto god their father , against their enemies oppressions , and shall not he avenge them ? yea he will avenge them , and that speedily . in all their spirituall warfare , this is the last and principall piece of armour , praying alwayes with all prayer and supplication in the spirit , and watching thereunto with all perseverance . this servant of our lords had very well learned his masters lesson , watch and pray , least yee enter into temptation ; and this part of their worship is spirituall , as the worshippers themselves are spirituall . again , their understanding the scripture , is not only litterall , but spirituall ; and that it may the more clearly appear , we must remember to make use of this distinction , that the scriptures may be spoken of as of a body , and a spirit , in the letter and the meaning thereof . now all carnall gospellers , and false expositors , as they understand no further then the letter , or common gifts declared therein , by the sense which such give of the scriptures , they kill gods witnesses , the two holy testaments . priests whose visions are darknesse , doe violate , wrong , and injure all the holy writings of gods faithfull servants , and witnesses ; of which company a●e the learned clerks of rome , and all other fleshly preachers ; for that church co●sisting of the fat beasts of the field , did kill , havock , and slay them in such a barbarous manner , in that great city of rome , which in a spirituall wicked meaning , is called sodome and aegypt , for their uncleannesse and malice , against the true intent of the scriptures , that notwithstanding they had the letter and corps amongst them , yet they did deny the life and soule , the mind and will of god therein revealed , to be buried , or inter'd in their proper monuments , the hearts of men ; and as they then , so the same things doe all carnall churches now that are of her old nature , although of a new frame , by their like lying , and false expositions , and interpretations , even take the life from the body , and separate the soule from the corps , of these two witnesses , two prophets , two candlesticks , two testimonies , two olive trees , and two covenants ; which two in all and each appellation , are but one thing in the true meaning ; and so they shall continue to doe the remainder of the 42 months , till 14 years of the whole number to come , be expired . in the mean while the voyce of the church of christ is heard from out of the wildernesse , and wholly tends to the vindication , resurrection , and restoration of the true meaning of the word of god , as it is written . and after three dayes and a halfe ▪ the spirit of life from god , entred into them , and they stood upon their feet . and gods church fears not to speak , although she cares not to be known , she being indewed with the spirit of life from god ; and in her reading the scriptures you shall find her full of consideration , and understanding , as our lord directs her , let him that readeth consider : for they that read and hear the words of this prophecy , and keep those things that are written therein , and are blessed in so doing , must needs truly understand them ; and indeed it is sion , gods church only , that understandeth and declareth the gospel truly by the scriptures administration ; for by the church ( saith the apostle ) is made knowne the manifold wisdome of god ; which shall be more manifested in the next particular , in declaring what the ministers of the church of christ are . and it is an undenyable truth that they are regenerated , spirituall men , for if every member of their church be so , and all their ordinances and sacr●fices , their communions , and administrations , then of necessity their ministry must be so also , and therefore in scripture they are called , holy men of god , and holy apostles and prophets ; and are thereby distinguished from all others that are vaine and ungodly . 1. they are holy personally . 2. they are holy giftedly . and as god hath joyned them together , so i shall not seperate them in their description . a scribe instructed unto the kingdome of heaven , is like unto a good housholder that brings forth of his treasury things new and old . now in that our lord saith , he is taught unto the kingdome of heaven , it is all one as if he had said , he had been taught of god , and that shewes he is a child of god , a holy man , as i have instanced before in the apostle peters description to this purpose ; and by bringing forth of his treasure , he means the administration of his spirituall gifts , from the supernaturall store house within him . again , our lord saith , whosoever beleeveth in me , as the scripture hath said , out of his belly shall flow rivers of water of life . this he spake ( saith the text ) of the gifts they should receive that beleeved on him . this effectuall faith , which is twice repeated , and that to which the word of god witnesseth to be satisfying drink to the thirsty soule , sheweth such a one to be regenerate ; and the flowing fountain proceeding from him ▪ those heavenly gifts of the holy ghost . and agreeable to this is that which is spoke of stephen that holy martyr , when those choyce and learned students of the synagogues of the libertines men of four severall nations , cyrenians , allexandrians , cyreans , and as●ans ; these , even such were not able to resist the wisdome and the spirit by which he spake . so the prophet micha speaking to the shame of such prophets that speak without an answer from god , that have no vision but their own , to whom the day , the light of gods truth is darke over them , and the sun is gone downe from them , and yet will prophesie though they confound themselves ; but truly ( saith he ) i am full of power by the spirit of the lord , and of judgement , and of might , to declare unto jacob , &c. that is , to preach to jacob . and so the apostle paul ( speaking of the gospel of christ , whereof ( saith he ) i am made a minister , according to ( or by ) the gift of grace given to me , by , or through the effectuall working of his power . and so he testifies to another church , whereof i am made a minister , according to the dispensation of god , which is given to me for you fully : that is , perfectly , truly , and spiritually to preach the word of god . and so peter and john testified to the face of such at jerusalem as had crucified our lord with wicked hands , and proceeded also to forbid them to speak any more to anyman in his name , notwithstanding their threatnings we cannot ( said they ) but speake the things we have seene and heard . what gods messengers see , hear , and learne of the father , that they declare , that they preach . christ gives the gifts god hath set them in his church , his body , but every member hath not the same office , therefore the differing gifts give being to different offices and officers , and all spirituall , as the whole body is and are approved of , and allowed by the rest of the members , all the saints . now i should have spoken of the keyes , power , and rich treasures of this church , but doctour you are not able to bear it at this time , that is , neither to understand it , nor receive it . but you will say , i will answer all that he hath said in one word , for all that he hath spoken is to be understood of the invisible church , but all my disputes are of visible congregations , and sir , what you mean by them , your owne words declare , page 23. as is touch before , such as any man may know ( saith he ) and if that be so , then i am sure they consist of naturall and carnall men ; and of the same nature are their administrations , for the apostle saith , the naturall man receiveth not the things of the spirit of god , for they are foolishnesse unto him ; neither can he know them , because they are spiritually discerned . again , to say the true church of christ is invisible , is the old cunning cheat of the devil , to keep men from repentance , and from attaining that eye salve , through which they might discerne the things that belong unto their peace , and depart from babylon , and make haste to sion . but saith the doctour , the baptized churches have forsaken babylon , and admit of none but baptized members , nothing but pure ordinances ; we are knit together in church fellowship . but by your leave , if ye be carnall , and cannot discerne the church of god , and therefore deny her visibility , which her lord affirmeth of her , to be a city set upon a hill , a candle on a table , the light of the world , the salt of the earth . if you cannot discerne the true church , and yet you professe your selves churches , then you are no other then the carnall jewes church , jerusalem from below , which is in bondage with her children ; and the righteousnesse thereof , but the righteousnesse of the scribes and pharisees , who used to wash the out-side , and fl●sh , as you doe , but inwardly and in heart , very foule and adulterous , notwithstanding all their seeming holinesse of separation , stand further off , i am holier then thee ; their boasting of their prayers , and of their ordinances , and their compassing sea and land to make a proselyte , to convert men to their church , and yet in so doing make them more the child of the devil , then they were before , and thereby make them the rather a stink in the lords nostrills . i tell you plainly , doctour , there are but two churches in the whole world ; one carnall , the other spirituall ; two seeds , the seed of the woman , and the seed of the serpent ; two sorts of children , them of light , and them of darknesse ; two heards of cattell , the fat and the lean ; two kinds of people , the cursed and the blessed ; and i advise you therefore to trust no longer in lying words , saying , the temple of the lord , the temple of the lord ; for no outward conceivings , or humane traditions , or inventions , can be gods house , church and temple , but those before described ; and as the holy prophet saith , the temple of the lord are these , such as throughly repent of their sinnes , and amend their wayes and their doings , &c. and therefore doctour , i advise you againe now heedfully and speedily , to mind the apostles counsell , to day if you will hear his voyce , harden not your heart , least you enter not into his rest : where he teacheth you , and me , and all , that to enter into gods rest through faith , is by repentance . and because i will omit no means to take you off from minding so much your false church , i will shew you in what condition you and all men else stand in this c●mmon-wealth of england . consider this i pray you , that this common-wealth being a university of believers , the whole multitude consisteth of two sorts . the one sort regenerate believers , such as are borne of god , whose spirituall estate is before described ; and this sort onely are the church of christ , as before also is affirmed . the second sort of believers are outward christians , and are indewed with the common faith onely , from which faith and grace they may fall , and perish , and yet before their apostacy have equall right with spirituall christians , in outward externall ordinances , as the letter of the word and prayer , the washing away the filth of the body , and the corporall signes of the lords supper , and all which , for the more cleare condemnation in disobeying the gospel . now forasmuch as the congregation and common-wealth of england in these respects is like the congregation or common-wealth of israel , and that in gods great house , as the apostle saith , there are both honourable , and dishonourable vessels , servants evill , slow ▪ and negligent , as good and diligent virgins , foolish as well as wise , some spirituall , but most carnall , and all to be provided for by the stewards of this great house , such as are in supreame authority , not onely in matters between man and man , but also in duties between god and man ; not onely for meum and tuum , but also for the publick worship and service of god . and as moses , solomon , and jehosaphat provided not onely corporally , but spiritually for israel , so and in like manner the supream authority of england ought to provide for every one his portion , that no lack or want may befall any capacity , neither of carnall , or spirituall christians , and as wholesome and good lawes for men , so pious and decent rules for gods publick worship , so far as it concernes their power and direction . and consider also , the jewes before christs incarnation had a rule for most of their externall ordinances by the word ; as the expresse day for gods worship , and the tribe who to wait on the service also , the time when , the member what , and the parties themselves both active and passive for circumcision and for the passeover , what for the matter , the kinde , the age , the preparation , the parties who to provide it , and the manner for participation . now there is no such expresse provision , for the carnall ordinances of god , since christs incarnation and ascension ; 't is true , there 's example for baptisme , but no command who shall baptize , neither when for time , nor how for manner , whether all parts of the body in generall , or which member in particular . and so for the supper of the lord , bread and wine are the elements in the institution thereof , and in the future practice injoyned , but who shall provide it ? and what kinde of wine , or what sort of bread , or who in particular shall blesse or administer it , or how the communicants shall take it , is not in the word determined ; and without these and the like circumstances , the ordinances cannot be celebrated . now if the present authority should give rules for the whole common-wealth , or congregation , for all perticulars ; as formerly they have done in a parochiall way , for time , place , persons , and administrations , thereby the spirituall and heavenly christian is bound to yield obedience as the carnall and outward christian ; for as the saints are free as they relate to the person of a true christian , for so their communion is above the reach and rule of any outward direction , for their baptisms they are spirituall , as i have shewed before ; their teacher exceeds all teachers from men , for they havean vnction from the holy one , that teacheth them all things . and they stand not in need of any private or carnall mens teaching ; yet as they stand , or sustain the persons or members of a state or common-wealth , and under authority ; so gods law binds them to be obedient to every ordinance of man ; and their communion externally with carnall christians , doth no more prevent or preinic● their communion spiritually , then cain's externall communion corrupted abel's , ishmaels defiled isaacks or the proud pharisees polluted the penitent publicans . and although inwardly and spiritually , yet not externally nor corporally severed one from another , till the harvest , least with extirpating the bad , the good may suffer prejudice . and therefore it appears plainly , that in a common-wealth that professes the faith , the carnall with the spirituall may commuicate in the externall ordinances of gods worship , except the injunctions are evill and unlawfull , as were the abominations of antichrist , from which the saints are commanded to separate , least by pertaking with her sins they shall be punished with the participation of her plagues . and also that it is in the power of the magistrate to order all externalls for the publick worship of god , that are not already so done by the s●iptures : now if this be so , then what ground or warrant have you or any man whatsoever , to select form , and order congregations of your selves , when the whole common-wealth is congregated already by christian authority . and how can those that are under this authority cast off their obedience , to which in conscience they are bound ; and gather churches out of churches , without any warrant from god or man ; for they were in the profession and communion of gods ordinances before , and emboddyed and congregated ▪ before by acts of the nationall congregation , the high court of parliament . and what other things they doe ordaine and constitute , that was not done before by the said authority , the wisest and learnedst of them all cannot shew rightly , nor prove plainly , but it will appear to be their owne imagination , tradition , and phancy , by duely considering the scriptures , with what is abovesaid , in the distinction between the spirtuall and carnall christians ; as also , the distinction between the externall part of gods ordinances , and the divine and heavenly part . i am sure these rules are according to the practice of our lord and his apostles , they never neglected the publick , nor disobeyed the magistrate therein , nor contemned participation with them , yet let us alwayes bear in minde , that the faithfull and regenerate christians are the church of god ; and although the carnall christians are amongst them in externall participation , yet they are not of them , nor doe spiritually participate with them . the consequence of selected church-gatherings , admits of many absurdities , as i have shewed in former discoveries . thus much doctour for the publique good hath your private mistaken conference occasioned ; and we have more yet to make knowne upon the next opportunity . and my conclusion shall be a word or two to the state and authority of this nation , against an ancient , continued , superstitious distinction of the people of this whole common-wealth , even of all degrees , from the highest to the lowest , that distinguish the whole into two parts , church and common-wealth , clergie , and layetie . now in common reason , if in this nation the publike ministry , for those are they they mean by clergy , although no man can prove it by scripture , be the church , then the state magistracy , and the rest of the people are not the church or congregation of england , which seems to crosse the scriptures denomination , for the whole nation of the jewes , priests and people , are often called the congregation , or church , and the reason is beyond exception , because they were a people professing and communicating in the externall ordinances of god , and but a small remnant of the multitude faithfull to communicate spiritually ▪ now as spirituall and heavenly christians are gods peculiar , little house , vineyard , or church , so outward christians , may bear the name of his vineyard , church , or great house also , as an outward jew or christian bears the name , although not the nature of a jew or christian inwardly . and if the supream authority doe not annihillate this distinction aforesaid , and cause it to be forgotten , in time it will pull up and advance ecclesiasticall hierarchy again , as the oake the creeping ivy , and a generall provision made for the many , as before is expressed , would supply all men in all things , both divine and humane . beloved christian ; thou that hast read what is here declared for publique good ; see the doctour and his doings in the glasse of one scripture , 2 pet. 3. 15 , 16. the apostle peter speaking of his brother paul , and of his writings according to the wisedome of god given unto him , he speaks of some that notwithstanding had received the common faith , yet were unlearned and unstable , who did wrest not onely what they said , but also the other scriptures to their owne destruction . now the tearms in the text doe shew us plainly what these believers were , even such as should perish , first because they were unlearned , that is , not spiritually taught of god : secondly , they were such as were unstable , that is , were not built upon the foundation , neither were deep rooted , as the good ground , but such christians as were lyable to wither , as the stony ground , to be choaked as the thornes , and to loose what they had , as the high-way side . and such christians as these doe not understand onely , but they pervert or give false expositions of the scriptures , those heavenly things intended by the text , are not understood by their earthly minds ; therefore it is said , that there are some things hard to be understood , that is , the heavenly estate of the children of god , their spirituall sufferings here , and their glorious hope they have of the everlasting inheritance in the world to come , which supernaturall excellencies as they are in themselves are hard , that is , not to be understood by carnall christians , such as the doctour hath declared himselfe to be in all his arguments . now if any please to see the other poor endeavours of thy faithfull friend , thou mayest have them thus nominated . 1. a true reformation , and perfect restitution . 2. truths victorie against heresie . 3. christian liberty to the lords table . 4. a defence of christian liberty . 5. a cure of deadly doctrine . 6. a lamp of light . 7. a right vse made by a stander by , at j. g. and i. s. disputes at great allhallows . 8. a brief discovery of faigned presbyterie ; and capt : norwood's declaration proved an abnegation of christ . there were some other things , but they are out of print . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a85548e-320 a gods servants in speaking the truth to the blame of such as mistake , doe not reproach them , for they are commanded to reprove them , and must not call bitter sweet , nor sweet bitter . they are commanded also to call that darknesse that is so , and that light that is light , and to justifie the just , and condemn the wicked . b and to assent to the truth is tollerable , with a right understanding , but that you are the man that have blasted god &c. is plainly proved in my second letter , and throughout the tryall following . c my words & meaning if you take a true view of them , doe not contradict , as you shall see in my discovering of your owne daubing , which you say is the church of christ , and gods perfect work in building his owne habitation . d do you dare to boast of pure ordinances , when all you doe in the outward , without the spirituall part , and meaning thereof , is abominable iniquity : and , for bodily exercises that rotten strumpet the church of rome will outdoe you , although you should add your owne vanity in your lacivious washing your damsels feet and legs also , for shame bring not in your former carnality unrepented of , under the vizzard of the churches innocency . but consider what is written , for in christ jesus neither circumcision , or baptisme , or vncircumcision availeth any thing , but a new creature . and again , faith that worketh by love . and againe , but keeping the commandements of god . are any of these heavenly effects brought forth by your plants ? nay , a bad tree cannot bring forth good fruits : for all that hath proceeded from you , are but sower grapes , and yet you will compare your bramble berries with the grapes of the vines of canaan . e t is true , you mentioned the words of peter , but your carnall discourse thereof , shewed plainly you understood not his meaning , neither can you til you repent and be a new man . f and if your spiritual experiences be of no higher nature then naturall philosophy is , then your experience is vaine ; for all things under the sun are vanity , since their deprivation through sin and the curse . and as you your selfe have made use of philosophy , our lords and pauls use and yours is at a broad distance . and that all your sill●gisms were fallacious , is sufficiently proved hereafter . g here take notice what frieght of pride the gentleman is laden with , in these words , them that hear not me , hear not him that sent me ; for every thing he hath said or written , proves him not to be sent of christ , although he affirm of himselfe , that he is , for if i had sent him , saith the lord , he should have spoken my words unto the people , which he hath not , as hereafter is more cleared . a perswasive to an ingenuous tryal of opinions in religion clagett, nicholas, 1654-1727. 1685 approx. 115 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 33 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-06 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a69762 wing c4370 estc r927 11780344 ocm 11780344 49019 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a69762) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49019) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 683:10 or 811:13) a perswasive to an ingenuous tryal of opinions in religion clagett, nicholas, 1654-1727. [2], 57, [5] p. printed for tho. basset ..., london : 1685. attributed to nicholas clagett; sometimes erroneously attributed to william clagett. cf. nuc pre-1956. advertisement: p. [1]-[5] at end. reproduction of original in duke university library and huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -controversial literature. religion -early works to 1800. theology, doctrinal -early works to 1800. 2006-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-03 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-03 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a perswasive to an ingenuous tryal of opinions in religion . london : printed for tho. basset , at the george near st. dunstan's church in fleetstreet . 1685. a perswasive to an ingenuous tryal of opinions in religion . § 1. the great reason why they are few in comparison who come to a right understanding and a well-grounded perswasion in matters of religion , is because they are not many who make a due inquiry into them . were this done more generally , there would not be so much ignorance and errour in the world , nor so great a variety of opinions and sects , as there is , and for the most part hath been in the world . and there are three sorts of men who fail of knowing the truth , for want of due endeavours to find it out . some there are who want ability or opportunity to inquire ; others , who wanting neither , do utterly neglect it , and will not apply their minds to it at all ; a third sort make but a very imperfect search after truth . and so all ignorance or mistake in things of moment , that concern the salvation of ▪ men , or the peace of the church ▪ may be attributed either to want of power and means to inquire after truth , or to unwillingness and perfect negligence , where it may be sought and attained to ; or to laziness , inactivity , and partiality in seeking it . to the first sort , we are not onely to reckon ideots , who want a competent measure of reason and understanding wherewith to judge , but those also that having the same common natural gifts of the mind with others , are yet by reason of their outward circumstances , kept almost invincibly ignorant , having very little or no occasion given them to inquire into things , that they might know them better . and thousands who sit in pagan , or mahumetan , or popish darkness , are thus detained in gross errours and remediless ignorance , as the case at present stands with them . but blessed be god this is not our case , who live in such a time and place as put no man under circumstances of incurable ignorance . as for the second sort of men ▪ who have plentiful means and fair opportunities of being better informed , but utterly neglect to use them , they are either such who remain under the power of those false principles which were instilled into them in their education , or who blindly follow erring guides , whose persons they have in admiration , resolving never to trouble themselves with a free and impartial use of their own reason concerning those doctrines which they have in their own opinion wisely and safely taken upon trust . it happens likewise very often ▪ that men are led away by lofty conceits of their own judgment ; and the extravagant opinion they have of themselves , will not suffer them to attempt such an ingenuous examination of things , as implies a possibility of their being deceived . but i believe they are more who take up opinions and engage in parties for worldly ends and carnal interests ; and these , of all others , are farthest from inquiring & conviction , because it is a great uneasiness to a mans mind , to find himself mistaken in those opinions which are for his profit or pleasure in this world . and mostly the power of custom strengthens all these causes of obstinacy in neglecting to inquire . men are not willing to quit the perswasions they have for a long time entertained , but had rather keep where they are , without troubling themselves to begin all anew , and to inquire whether they have not been all along deceived . and where most of these obstructions meet together , as they often do , in the same person , if he be not succoured mightily by the grace of god , his mind is barred up for ever against the knowledge of the truth . a third sort miss of the truth , not that they make no inquiry , but because they do this very imperfectly and superficially , and that either through sloth and laziness , being not willing to take that pains and care which is requisite for the discovery of truth ; or through partiality ▪ whence it comes to pass that they examine and 〈◊〉 onely or chiesly what is offered in favour of their own side , and make it the great end of their search not to follow what shall appear to be true upon inquiry , but to be confirmed in their present perswasion . and because diligence and honesty are very necessary dispositions in order to the right understanding of a great many things in religion , no wonder that they who inquire without these advantages , are rather hardned in errour than convinced of the truth . now these being the common causes of ignorance and errour amongst us at this day , and since they all center in want of due inquiry , i shall set my self to excite all sorts of people , who are not made incapable by natural weakness of understanding , to prove and examine things which concern their own souls and the peace of christians , with that diligence and ingenuity which becomes reasonable creatures . and though i know 't is a hard task that i am undertaking , by reason of the prejudices and corrupt interests of men which i must encounter ; yet i am sure no advice can be more rational than this , that we would be perswaded to use our reason , which if we do not , we lay up the common talent of our natures in a napkin . for god hath endued us with faculties whereby we can discern between truth and errour ; and moreover , with a natural desire to know the truth : so that the use of these faculties is inexcusably neglected , and this desire is foully corrupted and debased , if we are easily imposed upon in things of great moment . god in our creation hath enabled and inclined us to seek the knowledge of truth , and to inquire into the grounds of our belief and practice . and therefore to neglect this , is to abuse the first gifts of god , and to sin against nature . and it should be every mans care to find out that truth which concerns religion and another life , 〈◊〉 this is every mans greatest interest ; we should 〈◊〉 most diligence there , where to be deceived is of most dangerous consequence . but because there are some plausible pretences against a due and impartial enquiry in matters of religion , i shall prepare my way by endeavouring to remove those prejudices that lie against it ; and in order hereunto , i shall consider these three questions . 1. whether it be dangerous to private men to leave them to use their own judgment , and to be led by it in matters of faith and religion ? 2. whether a general liberty of examining and judging in those things , doth mischief in the church , and be the cause of schisms and heresies ? 3. whether if every one have a just right to examine for himself , this be not a good reason for toleration , or the universal liberty of practising according to a mans conscience or perswasion , after examination . § 2. 1. whether it be dangerous to private men to allow them the use of their own judgment in matters of religion . now to leave men wholly to themselves in this business , without directing them to use the best helps they can to find out the truth , is very dangerous indeed ; and no wise man will contend for this liberty of judgment in behalf of christian people , or of any sort of men whatsoever : for this were not so much to advise them to judge for themselves , as to conclude for themselves before they had taken any pains to judge . for i do not see how men can be said to judge , who refuse the means without which they can make no tryal . now the assistance of men of greater knowledge and ability than themselves have , is one very necessary means by which private and unlearned persons are to examine and judge in matters of religion . and god hath not onely given us ability to find out some truths by our selves , but also to weigh and consider what others offer to us : and therefore he hath appointed governours and guides of souls , that are to feed the flock , and to instruct christian people in the way to heaven . and one part of their work is to enable them to give an answer to every one that asketh a reason of the hope that is in them , i pet. 3. 15. which i conceive they cannot do , without informing and helping them to judge for themselves . so that liberty of examining in order to private judgment , does by no means exclude advising with and hearkening to men of greater skill and ability than our selves , especially to the publick guides of souls , but rather makes it necessary so to do , this being one means of gods appointment by which we are to inform our selves . and i grant that without very good and clear reason , we are not to depart from their doctrine , but in all doubtful cases to presume in favour of it . but that it should be dangerous to private persons to weigh and consider , as well as they can , what their guides teach them to believe or to do , this is that which i can by no means understand , unless it were a dangerous thing to follow our guides like men that have reason , and not like beasts that have none . it is at any time as safe to follow a guide with our eyes open , as to suffer our selves to be blindfolded , and then to follow him by a string . god hath referred us to guides , heb. 13. 17. but yet he hath trusted us to our selves too , and we are to try the spirits whether they be of god : otherwise we may follow guides that want guides themselves . and if the blind lead the blind , both fall into the ditch . to say that inquiries after truth with the best endeavours and means that we have in our power , is the way to be mistaken , is to reproach our own reason , and god the author of it ; since as it seems , the more we exercise and improve our reason , the more likely we are to be in the wrong , and to deceive and abuse our selves . at the great day of accounts , seducers shall answer for those whom they have deceived . and therefore the guides of the church are strongly obliged that they do not through wilfulness or negligence mislead us . but if they mislead us in things that touch our eternal state , i do not sind that all the blame will lie upon them , but rather that we also shall answer for it our selves : otherwise why should our saviour say , why of your selves do ye not judge that which is right ? luke 12. 57. and st. john , believe not every spirit , but try the spirits , &c. 1 joh. 4. 1. and st. paul , prove all things , hold fast that which is good , 1 thess . 5. 21. and , let no man deceive you , 2 thess . 2. 3. again , if it be dangerous to permit men to judge for themselves in that sense wherein i contend for it , then these are not wholsom but very dangerous exhortations . and yet if a church which pretends to be an infallible guide in religion , could make it out clearly and plainly that she is so , i should , without much examination of her particular doctrines , receive them as the oracles of god. but then i must have stronger arguments to assure me that she is infallible , than those which at present make me certain that she is actually deceived . for to submit to a pretended infallible authority , without knowing why i do so , is to put it into the power of others , for ought i know , to lead me into the most damnable errours , and to call virtue vice , and vice virtue . therefore they must be very convincing reasons upon which i am to believe that of my guide , which being once admitted , i must take his bare word afterward for all things else . i think none of the roman communion will deny this . and then it will follow , that for my own safety i am to use my own reason and judgment as severely as i can , before i admit this fundamental article of their faith. and this will amount to what i say , that it is so far from being dangerous for men to use their own judgment in matters of religion , that it is very dangerous for them not to do so ; since otherwise they are likely to follow men of the greatest confidence , as they for the most part are who have the least reason for it . besides , if i am led into errour by the authority of a church that does not pretend to infallibility , i may hope to recover the knowledge of the truth , especially if it be a matter of great consequence , more than if she pretended and i believed her infallible . for such a church will not so readily deny me the means of examining her doctrine , and so i may be able to discover the errour my self : if not , i have this comfort at least , that my guides being not engaged to contend that they are infallible , are themselves in the way of detecting their own mistake , and will more easily come off from it . but they that pretend to infallibility , are stak'd down to their opinions ; and though their cause be never so bad , they are engaged to serve it . and therefore this pretence is so far from discharging me of the pains of using my own judgment and reason in matters of religion , that i make the most foolish venture in the world , if i do not use my reason as strictly as i can in examining that very pretence before i admit it . and though a churches claim to infallibility were in it self never so just and well-grounded , it is to me but a pretence , till i understand the grounds of it . nor can any man blame me , if before i am convinced of the infallibility of that church , i take those particular doctrines into consideration which are to be believed upon this account , that i may this way also judge of the reasonableness of that pretence : for 't is not for nothing that men would be thought infallible . if i find the doctrine they would put off with such authority , to be indeed divine and heavenly , rational and scriptural , tending to the reformation and salvation of mankind , this will incline me to yield more easily to the antecedent arguments of the infallibility of that church . but if the doctrine for which she vouches this authority does , upon the most impartial tryal that i can make , appear to be worldly , unscriptural , or contrary to common sence ; then i am bound to examine the grounds of her pretence more severely than in the former case . and there is no question but such doctrines may be taught by men pretending to inspiration or infallibility , which will justifie a man in rejecting that pretence out of hand , and troubling himself no more about it . if a physician of never so great name should tell me that he would infallibly cure my disease , and then prescribe a dose of arsenick , i think reason would advise rather to question his infallibility , because he goes thus madly to work , than to take his poyson because he promises an infallible cure. now if i am not to do violence to my own understanding in things that concern my bodily health , much less should i do the same in things that regard my everlasting state . and they are a strange sort of men , who will allow people the liberty of using their reason as well as they can for the security of their worldly interests , but will have them be led in the great affairs of religion and eternity , as if they had no reason at all . for to judge aright , and to know the truth in matters of religion , which is our highest concernment , was the principal end for which we have reason , and are creatures of judgment and choice . and they may as well say that 't is dangerous for a man to walk abroad with his eyes open , as that 't is dangerous for him to take upon himself to judge as well as he can whether he be in the right way to heaven or not . § 2. if we consider what has been already said , it will not be difficult to answer the second question . 2. whether a liberty of examining and judging in matters of religion , doth mischief in the church , and be the cause of heresies and schisms ? to which i answer , that to affirm this , is in effect to say , that it had been much better , in order to the peace of the church , and the prevailing of truth , that men had been nearer to stocks and stones , than endued with natural abilities of judging , and natural propensions to use those abilities ; which i think would be to reflect upon the wisdom of our maker . for certainly it had been better for men to have wanted the faculties of judging and proving , if it be so dangerous a thing to the church to make use of them . nor is it much for the credit of the church , that it should be against her interest for men to examine her doctrine , and use their reason about it as well as they can . to speak to the thing : it is not the liberty of examination and judgment in order to the knowledge of the truth , that causeth heresies and schisms , but the not making a right use of this liberty , i. e. mens entring upon this work with pride , and the prevalency of lust and passion , and worldly interest , their want of care and diligence , and of proving things sufficiently ; their taking up opinions without reasonable examination , and then seeking for pretences to colour their obstinacy . the lusts and vices of men are against the peace of the church and the interest of truth , but not the use of that reason which is the divine part of our natures , and which god hath given us to restrain and govern our inferiour faculties . 't is true indeed , that if few or none troubled themselves at all to judge in matters of religion , there would be no heresies . but 't is true too , that if they had no reason to judge of these things at all , there would have been no heresies ; and 't is as true , that if there had been no religion at all , it were impossible that there should be heresies in religion . but will any men say , that reason or religion is therefore the cause of heresies ? and yet there is as much reason to say this , as to conclude that the use of our own understandings in the things of god , is the cause of heresies . these things are too gross to need a confutation . and yet this pretence against the liberty of proving what is propounded to us in religion , is intended chiefly against private and ordinary persons , but not against the publick guides and officers of the church ; whereas in truth , if there be any thing in it , it holds more strongly against these than against the other : and that because the most pernicious heresies that ever came into the church , were brought in by men of learning and authority in the church . and if this pretence be good , they of all men should be forbidden to inquire into matters of religion ; because if they fall into any dangerous mistake , their authority is likely to give reputation to it , and to make it go down more easily with the common people , than if it had been started by one of themselves . so that we must not lay the heresies that have been in the church , to the liberty we have been contending for , unless we will be content to exclude all from the duty of proving what they have been taught to 〈◊〉 . and no man can think this reasonable , unless he 〈◊〉 all religions to be equally true , that is , every one to be alike false . and he that believes this , needs not care what heresie he is of . § 3. 3. but if every man hath a just liberty and right to examine for himself , is not this a good reason for toleration , or for the universal liberty of practising according to a mans conscience or perswasion ? for to what purpose is liberty of enquiry , if after all , i must be concluded by the authority of my superiours , or else suffer under those laws by which they provide for uniformity in religion ? to this i answer , that every mans right and duty to judge for himself in matters of religion , is no good reason for toleration , unless it were also apparent that every man used that right as he ought to do , i. e. with industry , deliberation , and impartiality . if all men were sincere , and would examine without prejudice , without that byass to one side which is made by lust and passion , and worldly interest , if they all intended to know the truth , that they might do their duty , then doubtless it were very fit that all should enjoy an undisturbed liberty of practice according to their judgment ; for then no man would err in things plain and necessary to his own salvation and the peace of church and state. for our lord hath assured us , that if any man will do the will of god , he shall know of the doctrine whether it be of god. but so long as there is that hypocrisie in the world whereof men are conscious to themselves , so long as all those vices also reign , which insensibly corrupt the judgment , and make men disloyal to the truth , while they perceive it not ; it is by no means reasonable that the state under which we live , should leave us lawless , and free from all obligation of temporal penalties what religion we profess , and what communion we observe . for the most dangerous pretence for the ●●●rying on of seditious and rebellious designes against the government , is that of religion : and a few men that mean nothing but their own greatness and power , shall be able to manage the zeal of a superstitious multitude against the government for their own private ends , while they scorn the superstition of their followers , and perhaps all pretence to religion in their own hearts . and therefore it concerns the government to take care that the true religion be protected by the laws , and then to provide by the most prudent methods that no other be professed in the commonwealth . if it be said , that the end of all liberty to inquire and judge for our selves is destroyed , if at last we must conform to the laws , or be punished for our refusal : the contrary will be easily shewn to any one who believes that we are infinitly more concerned what will become of us in the life to come , than in our present fortunes . for suppose that they are errours which authority requires us to profess , and that they are unlawful things which it requires us to do in divine service , and that by a due and diligent examination of things i come to know this ; do i get nothing by my enquiry , but the severity of those humane laws that are against me ? do not i obtain the comforts of a good conscience , in having honestly endeavoured to know the truth , and in doing what i thereupon knew to be my duty ? if i do hereby obtain gods favour at present , and shall obtain gods rewards in a better life , is not this worth all my care and sincerity , though i should get nothing by it in this world but trouble and persecution ? so that it is worth the while to examine the doctrine imposed upon me by authority , though i know before-hand that be it right or wrong , i must be punished by man if i receive it not . true religion , and our observation to profess gods truth , and to do his will , stands indeed upon the authority of god , and the evidence of divine revelation ; but nevertheless , the profession thereof ought to be encouraged and protected by the powers of the world ▪ and by consequence all false religions should be discountenanced , and the profession of them made uneasie by their laws : scripture and reason teach us , that they no less than parents , should use that authority for god , which they have received from him . but if they , for want of sincere tryal and examination , do themselves establish iniquity or heresie by a law , and turn the edge of their power against the true religion , they must answer it to god at the day of judgment , who hath shewed them as well as others , what is good and what he required of them . in the mean while persecution distinguishes between the sincere and the hypocrite ; and as the insincere study how to perplex the truth , and to avoid the convictions that are upon their minds , and to reconcile their apostacy to their credit and consciences ; so the honest inquire into the grounds of their faith more diligently , and being desirous to strengthen themselves under sufferings by a full assurance that they suffer for righteousness sake , they search into all the grounds of their perswasion more narrowly than if they had never come under this temptation : and by this means the true doctrine comes to be propounded to the world , with the advantage of stronger arguments , and those better managed than if it had never met with opposition . but if the true faith and worship be establish'd by law , and the penalties of nonconformity be strictly required ; this is so far from hindring men from enquiring , that it lays an obligation upon a great many to consider things impartially , who otherwise would never have looked but upon one side of the question ; i mean all those whom either wantonness and self-conceit , or faction and worldly interest , or the undue admiration of mens persons , and the like , would have held under a constant prejudice against reason and truth . a carnal argument for a good cause , is very often a wholsom means to remove a carnal prejudice against it : and the authority of the magistrate can hardly be better used in matters of religion , than to make such a difference between the observers of the ecclesiastical laws , and the dissenters from them , that it shall be very hard for any man to lie under a worldly temptation , to dissent sufficient to recompence the damage he must undergo . this will make a great many impartial in weighing the objections against conformity , with the arguments and answers on the other side , and by degrees bring them to the knowledge of the truth , and at length to a sincere love of it . it is a false maxime , that force in matters of religion makes hypocrites , but not true converts . for sometimes it cures hypocrisie , very often ignorance and partiality ; and that is a good degree towards conversion : and yet this will not justifie the putting of men to death for mere difference in religion . the least degree of severity which will do the business , is great enough . the supreme powers should consider their subjects in these cases , as a wise and good father would consider his own children ; who if he had power of life and death over them , would not kill his misbelieving son , and yet would try to reduce him by worldly discipline , and drive him to consideration by the sensible effects of his displeasure . the moderation of the english laws for uniformity , is visible to all disinteressed persons ; and though the unevenness of their execution hath rendred them less effectual , yet there are several who have cause to bless god for being compelled to come to our churches , and to consider the terms of our communion with some impartiality ; whereas if there had been an absolute toleration , their ignorance and prejudices might have led them they know not whither . the church of england causeth the scriptures to be publickly read , and puts them into the peoples hands , and desires nothing more than that every one would diligently and impartially consider the cases between her and those that separate from her . and it is no absurd thing to say , that this liberty of judgment which she allows , is consistent with the english laws that require conformity of all ; since if it had not been for those laws , some men had never attained to liberty of judgment but had still been held in bondage to their prejudices and errours . 〈…〉 , that they make the greatest noise for liberty of practice , according to their judgment , who have made little or no use of their judgment in distinguishing between good and bad , true and false . they demand one liberty , while they make no use of another ; the liberty of being undisturbed and licentious in a wrong way , while they never use that liberty of examining the grounds of their perswasion , to which the church so vehemently perswades them by her ministers . if it be urged , that when a man sets himself with honesty and diligence to examine the case of communion with the chnrch , and doth all that he can to inform himself aright in this matter , but cannot be satisfied that he may lawfully conform , and this through mere weakness of understanding ; it is not reasonable that he should suffer any thing for that . it may be said on the other side , that there are many more who fail of understanding their duty in this kind , for want of examination and inquiry , and through the prevalency of prejudice and passion , than there are of those who continue erroneously perswaded through mere weakness of understanding . but as for those who in perfect weakness remain unconvinced , if i may suppose any such , i wish the laws could distinguish them from the rest , and that they could be known by some visible characters , that they might be exempted from undergoing any penalties . but since this cannot be , it must be endured that a few or none in comparison , come to have hard measure , by means of that which is necessary for the common and publick good . § 4. having premised thus much concerning this subject , i shall proceed in this method following . i. to consider in what cases we are to enquire most of all into the truth . ii. to shew how or by what rules or tests we are to try and examine opinions in religion . iii. how we ought to be disposed and qualified that our inquiries may be profitable and successful . iv. to lay down some motives whereby to perswade men to such inquiry and examination . v. to consider what becomes us and is our duty , after the discovery and knowledge of the truth . i. i shall consider in what cases we ought to be most careful in making inquiries after the truth , lest we be imposed upon ▪ or mistaken . all inquiries about religion are either concerning the truth of religion in the general ; or supposing the existence and providence of god , which is the true religion , whether the pagan , or the jewish , or the mahometan , or the christian ; or the truth of the christian religion being granted , what communion of men professing christianity , is to be chosen ; for instance , whether the church of rome , or the church of england , or the communion of the dissenters who separate from this church . but now all things are not alike needful to be proved , or are equally proper matters of inqniry . for , 1. every man is not bound to know all the false ways of religion that are in the world , and therefore not to try and examine every one of them . it is sufficient for most men , that they well consider the faith and profession to which they have been educated , that if it be the truth , they may be well-grounded in it ; if it be false , that they may upon good reason depart from it . 2. things that are self-evident , need not to be examined : for no argument can make them plainer to us than they are already . we may without any hesitation assent to such principles as these : that god cannot lie ; that men ought to observe fidelity and justice to one another , and the like . if there were not some principles that needed no proving , it were impossible to prove any thing ; and the more plain any thing is in it self , the less need there is to examine it . if i am told that white is black , i shall not go about to disprove it , because the thing is evidently false of it self , and i can use no argument that can make the matter plainer than it was at first . in like manner , if any man pretends that there is no difference between vice and virtue but in name , and that all things are equally lawful ; this shall not put me to the trouble of examining the thing , because 't is contrary to the common sense of mankind . and for this reason any man is to be excused that dismisses the doctrine of transubstantiation , without taking much pains about it ; because upon a very little consideration , there appears so many gross contradictions and inconsistencies in it , that i can have no greater reason to believe any thing is true , than i have to believe that is false . 3. some things are hardly worth the examining , and it signifies little or nothing to understand the right side of the question . if the doctrine of the immaculate conception of the virgin mary were true , yet it were not worth a quarter of the pains they have taken about it in the church of rome . it is by no means true , that an infallible living judge is necessary upon earth , and that for the deciding of all controversies in religion ; since all such controversies are not necessary to be decided , some of them being of so little concern to us , that it is no great matter if they remain controversies to the worlds end . but we ought to use our reason as well as we can to find out the truth in all those cases wherein it will be dangerous to be deceived ; and therefore in these four : first , when any man or company of men would gain us over to their way by lofty and extraordinary pretences . secondly , when doctrines are propounded to us with considerable authority , which seem to encourage licentiousness , and to render all care of living well needless . thirdly , when we are tempted to separate from the communion of the establish'd church where we live , or if we are in a state of separation from it . fourthly , when opinions in religion are propounded to us by those that would get us to yield up our judgments wholly unto them , and do what they can to keep us from examining them . a prudent man would examine in all these cases ; first , when men make extraordinary pretences . the reasonableness of which i have already shewn , with reference to that pretence of the church of rome to infallibility . and the like is to be said of those that pretend to work miracles , or that talk of immediate revelations , of knowing the truth by inspiration , and of more than ordinary illuminations . for it is not onely a childish thing to be frighted with big words from looking what is under them , but a very dangerous sort of cowardize , to be afraid of calling those things into question which are set off with such highflown pretences . for from hence it has come to pass , that superstition and idolatry , enthusiasms and impostures , have prevailed so much in the world. it is somewhat strange that we should believe men the more , for that very reason upon which we should believe them less , that is , for magnifying themselves . and yet if this had not been common , mahomet had not imposed upon so great a part of the world , nor the church of rome upon so great a part of christendom , nor our enthusiasts upon so many people in england as they have . i would not be backward to give that man a hearing , that pretends to great things in teaching religion ; but then i should be something forward to give him a tryal too : for otherwise i might encourage a very impudent hypocrite to be more impudent still , and to play upon my easiness till i had swallowed all the foolish and damnable opinions which he would have me believe for his own advantage . secondly , when we meet with doctrines that seem to strike at the foundations of morality and good living , we are to examine them too , before we yield our assent ▪ though they be recommended by men of name and authority . for the end of divine truth is a good and holy life ; and therefore i should suspect that to be false doctrine , which in my judgment either takes away the necessity of piety and virtue , or discourages men from endeavouring to attain them . for instance , i find this doctrine maintained by some men of great note , that god hath from all eternity absolutely chosen some men to salvation , and reprobated the rest , without respect to any personal qualifications . now if this be true , i cannot see for my life how the obtaining of eternal happiness , and the avoiding of damnation , depends upon any care of mine , or upon any thing that i can do , since every mans state is absolutely over-ruled by predestination and an irreversible decree ; so that let me do what i please , all that i can do for another world will be but lost labour , and might as well be spared . but if i am sensible of this , it is but reasonable that i should not rely upon the credit of the author or of the preacher for so perilous a doctrine ; but because it is pretended to be grounded upon the ninth chapter to the romans , i should go to the apostle my self , and carefully inquire into his meaning in that place , by the best rules of interpretation that i can learn. and whoever goes thus impartially to work , will find that the apostle in that place was discoursing of another question , and indeed upon a subject that has nothing to do with this question of absolute election or reprobation of the persons of men ; and that though the words sound that way to a man that is already prepossess'd , yet the meaning of them is nothing to the purpose . suspicion of doctrines when it is grounded upon so good a reason as we are now speaking of , should cause inquiry , and then that inquiry will discover on which side the truth lies . he that would be a libertine , and live as he lists , may be pleased when he meets with any pretended doctrine of religion that will excuse a wicked life , or discourage virtue and holiness ; and therefore it is likely that he will rest satisfied , and examine no farther . but an honest mind will not let a man deceive himself in this manner ; but if it does not cause him to reject such opinions as soon as ever he has well satisfied himself of their consequences , it will at least keep him from admitting them , till he has tried them every way that he can . thirdly , we ought also to be very well satisfied , and that upon much consideration of the matter , before we separate from the communion of the church where we live . for whatever some men may think of it , this is a business of so weighty a nature and consequence , that it is not to be resolved upon or continued in , till we are sure we are in the right , and that upon most plain and evident reasons . and if there be any case in which a christian ought not to go rashly to work , this is one . and therefore it is greatly to be lamented , that so many amongst us pretending to the power of godliness , should make so light a matter as they plainly do of running into separate congregations ; it being very notorious , when one discourses the point with them , that they never enquired why the church-assemblies were to be forsaken , and what it is in the establish'd forms of worship , or in the terms of our communion , that makes it needful for an honest and wise christian to depart from it . and this is an argument that they take it to be a matter of very little consequence ; for otherwise they would have applied themselves with more diligence to weigh it in all the particulars that belong to it . and therefore i shall offer some reasons in behalf of such inconsiderate people , to convince them how bold and dangerous a thing it is to separate from this church of england , unless they were fully satisfied upon mature examination that there are just and necessary causes for separation , such namely as will make them sinners against god , if they do not separate . 1. if without just cause i separate from this church , i do wilfully reject the great blessings and advantages of communion with it , and must be answerable to god for slighting that merciful providence of his through which i happened to be born and bred in a place where i might enjoy the benefits of church-communion , without venturing at any disorderly and sinful practice for them . surely it is no small blessing , if my lot has been cast where so great a blessing did , as it were , lie in wait for me , where the true christian doctrine and way of worship was recommended to me by publick authority , and establish'd by law and custom , and defended to my hand by clear and strong arguments . if this be our case in the church of england , then my separation from her ( i say it again ) makes me guilty of a stupid and ungrateful contempt of gods exceeding mercies in disposing my condition in this world so to my advantage , that i was born , baptized , and bred in a place where the truth invited me , and was ready to receive me , before i made one step towards a search after her . indeed to be baptized within the communion of a particular church , and to have been born and to live under that authority which requires me to keep close to it , is of it self no sufficient reason why we should continue to be of it ; but it is a mighty reason why we should examine things carefully before we leave it , or take up a resolution never to return to it , if we have left it already ; because if there be no just reason for separation , we shall have the more to answer to god : for it is a great fault to neglect searching after the truth in matters of this concern , even when it lies a great way off from a man ; but it is much more inexcusable to reject it when it lies at our doors . 2. i had need be very careful and impartial in this case , since if the reasons upon which i separate be not really weighty and substantial , i am at once guilty of throwing off that subordination and subjection to the pastors and guides of the church , which the christian profession requires , and of contemning the lawful commands of my superiours in the state , contrary to the rule of the gospel which obliges me to submit to their ordinances . i should not easily be led to a practice where there is danger of such a complicated sin . 3. i am to consider , that differences in religion and worship , do dangerously affect the peace of kingdoms and all other societies , especially where the interests of church and state are so mixed and interwoven together as they are in england . they that agree in religion , are the most likely to be at peace , and to agree together in other things . but it seldom happens that they maintain hearty correspondence in any thing , who are of opposite communions in the service of god. when the unity of the church is broken , there is a foundation laid of those uncharitable censures and animosities which for the most part end in violence and bloudshed , very often to the dissolation of kingdoms and nations . it were easie to put this out of question by several instances of the sad experience which christendom hath had of it . but the late and sad example hereof at home , is enough to make all others needless for our conviction . the rebellion here was supported by nothing more than by difference about religion . this was the principal cause that brought together so many people against the king , and that inslamed them with anger and resolution to venture all , till they had secured the king and enslaved the kingdom . i need not say ( for sure every body must be sensible of that ) how diversity of religions weaken the government , and render a people unable to do well for themselves , to oppose foreign enemies , and to use the most likely opportunities for the common safety and prosperity . therefore in love to our country , and for the sake of peace at home , and of success in all just enterprizes abroad , we should be very backward to violate the present constitution of the church , and to unsettle the state of religion , and never separate from the establish'd communion , till we find our selves forced to it by reasons so plain and weighty , that there is no avoiding of it , if we would keep our selves honest men and good christians . 4. the setting of a bad example to others should in this case be most considered . for if where a necessary reformation in things of religion is made by just authority , or a lawful separation made by private persons from a communion polluted with unlawful conditions ; it is yet very hard to keep the example from being abused by others in reforming or separating without any such cause , and will still be of worse consequence to set an example of wanton and unjustifiable separation : for this is so plain a contempt of authority , order , and unity , that others will be afraid to subdivide into more parties , as self-conceit , ambition , or revenge , or the like evil dispositions shall prompt them . 5. if separation should not be made but with very great caution , for fear of incurring the guilt of schism by a causeless and unlawful departure from the assemblies of the church , and setting up other assemblies in opposition to them . this in the judgment of the ancient christians was no less than for a man to cut himself off from the catholick church of christ ; and if the body of christ be but one , as the scripture plainly tells us , he that divides himself from any particular church that is a member of this body , divides himself from the whole body . and therefore schismaticks were not accounted by the ancients to be within the church , although they retained the profession of the common faith. and surely a man would well advise with himself about an action whereby he may be in danger of putting himself into that condition . the vnity of christians in one body and communion , was instituted by our lord for very great and weighty reasons , and particularly for the securing of brotherly kindness amongst his disciples , who being members of the body of christ , should therefore love and care for one another more than other men are wont to do ; and for the retaining of professors within the rules of a true christian life , from which if they should break away by any scandalous practice , they were to be punished for it by the shame of being turned out of the communion of the church , and by the loss of the great advantages thereof . but it is evident , that they who are guilty of dividing the communion of christians , and setting up one communion in opposition to another , without necessary cause , do what in them lies to render this provision for the maintenance of charity and purity of manners amongst believers , altogether ineffectual . and we see by experience that hatred and ill will , and looseness of life , gains ground more by the schisms that are amongst christians , than by any thing else ; and no wonder , since men that are of different and opposite communions do not use to love one another ; and vicious persons do not value the communion of a true church , nor care if for their ill manners they be turned out of it , when they can take sanctuary in a pretended church of another communion , that makes as loud a claim to all the priviledges of a chruch-society as that church can do from which they have divided themselves . which things being considered , we are not to wonder that in st. cyprian's time schism was accounted no less , but rather a greater fault than to sacrifice to idols for the avoiding of persecution . for though idolatry simply considered be in it self worse , yet schism in its consequences is more pernicious . he that is the head of a schism , does more mischief to the church than if he turned a pagan or a mahometan . the conclusion from hence is this : that it concerns every man that separates himself from an established church , it concerns him , i say , as much as his soul is worth , to look to it that the cause of his separation be just and necessary , and such as will throw the guilt of schism upon that church from which he separates . but alas , how few are they that examine the reasons upon which they have broken away from the church of england ? how many , that when they are pressed in good earnest , can say no more for themselves than that they have better preaching , and more spiritual praying elsewhere , than in our parish-churches ? how will they abuse our prayers and call them porridge , and such other vile names , who never in all their lives so much as read them , and are not ashamed to own that they have not ? they call the bishops antichristian , and the rites and ceremonies of the church idolatrous or superstitious , who yet never well considered what antichrist means , what is idolatry or superstition ; who have little or nothing to say , if they be asked what evil is in bishops , in liturgies , and in the rites of our worship . how many others are there who read the books written to defend the separation , but will not vouchsafe so much as to look upon any one that is published in behalf of the communion of our church ? god of his mercy give a better spirit to such people , and repentance to those that have misled them . fourthly , we should not easily believe those men in matters of religion , who would keep us from examining their doctrines by fair ways of tryal , and would affright us into an implicit faith , by pronouncing damnation against all that are not of their own way . if men use violence or subtlety to hinder us from judging for ourselves , there is great reason to suspect that they are conscious to themselves of a bad cause which will not bear the tryal . i need not say how this reaches the roman church , which forbids the laity to read the scriptures , unless some one lay-man has that special favour granted him of leave so to do from his ordinary , who commonly is wise enough not to give this license , but where he is sure the party is fast enough to the cause of that church . those of the separate congregations best know what arts are used to keep the people that go that way , from informing themselves by reading our books , or discoursing with our ministers about the matters in controversie between them and us . but we are not ignorant of all of them , some of their leaders teach them to pity our ignorance , and want of illumination ; alas , poor wretches that we are , we know not the things of the spirit of god! we are strangers to the life and power of godliness ! thus they use to represent us . they take all the good names and promises of the scripture to themselves , and leave the threatnings of god , and the punishments inflicted upon his enemies , to us . now this is but a cunning and indirect way to keep the people from hearkning to any thing we can say to 'em , and to teach them how to conclude against us , without thinking it to any purpose to examine what is offered on both sides . they that have a good cause , need not use those disingenuous arts ; they will not fright men from considering what their adversaries say , by denouncing damnation against them , nor forbid them to read their books , but rather encourage them to do so , that they may see the difference between truth and errour , between reason and sophistry , with their own eyes . this is the effect of a well-grounded confidence in the truth ; and there is this signe of a good cause apparently discernable in the application of the clergy of this church both to their friends and enemies . they desire both the one and the other to consider impartially what is said for us and against us . and whatever guides of a party do otherwise , they give just cause to those that follow them , to examine their doctrines so much the more , by how much they are unwilling to have them examined . it is a bad signe when men are loath to have their opinions seen in the day , but love darkness rather than light . thus i have shewn in what cases we are most concerned to examine the doctrines of those that undertake to inftruct and guide us . § 5. ii. because the duty of proving all things supposes certain rules and tests , by which doctrines are to be examined and tryed , i proceed to shew what they are . now it is very certain that the rules by which we are to try doctrines for our own satisfaction about them , are no other than those want of argument by which a wise man would prove the truth of his perswasion to others for their satisfaction . and therefore it is plain that those rules must be common to me and to other men whom i would also guide so into the knowledge of that truth to which i have attained . and they are these three . 1. reason , which is a common rule to all men . 2. scripture , which is a common rule to all christians . 3. antiquity , or the uniform judgment and practice of the church in the first ages of christianity ; which is a common rule to those who are verst in the histories of the primitive church , and in the writings of the fathers . the two former rules are the principal and most necessary , and we are safe if our perswasions in religion will bear the test of reason and scripture , and withal those rules are near at hand for every mans use amongst us . but the last rule is also of good use to those that can use it , for their own confirmation in the truth , and stopping the mouths of gain-sayers . but more particularly , 1. by reason , i do not understand that faculty by which we are men , and can compare one thing with another , and argue and conclude , &c. for this is that natural power by which we use any kind of rule whereby to judge of the truth or falshood of opinions in religion ; but i understand by it , those common truths which are natural to the minds of men , and to which we give a ready assent , without any need of having them proved by any thing else . for by these fundamental truths we are to prove all things else ; and if there were none such , we could prove nothing . and they are such as these , that nothing can make it self ; that the same thing cannot be and not be at the same time ; that common sence is to be trusted ; that god is a being absolutely perfect ; that the good is to be chosen , and the evil to be refused ; and that contradictions cannot be true , and the like . now whatever is by true consequence deduced from such principles , is thereby proved to be true ; and whatsoever is repugnant to them , or can be disproved by them , is false . they are the forementioned propositions , with others as self-evident as they ; which make up that which we call the light of nature or of reason . and i mention this rule in the first place , because it must be presupposed to all other ways and means of enquiring after truth , and without which nothing could be done in it ; insomuch that the belief of that truth which is not to be deduced from mere natural reason , but depends upon a divine testimony , is at last resolved into a rational act , and relies upon this natural principle , that god cannot lye . wherefore they that cry down reason , as if it were at no hand to be trusted in matters of religion , and call it carnal , blind , and foolish reason , and such-like vile names , if they are in good earnest , they are incapable of searching after truth themselves , and of receiving any satisfaction from others . while they are in this humour , i may as well take a beast to dispute with , as go about to convince them . and if all men were thus senseless , it were impossible that men should be serviceable to instruct one another in the things of god. but to abandon the use of reason in matters of religion , and to scorn a man when he speaks consistently , and argues clearly from common principles of truth , is such a wretched sort of unmanliness , that i cannot but think it is for the most part taken up in designe , by those men that have brought nonsence , and contradictions , and absurd opinions into religion ; which no man can admit , without doing violence to his own understanding . for when hypocrites have for their worldly interest debauched religion in this manner , they know that the meanest people will never swallow their gross absurdities , unless they can first prevail with them to believe that 't is a dangerous thing to trust their own eyes , or to hearken to any discourse from principles of reason , though it be never so clear and strong ; and that it is a kind of merit to believe things incredible , and to stick to a conclusion the faster , the more impossible it seems to be true . but by the way , if reason be one , and that the first means by which we are to judge for our selves in matters of religion , as i shall make bold to say it is , i should vehemently suspect , without farther examination , that they know their opinions to be very foolish , who at first dash renounce the most general and necessary rule by which they are to be tried . i shall onely adde , that because the fundamental principles of reason are the same all the world over ; reason is therefore the most publick rule and test , whereby to judge between truth and errour . and therefore if a council defines things in that manner , that i must forsake right reason to follow its definitions ; when i make this plain , this is not opposing a private spirit to a publick judgment , but appealing from a less publick judgment , to the most publick sence and judgment of mankind . § 6. 2. as reason is a rule to all men , so is scripture a rule to all christians , at least it ought to be so ; and all pretend to make it a rule for their judgment , by appealing to it . the church of rome indeed allows it to be but part of the rule of faith ; we say it is an intire and perfect rule thereof . however , so long as she acknowledges the scriptures to be a rule , though she pretends there is another rule besides that , she is to be concluded by the authority of the scriptures ; and so we are to be acquitted by her , in not believing her against the scriptures . now every body must grant that we do not judge rightly by the scriptures , where we mistake the meaning of the text. and we ought to be sure that the sence wherein we take any place , is the true sence , before we make our interpretation of it a rule whereby to examine other things . where the sence is very plain , it requires nothing more than common sence and common honesty to understand it ; and it is very reasonable to suppose that god hath revealed all points necessary to salvation so clearly and plainly , that it is not difficult for an honest man to understand what they are . but because there are many obscure places in the scriptures , we must be very careful not to ground any doctrine upon them , till we have well weighed and examined the meaning of those places ; and the way to be secure from any dangerous mistake in concluding from places of scripture that are more or less hard to be understood , is to observe such cautions as these are , which i think all christians must allow to be reasonable . 1. that we take no text in a sence which is repugnant to common sense and natural reason . 2. that we put no sence upon a place of scripture that is repugnant to the general scope and designe of the whole word of god. 3. that we understand no ▪ difficult places in a sence that is contrary to to those places whose meaning is plain and manifest to all men . 4. that we mistake not those places for plain , which are not so . 5. that we put no other sence upon a text than what agrees with the scope and designe of that particular discourse wherein we find it . 1. before we conclude upon the sence of a text , so as to prove any thing by it , we must be sure that sence is not repugnant to natural reason . for if it be , it cannot be the true meaning of the scripture . for god is the original of natural truth , as well as of that which comes by particular revelation ; and , as hierocles saith , to believe and obey right reason , and to follow god , are the same thing . and therefore no proposition that is repugnant to the fundamental principles of reason , can be the sence of any part of gods book ; and that which is false and contrary to reason , can no more be true and agreeable to the revelations of scripture , than god , who is the author of one as well as the other , can contradict himself . from hence it is evident , that these words , this is my body , are not to be understood in that sence which makes for the doctrine of transubstantiation , because it is impossible that contradictions should be true ; and we cannot be more certain that any thing is true , than we are that that doctrine is false . there are some other doctrines maintained by men of name in the world , that they have no better grounds for , than obscure texts interpreted contrary to the principles of natural reason and religion . this caution therefore is to be minded in the first place . 2. we must put no sence upon a difficult place , which contradicts the great end and drift of the whole bible . now that is , to work faith in men , and thereby to bring them to repentance , and to a holy life . and therefore whatsoever doctrine does naturally tend to take men off from the care of holy living , by nourishing them in foolish presumption , or driving them to miserable despair , cannot be the doctrine of the scriptures ; and therefore such a doctrine cannot be proved from any obscure text of the bible , and by consequence that sence of an obsure text from which it may be proved , is not the true sence , unless we can believe that some part of the holy books teaches something that undermines the great end of the whole . there are too many opinions amongst some christians that have no other colour for them , than scripture interpreted without this necessary caution , which must therefore be added to the former . 3. we must not understand a difficult place in a sence that is contrary to those places whose meaning is plain and manifest to all men . for the scripture cannot teach one thing plainly in one place , and the quite contrary obscurely in another . it is but reasonable therefore in trying to understand a difficult place , or in going about to prove any thing from it , that we should compare scripture with scripture , and the obscure places with those that are plain ; not to interpret the plain by the obscure , which is contrary to all rules of discourse , but the obscure by the plain ; especially because the plain places contain things that are most necessary to be understood and believed by us : and therefore we cannot without great danger forsake the doctrine which they teach ; as every man in effect does , who takes a difficult place in a sence contrary to that doctrine . in a word , the scripture is our rule principally where it is easiest to be understood , and the meaning is most plain and evident . but this caution will be of greater use , if we take the next along with us ; and that is this : 4. in trying opinions by scripture , we must be something careful lest we mistake those places for plain , which indeed are not so , but more or less obscure . and here i think it needful to shew what i mean by the plainness or by the difficulty of a text. a text is then plain , when that is the true and intended meaning of it which the first reading or hearing of the words doth suggest to a mans mind . and the scripture is thus plain in necessary points , especially in the precepts and exhortations thereof , which though in some places they are couched under more obscure terms , yet in others they are delivered with this plainness . a text may be said to be difficult , when we do not hit of the true and intended sence upon the first reading , or gather it from the bare surface of the words , but must search and enquire farther to know it . and there are two sorts of difficult texts in scripture . some places are so hard to be understood , that upon the first reading of the words or phrases , no tolerable or intelligible sence can be put on them at all , without a great deal of farther study and enquiry ; the difficult places of which sort are more seldom perverted to maintain any ill opinion : for no body goes about to make a text a scriptural proof of any thing , without he first determines with himself in what sence to take it ; and as for the hard places of this kind , it being not obvious at the first reading what sence they can bear , a man cannot well offer to prove any thing by them . the other sort of difficult texts are those which being taken by themselves , do upon the first sight or sound of the words , seem to have a plain sence and meaning , which yet are not to be understood in that sence the words will be upon the first reading of them ; and these are the hard places in gods word which are most perverted , and taken in such sence as the holy ghost never intended : for then is an hard place like to be wrested , when it seems plain to him who doth not understand it ; and a difficult text may seem plain to him who for want of studying and considering , thinks he understands it , but doth not . i shall instance in some difficult texts of the latter sort , which have been mistaken for plain ( that is ) erroneously taken to have such a meaning as they appear to have upon the first reading . in the ninth chapter of the epistle to the romans we have these words , that it might not be of works , but of him that calleth : some take this for a plain place , and therefore think it a clear scriptural truth , that our salvation is not at all of our works , but onely proceeds from an absolute decree of heaven . so again we have it affirmed by the apostle in the same chapter , it is not of him that willeth , nor of him that runneth , but of god that sheweth mercy . hence some think it is plain in scripture , that what we do signifies little , all is from an arbitrary favour of god. again , in the 1 cor. 4. 7. we find these words , who maketh thee to differ from another ? from the sound of which words some gather that we are not free agents in our own conversion ; but that if we be better than our neighbours , it is an almighty power hath made us so , and not any free choice or care of our own . now certain it is , that we mistake the meaning of a text of scripture , if we look upon it as plain when it is not so ; and consequently , in this case we cannot be able to judge what is orthodox or erroneous , by having recourse to any scriptures so misapprehended . but how can i know when a place is but seemingly plain , and not really so , ( i. e. ) when i am not to take that to be the meaning of the place , which i may apprehend upon the first running of the words and sound of the phrases ? this is to be known by comparing places together , and going by this rule . a place seems onely to be plain , but is not , when it 's uppermost sence , and what it offers to us , does not agree with the sence of a place undoubtedly plain . for instance , the texts now mentioned may seem plain to those who would prove their erroneous perswasions to be scriptural truths by them ; yet if we suppose them plain , ( i. e. ) if we think they are to be taken in that sence which they will bear at the first reading , then they are texts undeniably repugnant to such places of st. paul , as all must believe and acknowledge to be plain . for whereas he says — that it might not be of works , &c. in another place he gives us this plain precept , work out your salvation . is not salvation of works , and yet must we work it out ? either therefore it is not true in the sence some take the words , that salvation is not of works , or it is not proper to bid us work it out ; wherefore by this plain place [ work out your salvation ] we must conclude that the other place [ that it might not be of works ] whatsoever the sence of it may be , it cannot have this meaning , that our salvation doth not depend upon our works or doings . in like manner , whereas the apostle says [ it is not of him that willeth , nor of him that runneth , &c. ] doth he not in a plain practical discourse , wherein he compares the christian life to a race , exhort us so to run that we may obtain ? now is it not of running that we obtain ? and yet doth he bid us so run that we may obtain ? wherefore the plain precept to run , &c. evidently shews that it cannot be the meaning of the other place , that it is not by running or by diligence in a christian life ▪ that we obtain salvation . again , whereas he asketh in one place , who maketh thee to differ from another ? he also exhorteth in another , be not conformed to the world . and therefore the meaning of the former clause cannot be , that the righteous man who is more excellent than his neighbour , doth nothing towards the making of that difference : for then it would be very improper to exhort a man to make that difference , by not conforming to the world . finally , it is evident that these places of st. paul which i have now compared , cannot be all of them plain , for then they are irreconcilably repugnant to one another ; and if they are not all plain , then some of them must not be thought to have such a meaning , as the first reading of the words might make us think they have . and therefore in judging things by scripture , we must be careful that we do not prove or disprove them by scriptures mistaken for plain when they are not so . 5. we must also see that the sence wherein we take a passage of scripture that belongeth to a discourse , be agreeable to the designe and scope of that discourse to which it belongeth . this rule , as it is necessary for all to observe , so it is especially to be urged upon men that are apt to interpret places that are not of themselves plain , by those opinions that they are already possessed with a belief of , but for which they have little ground , besides the mere sound of some texts , which at first hearing seem to be of their side , but which , if they were compared with the designe of the holy writer in that chapter or book , would be found to mean quite another thing . all that i shall say besides of this rule is , that the difficulty of many places that are not of themselves plain , will be removed by observing it . for instance , by this way we shall easily be satisfied , that that forementioned place of st. paul , who maketh thee to differ from another ? was chiefly meant of those extraordinary gifts which were distributed amongst believers in the first ages of the church ; and therefore ( though in a qualified sence this is true of all saving graces ) it is very consistent with all those scriptures that suppose the difference between the righteous and the wicked , to depend upon something which is in the power of the righteous . if we mangle coherent discourses , and take a shred or a phrase of scripture by it self , without regard to the main scope of the place , and this to prove what what we would have ; we do not try our opinions by scripture , but we interpret scripture by our own opinions . thus i have shewn what cautions are to be observed in judging by scripture . i doubt not but all will acknowledge them to be very reasonable and equal ; and if all men had observed them , who have a just veneration for the scriptures , the word of god had been better understood and less wrested ; unsound divinity had not easily passed for scriptural truth , and all occasion of those unjust reproaches had been taken away which the church of rome throws upon us for allowing to all christians the free use of gods holy book . and thus much for the rules of reason and scripture . 3. the third i mentioned was antiquity and catholick tradition . now if this rule , as i said at first , be of excellent use , then they are in the best way to find out what is the true christian religion by it , who stick to the holy scriptures , though they are not capable of using it otherwise . for if that be true which was most anciently taught and believed in the church , and which was received all along in the best ages of the church ; then he that can prove his faith by scripture , has the argument of antiquity and catholick tradition unquestionably on his side , because the scriptures are the most ancient records of our religion , and they have been delivered down to us as such from the beginning through all ages to our present times . but we acknowledge also the testimony of antiquity of something of a later date , that is , of the antient fathers of the church , to be of very good use for the clearing of some places in scripture ; for shewing what order and discipline was left in the church by the apostles ; for confirming us in points of faith grounded upon the scriptures , but which have been disputed and opposed by hereticks ; and likewise for confuting those gross errours in belief or practice , which of later days have been brought in amongst christians , especially those of the church of rome . but how things are to be examined by this rule , i shall not here direct , because this is the subject of an excellent discourse already published . and thus much concerning rules whereby to try opinions in religion . § 7. iii. the dispositions wherewith we are to search for the truth by these means , are also of necessary consideration : for whatever other advantages we have , if we be greatly defective in these , we shall very often lose our labour , and fall into mistakes of dangerous consequence . to qualifie a man for receiving truth when propounded with sufficient evidence , or to find it out by his own search , there must be these three things . 1. a prepared mind . 2. competent diligence . 3. prayer to god for his blessing upon that diligence . 1. a prepared mind , which our saviour calls a good and honest heart . now this consists in humility , ingenuity , and sincerity . humility is necessary , because overweening and self-concit makes a man apt to despise what those of a different perswasion can say for themselves , before their arguments are considered ; and in general , to neglect that help which may be had by the advice and reasoning of others . so likewise vain-glory fixeth a man in an errour he hath once defended ; and while he is unwilling to acknowledge a mistake , he strains all his wit to delude himself into a stronger belief of it , and of his ability to defend it . in controversies he is desirous of victory , and would fain be thought some-body ; and therefore he studies more to expose an adversary , than to inform himself . and if he be yet to chuse his side of a question , he takes the wrong one , if it be more fashionable than the right . therefore says our saviour , whosoever doth not receive the kingdom of god as a little child , i. e. with a meek and pliable spirit , shall not enter therein . again , says he , my sheep hear my voice ; intimating that they would be easily convinced who were of tractable and humble minds . and therefore he adds concerning the pharisees , that they rejected him , because they were not of his sheep , i. e. because of their haughty and inflexible dispositions . prejudice is apt to bar the mind against conviction as well as pride , and therefore to humility we must adde ingenuity and sincerity , by which a man is qualified to distinguish between the suggestions of prejudice on the one side , and the force of good reasons on the other . ingenuity is opposed to those prejudices that are either unavoidably contracted , or taken up through weakness of understanding . of the former sort are the prejudices of education , or conversing altogether with our own party . men are generally prepossess'd with great favour to those opinions in which they have been all along trained up , and which have been instilled into them by all that they have conversed with . and therefore we cannot be meet inquirers after truth , if we want the ingenuity of suspecting our selves on this side , and trying those perswasions in which we have been bred up , with the greater impartiality and severity . some men are prejudiced by an unaccountable inclination toward an opinion , or an antipathy against it ; and these ought the more carefully to distinguish between the warmth of their imaginations on the one side , and the force of arguments on the other ; and not to take a passionate fondness for a conclusion , or an aversion from it , to be a reason one way or other . it is very incident to weak minds , to prejudg in favour of their opinions whose persons they admire , and mostly to that degree , as not to hear with any patience an argument against them . such a precious man said this or that , and therefore no body must say otherwise . but it is at once disingenuous and silly , to entertain such an opinion of any man , as to take all that he says for gospel ; for the best men are fallible , and 't is easie for an hypocrite to make himself pass for a saint in the opinion of ordinary people : and therefore men may be led into great errours , whose judgments are captivated in this manner . to this we may adde that prejudice which arises from conceiving hard things of mens persons ; which an ingenuous man will by no means yield to , but will consider what another says , though he does not fancy the man. it is reason enough with some people to reject all that their minister says to convince them of their mistakes , if he be called a high church-man , or goes for an arminian ; and all this while they stand in their own light , and will not suffer themselves to be instructed in many profitable truths which they might learn. thus the jews , though they were astonished at our saviour's doctrine and works , yet believed not ; and this because they were offended at him for the meanness of his parentage . some are so weak as to be prejudiced against opinions and practices , meerly because they have heard them often abused , nicknamed , and inveighed against in a rude and reproachful manner . and this goes a great way with some dissenters to make them deaf to all our reasons , that when they are got together , they hear the rites and prayers of our church scoffed at and called by vile names . but it stands not with the least ingenuity , to run away with prejudice against things that are abused and laugh'd at , without examining whether there be reason for it . sincerity is opposed to those prejudices that arise from vicious affections and worldly interests ; and it consists in a firm resolution to do the will of god , and a vehement desire to know it for that end . and this is a most necessary preparation to know the truth , because nothing is more common than the perverting of mens judgments by the inordinacy of their lusts , and the serving of a corrupt interest . the love of any vice makes a man partial and insincere in examining the truth of that doctrine by which he stands condemned . the belief of it is uneasie to him ; it is not for his interest that it should be true ▪ this is the reason why the fool saith in his heart , there is no god. the worldly interests of men do strangely byass and fashion their judgments . it were a thing never enough to be admired , that so many men of parts and learning should not be ashamed of those pitiful grounds upon which they maintain the supremacy of the pope , the doctrine of purgatory , the half communion , the sacrifice of the mass , the invocation of saints , and the like ; but that those things do notoriously serve the wealth and grandeur of the roman church . if it be needful to go to a conventicle for the getting of a rich fortune , or the bettering of a mans trade , a little enquiry will for the most part serve his turn , and satisfie him that the separation is lawful , and the causes of it are just . a man ought to set aside all consideration of his worldly interest , and to propound eternal life to himself as the end of his inquiry , when he labours to know the truth . the affectation of popularity , and the love of praise and flattery , cannot consist with a sincere love of the truth , and does very often hinder the attainment of it . it is hard to convince men of those things that check their vainglorious ends and purposes . and therefore says our saviour , how can ye believe in me , that receive honour one of another , and seek not that honour which cometh of god onely ? the wise man exhorts us to buy the truth , intimating thereby that we must quit all our sinful lusts and affections , and our carnal interests in prosecuting of it . in a word , we must be in mind prepared to believe all truth , by being resolved to do whatsoever appears to be the will of god , let what will come of it in this world , having our hearts evermore fixed upon the great concernment of eternal life . and this is more necessary for the best knowledge , than vastness of parts and learning . where the mind is thus prepared , there will be little need to press the two remaining dispositions ; whereof the former is , 2. competent diligence . errour is sometimes made to look so like the truth , that a superficial examination will not serve to distinguish one from the other . sometimes the truth must be had by laying a great many things together , and the proof does not lie in one , but in many arguments pointing the same way . sometimes also a conclusion is offered with the shew of many motives of credibility , which neither singly nor joyntly prove what is intended . and here patience and industry commonly helpeth more than quickness of judgement . our saviour bad the jews search the scriptures ; those very men who in all probability had read them , but as it seemeth , not with diligence enough . it were very well , if those that begin to study divinity would not presume upon the diligence and honesty of others , whose books they see full of citations of scripture ; but take some pains to judge whether that be the true sence in which they are quoted . for want of this , several have miscarried in their first entrance upon this work ; and the errours of men of name and authority , have been propagated . it would also be very happy for this church , and for themselves too , if the dissenting people would not presently conclude that what they read in the books of their own way is all agreeable to gods word , because they see abundance of scripture in them , but would use some diligence to judge whether that be the true meaning in which the scripture is there understood . it was doubtless with designe to catch such slothful people , that the catechism of h. t. was published in our language , wherein he pretends to prove all the lewd doctrines of the romish religion , by texts of scripture . but if any man will take the pains to examine his pr̄oofs , he shall find such miserable wresting and perverting of the scripture , that he will never trust a book more merely for store of scripture-phrases and citations ; but go to the fountain of truth it self , the pure word of god , to see whether the interpretations of men are indeed the unpolluted streams of that spring , from whence they are said to come . we must be willing to sift things to the bottom , if we would not be imposed upon . a very little pains will serve to make a man confident ; but 't is not a little that will make him confident upon safe grounds . 3. to diligence we must adde prayer for the divine illumination . in searching for truth we must implore his help who is the god of truth , whose word is the word of truth , and whose spirit is the guide into truth , that he would free our minds from all prejudices and corrupt affections , and from every thing which obstructs a right understanding . if we lack wisdom , we must ask it of god , who giveth his holy spirit to them that ask him . and now i dare appeal to all that read these papers , if it had not been to the unspeakable advantage of gods church , and the souls of men , if all that profess christianity had inquired into the controversies of religion ( so far as they are concerned in them ) with these dispositions that i have recommended . and therefore i do the more earnestly desire them to lay their hands upon their breasts , and in good earnest to ask themselves if they have in this manner sought the knowledge of the truth ; with a mind thus prepared , with impartiality and diligence , and constant prayer for gods blessing and direction . § 8. iv. my next business is to offer some considerations to perswade our people to an honest and impartial tryal of opinions in religion . this indeed cannot be done by all with equal advantage , because of the difference of mens abilities ; but something is to be done by all , and every one is to do what he can , and god expects no more . if we chuse a way of religion at random , or without honest care to know the truth , we are in great danger of falling into delusion , because there are false religions and damnable errours in the world. saith st. john , try the spirits whether they be of god , because many false prophets are gone out into the world . there was danger of running into grievous errour in the best and purest age of the church , if christians were not careful to examine things . and surely the danger is greater in this corrupt age , and this extremely-divided state of christendom . it often happens also , i doubt for the most part , that seducers are more diligent and wise to propagate errour , than good men are to gain proselytes to the truth . the former are evermore too hard for the latter in confidence , peremptoriness , threatning of damnation , magnificent and lofty pretences , and where the case calls for it , in artificial addresses and insinuations . and this makes our danger the greater , if we are not resolved to try before we trust . nay , if we were secure from impostors , yet because no man is infallible , we should not surrender up our belief wholly to the authority of any man , but judge of his doctrine as well as we can . because there cannot be a stronger ground for our assent to any thing , than that god has said it , we are to be very careful how we receive an opinion , for which texts of scripture are multiplied one upon another , i. e. we must see whether they do indeed prove the thing in question : for otherwise we may by the pretence of so great authority , be the more fastned in some dangerous errour . we are exposed to manifest hazard , if we are apt to admire a man for bringing much scripture to serve his purpose , but not to think it needful to see whether those passages of holy writ be pertinently applied or not . to this i must adde , that the errours we may fall into for want of enquiry and examination , may for ought we know , be of dangerous consequence to our own souls . some there are that wrest the scriptures to their own destruction ; and if we are in their way , they may wrest them to ours too . we may inconsiderately take up principles that will by degrees debauch our consciences , and reconcile us to wicked practices , and in many instances eat out the sense of good and evil , sin and duty . on the other hand , by considering things as impartially and judiciously as we can , we shall not onely be secure from running into great errours , but the doctrines of true religion will become more plain to us , and we shall have a more clear and distinct apprehension of them ; which will reward our endeavours with great pleasure and satisfaction . for next to the delight of a good conscience gained by doing what we know to be our duty , there is no pleasure more pure and agreeable to the best part of our nature , than that which arises from an improved knowledge in the things of god. and having well weighed and considered the grounds of our perswasion , we shall adhere more stedfastly to that truth which we have learn'd , and not be easily unsetled by the sophistry or the confidence of ill men , being prepared to shew that there is no sound reason in the former , and no just cause for the latter . and when seducers perceive that we have inquired too far into things , to be born down with peremptoriness , or to be deluded with colours ; they will be discouraged from attempting to draw us into their net. moreover , it will be no little satisfaction to us , when we are going out of the world , that we have all along taken due pains to inform our selves in things of the greatest concernment to us , viz. those which regard our everlasting salvation ; and that the errours into which we may have fallen , were not to be imputed to want of honest diligence in inquiring after the truth , but onely to humane infirmity . in the mean time , we cannot have the conscience of sincerity upon good grounds , if we do not with diligence apply our selves to know all our duty , and consequently all that divine truth which is the rule of it , or which leads to the performance of it . one character of that good and honest heart which our saviour compares to the good ground , is to understand the word . and the reason why the pharisees did not understand , was because they were not of god , but of their father the devil whose lusts they did . one reason why god in his wisdom permits impostures and errours to go up and down in the world , is because this serves to make a more evident difference between those that are sincere and honest , and those that are not so . for in these circumstances good men will take the more pains to distinguish between truth and errour , while the insincere either take up that profession which serves best for their worldly ends , or take occasion by the differences that are in the world about religion , to throw off all pretence to religion it self . there must be herefies among you , saith st. paul , that they which are approved may be made manifest . to which we may adde , that by honest endeavours to be rightly informed in matters of religion , we do in some measure qualifie our selves for the happiness of another life , and shew that we are disposed heavenwards , and desirous of that infinitely-better state of things , where darkness and errour shall be done away . for one great part of the reward promised in a better life , is that we shall know divine things more perfectly there , than we can do in this world. but this can be no happiness to any but to those that are lovers of truth and goodness here . i shall conclude this point with one consideration more , that at this time we have very confiderable advantages and opportunities towards the discovery of truth in the present controversies among us . we of this church are perswaded that papists and other sectaries do causelesly divide from our communion , and grievously sin against god , and endanger their own souls , as well as disturb the quiet of the church , by their separation from it , and their combinations against it . and therefore some pains has been taken , more than ordinary , to shew them the errour of their way , by going through the several points upon which they pretend to justifie their doings . and it is plain , as i have shewn already , that in things of this nature they are mightily concerned to know the truth . and therefore if they neglect so fair an opportunity of examining things as is now offered them , they will have the more to answer for another day . the several controversies between this ▪ church on the one side , and the dissenters and the recusants on the other , are stated and argued in a plain and familiar way , and brought down for the most part to the capacity of ordinary readers . and therefore let both the one and the other look to it , that they do not either in obstinacy or in laziness , or for worldly interest , put away the truth from themselves . we should be very sorry if our endeavours should have no other effect than to make them more inexcusable at last . it will be our grief , but it will be their condemnation . § 9. v. when after due examination , we have setled our selves upon true grounds , whether in keeping our first perswasions , or in changing them ( if we found they were wrong ) for better : we must remember that there are duties incumbent upon us growing from the knowledge we have gained . 1. we are to be thankful to god for the truth we have learn'd . when we see how miserably some men are mistaken and deluded in things that are both plain enough , and of great moment , we should not insult over them and grow into self-conceit , but into humility and gratitude to god , acknowledging it to be of his grace and goodness , that we are not led away into the same delusions . we are indeed to thank him for all things that contributed towards our escape or recovery . if we have a better natural apprehension and judgment than some others , who was it that made the difference ? if we had a good education , and were put into a right way at first , it was god that chose those happy circumstances for us . if we have recovered from any way of dangerous errour in which we were bred up , the conversation , the friends , the books , and all other means by which we came to be better informed , were ministred unto us by the good providence of god. and that degree of a good mind which either prompted us to inquire , or prepared us to do it with success , was likewise from his grace . finally , it was his blessing that crowned all . for every good and perfect gift cometh from above , from the father of lights . so that in effect god is to have all the praise . and if we make it our business humbly and thankfully to acknowledge all his goodness in that knowledge of the truth to which we have attained , we shall reap this great advantage and comfort thereby , that by his grace and providence he will communicate to us more and more knowledge , if it be needful for us ; or at least that he will not suffer us to fall into any dangerous errour . for we are not safe from damnable errours merely because we believe the truth at present ; our perseverance in it depends upon the grace of god , which is forfeited by nothing sooner than by pride and ingratitude . for god resisteth the proud , but giveth grace to the humble . and if by the impiety of neglecting to acknowledge god in those blessings we have received from him , we should provoke him to leave us to our selves ; our judgments though they be set right at present , will easily be depraved and corrupted by vicious affections , and by degrees we may fall from one delusion to another , till we come to believe the same things with those men whom we were once apt to scorn or to pity for their stupidity and blindness . now the ways are very plain by which we are to express our thankfulness to god for the knowledge we have gain'd . we must do this in our dayly prayers , if we would shew our selves grateful in any proportion to the greatness of the benefit we have received . we are to thank god for the least of his mercies , because we are less than the least ; and therefore for all the blessings of this life , and of the outward man ; that we are not blind or lame , that we have not distorted limbs , or a deformed shape . but is it not a more valuable blessing still to have a mind clear from all foul and monstrous errour , endued with soundness of judgment , and replenisht with the knowledge of divine truth ? does not this therefore call for particular acknowledgments and thanks ? we must be sure to express our thankfulness by better obedience , and by improving in all virtue and piety , as we have improved in knowledge . otherwise we receive this grace of god in vain . knowledge conduceth to a mans true happiness by leading him to do well ; but if he holds the truth in unrighteousness , by increasing knowledge he does but increase sorrow , and that because he increaseth his guilt . but that which i chiefly intend here , is this : that god by inlightning our minds with a more full discovery of the truth , has laid upon us a great obligation in general to love him more perfectly , and to perform his will in all things more readily and cheerfully than we have done . and this is true thankfulness , if because god hath led us to the understanding of some things which we were ignorant of heretofore , we do more heartily perform those plain duties , and obey those divine rules of which we were not ignorant before . finally , it is a principal expression of our gratitude to god , for being enlightned and undeceived our selves , to be charitably helpful for the undeceiving of others , and leading them into the knowledge of that truth into which god by his providence and grace hath led us . for god is never more pleased with us than when we do good one unto another : and therefore our charity to our mistaken brethren , is the most acceptable sacrifice of praise that we can offer to him . but this is so considerable a thing , that it ought to go by it self for one remarkable use we are to make of having gained the knowledge of the truth . wherefore , 2. let us consider how we are after this to behave our selves to others . i have already told you , that in gratitude to god we are to do what we can to recover those to whom we have opportunities to do this good office ; and that because god would have all men to be ▪ saved , and to come to the knowledge of the truth . this was that which our lord said to peter , when thou art converted , strengthen thy brethren ; and if those who are not thoroughly confirmed in the truth are to be farther instructed , there is the same reason for endeavouring to recover those that are quite out of the way . therefore if any of our friends and acquaintance , or others , whom at any time we have a good opportunity of instructing , remain under those errours that we have forsaken , and have discerned good cause to forsake ; we must remember that though it was chiefly by the grace and disposal of god that we came to a right understanding , yet it was also by humane means , by conversing with others , or by reading their books . and therefore we should take our selves to be fit instruments under god for the reducing of them , by desiring them earnestly either to hear what we have learned from others , or to read those books by which we have been convinced . and we should be the more earnestly engaged in this charity , because those whom we may prevail withal , will thereby be engaged to help others also ; and by this means our diligence and charity will be blessed with the good success of propagating the knowledge of truth so far , that we shall not be able to see to the end of it . if therefore thou art convinced that thy former perswasions were erroneous , and thy practices grounded upon them unjustifiable , be not ashamed to confess thy mistake , but shew thy self glad that thou art now better informed ; and go to thy friend and tell him that thou art fully perswaded thy was has been wrong all this while , and shew him these arguments that have set thee right , that he , as well as thy self , may rejoyce in the discovery of the truth , and have the same reason to bless god that thou hast . now when we are thus resolved , let us by no means forget in what manner we are to apply our selves to our mistaken brother for his information , i. e. in meekness of wisdom , in the spirit of meekness , without railing and bitterness , though we should meet with unhandsome opposition , remembring that we our selves not long since were under the same mistakes , and had the like fondness for those erroneous opinions which we would now rescue our brother from . if he does not take information and receive instruction as fast as we did , we must not presently grow into passion ; for some mens prejudices are greater and stronger than others , and all men have not the same capacity of understanding , and quickness of apprehension ; and therefore more time is to be allowed , and more patience is to be used for the recovery of one man , than may be needful in the case of another . and because nothing puts a slow or a prejudiced man more backward than rough and bitter discourse , therefore more meekness , and gentleness , and patience is requisite in dealing with him , than if we had to do with one of better wit or less prejudice . when we would bring a man to the truth , we must avoid all things that will be sure to drive him at a farther distance from it , as clamour , fierceness , and railing will certainly do . for this carriage does but harden the obstinate , and confound the simple . 3. when we are convinced of the truth , as we must not be ashamed , so neither must we be afraid to own it , but constantly adhere to it by professing it , and practising according to it , whatever we lose or suffer for so doing . for otherwise we are convinced to no other purpose than the increasing of our guilt , for he that knows his masters will and doth it not , shall be beaten with many stripes . if therefore thou hast hitherto been a papist , but art now convinced of the impious doctrines and practices of the church of rome ; or a dissenter , but art now satisfied that there is no just ground for separation from the church of england ; be not afraid of the reproaches and accusations of those whose errours thou hast left , no , not though your dependance be in a great measure upon them , or your expectations of worldly advantage from them be never so great . consider that thy salvation lies at stake , and that the question is , whether gods love is not to be preferred before their favour , and that you are now to shew that you do not love the praise of men more than the praise of god. tell them that you will be still glad of their friendship , but that you cannot purchase it at so dear a rate , as to sin against god for it , either by renouncing that which you are throughly convinced is gods truth , or by going contrary to a conscience well informed of your duty . let them know that you have been at a great deal of pains to discover the truth in these matters , and more than they have been at ; that you value that knowledge of your duty to which the grace and providence of god hath led you , at a more just rate than to sacrifice it to every worldly interest ; and that the industry you have used to inform your self aright , would turn to a very evil account , if after all , you should play the hypocrite . when we have the truth , our loins must be girt about with it ; we must love it heartily , profess it sincerely , and contend for it earnestly , and practise it honestly . when we have bought the truth by diligent and impartial enquiry , we we must not sell it for the gain of worldly wealth or honour , or any other secular advantage , no not for the safety of our lives . the sum of all , is this : prove all things , hold fast that which is good . finis . a catalogue of several tracts written by some divines in and about the city of london , for the satisfaction of the protestant dissenters . 1. a perswasive to communion with the church of england . 2. a resolution of some cases of conscience which respect church-communion . 3. a letter to anonymus , in answer to his three letters to dr. sherlock about church-communion . 4. the case of lay-communion . 5. the case of mixt communion : whether it be lawful to separate from a church upon the account of promiscuous congregations and mixt communions ? 6. the case of indifferent things used in the worship of god , proposed and stated . 7. a vindication of it . 8. a discourse of conscience . 9. a discourse about a scrupulous conscience . 10. some considerations about the case of scandal , or giving offence to weak brethren . 11. certain cases of conscience resolved , concerning the lawfulness of joyning with forms of prayer in publick worship . in two parts . 12. an answer to the dissenters objections against the common prayers , and some other parts of divine service prescribed in the liturgy of the church of england . 13. the resolution of this case of conscience , whether the church of englands symbolizing so far as it doth with the church of rome , makes it unlawful to hold communion with the church of england ? 14. a defence of it . 15. the case of infant-baptism , in five questions . 16. the case of the cross in baptism . 17. a perswasive to frequent communion in the holy sacrament of the lords supper . 18. the case of kneeling at the holy sacrament stated and resolved , in two parts . 29. a discourse about edification . 20. a discourse of profiting by sermons , and of going to hear where men think they can profit most . 21. an argument to union ; taken from the true interest of those dissenters in england who profess and call themselves protestants . 22. a serious exhortation , with some important advices , relating to the late cases about conformity , recommended to the present dissenters from the church of england . against popery , these : 1. a discourse about the charge of novelty upon the reformed church of england , made by the papists asking of us the question , where was our religion before luther ? 2. discourse about tradition , shewing what is meant by it , and what tradition is to be received , and what tradition is to be rejected . 3. the difference of the case between the separation of protestants from the church of rome , and the separation of dissenters from the church of england . 4. the protestant resolution of faith. 5. a discourse concerning a guide in matters of faith. 6. a discourse concerning invocation of saints . 7. a discourse concerning the unity of the catholick church , maintained in the church of england . 8. a discourse of auricular confession . 9. a discourse against transubstantiation . a catalogue of some books printed for t. basset . speed's maps and geography of great britain and ireland , and of foreign parts . hooker's ecclesiastical politie . guillim's heraldry . bishop sanderson's sermons . mezaray's history of france . dr. howell's history of the world. in 2 vol. dr. littleton's dictionary . compleat clerk. dr. sherlock's sermon on the discovery of the plot. medicina curiosa . miege's french dictionary . willis's london tract of physick . bishop wilkin's sermons . — principle and duty of natural religion . bishop land's devotions . ☞ all the works , newly printed , of doctor john lightfoot , in two volumes in folio . illustrated with maps and several tables to the whole , with some things never before printed . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a69762-e2810 phil. 2. 12. 1 cor. 12. 24. 1 cor 4. 7. rom. 12. 2. discourse about tradition , shewing , &c. notes for div a69762-e3760 abridgment of christian doctrine printed at doway . the history of religion written by a person of quality. howard, robert, sir, 1626-1698. 1694 approx. 132 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 73 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a44651 wing h2998 estc r13393 11702019 ocm 11702019 48260 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing 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(eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a44651) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 48260) images scanned from microfilm: (early english book, 1641-1700 ; 535:8) the history of religion written by a person of quality. howard, robert, sir, 1626-1698. xxiii, 120 p. [s.n.], london : 1694. attributed to sir robert howard. cf. halkett & laing (2nd ed.) created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -controversial literature. religion -history. 2005-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-07 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2005-07 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the history of religion . written by a person of quality . quae quidem disquisitio , & ad animi institutionem pulcherrima , & ad moderandam religionem necessaria . cic. de nat. deor. l. 1. london , printed in the year mdcxciv . the preface . since prefaces are so much in fashion , i presume it will not be judged improper that i set one before this history of religion ; to clear the design of it , and prevent misapprehensions . though the title be the history of religion , yet there is nothing contained in it of a polemical or controversial nature ; no dispute , or arguments upon any controversy ; the world has been stuffed with too many ( useless ) wranglings of that kind already . the subject of the following discourse , arises from matter of fact ; how religion has ( from the beginning ) been managed by priest-craft of the heathens , to mislead the vulgar and prophane ( as they are pleased to term them ) into a blind implicit obedience , to their inspired and divine authority ; teaching the belief of many gods , or divine powers , and appointing so many various ways of superstitious devotions : such as the worshipping of idols , of pillars and columns consecrated by them , adoration of sepulchres and dead men ; all artificially calculated and contrived so , as they found would most easily make impression upon the minds of men. so also the notions they taught concerning the other world , were made sutable to what is seen and familiar to us in this , that they might be more easy for mens digestion . by these means the priests made themselves , and their daily increasing numbers , be thought absolutely useful to others . but yet to confirm , and preserve themselves in the authority and dominion they had gotten , they invented two great assistances , mystery and persecution : by mystery , to prevent the use of understanding ; and by persecution , to punish any that should attempt to break out of the brutal pound , and use their reason . montaigne says , that persecution is a trial full of uncertainty and danger ; for what would not a man say , what would not a man do , to avoid intolerable torments ? etiam innocentes cogit mentiri dolor . many nations , less barbarous than the greeks or romans that called them so , esteemed it cruel and horrible , to torment and pull men in pieces for doubtful and questionable faults . he says further , that julian , called the apostate , had experimented by the cruelty of some christians , that there is no beast in the world so much to be feared by man , as man. all these practices of the heathens i have endeavour'd , and i believe very plainly , to make appear , that they are retained and followed to this day , in what is called the church of rome . where desembling priest-craft , under pretence of humbling and guiding the understandings of the vulgar and unlearned , hath usurp'd a power over both faith and conscience : they have made it a terrible thing for men to trust themselves , or their own reason , in any thing relating to religion ; 't is with them , an equal crime for the prophane vulgar ( as the heathens also called them ) not to submit their understandings to god , and their priests . not considering , that no dictates of any superiours , or learned men , can engage a man's faith , without he has reason to believe , that god had taught what they prescribe ; but , then not to believe , is not opposing the humane , but the divine authority . so that in truth , the business of submitting our understandings to humane authority , is but a chimerical notion , and comes to nothing . but being aware of this reason , which is so obvious and plain , they clamour , like demetrius and the silver-smiths , great is the church : which , if fairly examined , not any thing appears more unintelligible or ridiculous . i confess , some of our own learned men ( with too much imitation of the roman clamour ) when they write with presumption enough on some dark and difficult points , insert a submission to the judgment and correction of their holy mother the church ; when they themselves neither pretend to tell us , nor indeed know , when , or from whence this infallible judgment should come . and until it does , they assume to themselves the dictating and prescribing power ; and submit themselves to nothings less than that great nothing . for if any should pretend to shew it , or expect it , from tradition , or fathers , or councils , or the popes ; there is no one almost so meanly learned , as not to know , how fallible and contradictory to one another , all these have been . the church of christ is , no question , in believers : the houshold of nymphas was called a church , and many other places and families where believers were . much more must the church of christ consist of believers in general : in which diffusive capacity , she cannot judg of particular questions and controversies , because of the division into sects and parties . the divisions among us into contrary parties and opinions , make it necessary , to judg of what we may call the church , by the doctrine ; not of the doctrine , by the ( pretended ) church . to supply all possible defects , they chiefly follow the method and pretence of mystery ; as the surest way to keep up their authority : they frame most of their articles upon dark places ; affecting to make religion become an art , and themselves the sole masters of it . plutarch tells us , that alexander the great wrote a letter to aristotle , complaining of him , that he had set forth his books of select knowledg , to instruct others as well as himself : but aristotle answer'd , that those treatises , which were his metaphysicks , were indeed published , but so written as not to be exposed to common capacities : so that in effect , alexander was indeed the only person to whom he had yet communicated them . i suppose he had the like reason , to write out of the reach of common capacity , that the learned now a days have for their obscure writings , and dark gibberish ; even to keep the ( profane ) vulgar from daring to use their own understandings , about matters which they see to be so perplex'd and intricate ; unless they will enter into their society , and so become free of the trade . in my opinion , it ought to beget admiration , to see with what boldness those that pretend to extraordinary share in learning and divinity , write upon the most hidden and never to be determined points : with what confidence and furious difference some have wrote of the trinity , asserting their opinions to be plain and easy , and ( almost ) demonstrable ; while others , as learned , call them ridiculous absurdities , and heresy . nor has the sacred particular providence escaped the impious temerity of the learned , wresting the intention of it to their own corrupt private interests ; making it a sanctifier of any successful mischief or murder , of any side , of contrary parties , and to patronize mens worst imperfections . i will not inlarge into a dispute , but ( if possible ) make them blush ; with a character of divine providence , given them by a heathen writer . the excellent plutarch , in his life of pompey , by occasion of some discourse of that nature , says , providence is a point of divinity belonging only to god , and ought to be let alone to act after its own method . nothing has given a greater blemish to the christian religion , than the controversial writings of the learned ; those disputes have ingaged nations in more blood and war , than the ignorant or the wicked could ever have occasioned or caused , either by their mistakes or their improbity . the trivial subjects , and the doubtful and uncertain , that have been so sharply and definitively argued and contested , shew that 't is private interest and humour that has occasion'd and maintained them ; without any respect to the service of god , or the christian religion , truly and undoubtedly so called . and when they have once drove one another into extreme notions in religion , the errors on both sides become alike . thus the gnosticks held , that 't was no matter how men lived , so they believed aright : and the encratites , who detested this libertinism , said on the contrary , that 't is not material what men believe , so they live well . yet by all this , we perceive that the gospel of christ , in despite of all these ( affected and sought ) clouds and darkness , will and does triumphantly extend its light and benign influence , to the discerning and honest part of mankind ; its truth and power appear the more great and wonderful , by the opposition of the falseness and weakness of men. i remember that montaigne tells a story of one , who went to rome to see ( as he had perswaded himself ) the sanctity of their manners ; but he found , on the contrary , a great dissoluteness in the prelates and people of that time ; nothing less than rome the holy : but this settled him more firmly in the christian religion ; considering how great the force and divinity of it must be , that could maintain its credit and dignity amidst so much corruption , and in so vicious hands . the consideration of this , ought ( in my opinion ) to induce those that are guides and teachers , to make our way plain and easy , to follow the clear and uncontested methods of the gospel , to win and excite people chiefly to the love of god , and to encourage rather than distract . if any one will but temperately consider it , he will with horror perceive , what persecution and mischiefs have been caused by the imposing power , assumed by too many that call themselves the followers of christ : what wars and expence of christian blood have been occasioned by their passionate and violent disputes , concerning dark and never to be decided questions ? had their teaching and learning been applied only to the right use of the gospel-methods , the world had enjoyed an undisturbed and ( truly ) christian peace ; not been involved in unnatural wars , and barbarous persecutions . in short , i must publish it to the world , that i like such sermons as dr. tillotson's , now arch-bishop of canterbury : where all are taught a plain and certain way to salvation ; and with all the charms of a calm and blessed temper , and of pure reason , are excited to the uncontroverted indubitable duties of religion . where all are plainly shown , that the means to obtain the eternal place of happy rest , are those ( and no other ) which also give peace in this present life : and where every one is encouraged and exhorted to learn , but withal to use his own care and reason in the working out his own salvation . i will conclude this preface therefore , with some passages from that excellent person , which relate to the above-mentioned particulars . he tells us , serm. on luke 9.55 , 56. that our saviour came to discountenance all fierceness , and rage , and cruelty of man ; to restrain that furious and unpeaceable spirit , which is so troublesom to the world , and is the cause of so many mischiefs and disorders in it . he came to introduce a religion which consults , not only the eternal salvation of mens souls ; but their temporal peace and security , their comfort and happiness in this world. for when religion : once comes to supplant moral righteousness , and to teach men the absurdest things in the world , to lie for truth , and to kill for god's sake ; when it serves for no other cause but to be a bond of conspiracy , to inflame the tempers of men to a greater fierceness , and to set a keener edg upon their spirits , to make them ten times more the children of wrath and cruelty , than they were by nature : then surely it loses its nature , and ceases to be religion ; for let a man say worse of infidelity and atheism if he can . whatever therefore the inconveniences of mens judging for themselves , may be ; the inconveniences are far less on that side , than a total and implicit resignation to the pretenders of being infallible ; no man being able to know who they are . to try doctrines , is to enquire into the grounds and reasons of them ; which the better any man understands , the more firmly he will be establish'd in the truth , and be more resolute in the day of trial , and the better able to withstand the assaults and arts of cunning adversaries : and on the contrary , that man will soon be removed from his stedfastness , who never examined the reasons and grounds of his belief ; when it comes to the trial , he that has but little to say for his belief , will probably neither do , nor suffer much for it . the history of religion . there never was yet any country , or society of men , but did own some religion : as if all the dictates of man's nature , joined in that one principle ; though differing in the particulars of it . as they were distinguish'd from beasts , by reason , and the right use of it ; so they were directed to the superiour consideration of an eternal being , by a certain reflection on the finite condition of themselves and of all living creatures , which must be determined by time or accident : it seemed no less than ridiculous , not to believe some power of an infinite nature , that was the creator and disposer of beings ; and agreeably to that position of the apostles , the world easily consented that in religion is no shame . we have heard of some particular men , that have been reputed atheists ; but never of any country or society of men , that profest atheism : we have notice of many very ridiculous opinions , that have possest nations ; insomuch , that atheism seems the only folly that has never prevailed , with any general credit ; which may deservedly put one in mind of that saying in holy scripture , the fool hath said in his heart , there is no god. this folly needs not a laborious or artificial confutation ; the demonstrations against it , are obvious and clear . that which seems most to stagger and confound apprehension , is the endless search of something without a beginning ; a power derived from no power , an infinite and eternal omnipotency : but whoever thinks this too much to be believed of god , must ( of necessity ) believe as much of other things ; and while he thinks he does not believe a thing so incomprehensible , at the same time he believes it of most ( if not all the ) objects in the world : so whilst an eternal existence or being seems too hard to be believed of god , the same difficulty must be believed of no god. for if there were not an omnipotent and an eternal power , by which all things are made and disposed ; it follows ( necessarily ) that all things must have been without a beginning : so that such a one must believe the world to be , what he cannot believe god is . and while he doubts of a creator of all things , he must believe all things created themselves ; or were eternal and infinite without a creation : the former of which , is to imagine not one god , but many ; the other supposes that absurdity in philosophy , ex nihilo aliquid , or effects without not only a competent , but ) any cause . or if he imagins a thing called nature , the cause of all things ; he acknowledges a god , only under a borrowed name : for whatever was without a beginning , the cause and the disposer of all things , is that infinite power and wisdom . hermes being ask'd what god was ? answered well ; the maker of all things , an eternal and most wise mind . diogenes calls him , the soul of the world. plato says , god is a mind , the cause and orderer of all things ; and seneca , that he is mens vniversi . when labienus desired cato , to consult the oracle of jupiter ammon , in their ( present ) hard condition : cato answered , from a breast more truly inspired than any oracle those priests could give , by a divine way of questioning , what was the throne and seat of god , but the earth , the sea , the air and virtue : what farther inquiry therefore , saith he , ought to be made , when god is whatever is seen , or moves , or has a being ? thus all several names , titles and appellations must determine in an infinite power , which is the life and disposer of them : nor has any person entertained a ( settl'd ) opinion , that things disposed themselves , or that they gave themselves their own life and being ; or that they were without a beginning as now they are , without being the effects of an infinite cause . the world in general was ever so far from believing no god , that they were prone to believe many gods ; and from the infancy of it , that opinion grew , and increas'd with it . an opinion much cherish'd by priests , in all ages ; because their dominion , power and riches encreased of course , and in the nature of the thing , by the multiplication of divinities , or objects of adoration and worship : and it seems indeed impossible , that without some direction and design , such various and phantastic divinities and opinions about them , should enter into the minds of men , more ready for impression , than invention ; and having once made an implicit resignation of their sense and reason , they follow with even a zealous submission those to whom they have resigned . upon this foundation , priests raised themselves to veneration , and to an equality with princes ; mingling their divine interest with earthly ambition : and kings themselves thought it an addition to their titles , to assume the name of priests . in suetonius you may see with the titles of roman emperours , that of priest joined . among the egyptians , the priests were next in dignity to the kings ; and of counsel to 'em , in all business of importance : from among them he was chosen ; or if out of the souldiery , he was forthwith invested in the high-priesthood , and instructed by the priests in their mysteries and philosophy ; which were delivered under the cover of fables and aenigmatical expressions . and as i design in this discourse , to shew how the priest-craft and power have been continued to this time , by the same and like methods and practices ; so i shall begin , with taking notice of their continuing in that ambition , dignity and power , which is so evidently practised and shown in the church of rome . the pope , the high-priest there , has exceeded all his priestly predecessors , in pretending a power above all princes ; even to the devesting them , at his pleasure , of their authority and power over their own subjects . this paramount soveraignty was derived from infallibility ; in virtue of both , 't was easy for him to require men to believe whatever was ( any way ) his interest to invent ; taking his pattern from the heathen priests , as well in their methods and tricks of devotion , as in their ways of supporting and propagating what they taught , in all ages of mystery and persecution . the heathen priests however seem more excusable in their inventions than christians that follow and imitate them . for the former had no word of god , in a revealing gospel , to direct and limit their belief : so that they were at large , to teach and practise such things as they believed must make the most ( to them ) advantagious impression on men ; as many gods , and the lesser to be mediators betwen the superior gods and men , the adoration of their images , giving sanctity to shrines and pillars . but for christians , who pretend to believe a revealing gospel , to continue in those heathenish doctrines and methods , seems to be continued by somewhat a greater degree of that priest-craft , which had been so long practised with success . god himself declares , with jealousy , this aptness in men to receive and believe in many gods ; and to worship strange and helpless things : in the first commandment he says , thou shalt have no other gods but me ; and in the second , thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image , or the likeness of any thing that is in the heavens above , or in the earth beneath , or in the water under the earth . these large and comprehensive words , forbidding every thing that was in nature to be worshipped , shew plainly , that god saw and considered how ready mankind was to be misguided under a notion of religion , into extravagant worships . we hear very early of many gods , which probably were men deified ; as saturn , jupiter , mercury , apollo , neptune , pluto , bacchus : and also of divers female deities . mr. bochart observes hereupon , that noah and his three sons were the same with saturn and his sons , jupiter , neptune and pluto . he takes notice of several appellations in scripture , as vir belli , pro milite ; vir brachii , pro robusto ; vir sanguinis , pro homicidâ : but that of noah is , vir terrae , and is so taken by the mythologists ; as if he had married the earth , or the goddess tellus ; and the earth were the same with rhea the wife of saturn . noe coepit esse vir terrae , & plantavit vineam : but to saturn also the antients ascribed agriculture , and the planting of vines . and as noah was drunk with wine ; so the feast of the saturnalia was celebrated with drunkenness . c ham was cursed for seeing his father noah's nakedness : and the poets affirm , that such a law proceeded from saturn , that none should escape unpunished , that saw any of the gods naked . therefore in the hymns of callimachus , when tiresias was struck blind for seeing minerva naked , the goddess excuses it to his mother , saying , she was not the cause of taking away his sight , but that it was a law that came from saturn . the fable of the punishment of actaeon for seeing diana naked , relates also to this . saturn and his wife rhea were said to come from the ocean ; as noah did : and macrobius says , that in the medal of saturn , there was a ship on the one side , and his head on the other : he cites also alexander polyhistor , that saturn foretold the flood ; which answers to noah's being forewarned of it by god , and his taking on his thereupon to be a preacher of righteousness to that generation . mr. bochart shows farther , that cham or ham was worshipp'd under the name of jove ; the egyptians calling him by the name of jove amoun or hammon : by the like manner of comparison , and by their various appellations , he finds japhet to be neptune , canaan to be mercury , nimrod to be bacchus ; of the reasonableness and probability of these conjectures , any one may be satisfied , by reading that learned author . i have set down these things , to show how early the corruption of deifying of men , was : though at the same time , they acknowledged also a superiour sort of daemons , who never were men ; as i shall show in the progress of this discourse , together with the reason why i insist on this variety of gods. there were also houshold gods , called penates ; which were teraphim or little images . the holy scripture takes notice , that rachel stole her father 's teraphim ; and in the prophet 't is said , the king of babel consulted the teraphim , and look'd into the liver . these were so relied on for blessings and protections , that they were always carried about . when hector's ghost appeared to aeneas , he remembers him of this piece of devotion ; commending to him the carrying these penates ( or houshold gods ) with him , as companions of his fortune ; suosque tibi commendat troja penates , hos cape fatorum comites , virgil. lib. 2. so also in his third book , when aeneas takes shipping to fly from his destroyed country , he takes care of the penates , as a part of his family ; feror exul in altum , cum sociis natoque penatibus & magnis diis . when jacob fled from laban , his wife rachel stole her father 's teraphim , penaies or images ; and when laban overtook them , he first expostulates with jacob , why he would use him so as to carry away his daughters like captives , and not suffer him their father to take a kind farewel : but then secondly and chiefly , that he had also stolen his teraphim . rachel in the mean time sate upon these teraphim , to conceal them from her father ; believing them to be useful for their protection in their travel to canaan . the strange readiness and inclination to worship images , by those very persons that made them , seems very unlikely to proceed from their own opinion of their own work. the excellent reasons of the prophet isaiah , seem to demonstrate this : he says , the workmen , if they were gathered together , would be ashamed : the smith with the tongs both worketh it in the coals , and fashioneth it with hammers : — he is hungry , and his strength fails ; he drinketh no water , and is faint . the carpenter stretcheth out his rule , he marketh it out with a line , he sitteth it with planes : — he maketh it after the figure of a man , according to the beauty of a man , that it may remain in the house . he heweth down cedars , he taketh the cypress and the oak ; he planteth an ash , and the rain nourishes it : then shall it be for a man to burn , for he will take thereof and warm himself , and will also bake bread ; of the residue he will make a god , and worship it ; a graven image , and will fall down thereto . he burneth part thereof in the fire , with part he eateth flesh ; he also warms himself therewith : the residue he maketh a god , worships it , prays unto it ; says to it , deliver me , for thou art my god. thus useless gods are a burden to the weary beasts that carry them . they lavish gold out of the bag , and weigh silver out of the ballance ; they hire a goldsmith , and he maketh it a god : — but they cry to him , and he cannot answer , nor save out of trouble . but to all this , the prophet adds , remember this , and shew your selves to be men ; bring things again to mind , o ye transgressors . these words seem plainly to intimate , that the people who did these things , were abused and misled by others : and therefore 't is , that he admonishes them to shew themselves men , by using their own consideration ; and that they should bring again to mind what a ridiculous fancy 't is , that they could make a god who had that power , which themselves ( the makers of him ) wanted ; or that there is so great a difference in the same piece of wood , that one part is fit only to serve them in houshold offices , the other part is qualified to save them and their families . assuredly this distinction arose not from the imagination of the artificer , that used the wood or silver ; but from the priests : who having gained an opinion among men of their spiritual power , pretended by their consecration to make the difference ; and pronounced , by their divine authority , that these were gods. there are many authorities that make it clear , that 't was not the people nor the artisans , who first broached the belief that their images were gods ; but the priests , who by virtue of their consecration pretended to make the images and pillars sacred , and sit to be filled with the spirits of daemons . hermes trismegistus says , their forefathers had devised an art to make gods , and to call the souls of demons and angels , and put them into those images or gods. jamblichus calls these consecrated idols , images filled with divine spirits : and again , animated statues , filled with spirit and sense . arnobius sets down the excuse of the heathens ; that they did not worship the gold and silver , or other materials of which the images were made : but they worshipp'd the divine spirits , that were brought to inhabit those statues and images . arnob. l. 6. ad gentes ; eos in his colimus , eosque veneramur , quos dedicatio infert , & fabrilibus efficit habitare simulachris . which also extended to pillars and columns ; as may be inferred from leviticus 26.1 . ye shall make you no idols nor graven image , neither rear you up a standing image , ( the margin for standing image readeth pillar ) to bow down unto it . this same method of priest-craft is continued in the church of rome : the romish saints and angels answer to the daemons and heroes , deified by the heathen priests ; and their idol of bread , divinity infused into crosses , images , agnus dei's and relicks , correspond to the pillars , statues and images consecrated by pagan priests . when st. paul , at athens , preached jesus christ risen from the dead ; they took this for a part of their doctrine of daemons ; which word is expresly used in the original . our translation saith , others said , he seemeth to be a setter-forth of strange gods ; but in the original 't is , of strange daemons . for hearing of one , who after his death had divine honours and worship given to him ; they took it presently , according to their own opinion , that he was proposed as a new daemon . and such doctrines and opinions as these , might probably be the occasion that st. paul afterwards writes expresly ; there is but one god , and one mediator between god and men , the man christ jesus . but this admonition and caution has not been at all prevalent with the priests ; it being a limiting and infringing their jurisdiction and interests : therefore with an obstante to paul , they continue the old methods of priest-craft , multiplying upon all occasions the objects of worship ; a thing that serves to inlarge their power , and increase their interests and wealth . it would be almost infinite , to repeat the extravagant honours and opinions which the fathers and other ecclesiastical writers ascribe unto , and aver concerning dead men. they call the bodies of saints , defences and fortifications of cities : they pretend , that these carcasses defeat not only visible enemies , but invisible fiends , and ambuscades of the devil . the martyrs are stiled guardians of cities , lieutenants of places ; captains and champions , by whom they were protected ; and preventers of all mischiefs from the devil . in particular , james bishop of nisibis was , by order of constantine , buried within the walls of the city ; that he might be a bulwark and defender thereto . an historian of those good times , inveighing against the emperor leo isaurus , for demolishing of images , calls them , turres atque munitiones religiosi cultus . the deifying and invocating of saints , prevailed in the christian world shortly after the death of julian the apostate : and the grounds of it were the invented stories , and ( reports of ) wonders shewed upon those , who with devotion approach'd the shrines of martyrs , and prayed there to their memories or sepulchres . and 't is observable , that at first these devotions were directed to god ; and these places were chose , only to excite devotion by the memory of those sufferers for christ's sake : but the priests reduced that , to their own use and interest ; and prevailed by their craft and power , that the saints should be prayed to as patrons and mediators ; just in the same manner , as the worshipping of demons was introduced by pretences of miracles , of signs and wonders , which the priests were always as ready to invent , as others to follow . but those evil spirits insinuated themselves too into their own statues and images , and assisted the impious devotion that they saw mankind misled into ; even that of deifying the dead , by erecting statues to them , on a pretence of oracles , and miraculous cures of diseases . one of our own historians tells us , that about the year 712 , one egwin of worcester published in writing , revelations and visions that he had seen ; whereby he was injoined , that in his diocess the image of the blessed virgin should be worshipp'd by the people . this was ratified by pope constantine , who caused brithwald the archbishop to call a council of the clergy at london , to commend this image-worship to the people . in the second council of nice there was an excellent cause found for worshipping of images ; a tale of a certain priest or monk. this monk used to worship an image of the virgin mary with christ in her arms : the monk had been long tempted by the devil to fornication ; at last the ingenious devil , under an oath of secresy , told the monk plainly , that he would never leave wearying him with lustful desires , till he forsook worshipping of that image . the monk , notwithstanding his oath of secresy , revealed this to an abbot called theodore : who first acquitted the monk of his breach of oath ; and then added , that he had better frequent bawdy houses , than forbear worshipping such an image : a ghostly advice , that was not ( perhaps ) unacceptable to the monk. thus was religion corrupted , almost from the beginning , by priest-craft ; and 't is managed to this day , in the romish church , by the same arts and methods : even a pretence to such a divine and insallible power , as can give sanctity and vertue to stocks and stones , by the priestly consecration ; and may raise up altars to a piece of bread , transubstantiated into a god by their diviner power , so that they may pronounce of it , this is your saviour that redeemed you from damnation . i think 't is not reasonable to believe , that the common people should fancy of themselves , that one of their fellow-creatures could make a god : and the baker that baked the bread would hardly of himself have imagined , that a piece of it should be his saviour . no , these and all other the most idolatrous and fantastick religions and devotions were ( first ) taught , and ( afterwards ) enjoined by priests . when hezekiah died , manasses built altars for baal , and worshipp'd all the host of heaven : when josiah destroyed all those high places , he ( cautiously and prudently ) put down there the attendance of the idolatrous priests . but the jews were a long time after charged with the idolatrous worship of high-places , and to be priests of trees and proseucha's , which were sacred groves ; and the interpreters of moses's laws : they are the words of juvenal , nil praeter nubes & coeli numen adorant : and again , interpres legum solymarum , magna sacerdos arboris , ac summi sida internuntia coeli ; satyr . 6. and in his third satyr he complains , that the sacred groves , where numa used with the goddess egeria , were let to the jews for proseucha's : and philo judaeus , in his embassy to the emperor caius , thanks him for allowing the jews their proseucha's , where they assembled on their sabbaths . the synagogues were within the cities , and these proseucha's without ; it was in some such place , that lydia met st. paul. solomon made such high-places , or proseucha's , for ashtoreth the abomination ( or idol ) of the zidonians , chemosh of moab , molech of the ammonites : and when josiah destroyed these , as the only way to suppress the false worship , he put down the idolatrous priests . such a place as a proseucha , ( which was a separate place for devotion ) where the images of their gods were , virgil describes ; and makes the unhappy priam choose it , as a most proper place to die in ; when he saw his kingdom sinking ( under flames ) to ruine : he was taught by his priests to die in that place , which they had made sacred ; and among those images , which they had made gods. not unlike to which , is the devotion or fancy that the priests of rome have put into mens heads , to die in the habit of a priest or monk , when they are to be executed : as if their very habit carried with it some divine assistance ; accordingly i remember , that the brother of the portugal ambassador , who was beheaded on tower-hill , died in the habit of a monk. it always appeared to be the craft of priests , to multiply gods and places of devotion , that their numbers might not only be excusable , but necessary also , to attend such various worships and opinions : at jezebel's table did eat 450 of baal's priests , and 400 of the prophets of the groves ; a goodly company of chaplains for one princess . from the asiaticks and egyptians to the greeks , and from these latter to the romans , descended many names of gods : homer mingles them in all humane concerns , and makes them of parties : and virgil continuing the same method , in the seventh book of his eneids , makes juno stirring up the aid of hell against the trojans . nor did the partiality and passions they were made subject to , hinder the veneration of them : nor yet their being represented as subject to lust , revenge and mischief , lessen their veneration as gods ; though guilty of those very crimes which the priests owned they would punish in men. but the credulous minds of submitting men received easily the impressions , that those sought to make upon 'em , whose only design and end was , to bring things as near as could be , to their own interests , inclinations and fancies : and who therefore taught , that the management of affairs belonging to the other world , very much resembled the ways and methods of this . what is yet more gross , the egyptians were instructed to honour with devotion , the most contemptible things , for some profit that was received by them , or to appease them from doing mischief : the latin poet describes their wild devotions , in adoring crocodiles , serpents , golden monkies , fishes , dogs , and even onions and leeks ; whereupon he deservedly exclaims , o holy nations ! who have gods growing in their gardens . all these follies were of the same prescription , and from the same causes and authors : the priests always watching the ready inclination of the people , to believe something that came easily to their imaginations ; and what else they were most apt to be perswaded to , they presently enlarged their devotions , and thereby their own interests and dominion . it may now be proper to shew the several distinctions of gods and divine powers , and the uses of them : whereby it will further appear , how the priest-craft contrived notions and opinions , to engage people to submit implicitly to their directions ; and finding them most apt to believe such things , and in such ways and methods , as had some resemblance to this world , they set forth the enjoyments and punishments of the other world , sutably to their apprehensions and affections in this : through all ages , the same sort of priest-craft has continued , and descends even to ours ; as i doubt not but will evidently appear by the following descriptions and comparisons . the first thing to be considered is , the distinctions they made of divine powers ; and the several uses of them , which they framed sutable to the common method of affairs , here in this world ; where all suits and applications that are made to kings and princes , are done by great men and patrons , or friends , as mediators between the inferiour sort of men , and those superiour powers . after this model they composed their method of devotion , under the names of heroes , and ( sometimes ) of demons ; which ( i say ) is still continued , or however imitated in the church of rome , under the names of saints and angels . demons in the theology of the gentiles , were reckoned of , as an inferiour sort of divine powers : the antiquity of this is derived as far as zoroaster ; and 't was held , that these were constituted between the superiour gods and men , to mediate , and to reconcile them ; the superiour coelestial gods , being supposed so august and pure , as not to be prophaned or approached with the immediate care of earthly things ; therefore these more inferiour divine powers were to be engaged between the superiour gods and men. plato says , demons were messengers and reporters between gods and men ; and again , from men to gods ; of prayers and devotions from men , and the return of rewards from the gods : and apuleius delivers the same doctrine , giving the reason of it , that it was not agreeable to the majesty of the coelestial gods , to take such cares upon themselves . there were too a sort of demons , that were only deified men ; as i have observed before from bochartus : this was as early as noah . to which i may now add , that baal , or bell , was the first king of babel ; but after his death deified and reputed a god ; whence came the names of baalims or lords , all one with demons : and their rites , which were cuttings and lancings , ( which were funeral rites ) were used in their ceremonies and devotions . hesiod says , that when the happy men of the first golden age departed from this life , jupiter promoted them to be demons , that is , patrons of mortal men : but plato would have all those that died valiantly in the field , to be declared demons ; and that the oracles should be consulted , how they should be buried and honoured : he would have their sepulchres also to be worshipp'd as the sepulchres of demons ; and that all who excelled in vertue should be so treated . this method too the romish priests have continued ; but keep the power of the oracle in themselves , namely to pronounce what honours shall be done to departed saints : the opinion and doctrine of plato for deifying men that died valiantly in the field , was very exactly followed in the deif●ing the duke of beufort , who was killed in the fight against the turks at candy ; there was no other cause to make him a saint , or one of plato's demons , but for plato's reason , dying bravely in the field . even eusebius mentions it with a seeming approbation , that it was the harmless practice of christians to honour the memory of martyrs , by assembling at their sepulchres ; to show , saith he , to the gentiles that we also honour men that have excelled in vertue . hermes trismegistus says , that esculaptus , osyris , and his grandfather hermes , were worshipp'd for demons in his time ; the egyptians generally worshipp'd them , and called them sancta animalia : but divers learned men are of opinion , that the egyptian serapis , whose idol had a bushel on his head , was joseph ; in remembrance of the preservation of egypt by him , when he first laid up , and afterwards distributed the corn of the seven abounding years . cicero gives an exact description of the demons and heroes ; or such as were always gods , and such as their merits had made so . plutarch tells us , that besides men deified , there was another sort of demons who never were in earthly bodies ; a diviner sort never subject to the confinement of bodies : and these sublimer demons were the chief guardians of men and their actions ; these differr'd in degree from heroes . this is continued among the romanists , in their saints and angels : and this notion of worshipping angels gave perhaps occasion to that advice by st. paul , let no man beguile you through humility , and a worshipping of angels , col. 2.18 . gregory of tours , who wrote long since , treating of the miracles of the martyrs , frames many fabulous stories to advance saint-worship : and there is another author equally fit to be credited , simeon metaphrastes , who makes st. katherine at her martyrdom , pray to god to grant those their requests , that through her called upon his holy name : but in a higher strain he makes st. margaret pray , that whosoever should for the lord's sake worship the tabernacle of her body , or should build an oratory to her , and there offer spiritual oblations and prayers , and shall ask salvation and mercy through her , that the lord would grant them plenty of all good things . agreeably to all this , theophanes greatly complains of it , that the emperor leo isaurus erred ( saith he ) not only in opposing the adoration of images , but the intercession also of the mother of god , and of all the saints : and the historians of that kidney , no less blame the emperor constantinus copronymus for the same irreverent error ; for he punish'd those that made prayers to the mother of god and the holy saints , through whom all help is conveyed to us : and in the 2 d council of nice , the council of constantinople was condemned for being against saint and image-worship ; which was then established , and for which the bishops of rome had appeared with great zeal . i cannot here properly omit an observation , that the invocation of saints and image-worship were brought in by the increase of priests in monkery . for about the year of our lord 370 , the invocation of saints began to be publickly introduced into churches ; at the very same time when by basil , gregory nyssen , and nazianzen , the practice and profession of monastical life were brought ( out of egypt and syria ) into greece . when the empress theodora design'd to restore image-worship , she acquainted those in authority with her design , and then sent for the chiefest of the monks , and proposed to them the restoring the worship of images : she found them very ready for the purpose ; and thereupon called a synod , where the idolatry was again erected , 120 years after it had been suppress'd by leo isaurus . having touch'd upon the craft of priests , to frame the worship and scheme of religion sutable to what the people in some measure knew and understood in things of this world ; we must also take notice , that they contrived the joys and punishments of the other so as should be most agreeable to their fancies and apprehensions about what they saw here . and as they found their craft successful , in making some powers their mediators in the court of heaven , as was usual in courts below ; and made also deities of such persons , whose courage or vertue deserved well here , or of the publick : so also they framed the manner of sacrificing and sacrifices , as such a description of the other world , as was most easy to fancy and imagination . in their sacrifices they taught such and such offerings were to be made , as somewhat resembled the powers they sacrificed to : and had not this been an invention , very probable and likely , to entice and lead men , especially the vulgar , they would never have thought of such methods and distinctions . tempest was consecrated for a god among the romans ; and as storms and foul weather was dark and dull , so the gentle gales of zephyrus made the weather bright and chearful : therefore they taught , that black cattel were to be sacrificed to the former , and white to the other ; as resembling their dark and bright natures . when dido implored juno , in the concerns of her love and passion , she poured wine between the horns of a snowy heifer ; representing by the whiteness of her sacrifice , that she implored a gentle compassion . a bull was sacrificed to neptune , because his noise and violence seem'd to represent a troubled ocean . and when aeneas desired the assistance of the sybil , to descend to the dark infernal world , she proposes in the first place a proper sacrifice of black cattel to be offered ; representing to the mind thereby an image of those black mansions . nor did they only fashion these matters , so as that they might be easy to the minds and fancies of men ; but they modell'd also the other world , sutably to such a taking and prevailing method : they made the enjoyments of their elysium , or paradise , sutable to what they most affected in this world ; whatever inclined their affections here , their enjoyments there were to be of that nature , and to be made perfect by being made subject to no disturbance or alteration . for infants that were not arrived to choice or inclination , there was a separate place , fill'd with their innocent mournings ; an opinion that has also prevailed with some christians : the warlike heroes exercised there eternal musters , driving their chariots in large plains ; and others in such exercises and divertisements , as they were inclined to in their life ; lovers in separated groves , and the poets in such fields as had been the subjects of their songs . on the other side , the punishments there were made sutable to the crimes committed here : the wickedly ambitious were thrown into the lower part of hell ; the luxurious punish'd with tempting feasts , with-held from them by watching furies : restless and unquiet minds that denied peace to others , were chastified with perpetual rolling of stones , which pressed to return with their weight upon them . the doctrine about these matters in general , was , that the punishments and torments were sutable to the offences committed here : and direct purgatory was described ; where some were purged or cleansed , by hanging in the air exposed to the winds ; some were wash'd in vast whirlpools , some refined by fire ; and after the proper time of purgation , all were released , and sent to the happy fields of elysium , their heaven . nothing can be more plain , than that the priest-craft has continued such a purgatory to this day . mahomet's paradise was framed after this manner ; the greatest and wickedest sinners are to pass over a bridg with heavy sacks , and by their weight to be thrown off and press'd into hell ; the lesser fall only into a purgatory , from whence they are to be released , and finally received into paradise : but those that merited a happy place , shall be bless'd with the company of fair virgins ; who have large eyes , and perpetually flourish in a bloom of youth and beauty ; while boys of divine figures , like so many ganymeds , shall attend with always renewing feasts . the purgatory of the romanists , is distinguished into divers apartments ; there is a place for children , another for the holy fathers that died before the ascension of our blessed saviour : there are lakes of fire for such as have been long , or prosligatly wicked ; and flowry fields and shining garments for such as have indeed been good , but wanted some degree of the due and required perfection : thus is purgatory described by cardinal bellarmine , de purgat . l. 2. cap. 6. & cap. 14. thus has the craft of those that taught religion , drawn the easy minds of men to believe in such things as had a resemblance to things of this world : and having by these ways involved men in submission to what they taught , they then enlarged into opinions and doctrines more difficult , nay absurd and impossible . though the world from the beginning very readily , and with the greatest reason , consented to such a thing as religion ; yet there could not be on the one hand , such an artificial scheme of some parts of it , and on the other such various and strange opinions about what gods we must believe in , or in the exercise of our devotion to those higher powers , but by the contrivance of the priests . 't was impossible that the people ( or as we are now called , the laity ) should busy themselves about , or should be capable to invent such names of gods ; such particular applications of their powers ; such methods and ways of devotion ; such distinction of sacrifices : and least of all is it probable , that they should be the inventors of sacrificing themselves ; that is , of sacrificing their own persons , or the persons of their children . agamemnon , to change the contrary wind , vowed to diana , the fairest ; which fell out to be his own daughter iphigenia : i suppose he did not design the cruelty upon his own daughter ; but chalcas the priest , first suggested the making , and then the performance of his vow . in the war of thebes , maenaecias the son of creon vowed himself to mars ; the decii devoted themselves to the infernal gods ; marius , in the cimbrian war , sacrificed his daughter calphurnia ; curtius shot himself into a gulf , being first made ready by the priests , and girt cinctu gabino : the saxons were so perswaded by their priests , that many of them were even ambitious of being sacrificed . who doubts , that all these deaths ( or murders ) are solely owing to the doctrine and institution of priests ? the proness of mankind to believe , by degrees gave encouragement and opportunity to those that pretended to separate themselves wholly to the service of the gods ; and by that shew of a nearer attendance and understanding of them , they intit'led themselves to teach and to prescribe such rules and ways of religion towards the heavenly powers , as they found might be useful to enlarge their own power and interest . and the more various and intricate they contrived the methods and rules of devotion and worship , so much the more there would be need of their interpretations and directions , and also of their numbers . things most ridiculous and improbable , nay impossible , were sometimes most proper for them to pronounce and teach : for what is rational carries its own weight ; and they could derive no authority to themselves by such a method of religion . but things that are sublime , above the reach of servile reason , things that reason cannot understand or justify , if believed , must be an entire submission to the sacred authority of these divinely inspired persons , that are the teachers of others : to this purpose they ever taught , that no belief can or ought to be hard to an active faith ; the difficulty not being in the things we are taught to believe , but in the perverseness or imbecillity of the persons who want faith to believe . i wish , that among the most reformed christians these methods of priest-craft were not so much , and violently pursued ; the impositions to believe and profess unnecessary , and even extravagant things , where neither reason will justify it , nor does religion require it . having thus laid open , how religion was from the beginning managed by priest-craft , and always framed and modelled to support their interests and power , prevailing by degrees on the minds of men ; it will be proper to examine in due place , whether 't is probable that the priests themselves believ'd what they taught : but first i will ( briefly ) show , how the same priest-craft continues apparently in the romish church to this day . the pagan doctrines of demons and heroes , are revived in that of angels and saints ; saints are canoniz'd ( or , as their writers speak , beatified ) as formerly the heroes were deified : and as i instanced before , the duke de beufort dying valiantly in the field , became one of plato's heroes , and one of the church's saints . and as the heroes and demons were made mediators with the superior gods , so it continues still , the names of heroes and demons being only changed into saints and angels : every private christian is directed to choose him a particular patron in heaven , that may intercede for him with god. their very sepulchres are as much reverenced as formerly ; their relicks are kept with a sacred veneration : and prayers are made to them as mediators , notwithstanding st. paul's declaration before cited , there is but one god , and one mediator between god and men , even the man jesus christ. the reverence and adoration paid to images , is by some endeavoured to be extenuated ; by pretending , that images are only used as venerable memorials , to excite others to the imitation of the holiness of the saints , represented by those images : this pretence was also formerly used , in that particular ; and also for the ceremonies used at sepulchres , which i mentioned before ; because the priests perceived , that it look'd too gross to pay devotion to senseless things . but when they had obtained the power of an implicit obedience to their directions , they failed not to injoin the veneration of the images themselves . whoever has been in the countries under the dominion of the church of rome , has seen this : i believe no such person will deny the adoration paid by the romanists , to the image of the virgin mary . i knew a person of quality that was at bruxels , when the image of the virgin mary was carried a little way out of town ; the priests attending it , and the people paying adoration to it : and when it came to the place where it was to be fix'd , the priests had contrived a device to make the image bow to the people ; so that one of the company was over-joy'd to see how gracious the blessed virgin in her image had been to them . in padua , where the body of st. anthony lies , the people crowd to kiss the stones , and rub their beads against them : the now bishop of sarum says , in the account he gives of that place , that in the little chappel of st. anthony these words are written , exaudit quos non audit & ipse deus ; they have reason to rub beads , and pay an extraordinary devotion , to a saint more ready to hear than god himself is . a person of quality that gives an account of his travels through france and italy , was present when they took down the jaw-bone of st. anthony and his tongue in a christaline-glass ; which being set a-while on the altar , first the priests and all the assistants paid their devotions to it , then it was carried in procescession ; and after that ceremony was over , 't was full imployment for two priests of the cloyster , to rub against it the beads that were handed to them by the people . in the lady of lauretta's chappel , they kiss the walls , lick the stones , and rub their beads against them . in the church of st. john lateran is the scala sancta , or the stairs on which our saviour went up to the judgment-hall ; they are of white marble : on one of them 't is believed some of our saviour's blood drop'd , after his scourging . but the person of quality that writes his ( ingenious and candid ) remarks , says , he could perceive no such stains , though the roman catholicks pretended that they saw 'em very plainly . he discoursed with cardinal howard , how these stairs were preserved , and brought thither ? the cardinal freely confess'd , they were not the true stairs on which our saviour went up to the judgment-hall ; and that the error was not discovered , till some time after they were sixed there : but the people being settled in an opinion , that these were the true stairs ; it was not , he said , thought advisable to undeceive them , their devotion being however very commendable . the same divine infusion that pagan priests pretended to bring into pillars and columns , the roman priests now imitate in crosses , set up not only in places of devotion , but ( as the heathen pillars were ) in common high-ways : but the roman priests have enlarged the priest-craft of pretending to a power of consecration , or a divine infusion , by their consecrating such an innumerable multitude of puppets , agnus dei's , and such like trifles . and the idolatry of bread-worship is much more impudent , than any of the gentile idolatries : the gentile priests pretended indeed , that they brought the demons into images and columns ; but they never had the gross confidence , to own that they could transubstantiate their images into demons : but it seems , priest-craft was not yet enough refined ; therefore not satisfied with the power of such a consecration as might infuse some influence into a piece of bread , they brought the people to believe they could make the bread to be god. as formerly it was their endeavour , by pretended miracles , to inlarge the opinion of their divine power ; so in these latter days they have exceeded in such devices . i need not trouble the reader or my self , with raking into their kennels of legends , and other fabulous histories ; but i cannot omit their strange and wild endeavours to prove , how certainly they can make a god of a wafer or other little piece of bread , not by the authority or testimony of men , but of beasts . there is a book , whose title sets forth this incomparable impudence ; 't is called , the school of the eucharist , establish'd by the miraculous adoration paid to it by beasts , birds , and insects . i need not repeat many of the particulars , of the impossible follies there related ; but i cannot omit one very remarkable tale in that famous book , among many others almost as ridiculous . the tale is of one st. malo , who being upon the sea on easter-day , prayed god to afford him the means to celebrate the mass , and to those that accompanied him to hear it ; these are his words : and one would wonder what kind of vessel they were in , that did not afford them room for that , as well as contain them . but in this distress , the book says , a little island appeared in the midst of the sea ; and they went down into it ( it should seem the island was lower than the vessel they were in ) to the number of 180 persons : they set up an altar , st. malo said mass , and gave the communion to a great number ; after which retiring to their ship ( now 't is confess'd 't was a ship , and yet not big enough to say mass in it ) they perceived this island , or rather the fish , sunk to the bottom : 't was strange they should be upon the back of a whale so long , and yet not find the difference between a fish and an island . many of these impudences are published in that book , by allowance : but if we must believe , that the priest can make a god , nothing that follows after that , or is told with it , can seem to be a wonder . another part of modern priest-craft is purgatory , an imitation directly drawn from the hades and elysium of the gentiles ; but now improved into gain , by perswading people , that their friends and relations could be sooner or later prayed out of purgatory , as the price they gave for such prayers was more or less : i have known this to be true , in a particular accident ; and money hastned that prayers might begin , and no time be lost to free the person from pain . i have endeavoured to shew , in several particulars or instances , that the priest-craft has continued to be the same : but there are two very important examples of it , that yet remain to be treated of , mystery and persecution ; two very necessary points to preserve an implicit and intire submission to priests , and to their opinions . by mystery , they keep men from using their understandings ; and by persecution , force the rebellious , conceited , and over-weaning to believe , or however profess as the priest teaches . the word mystery partly declares its own nature , it ( ordinarily ) imports a divine secret ; and was always used to keep the vulgar and profane , so called , from the knowledg of , and from examining and inquiring into religion . this was the use of mystery , in the theology of the gentiles ; mystery was the secret and extravagant worship of the false gods : for nothing was to be revealed , but to those that were initiated into their worship and ceremonies , but to be kept secret from the vulgar , commonly called the profane ; without which distinction , or nick-naming , it would have seem'd unreasonable to keep them from participating the religious mysteries ; but the profane were not permitted so much as to ask a question about those matters . to this purpose , in egypt , in the temple of isis , was placed harpocrates the god of silence , with his finger on his lips ; as it were to teach , that the mysteries and secrets of religion are not to be divulged . in very deed , the heathens sheltered all abuses imposed on the credulity of the people , and all the passions and enormities of their gods , under the vail of mystery : and this was thought so necessary , that there were rewards and punishments appointed , to keep the priests themselves in a strict observance of religious secresy . in crete the mysteries of cybele mother of the gods , were preserved in a most sacred silence ; and from thence this silence was brought into phrygia : the mysteries of the great mother , when celebrated by the initiated , were to be concealed so faithfully , that it was reckoned to be down-right wickedness to discover them to the profane . horace , who had other-ways so much wit and learning , was yet so overcome by this trick of priest-craft , that he seems fully satisfied a faithful silence should be rewarded : and he declares , that though he was in the same house and ship , he would avoid the man that had revealed the mysteries of ceres . he was perswaded the house would fall upon his head , and the vessel sink with him , o're-loaded with the weight of the profane . some of the philosophers have themselves been guilty of affecting mysteries ; thus pythagoras charged his disciples to keep their thoughts dark and unexplained , lest they should be understood by the people . and when we first find philosophy taught by plato and aristotle ; for before we have but dark accounts of it ; we find , especially in plato , and sometimes in aristotle , very mysterious notions : which afterwards gained the character and esteem of learned and divine dogmes ; though indeed they were only hard words , to puzzle reason and good-sense . but the priests , both heathen and christian , having been instructed by the experience of all ages , that mysterious and unintelligible things made great impressions on the minds of men ; they have not failed to keep up the method , of making ( as grotius speaks ) an art of religion . cato , that had not the assistance of the gospel , yet judged right of these mysteries , practised by priests to support and inlarge their power and interest ; for when labienus press'd him to consult the priests of the oracle of jupiter-ammon , in the desart of africa , to be by them instructed what to do ; cato despised such an inquiry : as if , saith he , i were still to learn , that vertue is not to be depress'd by any force , nor inlarged by any success ; this i know , and ammon cannot more persuade me of it . every man's soul possesses enough of divine infusion , and without the help of oracles , may know that all things are govern'd by a providence of god : we need not be told by oracles , what from our birth is known by all . has god , think you , chose a barren part of the world , where his divine will shall be taught by a few ; and is truth concealed in these heaps of sand ? a commentator on these words , cites cicero very properly , who says , that an oracle is the divine will declared in the mouth of man : and what priest can pretend to find more divinity in himself than cato ; who not only knew all that could be told him of the difference between good and evil , vertue and vice , but in all conditions was an unshaken observer of all that which he knew must be pleasing to god ? it is matter of astonishment , that the humour and affectation of mystery should continue , when religion and faith were so wholly altered by the coming of our saviour ; who came with design to redeem us from the darkness of that condition we were in by the strange and puzling methods of religious ceremonies and mysteries , and of various rites of sacrificing , good for nothing but to confound and distract the minds of men. for there was almost nothing proposed to be believed or done , that was plain to be understood ; but all was to be believed by a faith in others : many gods or objects of worship , various ways of worship , extended even to an infinite number of confused particulars ; and all without any plain or direct precepts of vertue , or moral duties to be performed towards one another . through such darkness the light of our saviour broke ; sent by god to dispel the deplorable night , in which the world was involved : and yet they would continue mankind in darkness , though they profess to be his priests that brought the light ; not being able to part with that mysterious obscurity , which so long preserved the priestly interest and power , no not for the clearness and sincere plainness of him whose followers they ought to be . such as are asserters of mystery , choose rather to search into some dark places of st. john's gospel or st. paul's epistles , to fetch out from thence a wonderful divinity , than to attend to the general , the plain , and easily intelligible current of the gospels and epistles . but when st. paul says , let a man so account of us , as ministers of christ , and stewards of the mysteries of god : by this proper appellation or title , he plainly expresses the dispensation of a mystery now revealed , though formerly kept secret ; which mystery ( all confess ) was the salvation of mankind , or of all nations , not of the jews only . now if the mystery continue , how could the apostles be stewards in dispensing a revealed treasure ? it were strange to call a man a dispensing steward , who had received nothing to lay out . when the scripture teaches mystery , 't is not to continue darkness and difficulty ; but to clear it . when st. paul says , i will shew you a mystery ; which was , that at the resurrection we shall all be changed ; which before was certainly a mystery , but being declared , became ( not a mystery , but ) a revelation : here certainly he calls the gospel the revelation of a mystery ; and so too , in these words at rom. 16.26 . the revelation of a mystery , which was kept secret since the world began : the words are expresly ( and confessedly ) spoken of the gospel and preaching of jesus christ. like to which is also the declaration of the same apostle , ephes. 1.9 . having made known to us the mystery of his will , according to his good pleasure , which he hath purposed in himself . — and now ye know , what with-holdeth , that he might be revealed in his time ; for the mystery of iniquity doth already work . if any one ask , whether a mystery be not mystery while 't is so called ? he may receive a very familiar answer ; that a secret told to a friend , is called a secret , though when 't is told it continues no longer to be a secret : as 't is said in scripture the blind see ; they are called blind after they have received their sight : and when our saviour had healed some lepers , yet they are called lepers though freed from their leprosy . 't is most clear , that mystery and dark notions vented in hard words , are not studied or maintained for the sake of religion ; but for the priests particular interest and power : and dr. sherlock says well , that nothing can be a greater injury to the christian religion it self , than to render it obscure and difficult . the mystery-mongers must be very imposing , to seek to make the very modestest man mistrust his sufficiency to inquire into religious truth : if that were so , it could not be justly required of any but the learned and wise , to be of any perswasion about controverted points ; but the gospel does in no manner seem to be particularly directed to them ; rather on the contrary , the father of heaven and earth has hid these things from the wise and prudent , and has revealed them unto babes . where is the scribe , where is the disputer of this world ? the gospel professes plainness , and uses no hard words ; every where directing us to apply our selves to search and examine : which thing , if it were too hard , or to no purpose , were a mock-invitation and direction of the sacred word . st. paul recommends this to the thessalonians ; and gives preference to the jews of berea as more noble , because they search'd the scripture daily , whether the things which he taught were true . thus to a free inquirer he gives the character of noble ; which the priests will by no means allow ; as if the person himself , whose salvation depends upon it , were an unconcerned party . but without question , every man is obliged to work out his own salvation with fear and trembling ; and therefore sincerely to use all possible means for his best satisfaction ; for at the last day , 't will be no excuse to be deceived by another : a man must be his own expositor , minister , bishop , and council ; for these will not bear his punishment , he must bear it himself . those powers and authorities given to others , was the cause of making and multiplying creeds and rules of faith ; which ever were modelled according to the present interests and animosities of prevailing parties : in very deed , creeds were the spiritual revenges of dissenting parties upon one another . 't is observable , that the whole aim of our saviour in the gospel , is to use a clearness of direction for practice . when he speaks in parables , 't is to make things familiar to those , whose apprehensions more readily conceive and retain what is express'd by similitudes ; because they are acquainted with them in common practice : such is the parable of the seed , thrown into barren ground ; the tares among the corn , and many others , used in that easy and familiar manner to make every thing descend into the meanest capacity , and be retained by the shortest memories . in all his expressions in that admirable sermon on the mount , there are no hard words or dark doctrines ; it being his blessed will to give light to all , not to reserve or keep any thing dark or vailed : 't was private design , interest and faction , that invented hard words , puzling expressions , or unintelligible notions and doctrines ; had such a method been conducing to salvation , he that was the redeemer would not have omitted any thing necessary to the redemption . i design to examine , whether any particular points controverted in religion , if they had never been mentioned or thought of , had been a prejudice to the serving of god , and following the full directions of the gospel : but first it may be proper , considering the strange and wild fancies and opinious that have been taught and exercised as parts of religion , to examine ( as i propounded sometime before ) whether probably the priests themselves did or could believe those most ridiculous things , which they themselves taught and imposed ? though 't is no wonder that the people should be perswaded to believe such variety of extravagancies : for , as i have shown , men have ever had a proness rather to believe than to examine ; and all religions are alike easily taught and nurss'd up , from infancy ; and every one is equally fierce , for that in which he has been educated . hence comes the strange zeal of the poor indians , to lay down to be crush'd to death under the heavy wheels that carry a virgin representing their goddess amidio ; and of others of them , that stretch out an arm in devotion towards heaven so long , that they are never able to draw it back ; and thereupon presume that they are sufficiently sanctified . some turks have also been so zealous , that after having seen the alchoran they have put out their eyes ; that they might never more see a profane sight : while christians wonder at these extravagancies , they perhaps yield to others as much detestation or scorn , for some of their ridiculous and impossible doctrines , and superstitious parts of their devotion . when the morocco ambassador attended king charles the second at newmarket ; the king observing the large sleeves they wore , ask'd lucas , one of the chief of the ambassador's retinue , how they could believe that the moon should come into a sleeve ; which they said they wore so large for that use ? lucas answered him , with another question ; how christians could believe ▪ that our lady's chappel at launretta flew thorow the air 200 miles , and pitched it self where it now stands ? this lucas had been a great traveller ; he had been at lauretta , as well as at mecha where mahomet's sepulchre is : i believe there are equal causes for the miracles at both places . thus all religions are equally easy to be imbibed from the first milk ; and other-ways , it were impossible the world should continue in such different , divided , and absurd faiths : but we see plainly , that generations continue in the same opinions about religion , as well as in the same natural descents ; as if one were as natural as the other . 't is true , that by the help and light of the gospel some have broken these fetters , and step'd into the freedom of reason : but then the priests always apply themselves , to their last and best argument , persecution ; to prevent the increase of reasonable and honest men. the heathens were more to be excused , who continued in blind obedience to their priests ; for they had nothing to guide and direct them , but what their priests invented from time to time : but christians have a revealing gospel , plain and easy enough to direct to the doctrines , means and ways of salvation , and to redeem people from dark and blind obedience ; by the clear discovery , there made of the being and vnity of god , and the as clear precept of catholick love and charity ; thus laying an evident and certain foundation of eternal happiness , on what is equally rational and intelligible . he that has redeemed us from mystery and sin , has insisted chiefly on the plain and decent methods of justice , performed to one another : and in his rule of prayer , he makes the forgiveness we implore from god , to depend on a covenant of doing the same to others that we desire of him ; forgive us our trespasses , as we forgive them that trespass against us . in our saviour's sermon on the mount , all those excellent rules are delivered , after a most explicit and plain manner : there we find no footsteps , nor the least rise given , for such mysterious fancies and opinions , as the priests teach and injoin in the church of rome : all such doctrines and impositions arose from nothing but priest-craft , to support and to inlarge their interests and power . if they practised only as true disciples of christ , and taught after his plain and blessed manner and method ; they would then exercise themselves wholly in a sincere and plain example of life , and make such an example the scope and end of their teaching , and thereby by infuse the power of religion into the minds and hearts of men. but instead of this , they teach and impose the power of themselves : and their dark and disputable points cannot be necessary , no nor sutable to the ends of the gospel ; there being nothing there prescribed to breed perplexities , or to alter and transfer its own rule and power , to the interpretations and power of men. mystery therefore is used only as a means to this perswasion , that power and knowledg is in the priests ; and persecution is the heavy rod , to awe and terrify men from questioning their doctrine . but though education shows us , that men may be bred up to , and may be taught all religions alike ; and it may be in part excused by the ignorance of the people , occasioned by the multiplicity o● cares and business : yet there is not the same cause or apology for priests , to continue in their old elusions and deceits . the people are generally forbid to reason and examine ; they must submit to the pretence of divine authority with an implicit obedience ; but the priests that have any abilities , and who withal may consider , must know the folly and falshood of what they teach ; they cannot believe things to be true , which they themselves invent . the priests of baal seemed to believe themselves , when they ventur'd upon a trial of skill with elijah ; calling upon their god for assistance , with clamorous ceremonies and slashing themselves : but it was a forc'd put upon them ; they were obliged to play the tricks belonging to their way of devotion , and probably they hoped that elijah could do as little as they , and so the difference would be compounded in a drawn battel . nor could they of bel more believe what they taught ; they could not think , their god devoured the vast provisions got ready for him , when they themselves eat it up . did the priests believe the oracles , which they themselves invented ; or that they could find future events in the entrails of beasts , or by the flight or pecking of birds , or by a divination by such a statue in the high-way , or by thunder on the left-hand , or any such like ? do the priests of the church of rome believe the miracles , invented by themselves ? do they not know , that the abused purchaser has nothing for his money , when he buys indulgences ; and as little , when money is got together with all expedition ( which i have known ) that prayers may be begun to hasten a soul out of purgatory ? are they not aware that the virtue pretended to be given , by their consecration , to an agnus dei , a cross , an image , the clouts of infants , is nothing but a pretence ? when they make an indifferent man a divine saint , are they ignorant of the cheat they put upon the world ? but from this digression , let us return to conclude the point of mystery ; how useful it has been thought by priest-craft to enlarge their interests and power : we may see this , in a short account of aristotle's philosophy ; which at first was most fiercely and angrily exploded , but afterwards received with highest veneration , so soon as ever 't was perceived to be useful to maintain mystery . in the 13 th age , as the french write , the works of aristotle were brought into france , and for sometime taught in the universities ; but after a little time , his writings were publickly burnt , and excommunication threatned against any that should teach out of them . his metaphysicks were condemned by an assembly of bishops at paris ; and six years after the cardinal of st. estienne ( sent by pope innocent ) forbad the professor of the university of paris to read the physicks of that philosopher : which afterwards also were condemned by a bull of pope gregory the ninth . one simon a professor , and dinart a master of arts , were often accused of heresy , for being esteemers of aristotle's opinions and writings . mezeray says , that in the year 1209 , one almeric a priest , beginning to preach some novelties , had been forced to recant ; for which he died of grief . several , after his death , followed his opinions , and were condemned to be burnt : and he being condemned by the council of paris , his body was taken up , and his ashes thrown upon a dunghil . and because 't was believed , that the books of aristotle , lately brought from constantinople , had filled their heads with these heretical subtilties , the same council forbids the reading or keeping them under pain of excommunication . but during this disgrace , there arose in aristotle's defence three famous divines , to whom st. john damascen had opened the way , having abridged divers of aristotle's works ; which had assisted him to put in order his great body of divinity , the four books of orthodox faith : afterwards others improved this , and took as it were a plan of divinity from aristotle's philosophy . now the tide turned as fast the other way , for in the year 1366 , two cardinals , commissioners from vrban the fifth , came to establish the doctrine of aristotle in france ; where it was ordered , that none should proceed masters of arts that were not examined upon his logick , physicks , metaphysicks , and books of the soul : it was further injoined to study aristotle carefully , so to restore the reputation of the university . pope nicholas the fifth , a great advancer of learning , commanded a new translation of aristotle into latin , for the use of the divines of the romish church . pope john , who canoniz'd thomas aquinas , increased the reputation of aristotle , from whom that great doctor has drawn his principles , and the grounds of his arguments ; that now aristotle's writings became the fundamental laws of philosophy and the new divinity . in the fourteenth age grew the hot contention between the thomists and scotists , or the disciples of thomas and scotus , about subtile nothings , or ( as mezeray speaks ) brangling cobweb-controversies ; these were pursued with passion , according to interest or inclination , or by ingagement of parties : and disputes were so multiplied , that a venetian writer pretends to reckon up twelve thousand volumes published in that age about the philosophy of aristotle ; whose reputation now so far increased , and was so establish'd in the university of paris , that ramus ( who had found out some observations to diminish the credit of aristotle ) was by the other professors in that university condemned in the year 1543 , as rash , ignorant , and impudent , in daring to write against aristotle ; and an order was made , that none should teach any other philosophy . such a religious veneration was now raised for aristotle , though formerly condemned , that dissenting from him grew to be heresy : and in the massacre at paris , ramus was murdered with as much zeal and fury as the calvinists themselves . the credit of aristotle's writings , as being fit to support the dark mysteries and opinions of the church , so much increased , that in the year 1611 , the doctors of paris made a rule that all professors should teach the philosophy of aristotle . and in the year 1624 , a request for some particular theses to be proposed against the doctrine of aristotle , was denied : and again , anno 1629 , the parliament there made an arrest against some chymists , upon the information of the sorbonists , that the principles of aristotle could not be written against , or lessened , without prejudicing the received divinity of the schools . 't is no wonder if the fathers and sages of the three first ages , were not quick enough to understand a sort of mysterious darkness which they had no use for ; the things not being then found out that it was to be applied to : but when the occasion was ready for it , the puzling parts of aristotle's philosopy being found useful , and among all his dark subtilties none more convenient than that of metaphysical or abstracted essences , which were beings no where in being , they were applied to support transubstantiation ; where there appears a substance that must not be believed to be there , and another must be believed there which is not perceived . nothing can be a clearer evidence than this violent change , how desirous they were to lay hold of every thing that was helpful to preserve mystery , and thereby to reduce the power and use of religion to themselves , and so enlarge their worldly interest and wealth . they easily apprehended that following the plain method of the gospel , in a humble example and zealous perswasion , ascribing all honour and power to god and none to themselves , would hardly make a great purchase of interest and honours to themselves ; there would not have needed a statute of mort-main here in england , to prevent ( possibly all , at the least ) most of the land to be given to what they call the church , that is , the priests . the last and most cruel contrivance of priest-craft to support mystery , is persecution ; to preserve their power , by the destruction and oppression of others . and as in all the particulars of priest-craft , before treated of , they have differed from the methods of the gospel ; so in none so much as their being absolutely contrary to the proposition of our saviour's coming , not to destroy but to save , and to do to others as we would be done to our selves . 't is a strange way of performing those just and blessed rules , to destroy and persecute others ; for most certainly cruel and bloody persecutors would not be willing to suffer the torments and severities they impose : hatred , violence and cruelty , are the methods of their proceeding , while our saviour has made the doctrines of love , meekness and charity , the ingredients of his gospel , and the characters for his disciples to be known by . the christian religion , that brought light to the world , began thus with clearness , meekness , love and charity ; winning men to their salvations by such wise and peaceable ways , that if heaven and eternal happiness had not been added as our farther reward , yet the before-said duties and principles exactly practised , contribute to preserve every one in health both of body and mind , and to the safe enjoyment of undisturbed property . the impostor mahomet pretended he was sent from god to convert the world , and brought in his religion with destruction and fierceness of rage ; yet we see that now in a few ages , that persecuting madness is softned : it seems now too cruel for their natures as men , and contrary also to their interests ; so that now paying that small tribute to the state which is agreed on , the christians injoy the use of their religion , and freedom of trade and commerce under a quiet and peaceable protection . on the other side , the christian religion that was begun to be taught with so much gentleness , love and charity , grew to be changed into fury , hatred , malice and persecution : and though they justly complained under the persecution of the heathen emperors , especially dioclesian , maximin , and julian ; yet they were no sooner freed from those miseries , but they practised upon others all the mischiefs and crimes which themselves had suffered , and had inveighed against ; and revenge , and its ready instrument persecution , grew to be their gospel-methods : that which before they called fury and rage , when used by themselves , must be called zeal and devotion . the first cause of this severity that began famously among the christians , was from athanasius and arius ; and the council of nice it self shewed a spirit of contention rather than of peace and charity : constantine was forced to burn the records of their quarrels and animosities , to set their faces towards any prospect of spiritual good. the war of persecution began under the wrangling names of homo-ousians and homoi-ousians : and no sooner was great constantine dead , but the arians influenced his son constantius to retaliate upon the homo-ousians , by returning persecution for persecution . if the homo-ousians had made a creed at nice , the homoi-ousians in return fitted them with another at ariminum and seleucia ; adding to them the christian retaliations of anathema's , banishments , imprisonments , deprivations , consiscations , executions , burnings of books , and the rest . from this creed-making came persecutions , almost equal to those of the heathen emperors ; which were so much the more ugly , because it was still one part of the christian church that vexed the other : zozomen reckons up nine of these creeds , made in a few years . the ecclesiastical war being begun , creeds were as the arms and ammunition with which to carry it on ; they served also as declarations , and causes of the war : and as power and opportunity gave leave , they pursued one another with these both means and incentives to revenge . hilary bishop of poictiors , describes this , saying , we decree every year of the lord a new creed concerning god , nay every change of the moon our faith is alter'd ; we repent of those decrees , and we defend those that repent of them : he concludes with saying that the christians were torn to pieces by themselves . gregory nazianzen was so full of detestation at these quarrels of christians , that at last he resolved never more to come into an assembly of bishops ; because , saith he , i have never seen a good and happy end of any council ; but mischiefs are rather increased than remedied by them , their obstinate contentions and ambitions are infinite . at last heresy came to be the greatest crime , and hereticks ( so called ) were fore-doomed to eternal fire ; and in the mean time to undergo the more temperate ones here . it grew to be a vie of christianity , who should be most zealous in extirpation of hereticks , and to preserve the honour of the church , by cruel and bloody means : the famous st. dominick was the most ( wickedly ) zealous in this tragical task , and from his order chiefly the inquisitors have been chosen ever since : one of his successors issued process for an hundred thousand , whereof six thousand were burnt in a few years . pope leo the tenth , with the approbation of the council of lateran , decreed a severe prosecution of the hereticks ; but at the same time a slight punishment was ordered against such as blasphemed god , or the lord christ : an offence immediately against god was not to them of so dangerous a nature , as that which they call heresy ; because heresy is contrary to their dictates and power . and yet they would not seem to be men of blood ; but , with a miserable evasion , make the magistrate their stirrup-dog , and loo him on to seize and execute the prey , as they direct him . but 't is very lamentable , that not only in former ages those that have suffer'd under , and complained of persecution , when by alteration of fortune the power hath fallen into their own hands , they have acted all that which before they condemned : but even still in our days , every party that has groaned under such sufferings , when they are arrived at power , use the same severities which formerly they inveighed against . persecution is commonly taken to rise from the impatience of men to endure contradiction ; but if difference arose only from disputes , where there is no concern of interest or ambition , men would not unite to make laws to destroy or punish , or endeavour by such means to compel others to believe as themselves believe . the love of worldly power and interest was the cause of persecution : the sects of philosophers that had great differences , and taught various philosophies , never thought it worth the combination of a prevailing opinion or party , to persecute the others ; because no interest or power could be the produce of such a method . plato's and aristotle's successors taught in athens , and had their sects and followers ; but it never became worth persecution on either side : but when aristotle's philosophy became useful for priest-craft , where power and interest were designed , then it grew fit to be mingled with the causes of persecution . persecution therefore began from the insatiate desire of secular power and interest , to preserve that dominion over souls and estates , which mystery brought the priesthood into : for when , by their subtil and dark impositions , they had subjected men to an implicit belief of , and subjection to , their divine and infallible inspiration and authority , they then found it necessary to fortify and preserve that interest by persecution ; and thereby to prevent the examination of the unnecessary follies and cheats imposed , by comparing them with the naked truth and plainness of the gospel ; to secure their subjects from deserting them , or declaring against them , they take care that ecclesiastical dragoons be prepared ( not to convert , but ) destroy them . there cannot be any who are for persecution ▪ so dull , as to believe it the means for what they ( would seem to ) intend it , the conversion of the erroneous . for in persecution ; there is no rational perswasion , in the torments , or other punishments : that which can move an alteration of opinion , is reason and argument , gently and friendly proposed ; error must be shown by argument , not by power or barbarities . if that were the true way , which the infallible follow , then if a man is known to differ in a particular opinion , he should be converted by breaking a limb for that opinion ; and so another limb for another such ( dissenting ) opinion , and not by arguments , till the sum total of his heresies grew big enough for the fire : but then it would appear also , that what they pretend is for conversion , in very deed is only for destruction ; and the service and punishment is wholly for themselves , not the persons punished . if a man sees light , or any other object , could punishment make him not believe what he sees ? torments perhaps may make him say , that he does not see what he does , or any thing else , from the force of his prevailing misery : so perhaps persecution , in its various and skilful inventions of several punishments and torments , may force the wretched sufferers verbally to renounce their respective faiths and opinions , though they be not at all alter'd in their belief ; which victory is indeed a service to the priests power , but none to god , or the suffering person . if a man should say prayers for a show in this world , and yet not believe in the god he prays to , but only designs to keep himself from trouble and disturbance ; would not such prayers be ( bantring ) sins ? is there not the same reason , that those who persecute , and by torments or fears force suffering wretches to declare against their own consciences , should be esteemed and judged guilty of the sin which their cruelty caused ? or is there perhaps any greater sin , than to sin against a man's own conscience ? should any one force a man to murder himself ; would not such a one be guilty of the murder ? doth not the law make the accessory equally guilty with the principal ? by the same reason , those that are guilty of the violence or terror , are guilty of the ( unconscionable , and therefore impious ) renunciations that were caused by such terror or violence . persecution can be no argument to perswade , nor destruction the way to conversion ; and to force any to sin against their consciences , is no rule of christianity . the late unexampled persecution in france has , by strange invented ways of several torments and vexations , forc'd many to renounce ( verbally ) their opinions and consciences ; a sin which god hates : it 's true , men should undergo all sufferings for their consciences ; but if torments prevail over the weakness of a distracted sufferer , those that inflict the cruelty are certainly the cause of what god hates , and their rewards will be accordingly . persecution therefore can be used out of no respect to the service of god ; but is a defiance of him , and only a service to priest-craft and priests , who like other plunderers preserve ill-got goods by force . the prescriptions of the gospel are of another nature ; even to be gentle in all things , and to have charity for those that offend : st. john's epistles , whose subject-matter is only love , would be a cheat rather than a true gospel-direction , if such a thing as persecution could be approved in the gospel-state . if love could spring from loss of estates , torments , and death ; if the advice and gospel-command of catholick love were not made perfectly ridiculous , by the contrary command of persecution and hatred , we might allow of the priestly expedient of persecution : but 't will be impossible to perswade those that suffer , that their persecutors do not hate them , and as impossible to love such persecutors any better than they love their sufferings themselves . but wo be to them by whom the offence comes : what condemnation must it carry with it , that those who pretend to be teachers of the gospel , instead of the ways of love , search after those of blood , and instead of gentleness , pursue with fury ; and that too for as little reason , as if they went about to punish those that differ from them in taste ; for opinion is no more to be help'd than a man's relish ; 't were as reasonable to punish any one for a vitiated palat , as for thinking what he must think . 't is not reasonable to believe that god , who knows our infirmities , will punish error ; which is no sin , because it comes not from the will and intention : one man may be weaker than another , and both may mistake more or less , according to the difference of their capacities ; but neither of them is thereby guilty , because the mistakes and opinions proceed from their innoscence , which is to say , their weakness and ignorance . there have been very warm and fierce disputes upon subject-matters that could have had no good effect , if the decision had been according to the desires and fancies of either of the contending parties ; and yet neither of them is to be charged with heresy : in the dispute concerning free-will , one party denies it , believing that such denial magnifies the grace of god ; the other affirms it , because he believes it engages men in pious endeavours ; therefore absolutely to determine the question , in direct favour of either party , would not be useful . st. paul reckons heresy among the works of the flesh ; indeed 't is in holy scripture every where reckoned among practical impieties : matter of fact , in direct sins , can only be ascertain'd to be heresy ; if a man does not mix a vice with his opinion , and that his life accordingly is not led in unjust practices , his error in opinion cannot be a crime , nor any foundation of a punishment . if we seriously ▪ consider the ill and unjustifiable grounds of such a persecution , the heresy will appear to be on the other side , the persecutors will be the hereticks : for those who practise uncharitableness and cruelty , commit that heresy of the flesh ; directly contrary to what our saviour taught , and founded the christian religion upon , even meekness , charity and mercy . but as st. paul says , he that was born after the flesh , persecuted him that was born after the spirit : even so it is now , and so it ever will be , while self-interest and love of dominion , are allowed to make the want of mercy , the means to support and propagate religion : and such ill-gotten power must encrease the cruelty and pride of men , and consequently new and more large inventions of massacres and other persecutions ; and yet ( sure ) themselves cannot but think it ridiculous , that a religion , whose institution is so humane and merciful , should be propagated by cruelty and inhumanity . st. paul says , the servants of the lord must not strive , but be gentle to all men , in meekness instructing those that oppose themselves ; if god peradventure will give them repentance , to the acknowledgment of the truth . here persecution is forbid , though against those that oppose the known truth , which needed repentance ; they are directed to proceed by meekness and instructions : sure then the persecutors that strive to be ungentle , and use cruelty instead of meekness , and death and tortures instead of instruction , must be the true hereticks . 't is very observeable , that for real heresies of the flesh there are no inquisitions set up , nor any particular persecutions ; not for drunkenness , or whoredom , or other vices : they increase as much , by temptation and example , as those sort of vices can ; and yet were never made objects of the ( pretended ) pious zeal , or of any persecution . against such heresies , they follow more the apostle's rule , endeavouring to convert by instruction and perswasion ; but towards the heresies that are prop●rly against themselves , they proceed by another method , by the rule of their own passions , not by the directions of christianity . the reason is , heresy against true morality does not shake their design of power and interest ; but heresy against their rules of faith , which they would have superiour to scripture , is an abnegation of their authority . the endeavour to find out truth should not be reckoned an offence ; it should rather tend to unite than divide , and raise tenderness sooner than persecution . god's service is the pretended cause of persecution ; but without suffering it to be fairly examined , whether the difference consists in matters truly necessary to salvation . which again evidences , that the persecution is not for the cause of god , or the good of the persecuted , but of the persecutors . 't is sure a most melancholy prospect of persecution , that all the particulars in which those differ who profess the name of christ , are in themselves of no consequence , in respect to salvation : for if it be temperately considered , there is not one particular that if it had never been controverted , or so much as thought of , had been at all a prejudice to our following the true and the plain rules of christianity ; nor can the belief or dis-belief of any of those disputed particulars , be reputed any part of the necessary faith. suppose , that the devotion paid to saints , angels , images and relicks , prayers for the dead , consecration of agnus dei's , blessing of clouts , indulgences and pardons made mercenary , had never been thought of , where would the want of them appear , if we followed the acknowledged rules and precepts of the gospel ? does any of these concern the doing as we would be done to ; or would they contribute to mutual love and forbearance of one another ? in relation to faith and good works , they could neither be instrumental nor exciting ; and had they been material , they would have found some place among the precepts and institutions delivered by our saviour , in his sermon on the mount ; where no part necessary to christian conduct can be believed to be omitted . so that these invented particulars by priest-craft , are only to create a faith in them , not in christ or his gospel ; where every thing that is necessary , is also plain and clear ; but these consist of darkness , to involve deceived mankind in a blind and implicit obedience . another of their abstruse inventions is purgatory , wholly the subject-matter of power and profit ; as if it were possible there could be a separate confined place , where the punishment or purgation should be more or less , as the price is : as if heaven were to be bribed , according to their lesser or greater lucre. if men must believe in their redeemer , and living according to his example , may thereby obtain salvation , to what purpose could that invention be , unless for the interest and power of the priests that invented it ? for if it never had been thought of , what prejudice could it have been to the christian religion , whose rules are perfect and effectual without it , and which affords no ( tolerable ) intimation of such a place ? they may as rationally affirm , that all the rules of the gospel followed in a good life , shall yet not be available to salvation , without the belief of purgatory ; so that one point of salvation is wholly forgot by him that saved ; as pretend that after a life of contempt or neglect of the gospel precepts ; a man , for all that , may be ransomed , by money given to the priest , from the place of punishment ; so near to blasphemy , does this extravagant opinion reach . be sure purgatory is not of so antient date , but that there were christians long before all mention made of it ; who were ( questionless ) in a state of salvation without the help of that fancy , and others are so now without the belief of it : the faith of it is useless , to any person or thing , but only to the priests , to compleat their catalogue of mysteries , and to increase their profit and authority . the most famous of their dark particulars , to which they pretend to be directed by the gospel , is the real presence : where the priest can transubstantiate , without being himself transubstatiated ; which is ridiculous enough . for all its seeming importance , 't is of the same nature with the particulars before-mentioned ; and if it had never been thought of , could in no ways have been prejudicial to the christian religion . for suppose any one should eat of the very body and flesh of our saviour , would that particular food have been the food of salvation , without belief in him that died for us ? 't is impossible that any can affirm it would ; for if it were so , and that priests can make bread , or a wafer , to be christ's flesh , the eating of it must of consequence procure salvation without the help of faith and good works : but if by faith in his death for us , love and charity , and following the example of his life , we must be saved ; of what use can it be to determine , whether the sacrament be the real body , yea or no ? since the real substance would not be effectual by it self , of what concern can it be whether it be in the sacrament or no ? and this opinion too was not of so long standing , but that christians , who before this invention believed in christ , and followed his example , were certainly in a state of salvation : and if that be granted , it shows that it can be of no concern if the question about it had never been raised ; for if the thing proposed to be believed , was in it self separately of no force or efficacy , to what purpose is the enquiry whether it be really in the sacrament or no ? if it had effectual power separately , and meerly by virtue of the substance , then it must operate on an infidel that eats it , as well as on a believer : but if faith in him that died for us , be the foundation of our salvation , and we build upon it in following his example and precepts , then salvation cannot depend upon this , whether the celebration of the memorial of our saviour's last supper be this or that substance . should any believe truly in christ , and in our redemption by his death , and endeavour to follow his blessed rules and example ; and yet never consider further of the celebration of the lord's supper , but only as a memorial , that as often as we come thither , we do it in remembrance of his suffering for us ; would this be ineffectual , without determining in opinion at that time , what sort of substance we receive ? if so , then if the person that takes it guesses wrong , all his faith in christ , and all his endeavours of a good life , are in vain and of none effect . so that upon a controverted point , which seems ridiculous to common sense , salvation must depend ; and the mistake of a dark and controverted point shall defeat all the effects of a strict following the plain and blessed rules of the gospel ; which most certainly contains all things necessary to salvation . and if this particular question , what substance it was that is administred in the sacrament , had been so very necessary to salvation , our saviour would certainly have deliver'd it in a plain instruction and precept , to guide our faith in a particular on which salvation depended , and with the same plainness too , that he uses through the whole course of the gospel : but the gospel only directs faith in him , with love , justice , and charity to one another ; of which , it directly says , that the reward shall be eternal salvation . st. paul sets down very directly and plainly the necessary parts of faith , and comprises all in a very short creed ; this is the word of faith , saith he , which we preach , that if thou shalt confess with thy mouth the lord jesus , and believe in thy heart that god raised him from the dead , thou shalt be saved . this doctrine of st. paul must either deceive us , or else there is nothing of real necessity besides this , and the apparent and immediate consequences of it , to be believed by us as christians . but the priests having endeavoured to throw every plain way into a wilderness , and to bring darkness upon light ; it follows , sutably to that design , that they propose themselves as guides , and no man to use his own conduct and reason . but if such imposers , that design power and wealth by their dark and unnecessary doctrines , could secure us that we should not answer to god for our selves , then to follow such guides as could and would be accountable for what their followers have submitted to , on their bare authority , and to serve them , would be reasonable : but since a blind and brutish submission to any , will be no excuse to them who had a plain rule given 'em by god , it behoves every man to take care that his guide does not mislead him ; and then 't is the same thing to follow his own reason , and be his own guide ; and sure every one may be better trusted to himself than to another . yet if by their undertaking to be guides , they would exclude the use of reason in religion , why do they themselves propound arguments , why is scripture sometimes cited , councils and fathers quoted , tradition trumpt up ? if we must not use our reason , and judg of those arguments , 't were fair dealing to decree their propositions magisterially . but they say , the unlearned are not fit to judg . this is true indeed ; that is , of the things which they have made too hard even for themselves to judg of , and to agree about : but we are capable to judg of the plainness of the gospel , which only is necessary to our salvation . their new dark writings and doctrines are not decidable among themselves : and 't is very impertinent to make it an argument , that because unlearned men are not able to judg of the confused dark notions of these that call themselves the learned , which notions these learned men seldom understand alike ; therefore the unlearned are to be debarred from using their reason in what is plain to be understood , such as the plain gospel of jesus christ is ; which is and ought to be their only concern . do the learned by their own agreement encourage others to depend upon them , as unerring guides ? how can we be satisfied with their differences , or find out truth in their abstruse cavilings ? for are not the guides themselves grown into different sects , supported by custom , education , interest and prepossession , more than by reason ? do they not continue in a resolved opinion , by only being of the same religious club ? this is the ridiculous cause why all the dominicans are always of one opinion , in the points of predestination and the immaculate conception ; and the franciscans are as universally of the contrary . it were , in my opinion , as reasonable that all the johns should be of one sect and opinion , and the richards of another ; pursuing still what is affirmed by those of their name , without examining the nature or reason of the opinion : as that the institution of a founder of the order ; suppose of dominicans or franciscans , should as much influence all particular persons of the order , as much as an opinion which is taught by reason . so also from the admired thomas and scotus , came the thomasts and scotists ; as if there might be an imposition of opinions , from the meer names of some particular persons of the same either order or school . an unlearned man would receive but small satisfaction in such guides ; and the choice of them would be as little rational and intelligible to him , as the gibberish of their school-divinity is . such a possession in mens minds as we are now speaking of , appeared some time in the disciples of our saviour : for though he spoke plainly of his going to jerusalem , and being put to death there ; yet ( saith the text ) they understood not these sayings : of which , the reason was , because they were before-hand possess'd with the traditions and doctrines of the pharisees , and most other learned men of their nation , that they were to have a glorious , a conquering , and triumphant messias ; so that no clear expressions to the contrary , could have weight with them , or be regarded by them : which shows how little men use their own reasons , or make use even of common sense , when once they are thorowly prepossessed by a contrary institution or impression from others , or the early authority of their assuming guides . the high imposers the priests , or others under the name of the church , cannot pretend to lay the foundation of faith ; which is already laid in the gospel : they may 〈◊〉 exci●e to the practice 〈…〉 laid in the 〈◊〉 but they may as 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 in generals , as in 〈…〉 especially in such as are dark , and have the appearance of new : to inlarge faith is the same , as originally to lay the foundation of it . but they take care that the particulars which they impose , should be stamp'd with a scripture-mark , either true or false ; that they may not seem to arrogate to themselves to be legislators . from the two great spring , athanasius and arius , the church overflowed with divisions , and the insolent value of opinions began . athanasius , in his creed , calls what he there sets down , the catholick faith ; which yet received a contrary censure from two very great councils ; that of milan consisting of 300 bishops , and that of ariminam consisting of 550 : but the practice , on both sides , of imposing their opinions with a scripture-mark or character , was begot and increas'd by the passionate desire and design of power and interest . we have even at this present , an unlucky instance of the strange differences among learned men. dr. sherlock writes a book in answer to certain brief notes on the creed of athanasius : he says , his undertaking is to vindicate the athanasian creed , and the doctrine of a trinity in unity ; which ( he says ) he has now made as clear and easy , as the notion of one god. but another , and a very learned person too , in his animadversions upon that book of dr. sherlock , calls the explication of the trinity advanced in dr. sherlock's book , a silly , a contradictory , and an heretical notion ; wholly of his own invention , and a stab to the heart of the doctrine of the church of england : he charges another book of dr. sherlock's , being a discourse of the knowledg of christ , with vile and scandalous reflections upon god's justice ; and says moreover , that it may deserve to pass for a blasphemous libel . i suppose it would hardly happen to the unlearned , or the laity , if they should search after the knowledg of god and christ in the scriptures only , to be overseen in wider differences either from one another , or from the truth , than these are . what measures or opinions then , can the unlearned take from their ( disputing ) leaders ? guides that cannot forbear to impose faith in dark and unnecessary points , and yet rate their imaginations at the value of holy scripture , even while they disagree among themselves in the very points which they would injoin others to believe . but it has long been the custom of learned men to be saying something ; to dispute and talk , and from thence to impose : st. austin ingenuously confesses this , in these words , lib. de trin. 5. c. 7. when men ask , what is meant by the three , all humane speech wants power to express it : yet we have ventur'd to say three persons ; not that it should be said , but that we may not be wholly silent . in very deed , in all ages the learned have thought it incumbent upon them to say something upon every thing ; and upon dark and unnecessary notions , to found a power over others : which would never have been built upon the plain , and indisputable , rules of the gospel . i say not this to lessen the necessity and use of teachers and guides in religion : the knowledg of religion is not born with us , nor infused into us ; and therefore is to be learned . and of consequence , respect and credit ought to be given to our teachers and instructors . the unlearned must of necessity , in some things place a confidence in those , whose proper imployment and learning qualifies , and assists them to make a true translation of the holy scriptures . this just credit and respect ought to be given to such teachers as apply themselves strictly to pursue the methods of the gospel ; yet without supposing them to be infallible , or making an absolute resignation of our reason and judgment . suppose a man chooses one , that has the reputation of an able counsellor and learned in the law , to settle an estate or purchase ; and uses such counsellor out of that just opinion of the knowledg he has in he law , which he ( deservedly ) reckons is much above his own skill in the laws ; must he therefore be debarred , or neglect , to use his own care and reason in examining the particulars of the writings and settlements ? wherein , though there may be many things , points of law beyond his knowledg , yet there must be also many particulars of a plain and obvious nature , wherein any mistake or contradiction may be easily judged of by the concerned party . and is it not as just and reasonable to believe that men should be allowed the same use of their care and reason , in the purchase of an eternal estate ? i shall conclude with this plain assertion , that the imposing humour of those who usurp more to themselves than belongs to teachers , and their quarrels and disputes upon dark and unnecessary notions , is an assuming what belongs to god , and a taking away what belongs to men. by such power assumed to themselves , they rob god of his glory , the world of peace , and men of love and charity : whereas if they had only endeavour'd to instruct and perswade according to the plain and genuine methods of the gospel , teaching as they were taught by that ; the glory had been to god on high , peace had flourished in the world , and men had abounded in good-will to one another . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a44651-e80 essays . essays . sermon on 1 joh. 4.1 . notes for div a44651-e960 psal. 14.1 . and 53.1 . ille deo plenus , tacitá quem me●●● gerebat , effudit di●●as adytis è pectore v●c●s . est ne dei sedes , nisi terra & pontus , & a●r ; & c●●lum , & 〈◊〉 : superus quid qu●rimus ultra ? jupiter est quo●cunque vid● , quocunque 〈◊〉 . rex 〈…〉 ▪ rex 〈…〉 . geogr. l. 1. gen. 9 . 2● . gen. 9.21 . 2 pet. 2.5 . gen. 31.19 . ezek. 21.21 . gen. 31.30 . isai. 44.11 . et deinceps . isai. 46.1 . in asclep . statuas animatas , sensu & spiritu plenas . 1 tim. 2.5 . chrysost. hom. 70. euseb. praep. evang . c. 3. bale scrip . illust . brit. c. 11. 2 kings 23.5 . acts 16.13 , 14. 1 kings 11.5 , 7. 2 kings 23.5 . 1 kings 18.19 . quis nescit , volusi bythinice , qualia demens aegyptus portenta colat ? — crocodilon adorat . illa pavet saturam serpentibus ibim : effigies sacri nitet aurea cercopitheci , dimidio magicae resonant ubi memnone chordae , atque vetus thebe centum jacet obruta portis . illic caerule●● , hìc piscem fluminis , illic oppida tota canem venerantur . — porrum ac caepe nefas violare , aut frangere morsu : o sanctas gentes , quibus haec nascuntur in hortis numina ! juv. sat. 15. plut. de defect . orac . plat. symp neque enim pro majestate deorum coelestium fuerit , ista curare . de daem . socr . 1 kings 18.28 . plato de rep. praep. evang . divos & eos qui coelestes semper habiti , & illos quos in coelum merita vocaverint . est & superius aliud augustiusque daemonum genus ; qui semper a corporis compedibus & nexibus liberi , certis potestatibus curentur . ex hac sublimiori daemonum copiâ , autumat plato , singulis hominibus in vitá agendá testes & custodes singulos dari . plut. de difect . orac. cic. de nat. deor. nigram hiemi pecudem , zephyris foelicibus albam . virgil. l. 3. ipsa tenens dextrá pateram pulcherrima dido , candentis vaccae media inter cornua fundit . l. 4. duc nigras pecudes , ea prima piacula sunto . idem , l. 6. eadem sequitur tellure repostos . virgil. l. 6. vagitus & ingens , infatiumque animae flentes in limine primo . l. 6. ergo exercentur poenis , veterumque malorum supplicia expectant . aliae panduntur inanes , suspensae ad ventos : aliis sub gurgite vasto infectum ●luitur scelus , aut exuritur igne . quique suos patimur manes , exinde per amplum mittimur elysium , & pauci laeta arva tenemus . virg. l. 6. 1 tim. 2.5 . hinc mater cultrix cybele , coribanti●que aera , idaeumque nemus , hinc fida silentia sacris . virg. l. 3. ex cretâ ille mos in phrygiam pervenit , ut summo silentio celebrarentur magnae matris mysteria : quae his sacris initiatis tam fideliter reguntur , ut nefas putent ea profanis violare . est & fideli tut● silentio merces ; vitabo , qui cereris sacrum vulgarit arcanae , sub iisdem sit trabibus , fragilemque mecum solvat phaselum . an noceat vis ulla bono ; — laudandaque velle , sit satis , & nunquam successu crescat honestum ? scimus , & hoc nobis non altius in●●ret ammom . — nil facimus non sponte dei , nec vocibus ullis numen eget ; dixitque semel nascentibus author , quicquid scire licet ; steriles nee legit arenas , ut caneret paucis , mersitque hoc pulvere verum . lucan . l. 8. 2 pet. 3.16 . 1 cor. 4.1 . 1 cor. 15.51 . 2 thess. 2.6 . mat. 11.5 . matth. 11.25 . 1 cor. 1.20 1 thess. 5.21 . acts 17.11 john 13.34 , 35. zozom . l. 4. c. 25. 2 tim. 2.24 , 25. rom. 10.8 , 9. mark 1.32 , 33. medicus medicatus, or, the physicians religion cured by a lenitive or gentle potion with some animadversions upon sir kenelme digbie's observations on religio medici / by alexander ross. ross, alexander, 1591-1654. 1645 approx. 139 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 64 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2004-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a57656 wing r1961 estc r21768 12181075 ocm 12181075 55644 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a57656) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 55644) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 115:13) medicus medicatus, or, the physicians religion cured by a lenitive or gentle potion with some animadversions upon sir kenelme digbie's observations on religio medici / by alexander ross. ross, alexander, 1591-1654. ross, alexander, 1591-1654. animadversions upon sir kenelme digbie's observations on religio medici. [14], 112 p. printed by james young, and are to be sold by charles green ..., london : 1645. "animadversions upon sir kenelme digbie's observations on religio medici" (p. 81) has special t.p. reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng digby, kenelm, -sir, 1603-1665. -observations upon religio medici. browne, thomas, -sir, 1605-1682. -religio medici. religion -early works to 1800. christian life -early works to 1800. 2003-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-10 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-11 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2003-11 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion medicus medicatus : or the physicians religion cured , by a lenitive or gentle potion : with some animadversions upon sir kenelme digbie's observations on religio medici . by alexander ross . london , printed by iames young , and are to be sold by charles green , at the signe of the gun in ivie-lane . anno dom. 1645. to my vvorthy and ever honoured friend , mr. edward benlowes , esquire . sir , to satisfie your desire , i have endeavoured , so farre as the shortnesse of time , the distractions of my mind , and the want of bookes would give mee leave , in this place of exile , to open the mysteries of this treatise , so much cried up by those , whose eyes pierce no deeper then the superficies ; and their judgements , then the out-sides of things . expect not here from mee rhetoricall flourishes ; i study matter , not words : good wine needs no bush . truth is so amiable of her selfe , that shee cares not for curious dressing : where is most painting , there is least beauty . the gentleman , who at last acknowledgeth himselfe to be the authour of this booke , tells us , that many things in it are not to be called unto the rigid test of reason , being delivered rhetorically : but , as i suspect that friendship , which is set out in too many verball complements ; so doe i that religion , which is trimmed up with too many tropicall pigments , and rhetoricall dresses . if the gold be pure , why feares it the touch-stone ? the physician will trie the apothecaries drugges , ere hee make use of them for his patients bodie ; and shall wee not trie the ingredients of that religion , which is accounted the physick of our soules ? i have no leasure nor mind here to expatiate my selfe : a sparkle of the publike flame hath taken hold on my estate ; my avocations are divers , my bookes farre from mee , and i am here omnibus exhaustus pene casibus , omnium egenus : therefore accept these sudden and extemporary animadversions , so earnestly desired by you , as a testimony of his service and love to you , who will alwaies be found your servant to command , dum res , & aetas , & sororum fila trium patiuntur atra , a. r. the contents of the chiefe things briefly handled here in this booke , are these : 1 if the papists and we are of one faith . 2. if it be lawfull to joyne with them in prayers in their churches . 3. if crosses and crucifixes are fit meanes to excite devotion . 4. if it be fit to weep at a procession . 5. if we owe the pope good language . 6. if we may dispute of religion . 7. if the church at all times is to be followed . 8. of the soules immortality . 9. of origen's opinion concerning the damned . 10. of prayer for the dead . 11. of seeing christ corporally . 12. if the soule can be called mans angell , or gods body . 13. of gods wisedome and knowledge . 14. how nature is to be defined . 15. if monsters are beautifull . 16. if one may pray before a game at tables . 17. of judiciall astrologie . 18. of the brasen serpent . 19. of eliah's miracle of fire . of the sire of sodome . of manna . 20. if there be atheists . 21. if man hath a right side . 22. how america was peopled . 23. if methusalem was longest lived . 24. if judas hanged himselfe . of babels tower. of peters angell . 25. if miracles be ceased . 26. if we may say , that god cannot doe some things . 27. if he denieth spirits , who denieth witches . 28. if the angels know our thoughts . 29. if the light be a spirituall substance , or may be an angell . 30. if the heavens bee an immateriall world . 31. if gods presence be the habitation of angels . 32. how they are ministring spirits to us . 33. if creation bee founded on contrarieties . 34. if the soule be ex traduce . 35. of monsters . 36. if the body be the soules instrument . 37. if the seat of reason can be found in the braine . 38. if there be in death any thing that may daunt us . 39. if the soule sleeps in the body after death . 40. if there shall be any judiciall proceeding in the last day . 41. if there shall be any signes of christs coming . 42. if antichrist be yet knowne . 43. if the naturall forme of a plant lost can be recovered . 44. if beyond the tenth sphere there is a place of blisse . 45. of hell-fire , and how it workes on the soule . 46. of the locall place of hell. 47. the soules of worthy heathens where . 48. of the ch●rches in asia and africa . 49. if wee can bee confident of our salvation . the contents of the second part. 1 of physiognomie and palmestry . 2. if friends should be loved before parents . 3. if one should love his friend , as hee doth his god. 4. if originall sin is not washed away in baptisme . 5. of pride . 6. if we should sue after knowledge . 7. if the act of coition be foolish . 8. evill company to be avoided . 9. if the soule was before the elements . the contents of the animadversions . 1 if the condition of the soule cannot bee changed , without changing the essence . 2. how the light is actus perspicui . 3. if the first matter hath an actuall existence . 4. if matter , forme , essence , &c. be but notions . 5. iudiciall astrologie impious , and repugnant to divinity . 6. if the angels know all at their creation . 7. if the light be a solid substance . 8. if the soule depends on the body . 9. if terrene soules appeare after death . 10. departed soules carry not with them affections to the objects left behind . 11. if slaine bodies bleed at the sight of the murtherer . 12. how god is the cause of annihilation , and how the creature is capable of it . 13. if our dust and ashes shall be all gathe●ed together in the last day . 14. if the same identicall bodies shall rise ●gaine . 15. if the forme , or the matter gives nu●ericall individuation . 16. if the matter , without forme , hath actu●ll being . 17. if identity belong to the matter . 18. if the body of a childe and of a man be ●he same . 19. of some similies , by which identicall ●esurrection seems to be weakned . 20. if grace be a quality , and how wee are ●ustified by grace . i have perused these animadver●●ons , entitled , medicus medicatus ; an● those likewise of sir kenelme digbie● themselves also animadverted on b● the same authour : and finding then learned , sound and solid , i allo● them to bee printed and published that many others may receive th● same satisfaction , content and delight in reading of them , which professe my selfe to have enjoyed i● their perusall . iohn downame● medicus medicatus . though the authour desires that his rhetorick may not be brought to the test of reason , yet we must be bold to let him know , that our reason is not given to us in vaine : shall we suffer our selves to be wilfully blind-folded ? shall we shut our eyes , that wee may not see the traps and snares ●aid in our waies ? he would have us sleep securely , that the envious man may sowe tares among the good corne : latet anguis in herba ; all is not gold that glisters ; it were strange stupidity in us , to break down● our walls , and let in the grecian horse , and not ( with laacon ) trie what is within him . aut hoc inclusi ligno occultantur achivi , aut haec in nostros fabricata est machina muros . but now to the matter : first [ hee tells us , that between us and the church of rome there is one faith ] then belike he will have us beleeve with the romanists , that there be more mediatours then christ , that his body is not contained in heaven , but every where is newly created of bread ; that the saints are the objects of our prayers , that the popes traditions are of equall authority with scripture , that apocryphall bookes are canonicall , that we may merit both of congruity and condignity , yea supererogate ; that we may pray to and adore images , and too many more of these dangerous positions must we beleeve , if our faith be all one with that of rome : this may be indeed religio medici , the religion of the house of medicis , not of the church of england . secondly , [ he is not scrupulous in defect of our churches to enter popish churches , and pray with papists ; for though the heathen temples polluted the israelites , yet the popish impieties are not such as pollute their temples , or our prayers made in them ] observe here first , that his words imply a necessity of praying in churches , whereas christ bids us pray in our chambers ; and the apostle wills us to lift up pure hands in every place : moses his prayer was heard as well on the red-sea-shore , as aarons was in the tabernacle ; and iob was heard as well on the dung-hill , as solomon in the temple . god is not now tyed to mount sion or garizim . secondly , to pray with papists , is a countenancing and a confirming of their idolatry . thirdly , it is a scandall to the weaker brethren , and woe to him by whom scandall cometh . fourthly , it argues notorious dissimulation and hypocrisie ; and we know what simulata sanctitas is . fifthly , he that prayes with them , must say what they say , salve regina , and ave crux , spes unica , &c. or else hee prayes not with them , though hee be with them . sixthly , popish churches , being actually imployed about idolatry , doe no lesse pollute and profane , then the heathen temples did ; because popish idolatry is no lesse ( if not more ) hurtfull and impious , then heathen ; for it is grosser idolatry to worship images , the work of mens hands , then to adore the sun and moon , the work of gods hands . i reade of foure sorts of idolatry : 1. hermeticall , which is the worship of images : 2. poeticall , the worship of deified men : 3. physicall , the worship of the great platonick animall , the world , or the parts thereof : 4. metaphysicall , the worship of angels , or other created spirits : all these sorts of idolatry are practised by papists , except the third . thirdly , [ at the sight of a crosse or crucifix he can dispense with his hat , but scarce with the thought or memory of his saviour . ] i will not blame him to remember his saviour as oft as hee can ; but then i would have him remember , that our saviour hath not instituted a painted or carved crosse and crucifix to bring us in remembrance of him ; but hath left us his word and sacraments ; other devices are but will-worship . secondly , the sight of a crucifix adored , should rather excite his indignation then his devotion . when moses and ezechia saw the golden calfe and brasen serpent abused , we reade not of their devotion , but of their just indignation : a woodden cross is but a woodden remembrancer of christ ; and silence at the sight of idolatry , is a secret consent : and how can any be devout in that wherein god is dishonoured ? fourthly , [ at a procession hee hath wept , when his consorts have laughed , blind with opposition and prejudice . ] the difference only is , that they play'd the part of democritus , but the physician of heraclitus : now which of these are most blind with prejudice ? he that laughs at the folly of superstitious processions , or he that weeps out of a preposterous devotion ? but why , sir , do you weep at such a sight ? is it out of pity , to see such folly ? if so , i commend your weeping ; but that is not the cause of your sorrow , as appeares by your book : is it then , because you call to remembrance christs sufferings ? but as hee told the women of ierusalem , so i tell you , weep not for him , but for your selfe : weep that you have not the heart and christian courage to reprove such idolatry ; for , by countenancing of it with your teares , and not reproving of it with your words , you make it your owne : amici vitia si feras , facis tua . fifthly , [ you thinke it uncharitable to scoffe the pope , whom , as a temporall prince , we owe the duty of good language . ] first , how came he to be a temporall prince ? sure he , whose successor he claimes himselfe to be , said , that his kingdome was not of this world ; and refused a temporall crowne when it was profer'd him , and told his apostles , that they should not beare rule as the lords of the nations did : non monstrabunt , opinor , ubi quisquam apostolorum judex sederit hominum , &c. saint bernard will tell you , that the apostles never affected such principality . if you alledge constantins donation , i will remit you to those who have sufficiently demonstrated the forgery of it . secondly , wee give him no worse termes then christ gave herod and the rabbies of his time ; calling the one a fox , the others hypocrites , painted tombes , wolves in sheeps clothing . thirdly , those which you call popular scurrilities and opprob●ious scoffes , are [ antichrist , man of sin , whore of babylon : ] but these are the termes which the scripture gives him . fourthly , i confesse [ it is the method of charity to suffer without reaction ] in particular wrongs , but not when gods glory is in question . christ prayed for those that persecuted him , but whipped them that dishonoured his fathers house . to suffer god to be wronged , and not to be moved , is not charity , but luke-warmnesse or stupidity . fifthly , we give the pope no other language , then what he hath received of his owne party . victor was checked by irenaeus for excommunicating the eastern churches . arnulphus bishop of orleans , in the councell of rhemes , calls the pope antichrist : not to speak of ioachimus abbas , the waldenses , wickliffe , and many more , who give him the same title . sixthly , how many popes have justly deserved these titles , if you look on their flagitious lives , and hereticall doctrine , that not without cause ralph urbin painted the two chiefe apostles with red faces , as blushing at the foule lives of their successors . what duties of good language do we owe to zepherinus a montanist , to marcellinus an idolater , liberius an arian , anastasius a nestorian , vigilius an eutychian , honorius a monothelite , sylvester a necromantick , iohn the 23. that denied the resurrection , and others ? what shall i speak of sylvester the second , benedict the ninth , iohn the 20. and 21. gregory the seventh , &c. who gave themselves to sathan and witchcraft ? i will say nothing of their apostasies , idolatries , whoredomes , blasphemies , cruelties , simonie , tyrannie , &c. 1. [ you have no genius to disputes in religion ] neither had mahomet to disputes in his alchoran : it were well , if there were no occasion of dispute ; but , without it , i see not how against our learned adversaries wee should maintaine the truth . if there had been no dispute against arius , nestorius , eutychus , macedonius , and other hereticks , how should the truth have been vindicated ? not to dispute against an he●etick , is not to fight against an enemy : shall wee suffer the one to poyson our ●oules , and the other to kill our bodies , without resistance ? 2. [ in divinity you love to keep the road ] so did not eliah in his time , nor christ and his apostles in theirs : if the road be infested with theeves , holes or precipices , you were better ride about ; the broad way is not still the best way . 3. [ you follow the great wheele of the church , by which you move : ] but this wheele ●s sometime out of order . had you been a member of the hebrew church , when that worshipped the calfe , i perceive you would have moved with her , and danced ●o her pipe : was it not better to follow the private dictats of christ and his apo●tles , then to move with the great wheele of ●he iewish church ? when the whole world groaned and wondered , that shee was made arian ; was it not safer to steere ones course after the private pole of athanasius his spirit , then to move with the great wheele of the arian church ? had you lived in that time , when the woman , who had the eagles wings , was forced to flye unto the wildernesse , being pursued by a floud out of the dragons mouth ; had you ( i say ) then lived , would not you rather have followed her , then stay at home , and worship christs image with the same adoration of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nay , worship the crosse with the same that christ himselfe is worshipped ? you cannot be ignorant how disordered the motion was of the great wheele of the iewish church in the dayes of elijah , manasses , and hosea . christ tells us , that when hee comes againe , hee will scarce find faith upon the earth ; how then will the churches great wheele move ? [ your greener studies , you say , were polluted with the arabians heresie , that mens soules perished with their bodies , but should be raised againe . this opinion , you thinke , philosophy hath not throughly disproved ; and you dare not challenge the prerogrative of immortality to your soule , because of the unworthinesse , or merits of your unworthy nature . ] first , quo semel est imbuta recens , servabit odorem testa diu : — your vessell retaines yet the sent of that liquor , with which at first it was seasoned . secondly , if you have forgot , reade over againe plato , and you shall find , that philosophy can throughly prove the soules immortality : reade also aristotle . will you have reasons out of philosophy ? take these : 1. the soule is of an heavenly and quintessentiall nature , not of an elementary . 2. the soule is a simple substance , not compounded of any principles ▪ therefore can be resolved unto none : now , if it were compounded , it could not be actus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and principium . 3. as the soule hath neither matter nor forme in it , so neither are there in it any contrarieties : now all generation and corruption are by contraries . this is the reason why philosophy denieth any generation or corruption in the heavens , because they are void of contrarieties . 4. it is a maxime in philosophy , quod secundum se alicui convenit , est ab eo inseparabile ; therefore life is inseparable from the soule , because it lives by it selfe , not by another , as the body doth , or by accident , as the souls of beasts do . 5. mens soules have subsistence by themselves , not by their composita , as accidents , and the formes of beasts have ; which is the cause of their decay . 6. the soule hath a naturall desire to immortality , which if it should not enjoy , that desire were given to it from god in vaine : at deus & natura nihil faciunt frustra . 7. if the soule perish , it must be resolved to nothing ; for it cannot be resolved unto any principles , as not being made of them : if some thing can be resolved unto nothing , then some thing was made of nothing ; but philosophy denies this ; therefore it must needs deny that , or the corruption of the soule , and consequently , it holds the soules immortality . i could alledge many testimonies of heathens , to prove how they beleeved the immortality of the soule , but that i study brevity . thirdly , let not the merits of our unworthy nature deterre us from challenging the soules immortality ; for the evill angels have merited worse then we , ●nd yet they cease not for that to be im●ortall . though by sin we have lost ori●inall righteousnesse , or supernaturall ●race ; yet wee have not lost the essentiall ●roperties of our natures : and , indeed , wic●ed men would be glad , that their soules were as mortall as their bodies ; for they ●now , that the merits of their unworthy natures deserve torments , rather then sleep or rest : therefore this your arabian opinion is not grounded upon philosophy , but rather upon pope iohn the 20. his heresie , for which hee was condemned by the divines of paris . your second errour was that of origens [ that god would after some time release the damned soules from torture . ] s. austin shewes how pernicious this opinion of origens is ; for it opens a gap to all profanenesse , it destroyes gods justice , which cannot be satisfied without eternity of paine , being the person offended is eternall , and the will of the sinner in offending is eternall , if hee could live eternally : voluisse●t reprobi , s● potuissent , sine fine vivere , ut possent sine fine peccare ; i take , these are the words of gregory the great : besides , this opinion i● quite repugnant to the scripture , which tells us of a worme that never dies , of a fir● that 's never quenched ; of the divell , beast , and false prophet , which shall be tormented for ever , night and day . againe , if the wicked shall have an end of their torments , why may you not as well thinke , that the saints shall have an end of their joyes ? but it 's good to be wise with sobriety , and not to make god more mercifull then the scripture makes him : it 's suf●●cient that god hath freed some of adams race from eternall fire , whereas hee might have damned all ; his mercy is to be regulated by his owne wisdome , not by our conceipts . if melancholy natures are apt to despaire , when they thinke of eternall fire , let them be comforted with the hopes of eternall blisse : therefore , as austin of origen ▪ so may i say of all his followers , tanto errant perversiùs , quanto videntur de deo sentire clementiùs . [ your third errour , whereunto you were enclined from some charitable inducements , was prayer for the dead ] if the dead , for whom ●ou prayed , were in heaven , your prayers ●ere needlesse ; for there is fulnesse of joy ●nd pleasures for evermore : but if these ●ead were in hell , your prayers were fruit●esse ; for from thence is no redemption . ●econdly , if you enclined to pray for the ●ead , you did necessarily encline to the ●pinion of purgatory , for that depends on ●his ; and so you were injurious to the ●loud of christ , which hath purged us from ●ll sinne ; to the merit and satisfaction of christ , to the grace of god and justifying faith. thirdly , you had no ground in scripture , or any warrant from the ancient church in her purer times , to pray for ●he dead : there was indeed a commemo●ation of their names , and a meeting of christians at the place where the martyrs ●uffered ; but there was no praying either ●o them , or for them , but onely a desire ●hat other christians might be like them ; ●nd their names were rehearsed , that they ●ight not be obliterated by silence , and ●hat posterity might know they were in ●lisse , and that thanks migh● be given to god for them ; that the living might shew their charity to them , and might be excited to an holy emulation of their vertues ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ad acuendam charitatem , & in illos quos imitari possumus , et in illum quo adjuvante possumus . this then was the better way , to be remembred by posterity , and not by praying to them , as afterward , when superstition crept by degrees into the church . you have a piece of rhetorick , ill becoming a christian physician , [ you blesse your selfe , and are thankfull , that you never saw christ nor his disciples . ] was it because he or they , by curing all diseases freely , would have hindered your practice ? i am sure , saint luke , a physician , was not of your mind , who was an inseparable companion of saint paul. did not many kings and prophets desire to see that which you slight , and could not see it ? it was one of austins wishes , to see christ in the flesh . old simeon was so over-joyed with that sight , that hee desires to depart in peace , with a song in his mouth . the three wisemen were never so wise , as in undertaking so long a journey to see christ. it seemes you would not have taken the paines with zacheus , to climb up a sycomore tree to see christ ; but hee lost nothing by it : for hee that desired to see christ , was seen by him , and rewarded with salvation . the ●oore hemoroisse got more good by one touch of christs garment , then by all the physick she had received from those of your profession . [ you would not be one of christs patients in that nature , as you say , for feare your faith should be thrust upon you . ] 't is well you are of so strong a faith , that you need no such helps ; but presume not too much with peter , to walk on the sea ; without christs help you 'l sink : i will pray with the blind man , i beleeve , lord , help my unbeliefe . [ you had as leive we tell you , that the soule is mans angell , or the body of god , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , the first ac● and perfection of the body . ] it seemes here by your owne confession , you love to humour your fancie ; for otherwise you cannot deny the soule to be the first act and perfection of the body , whereas no man can conceive ▪ that the soule should be an angell , except you will follow origens opinion , that soules and angels are of the same species : which is absurd ; seeing the one are made to subsist without bodies , so are not the other : the one are intellective , the other rationall substances . the schooles will tell you , that the angels differ specifically one from another , how then can they and the soules of men differ only numerically ? but this will not relish with you , who loves allegoricall descriptions better then metaphysicall definitions . but tell us how you conceive the soule to be gods body : hath god a body ? seeing hee is free from all composition , both of essence and existence , of nature and personalty , of gender and difference ; in whom can be no corporiety , because no matter ; without which a body can no more be , then a dreame without sleep , or bread without meat saith scaliger . now , if any matter were in god ▪ then there must be in him a passive possibility , and quantity also , and distinction of parts , all which essentially follow the matter . besides , god and our soules must make but one compound ; and so god and the creature is but one ●ompounded substance : and whereas the ●ompound is posterior to the parts com●ounding , it must follow , that god must 〈◊〉 after our soules , and must be subject to ●●me cause ; for every compound hath a ●●use of its composition . what a strange ●od doth your allegoricall description de●ypher to us ? were you not better admit 〈◊〉 metaphysicall definition of the soule , to ●it , actus primus corporis naturalis organici ●●tentiâ vitam habentis , then such a wild ●●ncie , that anima est corpus dei ? you were 〈◊〉 good speak out in plaine termes with ●lato , and tell us , that the world is a great ●●imal , whereof god is the soule . [ you say that god is wise , because he know●●h all things ; and he knowes all things , because 〈◊〉 made them all . ] but i say , that god ●●oweth all things , because he is wise ; for 〈◊〉 wisdome is not like ours : ours is got 〈◊〉 knowledge and long experience , so is 〈◊〉 gods , whose wisdome and knowledge 〈◊〉 co-eternall ; but in priority of order , ●is wisdome precedes his knowledge . we ●now first the effects of things and con●usions by discourse ▪ and then come to the knowledge of the principles , which we 〈◊〉 wisdome : but god knowes the principle● and causes of things simplici intuitu , an● immediatly ▪ being all in himselfe ; the effects and conclusions hee knowes in the●● causes and principles . secondly , go● knowes not all things , because hee mad● them all , but hee made them , because 〈◊〉 knew them ; for hee knew them before 〈◊〉 made them : he knew them from eternity he made them in time , and with time . againe , is there nothing that god knowe● but what he made ? hee knowes himselfe hee knowes those notions of our mind which we call entia rationis , he knows non●entities , and he knowes evill ; and yet thes● he never made , nor will make . [ you define not nature with the schooles , th● principle of motion and rest ; but a straight an● regular line , &c. ] indeed , this is not to define , but to overthrow a good definition the end of which is , to bring us to th● knowledge of the things defined : therefore aristotle in his topicks will have us to avoid metaphors , which cast a mist upo● the thing defined ; every metaphor bein● ●ore obscure then proper words . but i ●ee you delight in such fancies ; for you ●efine light , to be the shadow of god : i ●hink empedocles his definition would ●lease you well , who defines the sea to be ●he sweat of the earth ; and plato defines the ●oles to be the little feet , on which the great animal of the world moves it selfe . such definitions are good for women and ●hildren , who are delighted with toyes ; wise men search into the causes and na●ures of things . but is not nature a princi●le of motion and rest ? no , say you : what then ? [ a straight line , a settled course , gods hand and instrument . ] is not ●his obscurum per obscurius ? nature is not a ●ine , for it is no quantity : nor is it like a ●ine ; for these are entities too remote to make any similitude between them . nature is as like a line , as the ten plagues of egypt were like the ten commandements ; a ridiculous similitude . and why is na●ure rather a straight , then a circular line ? we see the world is round , the motions of the heavens and starres are circular , the generation and corruption of sublunary bodies is also circular ; the corruption of on● being still the generation of another : snow begets water , and water snow ; the river● returne to the sea , from whence they flow — redit labor actus in orbem . and what say you to the circulation o● the bloud in our bodies ? is not natur● then a circular , rather then a straight line ▪ againe , nature is not a settled course , bu● in the workes of nature there is a settled and constant course ; if you will speak properly , and like a philosopher , which you love not to doe . and suppose wee admit ▪ that metaphorically nature is the hand of god , and an instrument ; yet it is not such an instrument , as the hammer is to the house , which cannot move it selfe : but as the fire was to the chaldeans , and the red sea to the egyptians ; for the one of it selfe burned , the other of it selfe drowned , and moved downwards to its own place , without an externall agent : otherwise you must say , that god burned the chaldeans , and god drowned the egyptians , and so you will make god both fire and water . nay , if nature doth not worke , and produce its immediate effects , but god in nature ; then you may say , it is not the fire , but god that rosts your meat , and extracts your physicall spirits and quintessences : [ for you will not have gods actions ascribed to nature , lest the honour of the principall agent be devolved upon the instrument . ] and what else is this , but , with plato , to make this world a great animal , wherof god is the soule ? principio coelum ac terras , camposque liquentes , lucentemque globum lunae , titaniaque astra spiritus intus alit , totamque infusa per artus mens agitat molem , & magno se corpore miscet : inde hominum , pecudumque genus , vitaeque volantûm , et quae marmoreo fert monstra sub aequore pontus , igneus est ollis vigor , &c. now ; if nature be not the principle of motion , what is that which moveth or altereth the water from cold to heat , when it is on the fire ? is it not the nature of the fire ? againe , is not forme and matter the nature of things ? but these are causes , and causes are principles of motion . doe no● you know , that the forme actuates the compositum , and restraines the extravagancie of the matter ? doth not the matter receive the forme , and sustaine it ? but to actuat● , restraine , receive and sustaine are motions , of which you see nature is the principle , except you will deny the two internall causes of things ; but so you must deny generation and corruption , composition and mixture in nature , which ( i thinke ) you will not doe , as you are a physician . you say [ that there is in monsters a kind of beauty , for that the irregular parts are so contrived , that they become more remarkable then the principall fabrick . ] it is not their beauty , but their monstrosity and irregularity that makes them remarkable ; for the eye is as soon drawn with strange and uncouth , as with beautifull objects ; the one to admiration and stupiditie , the other to delight : a woman , as beautifull as venus , will not draw so many eyes , as if she were ●orne with a dogs head , and a fishes taile . [ 't is not ( you say ) a ridiculous devotion to say a prayer before a game at tables . ] i think ●t is profanation , and taking of gods name in vaine : for , what doe you pray for ? that god would prosper your game , to win your neighbour● mony , to which you have no right ? if abraham durst scarce ●ntercede to god for the preservation of five populous cities , how dare you be so bold with him , as to solicite him to assist you in your idle , foolish and sinfull desires , and , in divers respects , unlawfull recreations ? [ you will not have us labour to confute judiciall astrologie ; for , if there be a truth therein , it doth not injure divinity . ] this is as much as if you would say , let us not labour to resist the divell ; for , if hee loves our salvation , hee doth not injure us . if there were truth in that art , we would not confute it ; but we see there is so much deceit , vanitie and impietie in it , that councels , canons , civill and municipall lawes , and gods word condemne it : therefore wee confute it ▪ you had better then in plaine termes said , that mercury doth not dispos● us to be witty , nor iupiter to be wealthy then to tell us , [ that if mercury disposeth 〈◊〉 to be witty , and jupiter to be wealthy , you wi●● thanke god that hath ordered your nativity unto such benevolent aspects . ] i know the star were made to be signes , to measure time to warme and illuminate , but not to giv● wealth and wit ; promotion comes neithe● from east nor west , but from the lord ▪ it 's hee that gives and takes , saith iob : it 's hee that filleth the hungry , and sends the r●c● empty away , saith the virgin. his wisdome hath wealth and honour in her left hand ▪ solomon went not to mercury , but to god for wisdome . was abraham , ●saac , iacob , and other rich men in scripture , borne under iupiter ? how disposeth he us to be wealthy ? passively ? that is , to be capable of wealth , or willing to take it , when it is profer'd us ? then i think , the most men in the world are borne under iupiter : for , quis nisi mentis inops — who will refuse wealth , when profer'd , except very few ? or , disposeth hee us actively ? that is , makes he us fit to raise our owne fortunes ? surely , whereas there be ma●● waies to attaine wealth ; wit in some , learning in others , industry in others , boldnesse , with hazzarding of their lives , and vigilancie and paines in others : againe , oppression , robbery , theeving , lying , and many other waies there be of getting wealth , you must make iupiter the cause of all these meanes : but if hee can make us rich , what need wee pray to our heavenly father for our daily bread ? you were as good tell us of the goddesse pecunia , of the god aesculanus , and his son argentarius , worshipped among the romans , for being the authors of mony , brasse and silver , that if they dispose wealth on us , wee will thank the supreme giver for it , not them , as to call mercury and iupiter benevolent aspects , because they dispose us to be wealthy and witty . [ you confesse , that the divell would disswade your beliefe from the miracle of the brasen serpent , and make you think , that wrought by sympathy , and was but an egyptian trick . ] it seemes he dealt otherwise with you then with the ophit hereticks ; hee perswaded them that this was a true miracle ; and tha● therefore serpents should be worshipped : hee would perswade you that this was no miracle , but an egyptian trick . secondly , he might have more easily perswaded you , that the egyptians and other nations , from the report of this miracle , learned their worshipping of serpents , then that moses learned this erecting of the serpent from the egyptians . thirdly , here could be no sympathy either between the disease and matter of the serpent ▪ which was brasse , ( being there was brasse enough in the tabernacle , with looking on which their stings might have been cured : ) or between the figure of the serpent and the wound ; for the figure , being a quality and artificiall , could not be the subject of sympathy ▪ which is a hid vertue , having alwaies a naturall substance for the subject of it : and seeing that sympathies and antipathies follow not the matter of things , and therefore are not elementary qualities , but the specificall ●orme , there could be no such qualitie in that serpent , having no other essentiall forme but of brasse , which hath no such sympathy , as to cure an inflammation by the bare look on it afar off . fourthly , where there is a sympathy between two bodies , there is a delight and an attraction of the one to the other . rhabarb , by sympathy , drawes choler to it ; but what delight or attractive vertue was there in an artificiall brasen serpent , to draw out the venome of a wound ? fifthly , where cures are performed by sympathy , there is a touching of the thing curing , and the thing cured : as rhododendrum , which kills asses , being eat by them ; cures men of the bitings of serpents , being applyed to them . sixthly , had hee told you , that it was not the image of the serpent , but the imagination of the beholder that cured him , hee had said somewhat ; but yet hee had deceived you : for , though the imagination helps much to the curing of some diseases in one or two , perhaps among a thousand ; yet it was never knowne , that so many people together , as the israelites , should have each one of them such strong imaginations , as to be cured by them : it was not then either the image , or the imagination that cured them , but their faith in him that was lifted upon the crosse , as the serpent was erected by moses in the desart . these other perswasions of sathan [ to make you doubt of elias his miracle , of the combustion of sodome , of the manna in the desart ] are impious and ridiculous ; for though bitumen and naphtha will suddenly , and at some distance catch fire ; yet hence it will not follow , that elias used such stuffe for the consuming of his sacrifice ; for the stuffe , being a fat substance , gathered from the superficies of the water of asphaltites lake , or the dead-sea neere iericho , was as well knowne to baals priests , as to elias , being neighbours to that lake . againe , the text saith , that the fire of the lord came downe , which consumed the sacrifice , and dried up the water ; and how could eliah so deceive such a multitude of people , being there present , as to kindle a fire in the water with bitumen , and they not perceive it ? and though this stuffe will burne in the water , yet water will never kindle it ; for then it should burn continually in the lake from whence it comes . lastly , the text tells you of no other ●tuffe but of wood and water , and the fire ●hat came downe from god. secondly , whereas [ sathan would have told you , that ●here was a bituminous nature in the lake of gomorrha , before the firing of that place ; and ●herefore that sodomes combustion was natu●all , ] hee shewed himselfe to be that lyar ●rom the beginning ; for there was no lake ●here , till these cities were destroyed , as ●he text sheweth : and it also plainly tels us , that the lord rained fire from the lord out ●f heaven . and if there had been a lake ●here before of an asphaltick nature , how will it follow , that the combustion of sodome was naturall ? was sodome and the other cities built in that lake ? who set ●he lake on fire ? how is it , that ever since , ●hat lake hath been full of bitumen ? that it ●ever flamed since ? if it did , shew us some ●istory for it . thirdly , though manna was gathered plentifully in arabia in iosephus ●is dayes , and then was no miracle ; yet in ●he dayes of moses , manna in that same de●art was miraculous , though not in respect of the matter , yet in regard of the circumstances ; for then forty yeares together fe●● such abundance , that was able to feed tha● populous nation , the like quantitie wa● never knowne to fall before or after . i● was no miracle for christ to feed peopl● with bread and fish , but to feed so man● thousands with five loaves and two fishe● was the miracle . again , it was miraculous that hee , who gathered most manna , ha● not too much , and hee that gathered least ▪ had no want . besides , it was mir●culous ▪ that what was reserved till the next day turned unto wormes , except upon the sabbath day ; and that it should fall six dayes of the week , and the seventh day none to be found , was not this miraculous ? mar● also how long it was kept in the urne unputrefied . [ you could never be enclined to any position● of atheisme ; for , these many yea●es , you hav● been of opinion there never was any . ] i wish you could make this good , and your opinion true ; but if there have been no a●heists , how will you call those fooles , who have said in their heart , there is no god ▪ why did saint paul call the ephesians be●ore their conversion atheists , or without ●od in the world ? what was contemptor deûm mezentius in the poet , who acknow●edged no other god but his right hand , ●nd his dart , dextra mihi deus , & telum quod missile libro ? and nisus , who thought every mans desire to be his god , — sua cuique deus fit dira cupido ? the athenians , and ●ll others , are to ●lame , who made severe lawes against a●heists . i have read that galen , the grand dictator of your art , was an atheist , and ●oo many more . secondly , [ you thinke epicurus to be no atheist , for denying gods providence over the triviall actions of inferiour creatures . ] but , i say , hee is no lesse an atheist that denies gods providence , or any other of his attributes , then hee that denies his essence . though epicurus and democritus babbled something of a deity , yet in holding the world to be casually and rashly agglomerated of small atomes , they were very atheists . and so were diagoras , milesius , theodorus , cyrnensis , and many others . reade tully , and hee will tell you ▪ whether epicurus were not an atheist , who wrote against the gods ; & that both he & democritus were atheists ▪ for denying that the gods did either help or shew favour to men : and , that as xerxes was an atheis● in his hands , by pulling downe the temples of the gods ; so was epicurus in his tongue , who pulled them downe with his reasons . hee shewes also that protagoras , who doubted of the gods , was an atheist ; and so are all those , who think religion to be the invention of wise men , to keep people in awe . did you never reade of polyphemus in homer , who confesses , he never sacrificed to any other god but to his belly , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it is a certaine maxime in schoole-divinitie , that providence , which consisteth in the ordering of effects to their ends , hath as large an extension , as the causalitie of the first agent : but this gave being to all , even to the meanest things , and so his providence extends to all , even to the haires of our head , if you will beleeve truth it ●elfe : therefore he is doubtlesse an atheist , ●hat can say , non curare deûm credo mortalia quenquam . thirdly , [ you say , that the fatall necessity of ●he stoicks , is nothing else but the immutable ●aw of gods will. ] then , belike , man sins by ●he immutable law of gods will. is this ●our religion , to make god the authour ●f sin , and to take away f●om man totally ●he liberty of his will ? but this you doe , if ●ou make the stoicall necessity the same ●hat the immutable law of gods will is ; ●or the stoicks held , that what man did , whether it was good or evill , hee did it by ●n inevitable necessity , to which not onely men , but even iupiter himselfe was sub●ect , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . there●ore their fate is termed inevitabile , inelu●tabile , inexsuperabile , inexorabile . this is the religion of the turkes at this day , if you ●ill beleeve busbequius : but i did not ●hink it had been the religion of a chri●tian physician till now . [ you are not yet assured which is the right side of man. ] the right side is that where the liver lyeth , which is the fountaine of bloud , wherein our life consisteth ; therefore that side is stronger , and more active , and the limbs thereof bigger ; as appeares by the right hand and right foot , which are bigger then the left . i hope you are not so simple as those children in nineve ▪ which knew not the right hand from the left : nature hath made this distinction ▪ therefore the right hand is honourable amongst all men , except amongst those ▪ who honour the sword , which ( being tye● to the left side ) gives it the preheminencie : but this honour is by accident . endeavour to know christs right hand from his left , that , in the last day , you may stand there with joy amongst his sheep . [ you wonder how america should be peopled and inhabited by beasts of prey and noxious animals , and yet not a horse there . ] if you wil● credit geographers , you shall not need to wonder ; for they tell us , there is but a narrow passage , called the strait of anien ▪ between asia and america ; so that , without admiration , men and beasts might be ●ransported , and swim over thither ; and ●hat the people on both sides of the strait ●esemble each other in feature , manners , ●awes and customes , and other circumstances , and have the same kinds of creatures . and is it more wonder for america to ●ave those animals , which wee have not , then for africa to have those which europe wants , or europe to have those which are not to be found in asia ? — non omnis fert omnia tellus . it seemes you are little versed in the scripture , when you hold it [ a paradox , that methusalem should be longest lived of all adams children , and that no man can prove it . ] what need you any other proofe then the text it selfe , which is so plaine , and the unanimous consent of the whole church from the beginning ? if you can manifest it to be otherwise , as you brag , doe it ; — et phyllida solus habeto . secondly , [ you make it doubtfull , if judas hanged himselfe . ] but the text is plaine , and the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there , is not doubtfull , as you say , but both by sacred and profane writers it is used for strangling and hanging : so in homer , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , strangling the young fawne : and in thucidides , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , some were hanged on , or from the trees . i doe not reade this word used in any other sense but for strangling , hanging , or binding the throat ; and so the church hath alwaies expounded it : and yet you will make it a doubtfull word . that other place , which you think overthrowes this , is that of the acts : but indeed , it confirmes it ; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , is fallen downe head-long , or flat : so in homer , — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . iudas then hanged himselfe , saith saint matthew ; hee fell downe flat , saith saint luke , this being the sequell of his strangling or hanging : how then doth this overthrow the other ? thirdly , [ you hold it improbable , that men should build the tower of babel in a plaine against the next deluge . ] where then would you have had them build it ? on a mountaine ? 't is like they would have done so , had there been the same plenty of materials , and other conveniences on the hills , which they found in the plaine . men must build where they can , not alwaies where they would . fourthly , 't is not materiall , whether it was a messenger , or peters tutelary angell that was supposed to knock at the doore ; for the word signifieth both : but the church hath alwaies expounded that place of peters angell , and shee beleeves that angels are ministring spirits : but i think you 'l hardly find the word angelus in the new testament used for a messenger sent from man , but rather the word apostolus , except luke 7. where iohn's disciples are called angels . [ you cannot prove , that miracles are ceased . ] cessante causâ , cessat effectus ; the end of miracles was the confirmation of the gospel : now the gospel is confirmed ; therefore you may conclude a cessation of miracles . secondly , wee heare of no miracles that shall be in these later dayes , but of lying wonders . thirdly , miracles are no essentiall note of the truth ; for iohn baptist wrought none , yet his doctrine was true . the egyptian sorcerers , simon magus and others , wrought some seeming miracles and wonders , yet their doctrine was false : but when you say [ there is not one miracle greater then another ] you are deceived ; for though miracles be the extraordinary effects of gods hand , to which all things are of an equall facility ; yet these effects are different in themselves ▪ and some greater , some lesser . the creation of the world is a greater miracle then the fabrick of mans body ; and 't is more admirable to feed five thousand people with foure loaves , then foure thousand with five . you are so mannerly [ that you dare not say , god cannot worke contradictions , and many things else . ] but i thinke it is good manners to say , god cannot work contradictions , because these have not a possibilitie in them to be made ; and therefore are not the objects of his omnipotencie : but that is only the object , which is possibile absolutum . so , i think , it is good manners to say , god cannot lie , or die , because it cannot ●gree with his active power to suffer , or to die : so he cannot sin , because it agreeth not with right reason . in a word , deus nequit facere , quod nequit fieri . i think then it were breach of good manners to say , that god could do any thing , which were repugnant either to his wisdome , goodnesse , or power . and though his power and will make but one god , yet they are different attributes ratione ; for the will commands , and the power puts in execution . you say [ that they who deny witches , deny spirits also , and are a kind of atheists . ] a strange kind of atheisme to deny witches ! but is there such a strict relation between witches and spirits , that hee that denies the one , must needs deny the other ? sure , the existence of spirits depends not upon the witches invocation of , or paction with spirits . we reade , that zoroastres was the first witch in the world , and hee lived after the floud ; were there no spirits , i pray , till then ? this is as much as if you would say , there were no divels among the gadarens , till they entered into their swine . [ you thinke the angels know a great part of our thoughts , because , by reflexion , they behold the thoughts of one another . ] that the angels know one another , is out of doubt ; but how they know one anothers thoughts , is unknowne to mee . this i know , that none knowes the thoughts of man , but man himself , and god that made him ; it being gods prerogative to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . if they know our thoughts , 't is either by revelation from god , or by some outward signe and demonstration from our selves ; for , whilest they are immanent , and in the understanding , they are only knowne to god , because he only hath the command of our wills , from which our thoughts depend . the light , which wee stile a bare accident [ you say is a spirituall substance , where it subsists alone , and may be an angell . ] let us see where , and when it subsists alone , without a subject , and then wee will beleeve you , that it is a spirituall substance ; and if your light may be an angel , that must needs be an angell of light . what a skipping angell will ignis fatuus make ? the chandlers and bakers trades are honou●able ; those can make lights , which may in ●ime become angels ; these wafers , which ●n time become gods . this section consists of divers errours : first , you call the heavens [ the immateriall world : ] so you confound the celestiall world with the intellectuall , which only is immateriall , and had its being in the divine intellect , before it was made . secondly , if the heavens be immateriall , they are not movable ; for matter is the subject of motion . why then doe you call the great sphere the first movable ? thirdly , an immateriall world cannot be the habitation of materiall substances ; where then will the bodies of the saints , after the resurrection , have their residence ? fourthly , if the heavens have not matter , they have not quantity and parts . fifthly , nor are they compounded substances of matter and forme , but simple , as spirits . sixthly , though they have not such a matter , as the elementary world , yet immateriall they are not : they have a matter , the subject of quantity , though not of generation and corruption . your second errour is [ that you call gods essence the habitation of angels ; and therefore they live every-where , where his essence is . ] divinitie tells us , that angels are in a place definitivè ; and that they , as we all , live and move in him , as in our efficient , protecting , and sustaining cause , but not as in a place ; for angels move out of one place to another , and while they are on earth , they are not in heaven : but if gods essence be their habitation , then they never change place ; for his essence is every-where , and so you make them partakers of gods proper attribute , ubiquity . your third errour is [ that god hath not subordinated the creation of angels to ours , but , as ministring spirits , they are willing to fulfill gods will in the affaires of man. ] then , belike , god made them not to be ministring spirits to the heires of salvation , but they are so of their owne accord : if so , wee are more beholding to them for their comfort , protection and instruction of us , then to god , who made them not for this end , but ( as you say ) for his owne glory : but if you were as good at divinity , as at physick , you will find , that gods glory is not ●ncompatible with their service to us ; but ●n this is god glorified , that they comfort , ●nstruct and protect us ; for this charge hee hath given to his angels over us : and so we are bound to them for their care , much more to him for his love , in creating them to this end . your fourth errour is [ that both generation and creation are founded on contrarieties . ] if creation were a transmutation , which still presupposeth a subject , i would be of your opinion ; but seeing it is not , and hath no subject , without which contrarieties cannot be in nature , i deny , that creation is founded on contrarieties ; neither is non-entity contrary , but the totall privation of being , which god gave to the creature . [ you wonder at the multitude of heads that deny traduction , having no other argument of their beliefe but austins words , creando infunditur , &c. ] but i wonder as much at you , who is not better acquainted with our divinitie ; for wee have many reasons to confirm us against traduction , besides saint austins authority : at first , that the soule is immateriall ; therefore hath not quantitie , nor parts , nor is subject to division , as it must be , if it be subject to traduction or propagation . secondly , the soule existeth in and by it selfe , depending from the bodie neither in its being nor operation , and by consequence , not in its production , nec in esse , nec in fieri , nec in operari . thirdly , if the soule were educed out of the power of the matter , it were mortall , as the soules of beasts are ; which , having their beginning and being from the matter , must faile when that failes . fourthly , the effect is never nobler then the cause ; but the soule , in regard of understanding , doth in excellencie far exceed the body . fifthly , a body can no more produce a spirit , then an horse can beget a man , they being different species . sixthly , if the soule were propagated in or by the seed , then this were a true enunciation , semen est animal rationale , and so the seed should be man. seventhly , if the soule of the son be propagated by the soule , or of the soule of the parent , then we must admit transmutation of soules , as we doe of bodies in generation . eighthly , we ●ave the churches authoritie . ninthly , ●nd the testimony of gentiles ; for aristotle ●cknowledgeth the intellect to enter into ●●e body from without : and apuleius , in ●is mysticall description of psyche , affirmes her to be the youngest daughter of the great king ; intimating , that she is not infu●ed , till the body be first framed . many testimonies i could set downe here , if i were not in haste . tenthly , the scripture is ●or us , affirming , that the soules returne to god that gave them , but the bodie to the ●arth , from whence it came ; therefore god keeps the same order in generation , that hee did in creation , first framing and articulating the body and its organs , and then infusing the soule . [ but the maine reason that enclines you to the opinion of traduction , is the monstrous productions of men with beasts ; for in these , you ●ay , there is an impression and tincture of rea●on . ] so i may say , that elephants are ●en , because in them is an impression and ●incture of reason , more then in any such ●onstrous birth . secondly , if i should grant , that in these equivocall productions there were more reason , then in othe● beasts , it will not prove the traduction o● the reasonable soule ; because the formative power of mans seed , or the vegetativ● faculty thereof , which is not the worke o● the reasonable soule , being conveighe● with the seed , makes organs semblable to these of men ; and therefore somewhat fitter to exercise functions like those of men ▪ in which you may see the shadow of reason , but not a reasonable soule , which is not conveighed by the seed , but infused into the body , when it is articulated thirdly , if mens soules , with the seed , b● transfused into beasts , then these monstrous productions must be men , and so capable of salvation and damnation , of faith and the sacraments , and the other mysteries of religion . [ you will not have the body the instrume●● of the soule , but rather of sense , and this th● hand of reason . ] as if i would say , the ax● is not the proper instrument of the carpe●ter , but of his hand , and this of the carpe●ter ; causa causae est causa causati , what is subject to the sense , is also subject to the soule ▪ but , if you will speak properly , the body is ●ot the instrument of the sense , but the ●ense rather the bodies instrument ; for ▪ whether depends the body on the sense , or ●his on the body ? the body can subsist without the sense , not the sense without ●he body . the whelp hath a body before ●he ninth day , but not the sight , because ●he corporeall organ of that sense is not till ●hen fitted for sight ; but to speak philoso●hically , the sense is the instrument of the whole compositum . [ you cannot find in the braine the organ of ●he rationall soule , which wee terme the feat of ●eason . ] there is no reason why you ●hould , seeing you confesse , that this is a ●ensible argument of the soules inorgani●ie . shew me the seats of the intellect , and ●he will , and i will shew you the seat of reason . [ though you can discover no more in 〈◊〉 mans brain , then in the cranie of a beast , ] yet mans braine differs specifically from that of ●he beast . now , why we call the brain●●he seat of reason , is , because the ratio●all soule makes use of the senses and ●he phant●sie , which have their being in , and their originall from the braine . [ you find nothing in death able to daunt the courage of a man ; and you cannot highly love any that is affraid of it . ] then you would hardly love david , that prayed against it : and ezechia , that wept so bitterly , when newes was brought to him of it . sure , christ , as man , was not quite , exempt from the feare of it : hee often avoided it , and wills his disciples in persecution to flie from it . the apostle shewes , that the saints desire not to be unclothed , but to be clothed upon . there is something in it able to daunt the courage of man , as it dissolves his fabrick ; of a wicked man , as it is an introduction to eternall death ; of a christian man , as it is the fruit of adams sinne , and a part of that punishment laid on him and us all for sin : nullum animal ad vitam prodit sine metu mortis , said hee , who feared death as little as you : and the greatest of all philosophers not unfitly called it , the most terrible of all terrible things . [ the philosophers stone hath taught you ▪ that your immortall spirit or soule may ●ye obscure , and sleep awhile within this house of flesh . ] i am sure , the scripture teacheth you other divinity , to wit , that the soule returnes to god that gave it . christ did not tell the penitent thiefe , that his soul should sleep in his house of flesh , but that it should be with him in paradise . the soule of lazarus was not left to sleep in that putrefied house of his flesh , but was carried by the angels into abrahams bosome . saint paul desired to be dissolved , not to sleep in the grave , but to be with christ ; who will not leave the soules of his sons in that hell , nor suffer them to see corruption ; whose comfort is , that , when this earthly tabernacle of their house shall be dissolved , they have a building given them of god , made without hands , eternall in the heavens . you see then what a bad schoole-master the philosophers stone is , which hath taught so many to make shipwrack of their estates , and you of the soules immortalitie . [ you cannot dreame , that there should be at the last day any such judiciall proceeding , as the scripture seemes to imply . ] it seemes then , that , in your opinion , the scripture speaks here mystically : but your bare word will not induce us to subscribe to your conceit , being the whole church from the beginning , hath , to this day , beleeved , that christ shall , in a judiciary way , come as a iudge , and call all flesh before him ; and we shall stand all naked before his tribunall , and receive the sentence of life or death . a mysticall and unknowne way of tryall , will not stand so much with the honour of christ , as an open and visible , that all may see and witnesse the justice of the iudge : first then observe , we have the literall sense of the scripture for our beliefe . secondly , the consent of the church . thirdly , reason ; for , as the beginning of the world was , so shall its consummation be : that was not created in a mysterie , as some have thought , but really and visibly ; neither shall it be dissolved , but after the same way it was created . fourthly , it is fit that christ , who w●s not mystically , but visibly and really judged by sinners , should be the visible judge of those his judges , and of all sinners : therefore , as the apostles saw him ascend in glory , not mystically ; so they shall see him with reall glory returne . fifthly , this visible proceeding will be more satisfactory to the saints , who shall see their desire upon their enemies , and vengeance really executed on those that afflicted them . sixthly , and it will be more terrible to the wicked , who have persecuted christ in himselfe and in his members , when they shall look on him whom they have pierced . seventhly , if you thinke this last judgement to be but mysticall , then you may as well say with socinus , that eternall death , and eternall fire prepared for the wicked is only mysticall , and signifieth nothing else but the annihilation of the wicked for ever , without sensible paine ; which is indeed to overthrow all religion , and open a wide gap for impiety and security . the antecedent signes of christs coming [ you thinke are not consistent with his secret coming as a thiefe in the night . ] you must know , that the wars , and signes in the sun , moon and stars ▪ are partly meant of those signes , which were the fore-runners of ierusalems last destruction . secondly , if wee understand them of the signes of christs second coming , they are meant o● such wars and apparitions , as have no● been knowne in the world since the beginning , in respect of the extent and numbe● of them . thirdly , though signes goe before his coming , yet men shall be so secure and hard-hearted , eating , drinking , and making merry , as in the dayes of noah ▪ that they will take no notice of warning thereby ; then shall christ come suddenly ▪ as a thiefe in the night . [ hardly hath any man attained , you say , th● perfect discovery of antichrist . ] these notes which are given by christ , saint iohn , and saint paul , doe most agree to the pope , who sits in the temple of god , as god , and exalts himself above all that 's called god ▪ in throning and dethroning of kings , and disposing of their kingdomes at his pleasure ; in pardoning sins , in making of saints , and dedicating temples and dayes unto them ; in dispensing with , cancelling and making of lawes at his pleasure ; in tying sanctitie , infallibilitie of judgement to his chaire , and freedome from errour ; in appointing new sacraments and lawes in the church , and domineering over mens con●ciences ; in dispensing with matrimony forbidden by gods lawes , and the law of nature ; in assuming to himselfe those ti●les , which are due onely to god : these and many other notes have prevailed so far with wickliffe , the waldenses , hus , ierome , luther , calvin , bucer , and other eminent men of our profession , that they thought they had attained the perfect discovery of antichrist . if you know any other , to whom these notes doe more exactly agree , name him , and wee will free the pope from being the man of sin , and childe of perdition . [ a plant , you say , consumed to ashes , retains its forme , being withdrawne into its incombustible part , where it lies secure from the fire ; and so the plant from its ashes may againe revive . ] admiranda canis , sed non credenda : for , if the forme of the plant be there still , then it is not consumed . secondly , then philosophy deceives us , in telling us , that the matter is onely eternall , and the formes perishing . thirdly , then art and nature is all one , both being able to introduce , or , rather , educe a substantiall forme . fourthly , then the radicall moisture and naturall heat , without which the forme hath no subsistence in the plant , is not consumed by the fire , but , in spight of all its heat , lurkes within the ashes ; — credat iudaeus apella . fifthly , then an art , being an accident , can produce a substance ; and so the effect is nobler then the cause . sixthly , then from a totall privation to the habit ( whose cause was taken away ) there may be a naturall regresse . seventhly , if the forme of the plant be in the ashes still , then it actuates , distinguishes , denomina●es , defines , & perfects the matter ( for the ashes are not the first , but second matter ) in which it is ; and so it is a plant still , lurking under the accidents of ashes : as in the masse , christs bodie under the accidents of bread . so by your doctrine , it is no hard worke to beleeve transubstantiation , or the stori●s of the phenix . eighthly , if the forme of the plant be still in the ashes , then the forme is not in its owne matter , but in another ; for so long as the ashes are ashes , they are ●ot the matter of the plant , but of that ●ubstance we call ashes . ninthly , by this ●lso the appetite of the matter is taken away ; for to what can it have an appetite , ●eeing it retaines the forme of the plant ? but , i doubt mee , your revived plant will prove more artificiall then naturall ; and , ●ike xeuxes his grapes , deceive perhaps ●irds , but not men . so farre as i can per●eive in quercitan and others , who have written of chymistry , this forme of the plant is nothing but an idea , or a delusion of the eye through a glasse held over a flame , wherein you may see somewhat like a plant , a cloud in stead of iuno : a sallet of such plants may well tantalize you , they will never fill you . though it be true , that where gods ●resence is , there is heaven ; yet wee must not therefore thinke , that there is not a peculiar ubi of blisse and happinesse beyond the tenth sphere , wherein god doth more manifestly shew his glory and presence , then any where else , as you seeme to intimate , when you say [ that to place heaven ●n the empyreall , or beyond the tenth sphere , is to forget the worlds destruction , which when it is destroyed , all shall be here , as it is now there . ] first , we deny , that this sensible world shall be destroyed in the substance thereof : its qualities shall be altered , the actions , motions , and influences of the heavens shall cease ; because then shall be no generation or corruption , and consequently , no transmutation of elements . secondly , though this sensible world were to be destroyed , yet it will not follow , that therefore above the tenth sphere there is not the heaven of glory . whither was it that christ ascended ? is hee not said to ascend above all heavens , and that the heavens must containe him , till his second coming ? did not the apostles see him ascend in a cloud ? doe not you acknowledge it an article of your creed ? was not saint paul caught up into the third heaven ? if you thinke there is no other heaven meant in scripture then gods presence , it must follow , that christs humanity is every-where , because hee is in heaven ▪ that is , in gods presence ▪ which is every-where ; and so you are of the ubiquit●ries ●aith : therefore we beleeve , as the church ●ath alwaies done , that heaven is locall , ●r a place above this visible world , whi●her christ is gone to prepare a place for ●s , which is called the throne of god ; where ●ee have an habitation made without ●ands , given us of god , eternall in the heavens . let us therefore seek the things ( not which be every-where , but ) which are above , where christ is at the right hand of god. the gentiles , as tertullian witnesseth , were not ignorant of the place of blessed soules , quas in supernis mansionibus collocant , which they placed in these upper mansions of heaven : apud platonem in aeherem sublimantur , &c. [ you cannot tell how to say , fire is the essence of hell ; nor can you conceive a flame that can prey upon the soule . flames of sulphur in scripture are ( you thinke ) to be understood not of this present hell , but of that to come . ] though you cannot conceive how , yet you must beleeve , that the fire of hell is corporall , and worketh on spirits : perdidisti rationem , tene fidem , saith austin . yet the schoolemen tell us , divers waies , how the soule may be affected and afflicted by that fire : first , as it shall be united to the fire , and shut up as it were in a prison there . secondly , as it shall retaine the experimentall knowledge of those paines , which it suffered in the body . thirdly , as it is the principium and originall of the senses , which shall remaine in the soule as in their root . fourthly , as that fire shall be a representative signe or symbole of gods indignation against them , and of their losse of his favour , and of so great happinesse , and that eternally , for so small , foolish and fading sinfull delights ; these are the corporall waies , by which that fire shall torment the soule . and if you hold your masters tenent , mores animi sequuntur temperamentum corporis , you will find no more impossibility for a corporall fire to worke upon a spirit , then for the materiall humours of the body to worke upon the soule . as you thinke hell and hell-fire to be metaphoricall , and in mens consciences onely ; so you seeme to doubt of the place under earth , where you say , [ though wee ●●ace hell under earth , the divels walk is about 〈◊〉 . ] but this is no argument to disswade ●s from beleeving hell to be under earth , ●ecause the divels are not yet confined ●●ither . by the same reason you may say , ●●e habitation of angels is not above , be●ause they are imployed here by god up●n the earth . wee beleeve hell to be un●er earth , because it stands with reason ●nd gods justice , that the wicked should ●e removed as farre as might be from the ●resence of the saints , and the place of ●oy , which is above . secondly , as their ●elight and hopes were not in heaven , but ●n earth and earthly things ; so it is fitting ●hat their eternall habitation should be within the earth . thirdly , the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●n hebrew , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in greek , infernus in la●in , hell in english , &c. doe shew , that the ●lace of the damned is low , and in dark●esse . fourthly , the scripture still speakes of hell as a place under ground , and the ●nhabitants thereof are said to be under the earth , and the motion thither is called there a descending . fifthly , the gentiles were not ignorant of this , as tertullian sheweth , imum tartarum carcerem poenaru● cum vultis affirmatis , &c. iuvenal call● hell , subterranea regna . virgil , barathrum ▪ and infernas sedes , — tum tartarus ipse bis petet in praeceps tantum , &c. homer calls it a most deep gulfe under earth , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . [ you thinke it hard to place the soules of those worthy heathens in hell , whose worth● lives teach us vertue on earth . ] if there be no salvation but in christ ; if there be no other name under heaven , by which me● can be saved , but by the name of iesus ; if it be life eternall to know god in him ; if he only is the way , the life , and the truth ; if there be no coming to the father , but by him ; i cannot thinke it hard , if those worthy heathens have no place in heaven , seeing they had no interest in him , who with his bloud hath purchased heaven to us , and hath opened the gates of that kingdome to all beleevers . and how specious soever their lives and actions were in the eyes of men , yet without christ ●hey were nothing else but splendida pecca●a , glorious enormities : onely in this i can ●lace them , that it will be easier for them , as it will be for sodome and gomorrha , for ●yre and sidon ) in the last day , then for ●ewes and christians , who have knowne ●heir masters will , and have not done it : ●ewer stripes remaine for socrates a hea●hen , then for iulian a christian. [ we cannot deny , say you , the church of god ●oth in asia and africa , if wee forget not the ●eregrination of the apostles , the death of mar●yrs , &c. nor must a few differences excommu●icate from heaven one another . ] first , wee ●eny not , but god hath many who bow ●ot their knee to baal in those countries , ●nd that his church is oftentimes invisi●le . secondly , wee deny , that the pre●ence of apostles , death of martyrs , sessi●ns of lawfull councels , can or have privi●edge those places from apostasie . christs owne presence , and miracles , and doctrine ●n iudea , have not given stabilitie or per●anencie to the church there . what 's ●ecome of the famous churches of co●inth , ephesus , laodicea , philadelphia , &c. planted by the apostles themselves ? thirdly , it is not for a few or light differences ▪ that we have separated our selves from the communion of the church of rome , and of those in asia and africa , if wee can call them churches , which are rather sceletons , then the body of christ. the differences between the church of rome and us are not few , nor small , as you know : the differences betweene us and the eastern churches are greater ; for most of them are either nestorians , denying mary to be the mother of god , and so in effect making two christs , by making two persons ; or else they are eutychians or monothelites , affirming but one nature and will in christ ; and therefore reject the councell of chalcedon : such are the iacobites in asia , if they be not lately converted , and those other iacobites in africk , under the king of the abyssins . i will not speake of the greek church , which denieth the procession of the holy ghost : nor of the cophti of egypt , who are also eutychians , and reject the observation of the lords day , as superstitious , and marry in the second degree . the georgians in iberia baptise not their children till the eighth yeare of their age , and give them the eucharist at seven . the armenians are little better : as for the christians of saint thomas , and the maronites in mount libanus , if they have forsaken their old heresies , they are fallen into those that are little better , by submitting themselves to the religion and jurisdiction of rome . [ you are confident , and fully perswaded , yet dare not take your oath of your salvation ; for you think it a kind of perjury to sweare , that constantinople is such a city , because you have not seen it . ] to be fully perswaded , and not dare to sweare , is a contradiction : and if you dare not sweare , but what you have seen , then you will in a manner perjure your selfe , if you should sweare , that christ was the son of mary , or that he was crucified on mount calva●ie ; for this you have not seen . what think you , if a blind man should sweare , that the sun is a great light ; for hee hath no infallible warrant from his owne sense to confirme him in the certainty thereof ? you have , i perceive , [ so much humility , that you meet with many doubts . ] but indeed , doubting is not the fruit of humilitie , but of infidelitie : you encline too much to the doubtings of the church of rome , which would rob us of the comforts wee reap in our affli●tions , and in death it selfe , from the assurance of our salvation : for , if we doubt of our salvation , wee must doubt also of our election , and of the certainty of all gods promises , and of the work of the holy ghost , when hee seales in our hearts , that wee are the sons of god. and so , to what serve the sacraments , if they doe not confirme and seale unto us the love of god in saving us ? nay , our faith hath lost its forme and efficacie , if we be still doubting . saint paul was not of your mind , hee was perswaded , that nothing could separate him from the love of god in christ. and no question but hee would have sworne this , if hee had been required . i deny not , but many of gods servants have their doubtings ; but this comforts them , that christ prayeth for them , that their faith shall not faile , and this assures them of their salvation : though this fire of the sanctuary be not alwaies flaming , it is not therefore extinguished ; and though the eye is not alwaies seeing , it is not therefore blind : — nihil est ab omm parte beatum . no perfection here : the fairest day hath its clouds , and the strongest faith its doubts : but to be still doubting , is a signe of a bad christian ; and , as seneca will have it , of a bad man ; maximum malae mentis indicium fluctuatio . the second part . you say , there are mystically in our faces characters which carry in them the motto of our soules , wherein one may reade our natures , &c. besides these , certaine mysticall figures in our hands , which you dare not call meere dashes , strokes , or at randome . ] fronti nulla fides ; how many are deceived by the face and hand ? therefore christ will not have us judge secundum faciem , according to the face or appearance , but judge righteous judgement . i deny not , but sometimes the face proves index animi ; and by the face , and other outward signes in iulians bodie , as his weak legs , unstable feet , wandring and furious eyes , wanton laughters , inordinate speeches , &c. nazianzen conjectured of the pravitie of his mind , and wicked inclination . and it was no difficult matter ▪ to collect the roughnesse of esau's disposition , by the roughnesse of his hands . wee may also by the face and hand judge of the temper and distemper of the body , bloud , and other humours ; but peremptorily to determine the future events of things that befall us , or the disposition of the soule , by physiognomy or chiromancy , by the face and hand , is such a superstitious folly , that the poet laughs at it , and at him , qui frontemque manumque praebebit vati . for first , many lineaments , yea oftentimes deviations and inordinate conformities , are in our bodies rather by accident , then by nature . secondly , philosophy , good counsell , and education doe much alter the nature of men ; therefore philemon that famous physiognomer was deceived in socrates his face , thinking that he was a man of a riotous and wicked disposition , whereas his nature , by the study of philosophy , was quite altered , being eminent for his continencie , fidelitie , and other vertues . thirdly , man , by reason of his will , is master of his owne morall actions ; therefore it is in his power to alter his owne inclinations . fourthly , supernaturall grace doth quite transforme nature , and can turne a wolfe into a lamb , a saul into a paul , a persecutour into a preacher . fifthly , how vain and ridiculous is chiromancie , in placing the seven planets in each palme of the hands , and confining within certaine lines and bounds the power and operation of these stars ; so that iupiter must containe himselfe within his owne line , and not encroach upon the line of venus or mercury . if men would be more carefull to know and follow him , who only hath the seven stars in his right hand , they would not so supers●itiously dote upon such a ridiculous toy as palmestry ; or , by the lineaments of the hands or face , peremptorily conclude of mens soules , and of their future actions and events . [ you hope you doe not break the fifth commandement , if you conceive you may love your frie●d before your parents . ] the god of love hath ordained an order in our love , that wee are to love those most , to whom wee owe most ; but to our carnall parents , under god , wee owe our being , to our spirituall parents our well being : therefore they are to have a greater share of our love then our friends , to whom we are not tied in such obligations . secondly , whereas god is the measure , perfection , and chiefe object of our love , wee are to love those most , who come neerest to him by representation ; but these are our parents , who are to us in stead of god , especially , if they bestow not only being , but also well being and education on us . but what needs the urging of this duty , which is grounded on the principles of nature ? your phrase is dangerous , as your love is preposterous , if it be as you say [ that you love your friend , as you do your god : ] for , by this , you take away the distinction which god hath made between the two tables : the one commanding us to love god above all ; the other , to love our neighbours as our selves . nature will teach you , that him you ought to love most , to whom you owe most ; but you owe all to god , even that you live , and move , and have your being . secondly , an universall good is to be loved afore a particular : a man will venture the losse of his hand or arme , to save the body . a good citizen will venture his life to save his country , because hee loves the whole better then a part ; but god is the universall good , our friends are only particular . thirdly , wee must love our friend as our selfe , because our selfe-love is the rule by which wee square our friends love ; but we must love god better then our selves , because it is by him that we are our selves . [ for your originall sinne , you hold it to be washed away in your baptisme ; for your actuall sins you reckon with god , and you are not terrified with the sins of your youth . ] originall sin is washed away , in respect of its guilt , not of its being ; the curse , not the sin ; the dominion , not the habitation is done away : for whilst this root is in us , it will be budding : the leprosie , with which this house of ours is infected , will never be to●ally abolished , till the house be demolished . wee must not look to be free from these iebusites , whilst we are here : subjugari possunt , exterminari non possunt ; the old man is not totally cast off , nor the old leaven totally cast out : for , if there were not in us concupiscence , there could be no actuall sin ; and if wee say , we sin not , we deceive our selves . saint paul acknow●edgeth a body of death , and you had need ●o pray with david , cleanse me from my secret sins : and againe , remember not the sins of my youth , with which you say , you are not terrified : but though you know nothing by your selfe , yet are you not thereby justified ; the heart of man is deceitfull above all things : and though your heart cleares you , god is greater then your heart . the salt-sea can never lose its saltnesse , the blackmoore cannot change his skin , nor the leopard his spots . againe , wee must not think , that in baptisme sin is washed away , by vertue of the water . what water can cleanse the soule , but that which flowed from our saviours pierced heart ? god in christ hath done away our sins ▪ the baptism of his bloud hath purged us from all sinne , which is sealed unto us by the baptisme of his spirit , and represented by the baptism of water . [ you thank god , you have escaped pride , the mortall enemy to charity . ] so did the pharisee thank god , that hee was no extortioner ; yet hee went home unjustified . pride is a more subtle sin then you conceive ; it thrusts it selfe upon our best actions : as praying , fasting , almes-giving . as saul amongst the prophets , and sathan amongst the sons of god ; so pride intrudes it selfe amongst our best workes : and have you not pride , in thinking you have no pride ? bernard makes twelve degrees of pride , of which , bragging is one . and gregory tells us , that ex summis virtutibus saepe intumescimus ; even accidentally goodnesse ocassioneth pride , which ( like the scales that fell from sauls eyes ) hinders the sight of our selves , till they be removed : nulla alia pestis plura ingenia abrupit , quàm confidentia & astimatio sui . [ 't is vanity , you thinke , to waste our dayes in the pursuit of knowledge ; which ▪ if we attend a little longer , we shall enjoy by infusion , which wee endeavour here by labour and inquisition : better is a modest ignorance , then uncertaine knowledge . ] would you bring in againe ignorance , the supposed mother of devotion , but indeed , the true mother of confusion ? i cannot be of your mind ; you will not have us trouble our selves with ●nowledge here , because wee shall have it ●ereafter : but i will so much the rather ●abour for knowledge here , because i shall ●ave it hereafter . for the saints beatitude ●hall for the most part consist in knowledge ; ●herefore i desire to be initiated , and to have a taste of that happi●esse here , that i may be the more in love with it . shall the israelites refuse to taste , and look upon the grapes which the spies brought from canaan , because they were to enjoy all the vineyards there ? by the knowledge of the creature , we come to know the creatour ; and by the effects , we know the supreme cause , whom to know in christ , is life eternall . for want of knowledge the people perish : it were madnesse in mee not to make use of a candle in the darke , because , when the sun is up , hee will bring a greater light with him . by kowledge we come neere to the angelicall nature , who are from their great knowledge called daemones , and intelligentiae . shall i not strive to know god at all , because i cannot know him here perfectly ? god hath made nothing in vaine : but in vaine had hee given to man a desire of knowledge , for , omnes homines naturâ scire desiderant : in vaine had hee given to him understanding , apprehension , judgement , if hee were not to exercise them in the search of knowledge ; which , though it be uncertaine here in some things , vel ex parte cogniti , vel ex parte cognoscentis , yet all knowledge is not uncertaine . the christians , by their knowledge in philosophy , and other humane studies , did more hurt to gentilisme , then all the opposition and strength of men could doe : which iulian the apostate knew well , when he caused to shut up all schooles of learning , purposely to blind-fold men , that they might no● discerne truth from errour . and though modest ignorance is better then uncertaine knowledge , yet you will not hence inferre , that ignorance is better then knowledge ; except you will conclude , that blindnesse is better then sight , because blind democritus was to be preferred to a quick-sighted kite . [ the perpetuating of the world by coition , you call the foolishest act of a wise man , and an unworthy piece of folly . ] you let your pen ●●n too much at randome : the way which wisdome it selfe hath appointed to multi●ly mankind , and propagate the church , ●annot be foolish ; if it be in your esteem , ●emember that the foolishnesse of god is ●iser then the wisdome of man : for , as ●reat folly as you think coition to be , with●ut it you could not have been ; and sure●y , there had been no other way in para●ise to propagate man , but this fool●sh ●ay . there is nothing foolish , but what ●s sinfull ; but that cannot be sinfull , which god hath appointed . there is sometime foolishnesse in the circumstances , but not ●n the act it selfe , then the which nothing ●s more naturall . as it is not folly to eate , drinke and sleep , for the preservation of the individuum ; neither is coition folly , by which we preserve the species , and immortalize our kind . [ you feare the corruption within you , not the contagion of commerce without you . ] you must feare both , and shun both : our corruption within is often irritated by outward commerce ; perhaps our inward tinder would lye dead , if it were not incensed by the sparkles of commerce without . 〈◊〉 that handleth pitch shall be defiled ; ' ti● dangerous to converse with leprous an● plaguie people . the israelites are forbi● commerce with the canaanites ; and we ar● commanded to dep●rt out of babel , lest we be partakers of her sins : — grex totus in agris unius scabie cadit , & porrigine porci , uvaque conspecta livorem ducit ab uva . if you were like the sun , you might freely commerce with all ; for hee shines upon infected places without infection , which you cannot doe : and therefore , to use your owne phrase [ your conversation must not be , like the suns , with all men , ] except it be in causing your light to shine before them . [ there is something , you say , within us , that was before the elements . ] that something must be the soule ▪ which , though plato and origen thought was before the body , yet we know the contrary ; for god first made the body , and then inspired it with a soule . to give existence to the soule before the body , can stand neither with the perfection of gods workes in the creation , nor ●ith the dignity and quality of the soule : ●ot with the first ; for all that god made ●as perfect : but the soule , without the ●ody , had been an imperfect piece , seeing was made to be a part of man. not with ●●e second ; for the soule being the forme , 〈◊〉 was not to exist without its matter , the ●ody : nor was it ●it , that so noble a guest ●●ould be brought into the world , before a ●onvenient lodging was fitted for her ▪ t is true , that the soule can , and doth sub●●st without the body after death ; but then is necessitated , because the body failes it , ●nd the house becomes inhabitable ; and it 〈◊〉 a part of its punishment , & of the bodies ●lso , for sin , to be separated for a while . thus have i briefly pointed at your ab●rrations , having snatched some few ●oures from my other occasions ( for study cannot in these distracted times : ) 't is not ●ut of an humour of contradiction or vain-●lory , nor of any intention i have to bring ●ou or your booke into obloquie , that i ●ave marked out its obliquities ; but only ●o sa●isfie the desire of my friends ( for whom we are partly borne ) who have laid this charge on me ; and to let green head and inconsiderate young gentlemen se● that there is some danger in reading you● book , without the spectacles of judgement for , whilst they are taken with the gildin● of your phrase , they may swallow unawares such pills , as may rather kill the● cure them . i have passed by divers slips o● lesse danger and consequence , because i want time , and would not seem too eagle-sighted in other mens failings , whereas i have enough to doe with mine owne , respicere id manticae quod in tergo est . i acknowledge there is much worth and good language in your book ; and , because you are so ingenuous and modest , as to disclaime these opinions , if they square not with maturer judgements ▪ i have , with as great modesty and gentlenesse as i could , refelled them ; having neither dipt my pen in gall , nor mingled my inke with vineger . the god of truth direct all our hearts into the way of truth . amen . animadversions upon sir kenelme digbie's observations on religio medici . london , printed for james young . animadversions upon sir kenelme digbie's observations on religio medici . i having done with the physician , was counselled by my friends to view that noble and ingenuous knights observations , who hastily running over religio medici , and having let fall some phrases from his pen , which have or may startle the reader ; i thought good , upon the solicitation of my said friends , to point at them by a few animadversions . it is no wonder that he hath phrased some things amisse ; for the best have their failings , — quandoque bonus dormitat homerus . and s. bernard , wee say , saw not all ; and what are spoken or written hastily , are not spoken and written warily ; canis festinans caecos parit catulos . 1. [ i find sir kenelme to be of opinion , that the changing of the condition of a damned soule from paine to happinesse could not be effected , without god had made that soule another creature then what it was : as , to make fire cease from being hot , requireth to have it become another thing then fire . ] i doe not see any reason , why the essence of the soule must be changed , upon the change of its condition from paine to happinesse ; for these are accidents , which may be present or absent , without the destruction of the subject in which they are . wee are all by nature the sons of wrath , by grace & regeneration we are made the sons of god ; not by changing of our natures and essences , as illyricus thought : for , though paul changed his condition and name , hee changed not his nature ; for he was the same man , being a vessell of mercy , which he was , being a vessell of wrath . [ if hee saith , that in eternity there is no change ; ] i answer , that that continued duration , which wee call eternitie , is unchangeable ; yet in the things themselves , which are eternall , there is a passive power or possibilitie of change , or else wee cannot say , that unchangeablenesse is a property in god , but communicable to the creature , which cannot be . as for the fire , it may doubtlesse for a while cease to be hot , and yet not cease to be fire : as that fire in the babylonish furnace , which did not touch the three children , and yet burned the chaldeans ; this it could not have done , had it not been fire . 2. [ aristotle defines light to be actus perspicui , which sir kenelme likes not , because hee knowes not the meaning . ] the meaning is plaine , that light is the active qualitie of the aire or water , by which they are made perspicuous , or fit mediums , through which wee see visible objects ; for in darknesse , though the aire be a bodie still , yet it is not the medium of our sight , but onely potentially ; let the light come , then it is perspicuous , that is , through which wee may see the objects actually , and so it is actus perspicui : for in philosophy , that is called the act , which giveth a being to a thing , whether that being be accidentall or essentiall ; so the light , giving an accidentall being to the aire , in making it perspicuous , is fitly defined by the philosopher , actus perspicui quâ perspicuum : therefore here are no naked termes obtruded in the schooles upon easie minds , as sir kenelme thinketh . 3. when sir kenelme thinkes [ that the first matter hath not an actuall existence , without the forme , ] he must know , that the first matter is a substance , and hath a reall actualitie , or that which is called actus entitativus in the schooles , without the forme ; else it could not be the principle , or cause of things : for , how can there proceed any effect from that which hath no being ? but when the forme comes , it receives formall actuality , without which it is but in possibilitie , which being compared to this act , it is a kind of non-entitie . 4. [ the notions of matter , form , act , power , existence , &c. have in the understanding a distinct entity , but in nature are no-where by themselves . againe , these words are but artificiall termes , not reall things . ] notions have their being only in the mind : 't is true ; but these are not notions : for then , all things that are made of matter and forme , are made of notions ; and so notions are the first principles and causes of all things . so likewise the objects of the two noblest sciences , to wit , physick and metaphysick , are onely notions and artificiall termes , not reall things , which cannot be . 5. [ he doth not conceive , that wise men reject astrologie so much , for being repugnant to divinity , &c. to relie too much upon that vain art , he judgeth to be rather folly then impiety . ] i know not who hee meanes by wise men ; but the church and fathers have rejected this art , as repugnant to divinity , and impious . aquila ponticus , a translatour of the bible , was thrust out of the church of christ for his study in this art . and how can this art be excused from impiety , which overthrowes the liberty of mans will , makes the soule of man mortall and materiall , by subjecting it to the power of the stars , makes god the authour of sinne , makes men carelesse of doing good , or avoiding evill , which ascribes the coming of christ , the working of his miracles , the prophets predictions , the apostles labours , the patience , sufferings , and faith of the saints , to the influence of the stars ? and so in a word overthrowes all religion and prayer : orandi causas auferre conantur , saith s. austin ; and therefore this art will rather lay the fault of mans misery upon god , the mover of the stars , then upon mans owne wickednesse , saith the same father . aug. de gen. ad lit . c. 17. who in another place , to wit , in his commentarie on the psalmes , sheweth , that the converts of s. paul , act. 19. had been astrologers ; and therefore the books which they burned were of astrologie . but is not astrologie repugnant to divinity , and impious , when it robs god of his honour ? which it doth , by undertaking to foretell future contingencies , and such secrets as are onely knowne to god , this being his true property alone . by this esay , ch . 41. distinguisheth him from false gods , declare what will come to passe , and wee shall know you to be gods . and hee mockes these diviners , ch . 47. and so doth ieremy , ch . 10. and solomon , eccles. chap. 8. and 10. sheweth ●he knowledge of future things to be hid ●rom man ; of which the poet was not ig●orant , when he saith , nescia mens hominum fati sortisque futurae : ●herefore both the astrologer , and he that consults with him , dishonours god in a high nature , by giving credit to , or having commerce with , those excommunicate and apostate angels , and so endanger their owne soules : is it because there is no god in israel , that you consult with the god of ekron ? now , that astrologers have commerce with evill spirits , besides the testimony of austin , de civit . dei , lib. 5. cap. 7. and lib. 2. de gen. ad lit . c. 17. and other ancient fathers , the proofes of divers witnesses , and their owne confessions , upon examination , doe make it apparent : not to speake of their flagitious lives , and their impious and atheisticall tenents ; for this cause astrologers are condemned by councels and decrees of the church , conc. bracar . 1. c. 9. & in tolet. 1. sec. part . decret . c. 26. 6. [ the angels , in the very instant of their creation , actually knew all that they were capable of knowing , and are acquainted with all free thoughts , past , present , and to come . ] they knew not so much then as they doe now ; because now they have the experimentall knowledge of almost six thousand yeares , and many things revealed to them since their creation . secondly , they know not our free thoughts , even because they are free , and variable at our pleasure , not at theirs : it 's onely gods property to know the heart ; yet some thing they may know by outward signes , or by revelation . thirdly , they know not things future ; for first , they know not the day of judgement : secondly , they know not future contingentcies : thirdly , they know not infallibly naturall effects that are to come , though they know their causes ; because all naturall causes are subordinate to god , who , when hee pleaseth , can stay their operations . what angel could fore-know ( if god did not reveale it ) that the sun should stand at the prayer of iosua ; that the fire should not burne the three children ; or the lions devoure daniel ? fourthly , as they know ●ot future contingencies , because they ●ave not certaine and determinate causes : ●o they know not mans resolutions , which depend upon his will , because the will is onely subject to god , as being the principall object and end of it ; and he onely can ●encline it as hee pleaseth : therefore as esay of the gentile idols , so say i of angels , let us know what is to come , to wit , infallibly of your selves , and all , and wee shall know that you are gods . 7. [ sir kenelme sayes , he hath proved sufficiently light to be a solid substance and body . ] these proofes i have not seen , therefore i can say nothing to them ; but this i know , that if light be a body , when the aire is illuminated , two bodies must be in one place , and there must be penetration . secondly , the motion of a body must be in an instant from the one end of the world to the other : both which are impossible . thirdly , what becomes of this body , when the sun goeth downe ? doth it putrefie , or corrupt , or vanish to nothing ? all these are absurd : or doth it follow the body of the sun ? then , when the light is contracted into a lesser space , it must be the greater : but wee find no such thing . and if light be a body , it must be every day generated and corrupted : why should not darknesse be a body too ? but of this subject i have spoken else where ; therefore i will say no more till i see sir kenelme's proofes . 8. [ the soule hath a strange kind of neere dependance of the body , which is ( as it were ) gods instrument to create it by . ] this phrase ▪ i understand not : i have already proved , that the soule hath no dependance on the bodie , neither in its creation , essence , or operation ; it hath no other dependance on the bodie , but as it is the forme thereof , to animate and informe it . so you may say , the sun depends upon the earth , to warme and illuminate it . the body is the soules instrument , by which it produceth those actions , which are called organicall onely ; but that god used the body , as it were an instrument , to create the soule by , is a new phrase , unheard of hitherto in divinitie . god immediately createth and infuseth the soule into the body ; hee used no other ●●strument in the workes of creation , but ●●xit , mandavit . 9. [ sir kenelme thinkes , that terrene ●ules appeare oftnest in cemeteries , because ●●ey linger perpetually after that life , which ●●ited them to their bodies , their deare con●●rts . ] i know not one soule more terrene ●●en another in its essence , though one ●●ule may be more affected to earthly ●●ings then another . secondly , that life , ●hich united the soule to the body , is not ●ost to the soule , because it still remaines in 〈◊〉 ; as light remaines still in the sun , when ●ur horison is deprived of it . thirdly , if ●●ules after death appear , it must be either 〈◊〉 their owne , or in other bodies ; for else ●hey must be invisible : if in their own , then ●hey must passe through the grave , and en●er into their cold and inorganicall bodies , ●nd adde more strength to them then ever ●hey had , to get out from under such a ●●ad of earth and rubbish : if in other ●odies , then the end of its creation is over●hrowne ; for it was made to informe its ●wne bodie , to which onely it hath rela●ion , and to no other ; and so we must acknowledge a pythagoricall transanimatio● fourthly , such apparitions are delutions o● sathan , and monkish tricks , to confirme superstition . 10. [ soules , he sayes , goe out of their bodie● with affections to those objects they leave behin● them . ] affections , saith aristotle , are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in that unreasonable part of the soul● or rather , of the whole compositum ; for th● soule hath no parts : and though whilst i● the body it receiveth , by meanes of its immediate union with the spirits , some impressions , which we call affections ; yet , being separated , is free from such , and carrie● nothing with it , but the reasonableand inorganicall faculties of the intellect and will and , to speak properly , affections are motions of the heart , stirred up by the knowledge and apprehension of the object , goo● or bad ; the one by prosecution , the othe● by avoiding : so that where the heart i● not , nor the externall senses to conveig● the object to the phantasie , nor the animal● spirits to carry the species of the object from the phantasie to the heart , there ca● be no affection ; but such is the estate of ●he soule separated ; it hath no commerce 〈◊〉 all with the body , or bodily affections . ●nd of this the poets were not ignorant , ●hen they made the departed soules to ●rink securos latices , & longa oblivia — ●f the river lethe , which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the wished for goddesse by ●hose that are in misery . 11. [ he thinkes , that when the slaine body ●uddenly bleedeth , at the approach of the mur●erer , that this motion of the bloud is caused by ●he soule . ] but this cannot be ; for the soule , when it is in the body , cannot make it ●leed when it would ; if it could , we should ●ot need chirurgions to phlebotomise and ●carifie us : much lesse then can it , being se●arated from the body . secondly , in a ●old body the bloud is congealed , how ●hall it grow fluid againe without heat ? or how hot without the animall and vitall spirits ? and how can they worke without the soule ? and how can this operate without union to the body ? if then any such ●leeding be , as i beleeve that sometimes ●here hath been , and may be so againe , i thinke it the effect rather of a miracle , t● manifest the murtherer , then any natural● cause : for i have read , that a mans arme● which was kept two years , did , at the sigh● of the murtherer , drop with bloud ; which could not be naturally , seeing it could no● but be withered and dry after so long time : yet i deny not but , before the body be cold , or the spirits quite gone , it may bleed ; some impressions of revenge and anger being left in the spirits remaining , which may move the bloud : but the safest way is , to attribute such motions of the bloud to the prayers of these soules under the altar , saying , quousque , domine ? 12. [ no annihilation can proceed from god : it is more impossible , that not-being should flow from him , then that cold should flow immediately from fire . ] 't is true , that god is not an efficient cause of annihilation ( for of a non-entity there can be no cause ) yet we may safely say , that hee is the deficient cause : for , as the creatures had both their creation , and have still their conservation , by the influx of gods almighty power , who , as the apostle saith , sustaines all things by the word of his power : so if he should suspend or withdraw this influx , all things must returne to nothing , as they were made of nothing . there is then in the creature both a passive possibilitie of annihilation , and in god an active possibilitie to withdraw his assistance : and why should we be afraid to affirm such a power in god ? before the world was made there was annihilation , and yet god was still the same , both before and since , without any alteration in him : so , if the world were annihilated , god should lose nothing , being in himselfe all things . againe ▪ as god suspended his worke of creation the seventh day , without any diminution of his power and goodnesse ; so hee may suspend , if hee please , the work of conservation , which is a continuated production . besides , as god created not the world by necessity of his nature , but by his free will ; so by that same freedome of will , hee sustaines what hee hath created , and not by any necessity : and therefore not only corruptible bodies , but even spirits and angels , have in them a possibility of annihilation , if god should withdraw from them his conservative influence . ieremy was not ignorant of his owne and his peoples annihilation , if god should correct them in fury , ierem. 10. but , though there be a possibility in the creatures ( if god withdraw his power ) of annihilation , yet wee must not think , that this possibility in them flowes from the principles of their owne nature ; for in materiall substances there is no such possibility , seeing the matter is eternall : and much lesse can it be in immateriall substances , in which there is neither physicall composition , nor contrariety . as the sun then is the cause of darknesse , and the pilot the cause of shipwrack : the one , by withdrawing his light ; the o●her , by denying his assistance : so may god be the cause of annihilation , by suspending or subtracting his influence . 13. [ he thinkes it is a grosse conception to think , that every atome of the body , or every graine of ashes of the cadaver burned and scattered by the wind , should be raked together , and made up anew into the same body it was . ] but this is no grosse conceit , if he consider the power of the almighty , who can with as great facility re-unite these dispersed atomes , as he could at first create them ; utpote idoneus est reficere qui fecit . the gentiles objected the same unto the christians , as a grosse conceit of theirs , as cyril sheweth , to whom tertullian returnes this answer , that it is as easie to collect the dispersed ashes of thy body , as to make them of nothing , ubicunque resolutus fueris , quaecunque te materia destruxerit , hauserit , aboleverit , in nihil prodegerit , reddet te , ejus est nihilum ipsum cujus est totum . 14. but sir kenelme in his subsequent discourse , to salve this grosse conception , as hee calls it , of collecting the dispersed ashes of the burned body , [ tells us , that the same body shall rise that fell ; but it shall be the same in forme onely , not in matter ; which he proves by some reasons : first , that it is the forme , not the matter that gives numericall individuation to the body . secondly , that the matter , without forme , hath no actuall being . thirdly , that identity belongeth not to the matter by it selfe . fourthly , that the body of a man is not the same it was , when it was the body of a childe . fifthly , he illustrates this by some similies : as , that a ship is still the same , though it be all new timbered : the thames is still the same river , though the water is not the same this day that flowed heretofore : that a glasse full of water , taken out of the sea , is distinguished from the rest of the water ; but being returned backe againe , becomes the same with the other stocke : and the glasse , being againe filled with the sea-water , though not out of the same place , yet it is the same glasse full of water that it was before : that , if the soule of a newly dead man should be united to another body , taken from some hill in america , this body is the same identicall body hee lived with before his death . ] this is the summe of sir kenelm's philosophy and divinity concerning the resurrection ; in which are these mistakes : first , the resurrection , by this opinion , is overthrowne ; a surrection wee may call it of a body , but not the resurrection of the same body . this is no new opinion , but the heresie of the marcionites , basilidians , and valentinians , whom tertullian calls partianos sententiae sadducaeorum , as acknowledging but halfe a resurrection : resurrectio dici non potest , ubi non resurgit quod cecidit , saith gregory . secondly , christ is said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to transfigure or transforme our vile bodies in the resurrection ; but if the same numericall body rise not , our resurrection will be a forming of a new body , not a transforming of the old : or , an assumption of a body rather , then a resurrection : or , if you please , a pythagoricall transanimation . thirdly , the end why man was made , or why his body was united to his soule , was , that both might enjoy god , the chief beatitude ; but man should be frustrated of his end , if the same body did not rise that was given him in the creation . fourthly , if the essentiall forme of mans body was totally lost , as the formes of other creatures are by corruption , wee might have some reason to thinke , that the body should not rise the same numerically which fell : but mans soule , which is his essentiall forme , remains still the same ; therefore the body shall returne the same . fifthly , though the childe begotten be not numerically the same with the parent begetting , because the whole matter of the parent is not transfused into the childe ; yet , in the resurrection , the same numericall body shall returne that fell , because the whole matter of it remaines . sixthly , though the union of the body to the soule in the resurrection be not numerically the same action that was in generation , yet the body shall be the same ; because the entity and unity of the body is not hindered by the multiplication or iteration of accidents , such as union is . seventhly , our resurrection shall bee conformable to christs ; but he raised up the same numericall temple of his body which was destroyed ; as the same numericall body of ionas was disgorged , which was swallowed by the whale . eighthly , if in artificiall things the introduction of a new forme makes not the matter to be identically different from what it was , much lesse can mans body be any other then what it was , by introducting the same essentiall forme , which was never lost , though for a while separated . ninthly , it stands with gods justice and mans comfort , that the same body which was the soules companion in tribulation , should be also companion with it in glorie ; that the same body , which was to the soule the organ of iniquity , should be also the organ of paine and misery ; the same soules and bodies that run together in the same race , let them weare the same crown , and reigne together in the same glory . let the baptist have the same head he lost , and bartholomew the same skin he parted with . this was iob's comfort on the dung-hill , that though wormes destroy his body , yet hee should see god in his flesh , whom i my selfe ( saith he ) shall see , and mine eyes shall behold , and none other for mee , though my reines are consumed within me . his second mistake is , [ that the forme , not the matter , gives numericall individuation to the body . ] is the dead body of an ethiopian numerically the same with the dead bodie of a scythian ? he will not say so ; then they are different bodies : but by what ? the forme is gone : is not then the difference in respect of the matter and accidents , which remaine in the carkasse ? 't is true , that the chiefe cause of individuation is the forme in men , yet not as it gives essence ; for so it makes the specificall union by which all men are one ; but as it gives existence to the matter , which it terminates with quantitie , and invests with other accidents , which matter and accidents are the secondary cause of individuation : but in dead bodies , the forme of man being gone , there remaines nothing but the form of a carkasse , or the form of mixtion , which determinating the matter of the carkasse with its accidents , makes up the numericall individuation , by which one carkasse is distinguished from another . his third mistake , [ that the matter , without forme , hath no actuall being . ] the matter , as it is a substance and hath entity , as it is the other principle of generation , and as it is the cause of motion , it must needs have an actuall being , or else it can be none of these : it must be all one with privation , if it have no actuall being . 't is true , it hath not that measure of actuall being , which it receives from the forme , till the union ; and yet i see not how the matter is at any time without forme , seeing it is never without privation , which presupposeth a forme in the matter , which is to be expelled for introduction of another . his fourth mistake , [ that identitie belongs not to the matter by it selfe . ] so he may as well say , that entity belongs not to the matter by it selfe ; for identity followes the entity , as unity doth , which is in a maner the same that identity : he should have said , that matter gives not identity to things , neither genericall , specificall , nor numericall , for such proceeds from the forme ; yet there can be neither of these identities , without the matter : for the conjunction of the forme with the matter makes identity ; and yet before the forme be united , the particular parts of the matter have their particular identities and inclinations to such and such formes : as ▪ mans seed to the forme of a man , not of an horse ; an egge to the forme of a chick , not of a man ; so after the soule is gone , that identity remaines in the matter which was before , to wit , an inclination to that forme which once it had , rather then to any other ; or , rather then any other part of the matter can have to this forme . his fifth mistake , [ that the body of a man is not the same it was . ] philo●ophers say , that the matter remaines after the forme is gone ; so that a dead body , in respect of its matter , is the same it was whilst the soule was in it : if then the absence or change of the forme takes not away the identity of the matter , much lesse can that identity of the body be gone , whilst the soule remains in it . they that bring markes and spots in their skins , as seleucus and augustus did , retaine them still untill their skin be consumed ; which shewes , that the body is the same in infancie a●d old age . if ulysses had not brought home , after his twenty years travell , the same body he carried out , his nurse had not knowne him by his foot ; nor had his dogge fawned on him . i know the common opinion is , that the body is the same in respect of continuation , and because it hath the same essentiall forme ; otherwise there is a continuall deperdition and reparation of the matter by nutrition and auction : but i cannot find , that there is any deperdition of the solid parts , or any alteration in the heterogeneall , but onely in the bloud and spirits , or such fluid parts : and doubtlesse , the primogeneall or radicall humour , which wee bring with us , wee retaine still in us , till it be quite wasted , and then there is no reparation ; so that the body is still the same , whilst the soul is in it , both in respect first , of continuation ; secondly , of the forme of man ; thirdly , of the forme of mixtion ; fourthly , of the solid homogeneall parts ; fifthly , of all the heterogeneall ; sixthly , of the radicall moisture and naturall heat : so that if there be any deperdition , it is in respect of the fluid parts only , and that so slowly and insensibly , that there is no reason why wee should thinke , the body of an old man to be any other then what it was in child-hood ; and if it were not the same , it could not be the fit subject of generation and corruption , nutrition , augmentation and alteration . lastly , for his similies , they will not hold : for , a ship which is all new timbered , though it be called the same in vulgar speech , yet indeed is not the same ; for the forme which remaines , is onely artificiall and accidentall , which ought not to carry away the name of identity or diversity from the materialls , which are substantiall . secondly , the thames is the same river now that heretofore , not in respect of the water , which is still flowing , but in respect of the same springs that feed it , the same channell that contains it , and the same bankes that restraine it ; so that the thames is still the same , but the water without these other makes not the thames : neither is there any consequence from a fluid to a solid body . thirdly , a glasse full of sea-water , is the same glasse when it 's full and empty ; but the water is not the same which is taken out of divers parts of the sea : i meane not the same individuall water , though it be the same specificall , to wit , of the same sea ; no more then two branches lopt off from a tree are the same , though the tree be the same . fourthly , the soule of a newly dead man , united to another body , will not make it the same identicall body he lived with before his death ; for , if the soule of dives had entered into the scabby body of iob or lazarus , had that been his indenticall body which hee left ? then that tongue of iob or lazarus which was , must be tormented in flames , and that tongue of dives which was , shall ●cape : is this justice ? if the soule of lazarus , when it was foure dayes absent from ●he body , had not returned to that body ●hat was his , and which christ raised , but to the body of some other , that had been doubtlesse no resurrection of lazarus his body , but a transmigration of lazarus his soule . in the postscript [ sir kenelme doth not conceive grace to be a quality infused by god into the soule , but a concatenation rather or complex of motives , that encline a man to piety , and set on foot by gods grace and favour . ] 't is true , wee are not justified by any inherent or infused quality in us , which the romanists call gratia gratis data ; for when the scripture speaks of our justification , it speaks of that grace , which is set in opposition to workes ; not only such as may be done by a naturall man out of the light of reason , but such as are called the gifts of gods spirit ▪ for abraham was justified not by his workes , but by faith ; and wee are justified by faith , not by the workes of the law. if of grace , then not of workes , otherwise grace were not grace . faith there , is 〈◊〉 taken for a quality , but for the object a●prehended by faith , which is christ ; 〈◊〉 grace in the matter of justification is tak●● for the free acceptation , mercy and goo●nesse of god in christ. by this grace w● are saved , and this was given us before th● world was made ; therefore this grace ca● signifie nothing inherent in us : but if we● take the word grace in a larger extent , the● it signifieth every thing freely given ; fo● gratia is from gratis , & so nature it self , & the gifts of nature are graces , for we deserved them not : ex gratia nos fecit deus , 〈◊〉 ex gratia refecit . so in a stricter sense , thos● spirituall gifts of god , which more neerl● cencerne our salvation , are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 graces , in scripture : faith , hope , charity , an● other christian vertues , are called graces , & yet they are qualities : the gifts of prophecying , teaching , or evangelizing , are qualities , and yet are graces : for to every one o● us is given grace , according to the measure o● the gift of christ. eloquence is that grace , which was diffused in christs lips . the gospel is that grace , under which wee are , ●ot under the law : therefore though the ●●ace , by which we are justified , is no qua●●ty i●herent in us ; yet wee must not deny , ●ut those graces , by which wee are sancti●ed , are qualities . but to say with sir ke●elme , [ that the accidents of misfortune , the ●entlenesse and softnesse of nature , the impre●editated chance of hearing a sermon , should ●ake up that which we call justifying grace ] ●or of this he speaketh ) is a harsh and dan●erous phrase , and contradictory to his ●wne position ; for , what is gentlenesse and ●oftnesse of nature , but qualities ? and yet ●ee will have them to make up that grace , ●y which man is converted , and so he will ●ave our conversion or justification to de●end on our selves . and thus have i briefly pointed at the ●istakes of this noble and learned knight , ●hose worth and ingenuity is such , that ●ee will not take it amisse in mee , to vindi●ate the truth , which is the thing i one●y aime at . the moone hath her spots , and ●he greatest men have their failings . no man is free from errour in this life . truth could never yet be monopolized ; th● great merchants of spirituall babylon have not ingrossed it to themselves , nor was it ever tyed to the popes keyes , for all thei● brags : the god of truth send us a time ▪ wherein mercy and truth may meet together , righteousnesse and peace may kisse each other . amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a57656-e110 ●his ●eface . notes for div a57656-e1460 〈◊〉 . 3. sect ●ect . 3. sect. 〈◊〉 . 3. 〈◊〉 in 〈…〉 〈◊〉 . 6. sect. 6 sect. 6 ●ect . 7. in t●maeo philebo . in de ani c. 4. t. & 66 ▪ sect. ● 〈◊〉 . 7. 〈…〉 . lib. ● . cont . 〈◊〉 . c. 〈◊〉 . 9. sect. sect. 13 ●ect . 16. 〈◊〉 . 16. sect. sect. sec● ●ect . 20. sect. 〈◊〉 . 1. de 〈◊〉 . de●m . sect. 2 〈◊〉 . 21. ●ect . 22. sect. sect. mat 27.5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 18. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sect. 〈◊〉 . 27. 〈◊〉 . 27. sect. 〈◊〉 . 33. 〈◊〉 . 33. sect. 〈◊〉 sect de ge anim● c. 3. t. meta lib. 4. sect. ●ect . 35. sect. 〈◊〉 . 37. 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 38. sect sect. 〈◊〉 . 45. sec● sect. 4 tert● de a● cap. 5 sect. 〈◊〉 . 49. ●pol . 11. 〈◊〉 . 52. sect. 5 sect. notes for div a57656-e10530 〈◊〉 . 2. iuve l. 1. sa 〈◊〉 . 5. sect. 〈◊〉 . 7. 〈◊〉 . sect. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 8. 〈◊〉 . 9. sect. ● 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 . 12. notes for div a57656-e12030 3. pag. 〈◊〉 . 21. 〈◊〉 . 22. pag pag. 3● isa. 4● 22 , 23 ▪ pag. 4 〈…〉 . 〈◊〉 . 43. pag. 46 ●ag . 46. pag. 4 pag. 4● 〈◊〉 . 51. 〈◊〉 . 78. 〈…〉 pa● 81 83 85 phil. 21. rom. ● rom. ● tim. ● . ●ugust . ephes. ● . 7 . psa. 4 5. ●ohn 1. reason and religion in some useful reflections on the most eminent hypotheses concerning the first principles, and nature of things : with advice suitable to the subject, and seasonable for these times. locke, john, 1632-1704. 1694 approx. 156 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 74 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a48887 wing l2750 estc r19663 12172657 ocm 12172657 55466 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a48887) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 55466) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 111:9) reason and religion in some useful reflections on the most eminent hypotheses concerning the first principles, and nature of things : with advice suitable to the subject, and seasonable for these times. locke, john, 1632-1704. [7], 135, [1] p. printed for w. rogers ..., london : 1694. ascribed to john locke. cf. arber's term cat. ii, p. 621; wing. "imprimatur mar. 9, 1693/4, ra. barker"--p. [1] at beginning. advertisement: p. [1] at end. reproduction of original in yale university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng reason -early works to 1800. religion -early works to 1800. 2002-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-09 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2002-09 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion imprimatur , mar. 9. 1693 / 4. ra. barker . reason and religion : in some useful reflections on the most eminent hypotheses concerning the first principles , and nature of things . with advice suitable to the subject , and seasonable for these times . london : printed for w. rogers , at the sun over-against st. dunstan's church in fleet-street . 1694. the preface . 't is bad , when discourses to prove the fundamentals of religion are very seasonable , worse when they are necessary , but worst of all , when no demonstrations or endeavours can affect men with a sense of piety . which of these characters our age deserves , is left to the iudgment of the most experienced : in the mean time , our continuing essays to assign the reasons of our faith , ought to be thankfully acknowledg'd by all , as an argument of our hope and charity . the design of the following papers , is , after our regards to the preservation of truth , to set upon the irreligious in their own fortresses , and turn to a good vse those philosophical reasons or conjectures , which they have perverted : to what degrees of humility this method may reduce them , can only be foreseen by the searcher of hearts ; the good it hath done already , may be a propitious omen to our future expectations : and this we may reasonably suppose , that if it makes not every attentive reader , how prejudic'd soever , more distrustful of his wicked principles , it must make him more desperate and self-condemn'd . let no wicked men pretend any arguments hereafter used , are above their reach and capacity : the method is neither confused , nor the expression ambiguous ; and their taking no care to understand them , must be look'd upon as a token of great folly : for such it must be , to entertain prejudices against god , without knowing the utmost that can be said for our respects to him ; or referr'd to diabolical instinct , drawing them off from the true oracles of reason , to listen to impostures . such bruitish infidels deserve not the treatments of humanity : when the head infects the heart , the disease will bear argumentative prescriptions ; but when the corruptions of the heart infect the head , some sharper course must be taken with them . may god of his mercy so guide us all to , and in our endeavours after a true reformation , that undissembled holiness may adorn his church , and the blessings of his love be a lasting protection to it . reason and religion . all our discourses of god , and enquiries about his holy nature , ought to be attended with caution and respect , least we derogate from the excellencies of the best being , have our minds overcast with the most dangerous errors , and wander out of the way of our principal interest . we are placed , by the divine ordination , in a part of the world , wherein we have a moderate competency of light and knowledge : and our distance from the fountain of glory is not so great , but the irradiations we have from it may enliven our hopes , and guide our endeavours in aiming and aspiring to it . if we are faithful unto our own faculties , and employ our time and our judgment in gathering into the mind the scattered rays and principles of heavenly light , their united power will frame us into a divine temper , and sublimate our nature for nearer accesses unto god : but if we bend intirely unto the earth , and suck our notions and nourishment from the same place , our minds must labour under the dominion of corrupt and cloudy principles , which will carry us further from god , and make even this earth too happy an habitation for us . the first and principal of all sacred truths , to be considered , is , the existence of god : and tho' no principles or hypothesis lead altogether to the denial of god ; yet we have reason to fear , that the strange and irreligious practises of men do spring from some naughty and irreligious perswasions ; and that their thoughts of god ( if they have any ) have but little root . it may not be amiss therefore , to be helpful to any men who will give themselves the liberty of thinking , that they may make the best even of bad principles , and be able from any hypothesis to infer the necessity of the divine nature . there are three opinions which may occur to us in the contemplations of nature : either , first , that this world was framed and fashioned into this admirable state , by an eternal mind and wisdom . or , secondly , that it had a beginning from the fortuitous motions and combinations of blind and ungnided matter . or , thirdly , that it hath been from eternity , in the same state that we have at present . some reflections on the two last , which are the usual retirements of infidelity , may not improperly follow a general confirmation of the truth in the first hypothesis . in the building up , and forming of a religious life , t is fit we should lay a good foundation ; arguing first from the principles of truth , and then from the principles of men. 1. our first essay shall be therefore to prove the existence of an eternal mind and wisdom : by whose power the universe was produced , and on whose guidance its order doth depend . and this may be perform'd , by demonstrating the existance of some eternal being , and by discovering the properties thereof . 1. that something is eternal , is as certain , as that any thing exists at present : and none can doubt of it , but on the same ground that he shall doubt , whether in every triangle , if one angle be right , the other two shall be acute : i. e. for want of a little thinking , and rightly attending to the force and signification of terms : for , either every thing is eternal , or something , or nothing . if you modestly allow something to be eternal , you are certainly in the right . if you say every thing is eternal , you decline something from it : but if you say nothing is eternal , you get into the angle of error , at farthest distance from the right , and wound your reason with the most pungent absurdity . whatsoever is not eternal , must have a beginning : whatsoever hath a beginning , must have it either from itself , from something else , or nothing . that any thing should give beginning to itself , is very absurd : for that which gives beginning being a precedent cause , a thing must be , and not be , at the same time ; must be before it had a beginning , must be the cause and the effect , must give beginning to that which had a beginning before , &c. that a thing may have its beginning from something else , is true ; but then that which gives a beginning , must either have its own beginning from itself , ( if it have any ) and then the former absurdities will recur : or from something else , and that from another , and so in infinitum , that is , from eternity . and to say , that any thing can have its beginning from nothing , is either to reconcile contradictions , to make something and nothing , cause and no cause , positive and negative the same ; or to speak a great truth , for that which hath its beginning from nothing , hath no beginning , and must be eternal . now before we ascend to the properties of an eternal being , we may do well to stop a-while in the contemplation of eternity itself : for our intent being declared , of evincing the existence of an incomprehensible being , we must not lose our advantage of any truth in itself most certain , yet to us incomprehensible . those therefore who imagine they sufficiently disprove religion , by reducing its maintainers to a mystery , will see little reason for their triumph , when they find in any case , that nothing is more certain than that which is most mysterious . take the instance before us : we cannot be more ascertain'd of our own existance , than of something 's existing from eternity : but when we apply our finite thoughts , to an infinite duration , how do we lose our selves in this vast ocean ? how do our proud pretences unto comprehension fail . had methusalem , instead of 900 , lived 900000 years , and spent his time in no other employment but the multiplication of numbers , which in the short running of a pen , 79543285012759021899723109235 72813709280639275458367689542 83159473890928446732197836290 75389259306518973259076825 , &c. amount to an unconceivable sum , and an astonishing duration , especially if you measure by the great year , he had been no nearer expressing the proper extent of eternity , than if he had said nothing . and what a strange , prodigious , wonderful , suprarational , mysterious , incredible , incomprehensible thing is this ! how does this baffle the vain essays of men , to measure eternity by mutable motion and succession ! how may this convince us , that the readiest way of fixing in the mind an undeceiving idea of eternity , is not by running over millions and millions of ages , but to abide at the first point , the most comprehensive power and point of unity ; and restraining the mind from irregular rambling , to keep it stable and permanent , as eternity itself is , in an indivisible duration . if you say this likewise is very mysterious , ( as the truth and certainty of it we reserve to be debated in another paragraph , so ) we reply , that either you must allow something mysterious , or deny the existance of all things , and truth of all propositions . the universal creed of mankind establishes and imposes truths incomprehensible . we have no need then ( as you see ) to be ashamed of laying the foundations of piety , in a doctrine mysterious and incomprehensible : something or other must be so , because eternal , and what that is will best be discover'd , when ii. the properties and necessary attributes of the eternal being come to be examin'd , and they will be evinced to be especially four , cogitation , immensity , immutability and perfection . 1. that cogitation with the fruits of it , knowledge , wisdom , justice , and goodness , must have existed somewhere or other from eternity , will appear from the difference between external and internal qualities . external qualities , as whiteness , smoothness , ponderosity , and the like may result from the agreeableness and actings of one sensible thing upon another : and a wise being knowing what will arise from the various modifications of matter , may produce some external qualities , appearances , or colours , which never were in the world before : now that which may be produced a new , and is not a derivation from another of the same kind , need not be eternal . but mental and internal qualities are of another kind ; when they are produced , they are produced by something like themselves : thought cannot be produced , as whiteness and the like are , by the mixtures , motions , and contemperings of meer matter ; but thro' the several gradations of time , and series of productions , you may trace the same quality both in the effect and cause , till at last you must acknowledge it eternal . to render this argumentation more perspicuous and firm , revolve in your mind how unlikely it is , that thought should not be eternal : how impossible it is , if not eternal , that it should ever be at all : and that there is not one instance assignable in nature , of the production of thought , but from a thinking principle . that thought , the most excellent quality in the universe , should be but of yesterday's starting up : that all the world should lie for eternal ages in confused horrour and darkness , under the dominion of hideous disorder , in an apprehension so unlikely and dismal , that nothing but the shades of the most wretched ignorance and prejudice against god can support its credibility . but if the natural traduction of the most glorious light from eternal obscurity , of the most exquisite knowledge from eternal stupidity and dulness , with the commensurateness of the vilest state , to the most excellent duration , be not absurdities sufficient to startle our pretenders unto sense : if they think it enough for them to ground their arguments , with the value and weal of their souls , on bare possibilities , and expect impossibilities , or arguments ab impossibili , that it should be otherwise from us , we will indulge their humour : and when they can once prove it possible for thought to be otherwise than self origenated , we will venture to be sceptical as well as they . in the mean time we observe in all emanations , issues , and effects a congruity in kind and temper to the spring , causality , and parentage from whence they come . the whole world is a circulation of like from like . the vegetable nature propagates itself by vegetative seeds and principles . the sensitive life is form'd , animated , and organized by homogeneous powers : the business of equivocal generations being now justly exploded . and must not those men deserve very meanly of humane nature , who would derive our original from any thing below ourselves , as tho' thought need not come from a thinking , nor rational faculties from a rational source , but might easily be attracted from the solar impregnation of a little slime and dung , which is not able to produce a worm or an insect ? we might resent the reproach they bring upon our nature , by making themselves worse than beasts : but because they knew themselves best , and may be bold in self-censures , they must not use the same freedom with all mankind . it remains then , that thought is a derivation either to man from man , or from a superiour mind , and is therefore eternal . there is no remedy then against the belief of an eternal mind . the difficulty which some mens hearts may suggest , is , where , to what object , or being , or rank of beings to apply and fix this unavoidable belief . we might proceed to the other properties of an eternal being , for the determination of this , were it not fit to pursue this property of cogitation , as far as it will lead us to the knowledge of god. 1. some may vainly seek for this eternal cogitation in the successions of humane nature ; and indeed , if all mankind were acted by the same soul , and all the various appearances and workings among us were no other than the various operations of this universal soul , according to the different capacities and aptitude of matter it co-operates with , it would be something to that purpose , tho' not to theirs . but to believe , as we must , that men have so many individual distinct souls , and yet to expect an eternity of thought among them , must be grounded on these two suppositions : that it is possible the successions of men should be eternal . and , that they actually are so . which in the sequel of this discourse will appear incredible . 2. if eternity of thought must necessarily be acknowledged in some being or beings , mankind , in the lowest supposition , cannot have the only title and claim unto it . to monopolize cogitation and reason to our selves is the greatest arrogance in nature . 't is certain , that not only the earth , but all included in the circumference of its motion about the sun , bear no sensible proportion to the rest of the world : and shall we vain wretches , who creep upon this point , called in our high conceits the terrestrial globe , fancy that all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge are lodged among us ? why might not the poor inhabitants of a mole-hill enter their pretensions to universal thoughtfulness , and defie all policy , all care or providence besides their own ? and yet hundreds of them are blown away by the breath of our mouths , put by all their plodding and politicks , and perish in the surprizing desolation of their country , if we turn but our foot against them . and does not a mole-hill bear as considerable a proportion to the earth , as the earth to the universe ? and must not we be esteemed as inconsiderable , when compared with the larger capacities and extent of thought in superiour beings , as inferiour beings are when compared to us ? the most irreligious hypothesis must admit and confirm this . and those persons certainly have little concern for their souls , who will venture their happiness on this presumption , that there are no cogitative intelligent beings in the universe besides mankind . 3. and if men cannot be so silly as to imagine , when they contemplate the glorious habitations above us , that there is not some being or beings endowed with more excellent degrees of thought and wisdom than themselves are ; the force of the same reason which extorts this confession from them will lead them unto god. for let a man seriously consider with himself in this manner ; there certainly is some more wise and excellent being than my senses can discover , or than sensual men are aware of ; and the ground of his so believing will be plainly this . he finds himself in a pitiful and mean condition , compared with the glorious appearances of the universe . he perceives he is not the cause of all the wonderful works , nor the contriver of all the regular motions , nor the continuer of all the harmonious and beautiful operations which the visible creation presents us with . and were a man supposed to have the wisdom of an angel , the same considerations will naturally recur to him . an angel hath neither thought nor wisdom proportionable to the magnitude and glories of the world , capable of framing the order of its parts , and fit for managing the affairs of the whole ; and must therefore in humility look out , as we do , for a being superiour and more skilful than himself : and whatsoever that being is , which could frame , manage , and order this vast fabrick of the world , in it our expectations of the most comprehensive thought and wisdom must terminate at last , and this is god. this proof of an eternal intelligence having a largeness of thought , and by consequence all other excellencies , infinitely surpassing ours , might suffice any reasonable enquirer into our belief of god : but because it may be expected from us to consider the above-mentioned attributes or properties of an eternal being , we shall from them bring some concurring evidence and strength unto our holy cause . ii. immensity is the next attribute of an eternal being . for , since 't is acknowledged on all sides , that there is something immense or without bounds , it is impossible that that should grow immense by time , which was not so from eternity . nay , the same reasons which prove an immense being now , are of an eternal validity . as , whatsoever is bounded is bounded by something else ; and whatsoever that is which bounds the extremities , or fixes the limits , of all things bounded , must of itself have no bounds at all . thus that which proves an immense being at present proves the same from eternity . and here we might digress in the contemplation of another mysterious truth , did not the usefulness of this truth call more immediately for our regards and improvement . our chief difficulty to be resolved here , is , what is this immense being : and there are no other conceivable opinions for it , than that it must be either such a gross substance as we call matter , or such a fine and pure substance as we call spirit , or an empty space : either matter , spirit , or space , or altogether must be immense . 1. that an empty space should be immense , can by no means be allowed : tho' the atomical hypothesis would suppose it . space and time are but modes of existence ; the one commensurate to the motion of substances , the other to their magnitude . our best divines and philosophers agree in this , that where there is no body , there is no space . at least this is evident , that an empty space is but another name for nothing . and when you say an emty space is immense , you say , nothing is immense : which is an absurd predicating something of nothing , or a contradiction to the precedent proof . 2. that matter , or this material world , should be immense , is extraordinary astonishing , if not impossible . an indefinite extension we can admit : for which of us shall nominate the bounds of the divine operations ? but an infinite extension , the divisibility of a material being will exclude : for whatsoever is divisible into parts , is bounded in all its parts ; and whatever is bounded in all its parts , must needs be bounded in the whole , or have ends without end : which looks very like a contradiction . besides , if a line be drawn from this point ☉ ascending , and may in the progress of material parts be continued in infinitum , and the same line drawn descending through the centre of the earth to our antipodes , or ( if you will ) in infinitum ; on the other side , from hence will follow : 1. that the ascending line shall have as many parts as the ascending and descending put together . 2. that of two lines , one shall have 10000 parts more than another , and yet they shall be both equal ; equal both as to the length and number of parts . 3. that if you add 10000 parts to your ascending line , it hath never the more ; and if you substract 10000 it hath never less . 4. that if you substract any conceivable number from the ascending line , it shall have as many parts , not only as it had , but as the substraction , and ascending , and descending put together , and even as the superficies and solid content . and what is this , but to make the part as big as the whole , the line equal to the superficies , to confound our clearest notions of distance and magnitude ; and an hundred such absurdities may be recounted , which if you are disposed to scepticism , may make you very doubtful how you attribute immensity unto matter . 3. and if we must attribute immensity to some substance , but not to such a gross one as is divisible into parts , then we must attribute it to some substance of a purer kind : that hath no parts , and is absolutely indivisible . having removed the two former opinions , we thereby establish the third . the substance to which we attribute immensity , we commonly call spirit : but because words are assum'd by the consent and approbation of men , we will have no quarrel about that : being willing to allow you , and every son of adam , the authority and privilege , of calling things by what names you please : but when we appropriate the word spirit to the signification of the divine nature , we mean no other than an immense substance , distinct from this visible , divisible , and material world. if you say , you can have no conception of this immense spirit , and can much easier conceive this world to be immense , 't is answer'd , 1. that with the same facility that you conceive the earth to be circumscribed , you may conceive the limits of the universe . the small globe on which we live , giving us the idea of one prodigiously greater . 2. that , whatever you may say or fancy , you cannot conceive material immensity at all : for you cannot conceive any material magnitude to which something may not be added ; and that magnitude to which thought can always add something , must necessarily be conceived with its bounds and limits . 3. if this world be immense , not only we , but the wisest and most excellent beings in the universe , ( except an immense spirit , which we are contending for ) cannot possibly conceive what it is , or tell what to make of it . for a finite spirit , tho' coeternal with the world , might spend millions and millions of ages , in travelling through the infinite apartments and habitations therein , and come never the nearer his journey's-end ; nor be able to inform himself what manner of thing the world , in all its parts , is . nay , two finite spirits might travel millions of ages with exceeding velocity each toward other , and that in the same right line , and never meet . why will you say then , 't is so easie to conceive this world immense , when on the supposal of its immensity , none , but an infinite spirit , either by his own peregrination , or experience , or information from others , can possibly know or conceive what it is . 4. the conception of an infinite or immense spirit , is not clogg'd with any of these difficulties : for , conceiving this world , as having its fences and bounds put to it , by an almighty power , and shaped into the most perfect , that is a sphaerical figure ; whatsoever we conceive beyond that , that is , beyond all bounds , must needs be immense . and there our minds must presently fix , without any rambling or indefinite excursions : the majesty of god swallowing up all our thoughts at once , and allowing us no material flees , no divisible progressions to go on further by . god give a blessing to these thoughts ; which proving an eternal and immense substance , and excluding this visible and material world from any claim thereto , leads us to the acknowledgment of his spiritually immense and undivided essence . iii. immutability is another attribute of an eternal being , which we shall endeavour in this paragraph to explain and prove . by immutability we mean , not only exemption from change in mind , manners , and conduct , as we have it in ordinary affairs , but such a stable , unaltering continuance as is not liable to the causes or symptoms of change ; that is , motion or succession . many are the disputes hereupon ; whether eternity be a thing fixt and immutable , or transient and successive . the prejudices of this irreligious age , affect the minds even of the religious , and make them shy of asserting that with any confidence , which others have the impudence to laugh at . who is there that is not almost willing to confess * boethius's definition of eternity , a pious whim , a well-meaning extravagance ; and yield eternity to be a duration of infinite successions . in opposition to which we need not be afraid to state these assertions . all successions are finite . nothing which hath any changes , motions , or successions , can be eternal . eternity must be something stable , simple , indivisible and immutable . and here we might be contented to shew you , that this immutability of the eternal being , and therefore of eternity itself , will follow from the former paragraph : for , a spiritually , immense , or indivisible being , must have an indivisible duration . where there is no succession of parts , for the measuring of magnitude , there can be no variations or motions to measure duration by ; but because it is best , when each particular paragraph hath strength of itself , without needing to have recourse to what went before , especially in arguments of this moment , therefore consider further . 1. that no numbers , successions , or periods of time can be an adequate measure of eternity , or bring us any thing nearer to a notion of it . which certainly those people do not rightly weigh , who wonder that we have not a larger date of time from the sacred writings than 5000 or 6000 years . they think surely the world is of a much older standing than so , though they will not be positive for its eternity . but when they revolve in their minds , that the further they go on in the numeration of years or ages , they come never the nearer to eternity ; that a minute bears as considerable a proportion to eternity as ten thousand millions of ages ; their wonder will be over , and they will perceive it is the same thing , whether they consider the world as many millions of years old , or in the very moment of its creation . that duration then , which cannot be made either longer or shorter , by any additions or substractions , which cannot be measured by any periodical revolutions , can have no parts . like is measured by like : our partible times and seasons are measured by partible and successive motions : and our thoughts applying the one to the other , can add or substract as we see good . add 366 diurnal courses of the sun to a thousand years , and it makes the whole duration a year longer . but the eternal being is the same yesterday , and to day , and for ever : not older to day than a thousand years ago ; nor will be older a thousand years hence : for that which by descending grows older and older , by ascending will prove younger and younger . but no duration can be older or longer than eternity : nor younger , or of a fresher date , if it be eternal . which shews , that eternity is another kind of a duration from our times , and the eternal being different from every thing that is changeable and various ; and having no parts or periods applicable to it , give us leave to say , possesses the same never-ending life with equal perfection and stability , thro' all ages . 2. many are the absurdities which follow from the supposal of infinite successions ; for the right apprehending which take these two admonitions along with you . first , that of successions or numbers infinite , one is not greater or less than another : for wherein soever one number or succession is greater or exceeded by another , therein you suppose one of them to be finite . secondly , that what is positively true in one age , the circumstances continuing always alike , must be true to eternity . their use follows . have there then , say you , been infinite successions , and the generations of men and beasts , the viciffitudes of night and day , of summer and winter , times and seasons , from eternity ; then eying the first admonition , from hence will follow , that there have been as many heads as hands , as many hands as fingers , as many fingers as joynts , as many men as men and beasts put together , as many beasts as beasts and men put together , as many birds as feathers , as many birds as men , beasts , birds , hairs , feathers put together ; as many ages as years , as many years as months , weeks , days , hours , minutes , &c. if you are disposed to draw back , and care not to let down these monstrous consequences , you must likewise relinquish the principle , from whence they so evidently flow : for if there have not been as many heads as hairs , &c. then the generations of men must be finite ; and reckonink men by the poll , as much as the number of men is surpassed by hands , hairs , &c. so much at least they fall short of infinity : but if you have courage to defend these consequences , and will run all hazards on this supposition , that there have been as many heads as hands or hairs ; then we must direct the second admonition against you thus . if in this age , or the compass of a thousand years , there are more hairs than heads , more years than minutes , &c. then ascend or descend as far as you can , or as far as it is possible there should be these successions , and their number must be constantly unequal . and since your infinity equals all things , in these successive generations or seasons there can be no progression to it . we might produce you great store of like absurdities , if your stomach would bearthem . but those abovementioned will try the strength of your digestive faculty , and it may be hoped the operation they will have may prove rather medicinal than noxious , and carry off with themselves this fancy of infinite successions , with other gross humours , which while they lurk in the mind , distemper its constitution . 3. the force of the former arguments , for the immutability of the eternal being , will more clearly appear , by a good refutation of the chief objection to it . it must be expected , that irreligious men will have something to say , though it be little to the purpose . and that they may not complain of wanting a fair hearing , the utmost that the wit of man can invent , shall now be considered . they may say , there have been infinite successions past , as well as there will be in the times and duration to come : and as we believe the sun , and moon , and men may endure for ever , so whatever we may object against their existing from eternity , will be as strong against our belief of their existing to eternity . many answers , were we pinched with this objection , might be made to it ; but how formidable soever it may look , there are especially two , which may be freely given by us , and may be satisfactory to you . i. men , it is true , and other things may endure for ever , but not in the way of succession and generation . as we believe a first man , so we believe a last ; and , when the times appointed by the almighty shall be fulfilled , a stop shall be put unto the generations of men. there shall be no further progress in the propagation of their kind . we wait for the accomplishment of god's elect : and the promise of such a state , when it shall be no longer with men as it is here on earth : when there shall be no marrying nor giving in marriage , the destinctions of youth and old-age , of great and small , of generation and corruption , being done away . the like may be said of the sun and moon : for tho' they be faithful witnesses in heaven , and serve for the distinctions of times and seasons , days and years , yet we also wait for their dissolution ; the final conflagration will put a period to their motions , close up their successions , level all their changes , and the revolutions of their time will be swallowed up in eternity : and the same that we say of the periods allotted to the sun , may be applied to the rest of the stars , either alternately , or altogether , as it shall please god to order it . so far we labour under no great difficulties : what we have objected to your infinite successions doth not affect us . for , as we believe a beginning of the generations of men , of night and day , of summer and winter , so we believe an end of them . but we may answer , ii. there is a great difference between eternity and perpetuity : or between that duration which is comprehensive of all time , and that which is only comprehensive of the time to come . that duration which hath no beginning must be infinite : but that duration which hath a beginning must be finite , take what measure you will of it . there can be no infinite number , and therefore no successions , which we contend for , and which we measure by number , can be infinite , tho' they endure for ever . eternity à parte post ( as they call it ) hath for ever an end , because it hath a beginning : but absolute eternity having no beginning , hath no end. it will be very convenient to make this as plain as may be ; because it may seem strange , and is really , if true , of considerable importance . begin any succession with the number one , and go on adding ( as it may be ) as fast as the succession happens : and because numbers may be continually added , if the succession shall last for ever , it shall for ever be finite . your succession having a beginning , you can for ever measure it by a number : and coming back when you will , you can for ever come to an end. suppose this the first year of the sun 's enlightning the earth : and this annual course was to remain for ever : and the reader of this book appointed , by the king of heaven , as an everlasting register of times and seasons : he may easily be sensible that he hath no very difficult employment ; one day at most in ten thousand years would be sufficient for it . his marks and numbers may be as comprehensive as he pleases : he can always add his numbers as the ages go of , and for ever prove them finite , ( as every number in reason must be , and ) even visibly , by having recourse unto his first point . you therefore do greatly err , if you fancy as much may be said for clearing absurdities from successions eternally past , as from successions in the after-eternity . because tho' you think ascending and descending from a point given may be the same , yet it is not . ascending from a point given in successions which have no beginning , you come to no end in the ascent , and have only a supposed one to ascend from , ( eternity being still current ) and therefore have no end at all : but in descending in the after-eternity you have a real beginning to descend from , and come back to ; and therefore where-ever you stop , you have two ends , and your succession is for ever numerable and finite . more may be said for clearing this objection , but this doubtless is sufficient : for if successions of night and day , or even of thought , the utmost that can be made of it shall last for ever , they shall be for ever finite , as we say , because these successions shall for ever have a beginning , and may be numbred : they may be perpetual , but not properly eternal . or , we may justly question , whether any successions shall last for ever or no : and if there be occasion we can positively deny it . could any other objection to the immutability of the eternal being , be imagined worth answering , it should have its place here . but , the main fortress being broken , other little refuges of infidelity will fall of course . and if , as it hath been proved , the common successions and changes of the world cannot have been from eternity , then that which is eternal must be a being , as eternity itself is , without parts , division , or mutability . would you be help'd to some notion of this , shut your eyes to , and draw off your mind from all corporeal changes and successions , and think of an eternally-current unity , and you are not very far from it . iii. perfection is the last attribute of an eternal being , which we are to speak of . and , as on the one side he looks with very little judgment on this visible world , who passing thro' the several ranks and gradations of beings in it , is not enclin'd to the belief of one most perfect ; so on the other , the most perfect duration must have a compleatness of all excellencies ; and it is not to be imagined , that an eternal being should acquire perfections in time which it had not from eternity . better and better includes worse and worse , and these differences succeeding in an eternal being , suppose a liableness to all possible alterations : which is the linking of things incompatible , perfection and imperfection , eternity and alteration together . to fix this attribute of perfection in the general compages of the universe , is very absurd ; as if that could be truly perfect , taken altogether , which hath many imperfections in its several parts : as sin and wickedness , deviation from what is right and good , grievous corruptions and continual changes : and if these visible imperfections put together , can never be constitutive of perfection , then we must lodge perfection in some invisible being , supreamly excellent , having no corruptions , no changes ; that is , no imperfections in his nature . besides , perfection is properly a collection and summing-up of the other above-mention'd attributes ; and resulting from their several particular powers or branches , is best proved by them . if there be an eternally cogitative being , he must be eternally wise ; and wisdom being the spring and general root of other blessed qualities , he must be likewise just and good . if there be an immense being , he must be omnipotent : if a being immutable , he must possess perfect simplicity , purity and holiness ; that is , the eternal being must have a perfect union of all blessed qualities in his nature ; of wisdom , justice , goodness , power , and holiness , and this is god. our argumentation hath hitherto proceeded on the irrefragable principles of truth . some men may cavil at the whole , but can find no flaw in its connection , no weakness in the parts ; and it carries this advantage along with it , that if it be false , nothing can be proved true ; and if it be true , all contrary opinions or pretences must be necessarily false : whereby it may seem superfluous to consider any other hypothesis , being assur'd of the truth of this ; as it would indeed , were it not for the anticipations crept into mens minds , from which they are not so effectually driven by any sudden violence , unless supernatural , as gradually wean'd from . and what follows , is an indulgence of their humour ; not constrain'd by any necessity , but conceded for the present hardness of their hearts . it may please god to open their eyes for discerning his heavenly truth , when they are a little suffer'd to go on in their own ways : like the prodigal son , they may deem it most expedient to return to their father's house , when after various perplexities they find their own extravagant inventions conspiring to bring them to it . 't is a present unhappiness to be involved in error ; but 't is no great matter where we begin to get out of it , or what dangers and by-ways we travel thro' , if we recover the right at last , and come in season and safety unto our journeys-end . ii. having in the former part clear'd the first hypothesis , and set the principles of truth in a competent light , we shall now undertake to render the patrons of infidelity self-condemn'd , and destroy their presumption , even by their own principles . i. let us begin with that fancy unaccountably invented for freeing mankind from the fear of god , by supposing this world derived its original from the fortuitous motions of eternal and unguided matter . by what fortuitous rovings of the mind , the defenders of this opinion first hit upon it , is almost as unconceivable as the opinion itself ; and it s ever entring into the heart of man , is the best argument that can be made for it . nothing may seem advanced above the power of chance ; and one would imagine , innumerable thoughts might have an eternal rendezvous in the soul , and never combine or jump into such a principle . to instance in the absurdities following from it , would be labour in vain : and if any in this age are so void of reason as to be taken with that which hath not so much as the appearance of it , there is no direct way of arguing with such people : and it shews the deplorable depravation of some mens natures , who rather than believe in god , will believe any thing . should any have this fancy running in their head , that all the churches in the nation grew out of the earth , like mushromes in one night ; or that * all the ships in an harbour did arise from the froth and ebullitions of the sea , it would not be agreeable to the profession of a philosopher to undertake their cure. we may pity or smile at the foolishness of the fancy , but cannot help it . but as persons not endowed with the firmest judgment are best dealt with by complying with their humour , by supposing as they do , that a blind impotent wretch , for instance , is the most powerful prince living , thereby to draw them off from an extravagant and harmful pursuance of their fancies ; so if any ones reason have come by such an unhappy chance , that nothing can make him believe otherwise than that blind matter and motion are the only powerful forming principles of things , the only kindness he is capable of ; that he may not pursue this persuasion to his utter perdition , is , for a while to suppose as he does , and to try if by any other means he may be kept within some bounds of respect unto a superiour being . and , 1. when they think of this opinion , they may do well to think of the authors of it ; who , as far as we can learn , unanimously professed their belief of a divine nature . what moschus the tyrian , who is supposed to live before the trojan war , * and to maintain the atomical hypothesis , thought of god , we have no account of . strabo does but just mention him ; and that with great uncertainty . nor have we any probabilities to persuade us , either from the time or place in which he lived , that his head was repleat with such a scheme of opinions as the following dealers in atoms had ; at least , we cannot think him worse than † empedocles , * democritus , and † epicurur , who are all of them very free in their discourses of a divine nature . lucretius ‖ might speak for them all , did not epicurus himself give us this profession of his faith in god : that god is a blessed and immortal being ; * and that he is not impious who denies the gods of the multitude , but he who applies the notions of the multitude unto god. many indeed who have jump'd in with the hypothesis of epicurus , have led lives unworthy of his patern , † and spoke more slightingly of matters which we ought to revere , than he did . but , must it not be very incongruous to follow such leaders in their dance in the dark , through the eternal windings and revolutions of matter and motion , and yet leave them when they come out of this maze , and speak something like themselves of an immortal being . 2. nor do the words only , but the very principles of these men , who have spoke so much of atoms , matter , and motion , lead unto the belief of god. 't is true , it hath been objected to them , that they do , after some sort , deny * the existence of god , that is , by consequence ; or , that they owned and professed it only as they joyn'd in religious rites , † for fear of the multitude . but you will not think the objection sufficient to prove them such great hypocrites , when you consider their zeal to prove the existence of some ‖ certain principle , which is able to break the fetters and power of fate ; and that epicurus * himself says , 't is much better to believe all the fabulous relations of the heathen deities , than to suppose our selves under the servitude and dominion of natural fatality . 't is , indeed , a difficulty in that hypothesis not easily to be digested , that such rational creatures as we take our selves to be , should be under the tyranny of circumambient matter : that we who sometimes have proud thoughts of our selves , and look with disdain on things below us , should be little better than logs of wood floating on impelling waters , and hurried down the stream of eternity by causes which have neither sense nor reason in them . some may please themselves with talk at this rate : supposing god to be nothing , man little different from the brutes , and brutes little better than so many senseless machines , that is , so many tools made up of matter , put together by chance , and guided by necessary impulses , they know not how . and then , for so might even a generous epicurean say , before i would have such a cheat put upon me by universal nature , before i would be affronted with the seeming concessions of choice and reason , and dominion over my self , without the real possession , were i to chuse what flesh i would wear , i had rather be a monkey or a bear , or any thing but that proud animal which boasts it self in being rational . it would not vex one half so much to be an inanimate lump , kick'd up and down the streets by a being better than ones self , as to lye at the mercy of a pitiful and ignoble crowd , not only to be trampled upon and toss'd here and there , but be forced to speak , debate , think , and believe , as every upstart in nature , every turn of blind and tumultuous matter shall make its insults upon us . the soul of epicurus abhorred so mean a thought , and would admit of any absurdity , rather than not introduce a self-commanding principle , which might break the chain of fate , and maintain the freedom and dignity of an intelligent being , against the necessitation of outward causes . be it so then , most excellent epicurus , we will not take the advantage of this concession to justle thee and thy atoms against each other , by shewing how impossible it is that a voluntary rational agent should be produced by the motions of irrational unintelligent matter , or that the pretence of a declining atom will not † defend us from the danger of fatal necessity . let us follow the supposition as far as it will lead us . 't is necessary , it seems , that there should be a principle of free-will , which checks and over-rules the otherwise fatal progression of outward causes . is it so only here upon the earth , or also in those ‖ innumerable worlds and habitations which we will grant are not believed in vain . if so , as certainly there is as much reason for the one as the other , then here is a ground for believing innumerable intelligent beings , which all over the universe are the lords paramount , and endowed with a divine prerogative of controuling the blind efforts , and guiding the irregular tendency of irrational agents . what these intelligences should be , and why they may not have power and wisdom as far different from us as the glorious apartments of heaven differ from this earth of ours ; or why they may not concern themselves about us , by their perfections supplying what is defective in us , and helping entirely to redeem us from the dominion of necessity , or , why this principle may not carry us to an universal intelligence , whose supream will and power may break and over-rule the universal power of fate , is not so easily answered . which may induce us to believe , that what * epicurus spoke and writ of sanctity and piety to the gods , and of an excelling and transcendent nature , was not merely verbal , but an agreeable consequence of his other opinions : and that the saying of † cotta might be true enough , that he never saw any one more afraid than he was of what he said there was no reason to fear , that is , death and the gods. but to leave epicurus , who might now and then have his melancholick fits , and talk a little too highly and incoherently of god and man. 3. let us advance one step nearer unto his disciples ; who make as bold with his hypothesis , to take in or leave out according as the fit works with them , as ‖ he did with his master democritus . you shall not be tied to any one's opinion of god , nor be bound to maintain free will in man , nor to answer a great many troublesome questions , how senseless disorderly matter could possibly jump into thought and order . apply your mind to the motions and supposed results of matter , and follow the guidance of it , through its visible train and consequences , how fatal soever the event may prove . mind only what you say , and compare it with what you see , and with faithfulness expect the issue . i. something , which you cannot believe is any other than matter in motion , hath produced such intelligent thinking beings as we call men. let us come from whence you will , here we are ; governing , using , and recreating ourselves with inferiour creatures ; debating the nature of truth and falshood , good and evil , and managing our affairs with much wisdom and precaution . ii. we lift up our eyes to heaven , and there we observe the sun and the stars , bodies of a wonderful magnitude , moving in an indeterminable space , in an invariable order , and at a vast distance from us . hath our atoms provided so rarely for us , as to frame such a glorious canopy ‖ merely for our benefit , for such mortal machines , such tools of necessity to look upon ? is all nonsense , and nothing but vain glistering beyond this earth of ours ? or , if we might have a compleat view of the glories represented to us in so narrow a compass , * might we not expect to meet with our match , and find beings which have sense , and thought , and reason as well as we ? iii. and if it be a piece of folly and presumption in man to think himself the only wise , it is not much less , to think himself the wisest being in the universe . the barbarous americans , before their commerce and acquaintance with the european world , might with much greater reason suppose themselves the most polite and knowing , the most skilful in all arts and sciences of any people upon earth , because they had knowledge and skill bearing some proportion to an earthly state ; but the wisest of us all are much short of what may be expected and supposed in heaven . could you have so mean an opinion of nature as to stint the powers thereof to the production of beings no better than our selves ; could you be so weak as to fancy the intelligences in all , even infinitely distant apartments , are of the same kind and capacities , equally unhappy , equally perplexed about the origin , and ministration , and end of things , and as ignorant of us as we are of them ; that nature should not make one being that could give a more certain account of its operations than we can , and enquire why any one should believe otherwise , it may be answered , from the different contextures and varieties of matter . if , indeed , all the habitations in the universe were of the same kind , it makes the argument more probable , that all the inhabitants might be of the same kind too . but if there be great variety in the coalition and segregations of matter ; if the more fine , active , and tenuious , be separated from the more gross , heavy , and unactive ; if some parts of the universe have sensibly and certainly more heat and vigour than others ; why should we not believe as much variety in the ruling inhabitants that are placed therein ? it will not be needful at this time to give a scheme of the world , or to reflect on the foolishness of epicurus , who thought the sun not above two foot broad , or about the bigness of a pretty large wheel , which needs only being laugh'd at . the innumerable worlds supposed by him will serve our turn as well . we have here heat and cold , light and darkness , and a constitution tolerably suited for bearing these changes : but when we see one star differing from another star in glory , we must suppose a more glorious and beatifying concourse ( of atoms if you please ) in some parts than in others ; where , a light too splendid for mortal eye to approach , and a heat too vigorous for flesh and blood to endure , adorns and refines both the place and the products of it . the blackness and tawniness caused by too near approaches to the sun , is little other than the scum of a filthy and over-heated nature . but those beings whose inheritance is in superabounding light , must have natures pure and defecate , clarified from the dregs and corruptions of an earthly state , not so properly * corpus , as quasi corpus , a body , ( if † we must call it a body ) ‖ tenuious and spiritual , differing in proportion , as much from us , as heaven from earth . thus you are led at least unto the heathen deities , unto an innumerable company of heavenly intelligences , or ( if we may begin to speak in the language of christianity ) to the acknowledgment of angels and archangels . iv. nor is it reasonable for us to stop here , but on the same foundation we may raise our belief of a supream intelligence ; in whom the several powers and perfections in nature do most eminently concenter . those principles from whence we infer the existence of beings in all ranks of perfection higher and more excellent than our selves , may , without much begging of the question , be supposed to prove the existence of one most high. and if our materialists shall require for this , some evident symptoms and indications in nature ; and shall profess their belief of superiour intelligences , from the appearance of more blessed and glorious habitations , but not of a supream intelligence , because the existence of a most blessed place , which may be the throne , palace , or residence of the supream being is not so visible unto them ; it may be answered , 1. that they beg the question as much as we . they suppose there is no supream intelligence , we suppose there is ; and so far we are equal , nay considering the ranks of beings , have the advantage in their own hypothesis . 2. that the unity of the god-head , tho' a certain truth , is not absolutely necessary to the enforcement of religion ; for the most ignorant heathen , whose faith and reason could not carry them beyond a multitude of gods , were nevertheless very devout and religious in their way : so that whether there be one god or more , you cannot but be under a divine influence to a religious life . 3. that our belief of a supream being need not depend on the supereminency of any particular place . the glory of the highest may manifest itself all over the universe , in measures suitable to the dignity of place and persons : and tho one place may not in itself be really more glorious than all the rest , yet it may be rendred relatively so , by the glory of his presence . 4. they who deny the supereminency of any particular place , speak contrary to the common appearances of matter . of all things within the compass of our view and vortex , the sun makes the most astonishing and brightest show : and if any religious person will say , that the supream being hath set his tabernacle in the sun , the modern epicureans , even on their own principles , can only oppose a pretty confident assertion by a more confident denial . and if any shall bring the fix'd stars in as competitors in splendour , each as the center of a particular vortex , and say , any of them may put in for the center of the universe as well as the sun , they prove nothing for themselves ; for as of the planetary , so likewise of the fix'd , one star may differ from another star in glory : and if the sun be not the most glorious , we only introduce some other in the room ; for there is no imaginable reason to believe them exactly all alike . or if any shall think , that tho' the sun makes so fine a show , the inward glory thereof is not so considerable : which they would gather from the gross and fiery eruptions from the body of the sun , discover'd by our late famous glasses , that may arise from the deceivableness of the sight ; as the unsteadiness or halfshutting of the eye , or the interposing of any small bodies , makes us think we see streams of fire from a distant light , when there are none . or secondly , the collection of such strong and powerful rays as proceed from the body of the sun , may so affect the nerves with an extraordinary vigour , that we cannot rightly judge of it , but think we see nothing but fire . or , a refraction from the atmosphere of the sun , replenished with vivid and peircing rays , may cause such a confusion in our judgment , tho' within there may be a blessed habitation of serene and pure light. 5. let the sun and fix'd stars be what their cause hath made them . 't is more than sufficient for us , that some place in the universe may be more eminently glorious than all the rest , tho' we cannot point out what or where it is . 't is not probable , that we can see the thousandth part of the stars ; which may be concealed from us not only by their smallness , but their distance . the universe is another kind of a thing than we are capable of conceiving ; and its invisible glories may as far exceed every thing visible , as the sun and fix'd stars do exceed the grosser bodies which move about them . and as every sphere or vortex retains its most lively and illuminating particles at the center , while the more scummy , feculent , and heavy , boil off to the circumference ; so the whole universe may be consider'd as one vast vortex , having in or near its center a coacervation of all blessed ingredients , for making a light most pure , a hear most benign , and a life most happy . in a careful observation of the heavens , we may perceive the glimmerings and coruscation of an extraordinary glory , which hitherto none hath been able to give any tolerable account of . but what hath been said , agrees with the opinion of our divines concerning the coelum empyraeum , a seat and residence of divine glory , the most refulgent . and have not we now humour'd our materialists , in proving from their own principles , the existence of a superiour or supream intelligence . v. we may advance , now , one step farther , and break the very heart of the epicurean hypothesis . their last refuge for irreligion is , to suppose that no superiour being meddles or concerns himself in humane affairs . and if the divine beings ( think they ) do not concern themselves at all about us , why should we concern our selves at all about them . but before you make such an irregular inference , you can never be too careful to secure the premises . for , ‖ if you propagate and entertain so mean an opinion of god , and prove mistaken , you may forfeit his love , and find it too hard a task to oppose his displeasure , when too late to atone it . in the name of god then , let us seriously debate this point , and enquire into the reasons either of denying or asserting a divine providence : which will terminate in these three considerations ; of the power , of the authority , of the will of god. if there be no heavenly being which both may , can , and will intrest himself in earthly matters , then our discourses of providence are vain and superstitious : but if something divine hath a power , right , and mind to oversee and govern us , our obligations unto providence are in force still . 1. and what imaginable reasons can we have to suppose , that the divine power and cognizance extend not to us . can the wing'd inhabitants of this lower orb mount out of our sight , and approach the very confines of invisible regions , and not exalt our faith to the acknowledgment of an entercourse between earth and heaven ? can short-sighted mortals , with some small assistance unto their visive faculty , perceive the inequalities of hills and valleys , earth and water in the body of the moon , the spots in the sun , and in the body of iupiter , the different phases of mercury and venus , and even of saturn so distant from us , with the small satellities unto the greater planets ; and shall not an heavenly eye , with transcending clearness and accuracy , penetrate into the phoenomena of our imperfect state ? can the skill of a physiognomist give notable conjectures of the inward temper by the outward lineaments and features ; can the astronomer tell you the conjunctions and oppositions , the motions , magnitude , and distance of the heavenly bodies ; can an experienc'd physician see through the colour , qualities , and agitations of the body , into its latent distempers ; and the sagacity of a chinoese , measure out the life of man by the beating of his pulse ? and shall we not allow the divine wisdom a more profound and perfect intuition into the secret windings and intricacies , the various combination , tendency , influence , and events of sublunary transactions ? we cannot prescribe the bounds even of earthly improvements : every age crowns the diligence and meditations of men with new encreases of knowledge : and since we cannot determine the utmost exaltation of humane nature , or what sacred commerce with the spiritual world we may attain unto ; why should we rashly limit the faculties of better things , or fancy that any darkness or distance , which are but relative and comparative , should cover us from the view of a superintending deity . we may positively assure ourselves , that the lowest in the angelical rank is furnish'd with abilities to pry into our affairs , and to govern and manage , as he himself pleases , the persons of all mankind . 2. our next enquiry is , concerning the authority and rightful foundation of divine government . the holy and blessed beings above will not meddle with that which they have nothing to do with : but if we will take mr. hobbes for our spiritual guide , we shall soon remove all scrupulosity in this case . power confers right ; and he justly possesses a domination over others who is most strong . 't is true , if a power be irresistible , we have no reason to quarrel with it , whether we have a right or no : and the accumulation of abilities necessary to command , seems an indication in nature where obedience should be paid . this mr. hobbes makes the ground * even of divine government ; and the † followers of mr. calvin speak conformably to it : but because it may look something strange to fix no better ground for obeying god , than for obeying a tyrant or a thief that proves too hard for us , you shall not be urged with any ones authority in this point neither . others fix the basis of god's government in the act of creation , and limit the exercise of his power to the measure of his benefits . of which number are the first refiners ‖ of platonism , and the * armenians . and because it may be supposed you will catch at this opinion , we will try the force of it , and see how well it will serve for your purpose . and , if benificence be the basis of government , are you sure that god hath no right to interpose in our affairs ? is it likely ( upon your own principles , which need not always be particularly mention'd ) that the divine nature is not more ancient than the humane ? that its antecedent excellencies should have no hand in our formation ? or may not the superiour beings , if they are disposed to meddle in our affairs , by their watching over us for good , merit our obedience and subjection ? are not several inferiour creatures fed by our kindness , and preserved by our providence , tho we did not create and form them ? and do not the blessings descending from the administrations of earthly government render a legislative rightful and reasonable , tho' they have no creative power ? the aforesaid authors have pursued a good notion a little too far ; the † one of them saying , that if matter be coeternal with god , his endeavouring to make a change therein , by drawing it into form and order , must be injurious : the other , that ‖ could we suppose ourselves not to have received the benefit of creation from god , but come into the world without any obligation to his power and goodness in forming us , we might admire the transcendent excellencies of his nature , but could not justly be subjected unto his government and disposal . the weakness of which assertions will appear by the two following arguments . first , that it is very fit , in the order of nature , that the inferiour should be subservient unto the superiour : for what other reason can you assign for the dominion of man over inferiour creatures : they are coeval with us ; and 't is certain , we could have no hand in the formation of them . but as that natural dependance and relation between superiour and inferiour justifies ( not our tyranny and cruelty , there can never be any reason in nature for that , but ) our taming and subduing them to necessary uses , our bridling and governing them as is expedient ; much stronger is the argument when applied to the difference between god and man. secondly , all beings have a general right and charter to do good , and to be the ministers of eternal rectitude , in promoting order , and preventing disorder in the universe . it is lawful for us to cultivate the earth , and draw out of the heart and bowels of it , fruits and minerals , for ornament , nourishment , and preservation ; to extirpate noxious weeds , and promote the encrease of useful plants , beautiful flowers and objects of delight : may we without the imputation of injurious medling , cherish mild , quiet , and profitable tempers , and deliver the weak and inoffensive from the wild and untameable birds and beasts and men of prey which are too strong for them ? may we unblameably rescue the good from the jaws of the wicked , and celebrate the atchievments of those ancient or modern worthies who have made it their business to * redeem mankind from oppression and to quell monsters ? may earthly magistrates draw malefactors before the judgment-seat , and consign them to punishment , protect the innocent , and reward the well-deserving according to their discretion ? and can men have the impudence to question god's right to do good , to bring order out of disorder , to take care of and reward the meek and holy , to restrain and punish the subdolous or violent workers of iniquity ? what is this , but to exalt mankind to the dignity of gods , and to depress the divine prerogative below the privileges of men. 3. and if god both can and may , the consequence is very natural , that he will and does interpose in the management of humane affairs . right and power , in the hands of a good being will not lye dormant ; but exert their force to the beneficial employments for which they are adapted . epicurus indeed * introduces the gods so much taken up with their own felicity , that they will not trouble themselves ( for , in his opinion , there must be a great trouble ) in minding any thing else . and † his wise men were to have their lives form'd according to this pattern of their gods ; enjoying their ease and privacy , and having nothing at all to do in civil administrations ; in pursuance of his principles , no doubt , that chance might bear an universal sway , without the interposing of any wise mind to order it , either in heaven or earth . not to reflect on epicurus , by shewing the need his deities had to look to themselves , and the quiet governing of the world ; must not doing good be highly agreeable and pleasing unto a good god ? must not the delight and complacency in beholding the due procedure and harmony of things , preponderate the trouble ( if there should be some ) in effecting it ? does a vertuous prince confine himself to the pleasures of his palace , or regret at his hours of watchfulness , care , and pains-taking , which secures the prosperity of his people ? does not even curiosity sweeten our tedious inquisitions into truth and falshood , right and wrong , and sympathy with the vertuous in distress , constrain us to take their part ? and can we imagine the deity should indulge an everlasting slothfulness , when there is so much good to be done , so much evil to be redressed , so many deserving objects of his compassion and care , which call for his assistance ? either we must condemn as foolish the vigilance of good governours , laugh at the compassionate essays of the pious , and confound our notions of generosity , benignity , and things praise-worthy ; or we can never persuade our selves , that god is an idle spectator , and bears the sword of power and authority in vain . the last pretext , of trouble in the conduct of providence , hardly deserves an answer . can a single man of diligence and sagacity , with comfort supervise so many affairs , and an earthly potentate boast with how little trouble the world was govern'd , and cannot god , whose knowledge and power inconceivably surpasses ours , who hath millions of heavenly agents and nuncio's to attend his pleasure , and execute his commands , dispatch the affairs of his government without any confusion or perplexity ? or , if you fear that seeing and being conversant among the evils and miseries of mankind should really grieve and afflict a mind of so great benignity , allowing the divine nature the commendable wisdom of a stoick , that difficulty you will easily surmount and cure . 4. what remains then , but that the reasons of irreligion falling , the hypothesis invented for its support should fall too . mens naughty opinions proceed not from an hard'ned malignity against god , but either from doubtfulness , or consciousness of their own demerits ; and it is no wonder , if they strive by any artifice to exclude that providence from whence they expect no good : like the iniquiry of men to their brethren ; first to offend and injure them , then to weaken their authority and credit ; and if they do not , or cannot destroy them , yet to wish them dead . but since the existence of god and his providence maintains its credit , and lives in the belief of the wise and holy ; since all you can say to the prejudice of religion profits you nothing , but even your own principles must either endear or enslave you to it ; since , to repeat it once more , the epicurean hypothesis , whatever it pretends at the first interview , will unavoidably keep you to religion , you had as good leave it , and be religious upon the most excellent principles . and is it not much more becoming the dignity of man to pay his obedience to an eternal king , whose wisdom and power is infinite , than to harbour in his mind low thoughts of the deity which he must serve , and be govern'd by chance only at the second-hand ? does it not make religion , and the offices thereof , look more venerable , and the thoughts of the divine majesty more awful in the soul , when the bent of our devotion terminates in the prime cause , and contemplates perfections not to be transcended ? there the soul , with comfort and credit , can acquiesce , and fix its adorations when it can go no further . all that hath been spoken , was intended not to improve , but gradually to wean you from the epicurean hypothesis . it s heart and spirit may be , because the design of it is , well-nigh broken : and tho' it may not be convenient to rip open its bowels , and expose its loathsomness , for fear of defilement , yet one consideration more may be suggested ; namely , what the heavenly intelligences , according to this atomical and fortuitous origination of things , must think of themselves . 't is hard for brutes to be made mere machines , and plants the composition of chance . man looks a little higher , and will stoutly argue and dispute against it . and if the heavenly intelligences can be conscious of so mean an original , they must needs be ashamed to own it . to this shall be only added , that tho' it be impossible this absurd hypothesis should be true , yet even from it so clear an account may be deduced both of divine providence and dispensations , of angelical beings and their ministrations , of the fall of the devil , of his deceiving man , and of the extent of his power and principality , that those persons cannot but be * condemn'd out of their own mouth , who dare to be irreligious on this foundation . ii. let us proceed to the second retirement of infidelity ; that the world has always been as it is ; from eternity subsisting in the same frame and order which we have at present . and what principally offers it self to our consideration on this subject , shall be introduced with 1. an explication of the hypothesis it self : for if we take it in the gross , nothing is more evidently true , than it is evidently false . how can we say the world has been from eternity as it is at present ; when every age , every year , nay every day , presents to our view such wonderful mutations . what revolutions in humane affairs , what changes in government , religion , laws , and manners , what improvements in liberal and mechanical arts and sciences , do the histories of all nations exhibit to us ? or if you can see no argument in this , against the fixed consistence of this earthly frame , take notice of the conflicts and jarrs among the elements themselves , and their interchangeable replevying from each other ; the fire making its hostile eruptions upon the earth , as often as it can gather sufficient forces , and either finds or makes a vent ; the air cherishing noxious and pestilential vapours , which destroy all before them , blast the fruits of the earth , and turns the breath of life into the minister of death . the earth and the water have their ‖ quarrels about dominion , and enlarge their bounds by mutual depredations . sometimes the earth is too hard for the waters , lifts up its head above , and places a garrison in the midst of the swelling floods . * rhodes and † delos , with many lesser monuments mention'd by ‖ pliny , shew that the earth can be sometimes brisk , and throwing off her natural dulness , recover some ground from her neighbouring foe . and again , the waters have been too many for the earth , scorning to have their forces disjoyn'd by the weak fences of nature , making their way ( if not * between england and france , yet ) between † italy and sicily , cyprus and syria , &c. taking no less than three ‖ famous cities in peloponnesus , and over-running , in a night and a day , the great island atlantis , if you will believe ‖‖ plato . nor have their swallowing some certain cities or countries bounded their ambition , which in the times of noah , ogypes , and deucalion , almost obtain'd by prodigious inundations , and threatned to establish an universal empire . 't is true , we have now a tolerably quiet temperament of things ; but these wonderful effects of contending elements minister sufficient ground of suspecting , that it hath not been always upon the earth as it is at present ; which is supposed and confessed * by the principal patrons of this hypothesis : of which we shall make our advantage afterwards . but master aristotle perchance will obviate our design by one of his distinctions , telling us , that these formidable changes happen only in the † elementary or sublunary world , but ‖ the celestial bodies , made up of his fifth or finest element , are liable to no changes or corruptions , but conserve an immutable and even tenour through all the successions of eternity . had he himself been made up of this fine incorruptible element , his own experience and modesty might have convinced him by this time of his great mistake . the moon and other planetary bodies are found to be near of the same nature and constitution with the earth . * many fix'd stars innumerated by the ancients are now unknown ; and many appear a new which former ages give no account of ; and that notable star in cassiopeia , bigger and brighter than the rest of the fix'd stars , first observed november 1572 , and disappearing march 1574 , had a very fatal influence upon , and portended the overthrow of this hypothesis . nay , those blazing stars , which in all ages shake their ominous rods over admiring mortals , forewarn us by a right calculation of their altitude , not to depend on it . the philosopher indeed , agreeably to his principles , † could not allow the blazing stars a place so high as the orb of the moon ; the senselessness of which fancy , contrary to many other reasons , is evidently demonstrated from the insensibility of their paralax . how much they are higher than the moon , we cannot certainly tell ; but , in all probability , they must needs be advanced above the sphere of saturn . hence follows , that when any one says , the world has been from eternity as it is at present their words must be a little qualified , and mean no more , than that the substance or general compages of the world may have been eternal ; though the several parts of it , both in heaven and earth , or all alternately , have undergone very considerable changes and alterations . 2. let us next enquire into the reasons which might tempt men to this opinion of the world's eternity : and they seem to be two . first , because they could perceive no changes , no symptoms of the generation or corruption of the world : and secondly , because they could give no reasonable account of the world's origin and production . † the first we find in ocellus lucanus , and aristotle ; and all their winding and circular disputes for the impossibility of its generation from the impossibility of its corruption , & vice versa , terminate in this : like the argument against the dissolution of the world , mention'd by the scoffers in ‖ st. peter . for since the fathers fell asleep , all things continue as they were from the beginning of the creation . and to this we may return the same answer , that they who can see no indications of a changeable nature , must needs be willingly ignorant ; and for clearing their eye sight , may be referr'd unto the preceding paragraph . and if seeing or not seeing can be an argument on either side , it can be only against them . for we do see , and are positively assured , of very great changes in the world ; and if it had a beginning newly form'd , mankind might have sensible convictions of it : but if the world be eternal , it requires a very large faith to look back into its certainty , and no mortal could ever have a sensible or ocular demonstration of it . the second reason we take from the conceited humour of aristotle ; * who being too much given to contemn and deride others , † and servilely following his own reason to the assigning a cause for the smallest matters , * laugh'd at all accounts of the world 's original , and judged the defenders of it little better than mad . this hasty shooting of his bolt , proceeded from the excess of his pride , or the defectiveness of his own reason . he could have no satisfying notion , when , or by what means , or in what manner the world was made . and how should any thing be done without aristotle's knowing it . we will not enquire into his profound skill in the whole circle of physicks , his rare definitions of substance , form , time , motion , &c. his accurate discovery of meteors ( except comets , which you heard something of lately ) and the familiar acquaintance he had with the substantial forms and occult qualities of nature . we will only ask his disciples , what they can think of the generation of man ? can you tell how such rational beings as we are , attain our maturity and perfection ? what are the constituent principles of our nature ? how the body is form'd and organized ? at what time the soul is united to it ? or how an immaterial can operate on a material being , and receive impressions from it ? or ( for perchance you may be disposed to smile at the former questions ) how meer matter , and the rude elements of life , can expand themselves to the production and exercise of those noble functions , of sensation , cogitation , memory , &c. consider a while of it , and by that time you can return a satisfying answer to these questions , we may give you as satisfying an account of the formation of the world. but if this little world be a province too difficult for your undertaking , what humility do our contemplations of the universe require ? and how absurd must it be to assert the eternity of the world upon those principles , which either prove that there are no men in the world , or that they are all eternal . for instance , if it be impossible there should be any communion between a material and an immaterial being , or that mere matter should think reason , and remember , &c. as the difficulties are inexplicable on each side , then there are no men in the world ; and how big soever we may look , we are no better than those apparitions and shades of the night , which poor ignorant people are so commonly frighted with . or , if you are not pleased with that , since we could have our beginning neither from matter nor spirit , for chuse which you will 't is an easie matter to puzzle you , then we must have been and shall be for ever just as we are at present , and all the histories and evidences of life and death are to be rejected as fabulous fears , fancies , and traditions . this is exactly your way of dealing with us . you ask us two or three puzzling questions about the origin and formation of the world ; and because we do not explain it entirely to your satisfaction , therefore it must be eternal . 3. our third reflection shall fall on the novelty of this opinion , and its arrogant breaking in upon the prescriptions of antiquity . when time had worn off the reverence , with the uniform attestations of tradition , the world 's original began to be debated by the weak reason of man. and the wrangling philosophers raising up difficulties which they could not lay again , like so many evil spirits let loose upon the earth , they tempted men from the acknowledgment of their primitive cause ; and deceived them with the insinuations of becoming wise , nay , wiser than their forefathers . aristotle , all over his physical discourses , musters up the opinion of preceding philosophers ; gives no intimations of any that believed as he did ; but disputes against melissus , parmenides , heraclitus , empedocles , leucippus , democritus , anaxagoras , timaeus , plato , &c. pleasing himself , no doubt , in the singularity of his notion , and sufficiently confuting the world's genesis , by finding some flaw in the solutions of it , or shewing their repugnancy to each other . a little tract of ocellus , indeed , deprives aristotle of the glory which the † first inventer of so fine an hypothesis might expect : some copies of which tract ‖ came , probably , to his hands ; tho' as it happen'd , all did not . if this ocellus be the same whom diogenes laertius * mentions , ( as we will not suborn the appearing advantages both in ocellus and diogenes to witness against it ) the opinion of the world's eternity bears something a more ancient date than the time of aristotle . but , alas , what is this to the whole stream of unsuspected antiquity ? consult the archaeologies of all ages ; and if you find the most ancient monuments of reason and intelligence taking the tradition of the world 's original for granted , where can you expect to find more competent judges ? all those in caldaea , assyria , persia , phaenicia , egypt , greece , italy , palestine , &c. who lived nearest the beginning which moses speaks of , do likewise speak of it as a matter never controverted : but when those reverend worthies were gone off the stage , from whose repute for learning and laborious inquiries , and capacity for knowing most of the ages most doubted of , mankind might receive the best information ; when tradition , which in this case is a better rule than reason , grew weaker and weaker by passing through so many hands , then that became a controversie which before was none , and some , who envied the reputation , would not yield unto the authority of former ages . matter of fact is not to be known by reason , but by testimony : and since for much above 3000 years after the beginning which we contend for , we have a cloud of witnesses , in distinct ages and countries , which appear for us , and not one against us : this shews , that the nearer to that beginning , the clearer was the certainty , the stronger the belief of it : and this weight of universal consent ought much to over-ballance any arguments whatsoever , which some later pretenders to reason , in their private contemplations and retirements shall suggest . 4. our next essay shall be , to make the best of this hypothesis : and tho' the reasons for it be weak , and the tradition against it strong , yet you must know , its chief defenders were not such an ungodly generation as would now pervert and abuse it . you , therefore , whom the supposal of this world's eternity makes unmindful of god , look unto the rock from whence it was hewn , and hear what the first of your race profess concerning the divine nature . life keeps our earthly tabernacles from falling in pieces , and the cause of this is the soul : and harmony conserves the world , and the cause of this is god. the sphere of the moon is the isthmus or partition between a changeable life and immortality . the regions above being the possession of god and divine natures , and those below of [ mutable ] nature and contention . god gives to men generative faculties , organs , and appetites ; not for pleasure , but the preservation of their kind . and a little after , they who altogether abstain from the procreation of children , are injurious to the most honorable bonds of union : but from irregular and reproachful mixtures proceed a generation of wretches , vile and abominable both to god and man , to families and cities . god and nature do nothing in vain . all men have a notion or conception of god , and allot unto the divine nature the highest place , whether they be greeks or barbarians , or whoever think of god : for it is manifest , an everlasting being ought to be fitted with an everlasting habitation . we may very well think , that by one first [ mover ] these several [ heavenly bodies , or their motions ] do subsist : for you may observe in all other kinds of life or principles , the supereminence is in a first over all the rest . god gives compleatness to the whole , and makes every particular production perfect . we ought to think of god , as a being most powerful for strength , most perfect in beauty , in life immortal , in excellencies transcendent . and what the master is in a ship , the driver in a chariot , the leader in a dance , the law in a city , the general in an army , that is god in the world. except , in as much as they , in their respective places , direct with wearisomness , toil and care ; but he without pain , without labour , exempted from all bodily weaknesses whatsoever . for being fix'd on an immovable throne , he moves all things , and turns them about , according to his pleasure . it would be endless to transcribe religious expressions from the followers of aristotle . let is suffice to tell you , that the latter * platonists embraced this opinion of the world's eternity ; and made a great deal to do to reconcile † plato first to aristotle , then to himself . so that you will make this hypothesis fight against god , you must sight against the pillars and main upholders of it ; whose devout elevations of soul expressed in their several ages , a reverence for the deity , and would have abhorr'd , as a degenerous brood , the blasphemers of it . 5. all the religious principles , by natural light form'd in the mind , concerning god , are indifferently well consistent with the world's eternity : which you cannot but be satisfied in , considering , 1. many christian philosophers , believing the beginning spoken of by moses , think it not impossible ( if god had so pleased ) for the world to have been made before , even from eternity . they dare not limit the power of god , as not in efficacy , so not to time : and if any one will say , an eternal cause may have an eternal effect , they will not be positive in denying it . in which number you shall not be referred to some ancient hereticks , or to our late foolish pre-adamites , but to the debates among our ‖ most eminent school-men and metaphysicians . ii. the later platonists and aristotelians argued for the world's eternity , chiefly from the consideration of god's eternal goodness : which argument of theirs is most clearly expressed by sallustius , and in the fewest words . 't is * necessary ( says he ) the world existing through the goodness of god , that as god is always good , the world should always exist . they † recognize god as the cause , the fountain , the parent of the universe , and affirm it the effect , off-spring , and emanation from him . only they suppose a being eternally good must be eternally communicative : which reason , by the way , if it have any force in it , makes not so much for the eternal generation of the world , as of the word and son of god. iii. it does no way derogate from the spiritual nature or providence of god ; but supposes an eternal conservation and direction of all things under the government of an eternal spirit . ‖ aristotle , the most suspected person , acknowledges this . and if immaterial and incorporeal being or substance , be iargon , tobu and bobu , 't is none of our framing or invention . the fear indeed of some religious , and the hopes of some irreligious men , may deserve our notice : as if that which supposes god to act by a necessity of nature , must render instituted religion absurd , and to no purpose , and vacate the expectations of reward or dreads of punishment . this formidable difficulty will soon vanish , when it appears how preposterously it is made to work . for if god acts by a necessity of nature , that is , * his own nature , this ought to be matter of joy and comfort to the good , and terror to the wicked . for it can signifie no more , than that god is necessarily holy , wise , good , and just , and cannot act otherwise than according to the eternal rules and dictates of holiness , wisdom , goodness , and justice . what good may not the righteous expect from this ? what reason have not the wicked , instead of triumphing , to tremble at it ? and with respect to god , * it infringes not his liberty , it illustrates his perfection . iv. nor are the general arguments for god's existence endanger'd by this hypothesis ; as you may see by the enumeration of some particulars . 1. we argue for god's existence , from the necessity of acknowledging a first principle of motion . thus , every thing moving hath motion either essential to it , or by communication from another : that every thing moving hath not motion essential to it , is proved by the cessation of motion in some things , or their continuance in or tendency unto rest. and that a body once quiescent would continue so for ever , if it was not moved by something else , is agreeable both to † aristotle's principles , and ‖ cartes his first law of nature ; and indeed unto common sense . and if every thing moving is moved by something else , 't is necessary to stop somewhere , and , without * going on in infinitum , to terminate in a first mover . and since the first mover must be † immovable , and therefore ‖ indivisible , impassible and without parts , it must likewise be immaterial ; and having an infinite power of moving every thing else , 't is what we believe of god. nothing can pretend to answer this argument , but the invention of a perpetual lamp or motion ; but all our brains may be crack'd , and we may hope , by the grace of god , to have the truth of it confirm'd to our comfort , before that time comes . this , upon review , will be found a very weighty argument ; very rationally making all the motions in the universe proceed from , terminate in , and directed by one common principle ; which ( like the soul in the body , the spring and end of all humane motions ) is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the general superviser and governour of all things . 2. the existence of god is proved by the series and gradation of causes , in this manner . every thing which we see hath its beginning and production , must have its beginning and production from something else . nothing can give beginning to it self . which is true , not only of those things which we see produced , but of every thing else from whence they have their production , until we come unto some cause which is not produced . * an infinite series of causes is not to be admitted , unless you are resolved to be contradiction-proof ; for then , of two infinites , one rank may have infinitely more in number than the other : there may be every day an addition to what was infinite before , &c. 't is certain , that link which hath an end , must have a beginning ; that train or succession which hath a last must have a first : and by these steps we ascend to the supream independent cause from whence all subordinate causes do proceed , and that is god. 3. the existence of god is proved by the admirable order and beauty of the world ; its visible glories declaring his invisible power and godhead . eternal order can never be maintain'd upon the principles of chance , but supposes an eternal orderer ; by whose interposing power and wisdom , the jarrings and discords in nature are over-ruled , every part fixed in its proper place , and guided most conducively to the good and harmony of the whole . take off your eyes a little from this earth of ours , and direct your contemplations towards heaven ; look up to the sun , the moon , and the rest of the heavenly hosts ; conjecture at their magnitude , observe their motion , thankfully reflect on their benign influences ; consider how glorious objects they all seem , what blessed mansions some of them may prove to be . have these existed , say you , millions of ages longer than most of us imagine ? the more wonderful you make their frame and architecture , the greater convictions ( if possible ) you give of an incomprehensibly wise and powerful governour ; the stronger assurances against the fear of a blind and fortuitous causality . chance , possibly , may hit upon something excellent , but it doth not last long . co-ordinate and independent powers may associate for mutual benefit and defence , but it is much if they hold together to eternity . 't is only one predominant and supreamly excelling principle , which can preserve a just temperament , an eternal tenour and comeliness , a regular union and correspondence in all the parts of the universe , and this is god. shall we now proceed to the other arguments for god's existence , from the general notion of god in the mind , and the common consent of men to it , from the fabrick of the body , and the nature and operations of the soul , from the several ranks of beings , which may lead to one most excellent and perfect : rather peruse the learned discourses already extant on those several heads ; apply them to , and see their consistence with this hypothesis , and by them , with the intimations already given , you will soon perceive , that men of irreligious and ungodly principles only cheat themselves , when they think to hide themselves from god , under this subterfuge of the world's eternity . 6. one remark more , before the conclusion of this part , may be recommended to you : that even upon this hypothesis , the generations of men , in all probability , must have a beginning . and for this we will not repeat the impossibility of infinite successions , but re-mind you of matters of fact. there are two ways ( this hypothesis standing good ) whereby the inhabitants of the earth may be all destroyed : either by a general destruction of our vortex , whereof the sun is the center ; or , by some particular predominancy of fire or water . i. a general destruction of this vortex may happen either by an extinction of the sun , or by an unequal dispersion of its rays and heat . 1. if at any time there happen an extinction of the sun , all the inhabitants in this vortex ( not removed by a supernatural power ) must needs perish , as under the poles , for want of light and heat . the several instances of a gathering scum , over or near the sun's body , which , to us , have weaken'd or drowned the sun's light , and reduced it almost to a total obscuration , may be foreboding symptoms , and comminations of such a judgment . for a whole year together , after the assassination of iulius caesar , there was a * prodigious failure of the sun 's light ; at other times for several months ; and in the reign † of tiberius the most wonderful of all , tho' it was but for several hours ; as it were to blacken those moments in the records of time wherein the lord of glory suffer'd . if you think these frowns of offended nature signifie nothing ; that these threatnings of the great and only potentate , to hide the most sensible and necessary symbols of his presence , have no terror in them ; or , to speak in the language of our naturalists , that these scummy spots can never encrease into so great a quantity , as wholly to crust over the body of the sun , and extinguish the light and heat of it , let the disappearing of several fix'd stars , bodies which might rival the sun in glory and greatness , be a warning to you ; and fear lest by the encrease of sin and wickedness within our sphere , the whole mass to which we belong , be made one cursed and confused heap , tumbled out of its place , and become a word of reproach and a gazing-stock to the whole universe , as ‖ comets are . 2. if there be at any time a breaking and unequal dispersion of the suns heat , the irregular flying abroad of its fiery particles , will consume every thing within the compass of it , and * fulfil the prediction of the day of the lord , when the heavens bring on fire shall be dissolved , and the elements shall melt with fervent heat . the tradition of this world 's perishing by an universal conslagration , hath testimonies to confirm it on all sides . s. paul may be supposed to have had some skill in the wisdom of the heathens ; but , that s. iude , s. iohn , s. peter , or our saviour christ iesus , had the perusal of plato , cicero , ovid , berosus , hermes trismegistus , democritus , heraclitus , either of their works , fragments , or quotations from them , we have no reason to perswade us : and yet they all agree in this point , as if they spake by one common inspiration . to sum up evidences , will be doing what hath been sufficiently done already ; but , for the more compendious finding them , consult the commentators on 2 pet. 3.7 . and particularly gr●tius , and on 2 thes. 2.3 . and particularly zanchy : or , if you are prejudiced against any thing that may come near the sacred oracles , you may have recourse to † lipsius . you shall only have one passage of ‖ seneca , whereby to guess at the rest . fate with prodigious fires shall burn and consume all mortal things ; and when the time shall come wherein the world drawing near to its renovation shall expire , its several parts shall dash one against another , stars shall rush upon stars , and whatsoever now gives its light with order and beauty , shall with one general conflagration be set on fire . ii. there may be some particular predominancy of fire or water , destructive to all animals upon the earth , tho' the rest of our vortex receive no damage . and in reporting the general tradition of the worlds perishing , you may observe some diversity among the ancients : and besides the more universal dissolution which we learn from them , and which you may interpret of all within the compass of one or more spheres ; a particular destruction , wherein only the earth , with its parts and appurtenances , shall be concern'd , may be judged credible . of this we may interpret that passage of plato , in his book de regno , when all animals had fulfilled the task and generations appointed to them , god withdraws his conserving power , and retires from the helm of government . the consequent of which , for that vicissitude , is the ruin of all earthly creatures . and the particular manner of it is explain'd by the successive dominations of fire and water , as in the celebrated exprobration of the egyptian ‖ to solon ; o solon , solon , you grecians are always children , nor have you knowledge , of any ancient date , among you . which happens by many and various destructions of men , which have been , and will be , the greatest of which , by the force of fire and inundations of water , the lesser , by several other chances and calamities . as in the circle of the suns ordinary course we have our summer and winter , so in the great circle of time , which they call the * great year , an extraordinary summer and winter are supposed to take their turn ; the one causing a general conflagration , and the other a deluge . 1. the predominancy of heat may proceed either from the altering of our position with respect to the sun or some nearer approximation to it , as some † suppose , or by the ‖ eruption of the central fire , or by both together . the first may prepare the way for the latter , by drying the superficies of the earth , making great chinks and chasms in it , and opening a sufficient passage for the subterraneous fires , to break out with all their forces , to the calcination of the whole . all histories give us prodigious examples of excessively hot seasons , wherein such a judgment might even naturally have been feared . we know what bituminous , sulphureous , and combustible matter the bowels of the earth are replenish'd with , and what dangerous eruptions they have made from their several magazines , particularly in italy and sicily , and lately to the consumption of a hundred thousand persons ; concerning which , we may use the words of * pliny , that they threaten desolation to the whole earth : † which he had better have believ'd than have gone to see . from which eruptions of the central fire ‖ cartes is not asham'd to solve the appearing of some stars which never appear'd before . and if we can believe any reality in his supposition , by such a conspiracy of external and internal fires , the vicissitudes appointed by the eternal decrees of heaven may be compleated . to this particular exustion of the earth , and the powers thereof , many eminent divines , both ancient and modern , think fit to restrain the general expressions in scripture , concerning the last day . ‖ ‖ mr. m●de seems zealous for it , and in him you may find the best collection of authorities , to clear him from the perillous crime of novelty . but our business , at present , is not to shew what may be expected from revelation , but reason . what is possible or probable being declared , we must leave to the choice of the divine wisdom what methods are most expedient for correcting the vices of mankind . 2. the predominancy of water will require but a very brief discussion ; both the matter of fact and manner of an universal deluge , have of late been so learnedly managed , that you cannot need any references to authority in this case . you shall only be reminded of your master aristotle , ‖ who had not assurance enough to confront tradition in so plain a matter ; but allowed , that as we have our successive winters according to their seasons , so in some fatal times and periods we might have a great winter , and such excess of showers as might cause the inundations reported by antiquity . 't is time now to shew , unto what all this tends ; and to satisfie you , that all this pains is not taken without some prospect of advantage : which is no less than this ; that according to the principles of these very men who eternize the world , 't is highly probable , that mankind have had a beginning and a first of their race upon the earth . for , first , if in less than the compass of six thousand years , we have had one , two , or three prodigious deluges , how many such calamities must the earth have groaned under , if it have existed from eternity ? for referring former deluges to any thing but an eternal cause , you suppose the newness of the world , as though it wanted some accidental shakings to bring it unto a perfect settlement . and if in that great deluge we have the most pregnant proof of , only eight persons were saved alive , then in the innumerable deluges which the eternity of the earth with its inhabitants will suppose , sometimes 800 might be saved , sometimes 80 , sometimes 8 , and sometimes none at all . for , tho' the eternal causes may be regular in the general production of a deluge , they may not in reason be thought so regular and uniform in every small circumstance . and when the condition of the earth is brought to that deplorable state , that only eightscore or eight can escape , the saving of these few cannot be referred to the regular operations of nature , but either to chance or miracle . miracle you will not chuse ; and if only by chance they escape once , in the eternal rollings and revolutions of second causes , 't is more than probable , that one time or other they may chance to be all destroyed . secondly , and because the predominancy of fire and water , according to your way of reckoning , seem to be successive , and that another universal deluge cannot naturally be expected till after a conflagration , that may come in for a share in our present meditations . if any such opake and heavy bodies as the earth is may be burnt up , we will not consider the means of their renovation , but only the possibility of such a judgment 's coming to our turn . and the eternity of the earth being supposed , there may have been as many conflagrations as deluges ; and fire being a much more tyrannous element than water , if ever the earth was burnt up by the prevalency of fire , ( which if we can believe it eternal , we may as well believe has happen'd millions of times ) we cannot imagine any possible way or means ( except miraculously ) for one living creature to escape . the short of what we may infer from these two particulars is , that either mankind have had only one beginning , which we christians do believe ; or , that they had an undeterminable number of beginnings , which you heathens must believe : and then the question between us will be only this , from whence ? by what forming power they had their beginning ? and sure you will be ashamed to go back to epicurus , and to the old ridiculous fables of mankind's creeping out of the mudd and slime of the earth , enliven'd with the suns heat ; having nothing to form and organize them , but blind matter and motion . this is an absurdity so great , that the opinion of infinite successions was invented on purpose to prevent it ; your patrons wisely resolving , that of two evils or absurdities , the least was to be chosen . thus you are driven out of your mudd and matter to your infinite successions , and from infinite successions into the mudd again ; not knowing where to fix , unless the next consideration will relieve you . thirdly , if there be such mutations in the heavenly bodies , as the appearof comets , the fresh appearing or disappearing of fix'd stars , are astonishing indications and signs of , why should not you think that the like mutations have happen'd in our sphere . in an eternal course of ages , every thing that is possible may be expected . suppose , according to your laws of nature , the dissolution of one sphere having a fix'd star for the centre , may happen in a thousand years , which is a very moderate supposal , in the infinite circle of eternity , the same fate might have taken its round innumerable times . all the hosts of heaven , in their several turns , might be broken and disbanded , and recall'd to their former posts and stations . and not to say how often it might happen to our vortex , we will take only once for granted : and the sun , the moon , and all the stars about us , having been in one confused heap , without life or order , you may as well believe the beginning which moses speaks of , as any other . and tho' honest * maimonides was very zealous against the world's eternity , and thought he could never muster up too many arguments against it , as an opinion which must inevitably over-turn the religion of moses , and expose his miracles as impostures ; yet there seems not to be one sentence or word in the first chapter of genesis , except the critical interpretation of the word bara , for production out of nothing , which a necessary explication of this hypothesis may not accord with . and all those eminent doctors in the church , * who have interpreted the six days of moses not strictly according to the letter , or believed the existence of ages , persons , or places , long before the precise account of time given us by moses ; as they leave the absolute beginning of things precarious and uncertain , so they render this hypothesis ( how contrary to reason soever it may be and is , yet ) not so positively damnable from scripture . and now , o vain men ! what refuge will you flee unto ? there are no other possible conceits for justifying your infidelity . and since these will stand you in no stead at present , think within your selves , how much less serviceable they will be unto you at the revelation of a more lightsome day . even in this mortal and obscure state , the approaches of death give the irreligious other eyes to see with . danger dispels their prejudices , and coming on the brink of eternity , they begin to think of god , of separate spirits , and other regions , when they cannot think of them with comfort . now they are apt to say , as the cardinals to the religious hermit , what if there be no god , no future state ? but diseases giving them notice of their dissolution , the answer of the good father will be running in their minds , what if there be ? and is it not much the wisest and best method , to live by those sacred perswasions which probably you will dye in , especially when the great patrons of infidelity can say nothing against them . nay , we have not so much as a maybe left on our side , against the verity of religion : for , it cannot be that the world should either be eternal or made by chance . or if one of those may-be's be granted , it cannot be that either hypothesis should be exclusive of a divine nature or providence . and if you are by these considerations rendred ( as you cannot but be ) uneasie in irreligion , and know not which way to turn , read over the former part again with a pious care and attention , and it may prepare you for the following advice ; which , as the precedent discourse , is intended , not for the reproaching , but reforming of your judgment ; not for the condemning of your persons , but the safety of your souls ; not to abridge you of any present felicity , but to excite you to the attainment of that which is eternal . iii. so excellent a subject ought not to be closed without some suitable advice : and tho' the knowledge of god , as it is the foundation of all religion , may have a general reference to every religious duty ; yet it will be fit to chuse out such particular instances of address , as the prevailing vices and inadvertency of this age seem most in need of . 1. the evident connexion of reason and religion may direct us to a right judgment of those men who despise and undervalue sacred things : for hereby it appears , they despise and undervalue that which they do not understand . the psalmist hath given us an excellent character of such men , the fool hath said in his heart there is no god. they are corrupt and have done abominable works , there is none that doeth good . the lord looked down from heaven upon the children of men , to see if there were any that did understand and seek after god : which is as much as to say , that it is the ignorance and want of understanding in men , which makes them entertain any scruples or doubtfulness of heart concerning god. the acknowledgment of god is also affirm'd in sacred scripture , to be the beginning of all wisdom , and the instructions of religion the best way to perfect it . and he who consents not to the doctrine which is according to godliness , is expresly said to be a fool and know nothing . 't is therefore a great error in some , who set up for men of extraordinary parts and wisdom , to speak evil of religious matters : that singularity in profaneness which they affect , and hope by its eminency will recommend them as persons of a deep reach , is of all others the most disgraceful . 't is an argument , that really they do not see so far into the intricacies of truth as they would seem to do . their pretensions are , in the apostle's stile , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the oppositions of miscalled science ; and they only declare , that there are a great many things to be said for religion which they are not aware of . should any man go about to lessen the eloquence of cicero , the poetry of virgil , the morals of seneca or plutarch , he would only betray his own unskilfulness ; and his censures would only render himself contemptible . the same we may say of the censurers of religion . let them please themselves with a conceit of their own wit : 't is a piece not only of charity , but wisdom too , to impute their profaneness to want of judgment . whatsoever they may fancy , they are no better than vulgar mortals guided by some sensual or popular prejudices , and a superficial view of things , through which they cannot see into the excellencies of religion . ii. if reason and religion go hand in hand , then you may safely be advised not to condemn or ridicule religion , till you have carefully examined the grounds and reasons on which it is built . can any be a fairer , or more reasonable request than this ? religion is not a matter of so mean importance , as to justifie any trifling with it , or the author of it . if any think to throw off the fear of god with a scornful jest , and look no further , it may ( for ought they know ) return again upon them with a serious horror ; and then they will wish , that they had formerly thought more of it . but if they will resolve to consider before they condemn , and try before they defie it , they will then indeed act like men , and will presently find enough , if not absolutely to cure , yet at least to make them modest in their mistakes . 't is an insufferable piece of arrogance , for men to talk against religion , without enquiring into the grounds on which its reputation is supported . 't is a malicious ignorance which makes such scoffers : and 't is enough to raise the indignation of any serious christian , to see his dearest interest trampled under-foot by those who never had any of its notions in their head. and pray , observe the persons generally accustom'd to vilifie sacred things ; are they men to be depended on for their seriousness ? do they seem to be more fixed in their thoughts ? more given to contemplation than other men ? or seem they not rather , men of great levity , and little consideration ? who mind only a few sensual and silly satisfactions , and so entirely devoting their thoughts that way , as though reason was given them for no other end , but to make them beasts with some better grace and solemnity . the apostle takes notice of such men in his time , who cared not to retain god in their knowledge ; and he describes them to be such as professed themselves to be wise , but were really foolish , men of a vain imagination , and darkned in their foolish heart . and it cannot be expected otherwise in this our age. if men give themselves up to lightness and vanity , 't is no wonder if the substantial and serious matters of our belief do not relish well with them . if they are commonly engaged in the noise and jollities of a licentious life , this presently dislodges all fixedness of thought as a dull melancholick thing ; and for their ease from that grievance , instead of sober reasoning , they employ their mind in idle and empty talk ; instead of a soul , calm , sedate , and well-composed for looking into truth , they are hurried away with every ridiculous humour and frolick ; and instead of the effects of a solid judgment , nothing but froth and formality comes from them . and yet these are the men , who inspight of their own genius and good manners , must set up for the only men of sense and judgment . they think they can see further in the hurries and distractions of a vicious mind , than another in the most defecate and sober temper : they think they can enlarge their knowledge further in an instant , with the help of a little merry company and a bottle of wine , than others can in many years of thoughtfulness , and most careful meditation . and tho' the few brains and notions of truth they had , are scatter'd in an airy and frolicksome conversation , yet they fancy themselves as well stocked with solid arguments , as those who have made it their business to collect the evidences of truth all their lives . the extravagances of such kind of men , make them no very proper managers of humane affairs . and why they should not forfeit their reputation in the concerns of a divine wisdom , which above all things requires great sobriety of thought , can have a reason given for it only by those who are willing , since it cannot be disputed , that the cause of god should be laugh'd into contempt . be entreated therefore , whoever reads this book , to lay your hands upon your heart , and if any find themselves conscious of an inclination or humour to villifie sacred things , first to consider what you speak ill of , then upon what grounds you do it ; and by thus advising with your selves , or others whom you may think more exercised or fit to inform you in these matters , you will find that godliness is a matter of great weight , and supported by many considerable arguments which before you thought not of : and so , by the blessing of god , instead of despising and scoffing , you may be induced to give god that honour which is due unto him . iii. if religion and the cause of god be so evidently accountable for , to the severest reason , this may serve as a general justification of all zealous and well-meaning christians . god almighty doth variously distribute his talents among the sons of men. to some men god is pleased to give a still and contemplative temper ; and them he capacitates for to look into the hidden things of his law , and for returning a satisfactory account thereof to the rest of the world. to some god is pleased to give a more warm and stirring temper of mind , a more vigorous and nimble spirit ; and these may be zealous and active for god , tho' they do not always give the best reason and demonstration for it . but however , by these diversities of operation and temper in the creature , in carrying in the cause of god , the one supplies the defectiveness of the other . 't is therefore no sufficient occasion of insulting , in any irreligious person , if they find the zeal of some plain and honest-hearted christians to go beyond their knowledge . every one is not cut out for a disputer , especially in such matters which they could hardly ever have dream'd there should have been any dispute about : and tho' god gives them inward convictions of the truth of those heavenly doctrines they are zealous for , yet they may not be prepared to encounter the cavils and objections which an artist in profaneness may raise up . god provides other means and instruments for that purpose ; and they must not measure their conquest by the insufficiency of less contemplative christians , but by the advantage they can gain over those ( which will be but small ) who have made it their business to dive into the bottom of their unreasonable objections . 't is customary with some men , to furnish themselves with a few profane cavils : and if they can but puzzle the parson , or some honest-hearted christian , * illos exaequat victoria coele , they think the day is their own , and that religion will never be able to lift up its head more : nay , sometimes when a minister discourses very affectionately concerning the fear of god and our duty to him , concerning the providence of god , and our acknowledgment of it in many eminent occurrences of humane life ; concerning the promises of heaven , and the terrors of hell ; such men , who take themselves to be men of no ordinary parts and judgment , are ready to indulge themselves and their neighbour with a scornful smile . as if a minister of the gospel must be always laying the grounds of divinity , without making any further progress in opening to the people the whole counsel of god : as though none of his auditory were deserving of his regards but a company of desperadoes , who , like that horrible monster in the poet , are by vertue of no exhortations or arguments to be reduced from vice : as though he must be shy or stirring up to duty , of setting life and death , blessings and cursings before his charge , because a great many , who care neither for him nor his discourses , are not pleased with them . rather than religion shall be thus reason'd out of countenance , let them laugh on still . 't is better they should despise and wander , than the life of piety in humbly disposed christians should be check'd and perish . let private christians go on in their way , without being perplex'd at their cavils ; let godly preachers remind their flock of the judgments of god , without respecting their faces , or fearing their disdain ; and let all know , that as religion in general , so its particular doctrines are capable of very rational proof , though on this or that opportunity they have but little of it . it would be well , if any thing which is spoken on this subject , may as effectually over-awe the rudeness as it doth discover the ignorance of irreligious men ; and make them more modest and suspicious of their own judgment . 't is better for them to live under a sense of god and his judgments here , than feel the effects of their wicked folly and confidence hereafter ; and they have reason to be thankful for the kindness of those who will tell them plainly and affectionately , of the nature and purposes of god , of his promises and threatnings ; since there are such grounds for this religious zeal , as they , with all their knowledge , are not able to oppose . iv. the reasonableness of religion justifies the provision in all wise and well-order'd states , for the suppressing of profaneness and supporting piety . the honour of government can never be consistent with the dishonour of god : and how tolerable soever differences in religion may be , the defiance of all religion is not to be endured . the most rigorous inquisition , or enforcements to uniformity , are preferable to that indulgence , which permits the most impudent infidelity to thrive and spread under its shelter . the sword of authority is put into the hands of magistrates , for the restraint of ungodliness , and was employed by a prince after god's own heart , for rooting out all wicked doers from the city of the lord. severity against blasphemous wretches is no breach of moderation , but a piece of justice to the government , of charity to the governed , and the sufferers themselves can complain of no hard usage thereby . 1. if very severe laws were made and executed against the profaners of religion , what obligation , either of interest , conscience , generosity , or good manners , are any under , to bring themselves in danger of the penalty ? if they , like the fool in the psalmist , say in their heart , that there is no god , it is their interest to conceal their folly , and to wish none may be of that opinion besides themselves . for by this means they have a tye over all others , which others have not over them ; and whether they are masters or servants , parents or children , husbands or wives , or in whatsoever worldly commerce , relations , or business they are concern'd , the belief of a superintending deity will awe their relatives to be faithful and affectionate , and discharge a good conscience to them : a privilege ! which it is very much for their advantage to preserve . nor can conscience engage them to make proselites , by openly professing their infidelity . both the laws of god , and the laws of man , the proper rules of conscience , dispose them to be silent : and if conscience especially , as they say , be no other than the biass of education , we may hope none have so naughty an education , as to think it their duty , to disturb the religious impressions of education or conscience in other people . the most plausible pretext is , that of generosity , regard to truth , and the welfare of mankind . it grieves them to see the world so basely enslaved to religion , and man's life oppressed with superstitious fears or fancies , drawing them off from the comforts they might enjoy , or embittering their enjoyment . but , alas ! unless we are perswaded of a supream governour and a future state , the life of man hardly deserves our notice : we are here to day , and gone to morrow ; and it signifies little what different perswasions men are acted by , what different scenes they have passed through , when death in a very little time will bring them to be all alike . if men are now and then melancholick , 't is no great matter ; some critical turn of humours in the body , some favourable frown of nature , will give them their quietus , and they will sooner find a cure by the loss of life than religion . besides , most of the melancholly which religious men are infested with , is originally owing to the contagion of wicked company : from thence terrifying doubts and occasions of disorder are suggested ; from thence many unhappy turns of thought , which their holy souls abhor , but cannot so easily get clear of again : so that instead of promoting the ease and welfare of mankind , these wicked renegadoes , in tempting men from god , prove only the instruments of their torment . but , setting aside the infirmities of constitution , and some unfortunate accidents , generally speaking , religious men have much the better of it , much the more comfortable and happy part even here on earth : for which we may appeal to experience , and thereby acquaint these men of honour and generosity , that whether the votaries of religion are in the right or no ; their condition is very comfortable , and it would be much more generous and good natured to let them go on in their own way . and if any thing of good manners may be expected from these men , one would think they might make the ostentations of their particular improvements , give way to publick constitution and custom . if they are allowed to think themselves wiser then all the world , 't is not fit they should make a noise of it , and fly in the face of the most reverenc'd establishments , meerly for a vain-glorious humour . but if neither the palaces of princes , nor the laws of a state , nor the solemnities of a city , nor the consent of all grave and serious men , nor the awe of a people fearing god , the great supports to the reputation of religion , can move them to any modest regards unto it ; can they wonder if their impudence receives a check , and brings some trouble upon itself , by its presumptuous troubling of israel ? the rebating of their rudeness they must thank themselves for , and have no reason to complain , if their own perversness punish them . 2. the interposal of authority for the punishment of these evil doers , is a great piece of charity . the longer they are suffered to go on with impurity , the more will they be hardned in their wickedness , and the further will their venome spread . if the execution of good laws against them be for any time deferred , they will think that governours are like themselves : that they secretly believe as they do , tho' they do not so openly aver it . connivance at their practise will argue consent to their principle ; and gives them more then a liberty , even the allowance of the state , to be as irreligious as they please . in the mean while the souls of plain honest people are perplex'd , if not dangerously ensnared . the very confidence of infidels is enough to stagger their faith ; for it will be presumed , they durst not with so high a hand fight against god , unless they had well considered their strength , and on what grounds they engaged . every honest christian has not a stock of reason to answer their cavils : and where their insinuations against god , do not entirely bring over to the devils side , yet have we instances of many , in whose sides their deadly arrows have for a long time stuck , and even brought down their heads in sorrow to the grave . oh ye kings and princes ! let the sighing and sad estate of many poor souls engage your commiseration . ye would be esteem'd the fathers of your country , the defenders of the faith , and the refuge of the distressed : let all the world then see , you have some regard to the characters which you assume , and avenge the heritage of god of those adversaries to their internal and eternal peace , which go up and down in all companies seeking whom they may surprize , distract and devour . countenance not their reserved impieties with your favour , nor let your justice spare them when they are bold and bare-fac'd : 't is better that thousands such wretches should be cut off , than that their tongues should be suffer'd to go through the world , corrupting others , speaking wicked blasphemies , and talking at so abominable a rate against the most high. 3. as charity to others , so a just regard to your selves , and the stability of the government , may require this of you . many excellent arguments there are , shewing the necessity of maintaining religion for maintaining the state ; which the adversaries of god are very sensible of , inveighing against piety as the invention of politicians . this only at present all kings and princes ought to be put in mind of , that if they take no care of religion , in a little time , neither the religious nor irreligious will care much for them . 1. the irreligious are men for this present world , prepared indifferently for every new stamp and impression : put them in the way of their interest , and they are in their own element , let the government be what it will. every prospect of danger holds them in suspence ; every flood of affairs which changes their fortunes for the better , changes their affection . to exclaim against ingratitude and baseness , are words cast into the air : from the follies of impiety springs the wisdom of the world : their portion is in this life , and they must make the best of it . princes are exposed to dangers from abroad , and had need have some trusty friends and counsellors at home : and a greater advantage cannot a bordering enemy have against any prince , than when his people are poison'd with infidelity . they are liable then to all bribes and corruption ; and he that can give the best pension , shall have the best party . they become by degrees froward and high-gran'd ; and if they have not their revenge and ambition , their covetousness or lusts , gratified to the full ; if they are not humour'd in every thing , they begin to blow the trumpet of innovation , every man to his tents , leaving their prince to shift for himself , while they think of new measures . the character of princes is never sacred to them , but when it comes ready coin'd into their pockets : nor whatever they may pretend , would they prize the liberties or properties of any people , if it were not to preserve their own . so that nothing can secure their fidelity , when once they are fallen from their allegiance unto god : if you flatter your self , that some doctrines are so ridiculous and absurd , that nothing can dispose them to further their establishment , yea , in their opinion , as priests of all religions are alike , so is likewise the profession : and if they see things brought to a pinch , the little tyes of honour or friendship will no longer hold them . or , perchance , the fear of servitude , or the loss of their estates , may keep them steady to their duty and the service of their prince : and , questionless , this , if any thing , will make them hearty against a foreign power , and excite them to run very great adventures , rather than be ruin'd and tormented before their time . but when the calentures of a state come near unto a crisis , they begin to cast in their minds , which is the strongest side , and think it no small artifice to save themselves by the sacrifice of their country . all estates and polities are alike to the irreligious : humour and interest wind them variously about , and governours may portend how they shall be served , by the respect which is paid to god and his service among their people . 2. the religious deserve especial consideration in the state , as persons whose affection and fealty may be depended on : they esteem government as the ordinance , and governours as the ministers , of god : liberty is never more grateful to them , nor life on earth more expressive of the heavenly , than under the protection of pious kings . they look upon their authority with an obsequious love and reverence , and prosecute their commands with heartiness and integrity . they fear no diminution of their own happiness from the encreasing successes of their royal power ; but believe the best of their persons , hope the best from their conduct , and endure all things for their sake . if the number of such persons at present be very few , the religious care of governours , under the divine blessing , may add to them . but , when the reins of coercion are remitted unto blind chance , and the vermin of corruption swarm abroad , and make no small buz in the sun-shine of security , what a melancholick scene of thought does this open to all well-disposed and serious minds . scepticism , in former times , has been adjudged to merit the scrutiny and severities of the state ; and all those flourishing empires , the records of whose glory swell the cheeks of fame , have ever agrandiz'd themselves under the banners of piety : vertue inspir'd their soldiery with true courage and vigour , and religion gave reputation to their arms. the world affords never an instance of triumphant atheism : and if , through the iniquity of the times , and an extream abhorrence of having asses for subjects , irreligion be permitted to spread in the camp and council , in the city and country , how great soever the prince himself may be , the utmost such toleration will prefer him to , is , in too large and literal a sense , to be a king of devils . oh , the reproach that such a brood must bring upon a church and nation ! and the grief it must produce in all the fearers of god , to hear the hopes , the author , the means of their salvation , so frequently blasphem'd ! if it go on much further , being deliver'd over , for the correction of our sins , into the hands of those men whose mercies are cruel , is the milder judgment of the two . when a nation is once sunk into the dregs of impiety , whatever stirs or commotions may fall out , whatever changes in government may succeed , there is some hopes of its arising into a better state , no fear of its growing worse . calamity at least may reform their manners , whom prosperity had corrupted ; and they may be induced to acknowledge god in his judgments , who disdain his mercy . 't is highly behooveful therefore , for governours , in securing themselves to secure a reverence for religion : because , irreligion will break the bonds of love , honour , and fidelity , whereby subjects are tied to their authority ; and a general profaneness grieving the hearts of the religious , makes them indifferent unto the state that suffers it . v. since our belief of god is so rationally grounded , from thence we may learn , not only the folly , rashness and rudeness , but also the inexcusableness of those men , who live without the sense of god in the world. st. paul affirms of the darkest times of heathenism , that god did not leave himself without witness ; and that the eternal power and godhead was manifested to them by the things that were made ; and from thence concludes them to be without excuse . how much more inexcusable must such men be in this our age of light , wherein the advantages of the gospel doth not only appear by the new revelations made unto us , but by improving our rational faculties , and enabling us to look more judiciously into the frame and laws of nature , than they could before . if all the light , which now shines among us , will not awaken the drowsiness , remove the wilfulness , work on the infidelity of some men ; if they will still please themselves with fancy and vanity , with shadows and delusions , and prefer their own darkness before this light , their sin hath all the heightning aggravations it is capable of . and what can they answer unto god , for such their unreasonable opposition to his laws ? for perverting the excellencies of their own mind , and abusing his mercy , and turning the noblest accomplishments of humane nature against the author of them ? what can they say , when god sets these misdemeanours before their eyes ? when , to their own shame and confusion , they come to a sense of their former errors ? when their reason and consciences ( here drowned in sottishness and sensual joys ) shall be awaken'd , and the revelation of the great day , shall discover to them and to all the world , the falsity and incorrigible senselesness , the incoherence and weakness of those silly arguments and excuses wherein they prided themselves against god ? this time will come we need not doubt , but safely believe , o heavenly father , when the tongues of thy holy ones shall turn unto thy praise , and the mouth of all wickedness shall be stop'd . lastly , since our faith in god is not to be shaken by the strongest reason , this may be a matter of great joy and comfort unto all faithful christians , that god who made them and governs the world , will bear a continual respect unto them ; will reward all their pious cares and fears ; will supply all their weaknesses ; will help them through all temptations ; will be with them in all their conflicts and strivings against sin. they may boast themselves to be the only wise-men ; to build upon the wisest expectations and principles ; to use the best means for their everlasting comfort , and for securing the favour of their god , who is the best friend . they may live in a joyful perswasion of the goodness of their god , and of his intentions to make them happy ; and may think within themselves , how when the wicked shall not be able to stand in judgment , the lord will own them for his people , and glorifie their faith , and receive them to an eternal communion with himself and his son jesus christ , in whom they trusted . be exhorted therefore and encouraged in the apostle's words , heb. 10.35 . &c. cast not away your confidence in god , which hath great recompense of reward : for yet , a little while the lord will come , and will not tarry : and if like just men ye live by faith , and continue faithful unto death , the lord will raise you up in likeness to the glory of his son , and give you a crown of life . if you believe in god , and make towards heaven , the place of his abode , with heavenly hearts and affections , you will find that you are not deceived in your faith ; the god in whom you believe , being a rewarder of all those who diligently seek him . to whom be glory and obedience for ever and ever . amen . finis . books lately printed for william rogers . sermons and discourses , in 3 volumes . octav. the rule of faith ; or , an answer to the treatise of mr. i. sergeant . octav. eleven sermons , in quart. sermons concerning the divinity of our blessed saviour , octav. a sermon preach'd before the queen at white-hall , april 9th . 1693 , concerning the sacrifice and satisfaction of christ , on heb. 9.26 . quart. a sermon concerning the unity of the divine nature and trinity , on 1 tim. 2.5 . a discourse against transubstantiation . price 3 d. a perswasive to frequent communion . stich'd price 3 d. bound price 6 d. six sermons : 1. stedfastness in religion . 2. family religion . 3 , 4 , 5 , education of children . 6. the advantages of an early piety , octav. these all by his grace john lord archbishop of canterbury . a practical discourse concerning death . oct. a practical discourse concerning a future judgment . oct. a discourse concerning the divine providence . quart. these three by dr. sherlock dean of s. pauls . mr. tyrril's brief disquisition of the law of nature according to the principles and methods laid down in the reverend bishop cumberland's latin treatise on that subject . octav. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a48887-e260 * aeternitas est interminabilis vitae tota simul & perfecta possessio . de consolat . l. 5. * as several believed sir francis drake's ships in 1588 did arise from chips thrown into the water . * strabo geogr. l. 16. † plutarch de plac. phil. l. 1. c. 13. hier. in aur. car. p. 253. cic. de nat. deor. l. 1. the testimony of theophilus against empedocles , we cannot allow , which you have ad autolycum l. 3. for he says as bad of the stoicks l. 2. and may be balanced , in behalf of empedocles , by athenagoras , lactantius , and other christians . * diog. laert. in vitâ plut. de pla. phil. l. 1. c. 5. cic. de nat. deor. l. 1. † laert. in vitâ . ‖ omnis enim per se divum natura necesse est immortali aevo summa cum pace fruatur . l. 1. & alibi . * laert. in vitâ . † laert. in vitâ , & seneca osten . * cic. de nat. deor. l. 2. † plutarch against the pleasant life of epicurus . ‖ declinando faciunt primordia motus principium quoddam quod fati foedera rumpat . lucret. l. 2. cic. de fato . * diog. laert. in epicuro . rochester's satyr against man. † cicero de fato . ‖ diog. laert . in vitâ epicuri , & lucret. l. 2. & alibi . * diog. laert. in vitâ . cic. de nat. deor. l. 1. † cic. de nat. deor. l. 1. ‖ cic. de fn . l. 1. ‖ lucret. l. 5. cic. de nat. deor. l. 1. * fate are necesse est esse alios alibi congressus materi ai qualis hic est . lucr. l. 2. cic. de fin . l. 1. lucr. l. 5. plut. d plac. l. 2. c. 210. * cic. de nat. deor. l. 1. † origen . cont . celsum , ib. 4. ‖ tinuis enim natura deum longéque remotā sensibus ab nostris . lucret . lib. 5. ‖ nec bene promeritis capitur nec tangitur ira , lucret. l. 1. natura videtur libera continuo dominis privata superbis ipsa suâ per se sponte omnia diis agere expers . lucret. l. 2. * leviathan , c. 31. & alibi . † gomarus , maccovius , amyraldus , camero , &c. ‖ hierocles de provid . & fato . * arminii thes. privat . de praedest . 27. remonstrantes explic. cap. 9. ad roman . &c. especially curcellaeus de dominio dei in creaturas innocentes . † hierocles , ut supra . ‖ see curcellaeus . * causin of constantine . * lucretias . plutarch , &c. † plutarch . adversus colotem , & de repugnantiis stoicorum , & arrian , epictetus l. 1. c. 23. & alibi . * luke 19.22 . ‖ aristot. meteor . l. 1. c. 14. * diodor. sic. l. 5. c. 13. philo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . plin. nat. hist. l. 2. c. 87. † pliny . philo ibid. & aristot. apud plin. lib. 4. cap. 12. ‖ nat. hist. lib. 2. cap. 85 , 87 , 89. * verstegan l. 1. c. 4. cambden , &c. † plin. l. 2. c. 88. strabo l. 1. diod. sic. l. 4. c. 14. ‖ aristot. de mun. c. 4. philo , strabo , pliny , &c. ‖‖ in trinaeo , critiâ , &c. see also the later histories of peru and mexico . lipsius physiol . stoic . p. 247. * ocellus lucanus de universo cap. 3. aristot . de mundo passim . † aristot. de coelo lib. 3. cap. 6. de mundo , & de generat . & corrupt . passim . item , ocellus lucan c. 2. ‖ aristot. de coelo lib. 1. cap. 10. lib. 2.3 . passim . plut. de pla. lib. 1. cap. 3. * cartes . princip . philosophiae , part. 3. sect. 104. plin. nat. hist. lib. 2. c. 26. † aristot. de met. l. 1. c. 67. plut. de plac. phil. 3. c. 1 , 2. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. ocell . cap. & aristot. de coelo , l. c. 10. ‖ 2 pet. 3.4 . ●t . philo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * aelian . var. hist. l. 3. c. 19. † diog. laert . in vitâ , & aristot. phys. l. 1. c. 1. * cicer. in lucullo . philo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . aristot . de coelo . physic. audit . de generat . & corrup . passim . † philo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ‖ vide nagarolae annot . in ocellum . * in vita archytae . ocellus lucanus . in stobaeo . eclog . phys. l. 1. c. 16. ocellus de universo , cap. 2. idem , cap. 4 aristotle de coelo , l. 1. c. 4. idem . l. 1. c. 3. de coelo , l. 2. c. 12. de generat . & corrup . l. 2. c. 10. de mundo passim . aut aristoteles , aut aristotelicus . * see marcilius ficinus , in platonis timaeum , c. 13. & iohannes grammaticus . † see hierocles de providencia , & aenaeas gazaeut . ‖ aquinas , suarez , vasquez , greg. valentia , baronias , &c. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . sallustius de diis & mundo , c. 7. † de mundo sub nomine aristotelle . metaphys . maj. cap. 2. metaphys . sub nomine theophrati , cap. 1. ‖ diog. laert . in aristotele . metaphys . maj . c. 7. * 〈…〉 * nec ob hoc minus liber & poten● est . sen. ibid. n. q. pr. 1. † phys. l. 8. c. 4. ‖ princip . philosoph . part 2. sect. 37. * aristot. phys. l. 8. c. 5. † cap. 6. ‖ ibid. c. 10. it. plato de leg. l. 10. & iohannes gram. in aristot. de animâ . prooem . * aristot. metaphys . min. l. 1. c. 2. * plin. nat. hist. lib. 2. cap. 30. † phlegon . in euseb. chron. sub tiberio . origen . tract . on matt. 35. tertul. apol. c. 21. ‖ see car●●s his account of comets . princip . philosoph . part 3. sect. 115 , &c. * pet. 3.10.12 . † physiol . stoic . l. 2. dissert . 22. ‖ consolat . ad martiam , ad finem . ‖ plato in timaeo . see also celsus apud originem centra celsum , l. 1. p. 16. sen. nat. quaest. l. 3. c. 28. * see alex. ab alexandro , and censorinus . † moor's mystery of godliness . ‖ cartes princip . phi. part 3. sect. 2. * nat. hist. l. 2. c. 116. † 〈…〉 l. 6. ep. ●● . ‖ princip . philosoph . part 3. sect. 104. ‖ ‖ 〈…〉 ‖ aristot. m●●eorol . l. 1. c. 14. diod. sic. l. 1. lucret l. 2.5 . * more nevah . p. 2. c. 25. * quum non tum primum , cum visibilem istum mundum fecit deus coeperit operari : s●d sicut , post corruptionem hujus , erit alius mundus , & ita antequam hic esset , fuisse alios credimus . origen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , l. 3. c. 5. sicut scriptum est in iob , quando factae sunt stellae , laudaverunt eum omnes angeli ejus : quasi antiquitores non solum homine post creato , sed & omni creaturâ propter eum creat● . origen . tract . 9. in matt. & alibi . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( i. e. the earth created for man ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chrysos . orat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , c. 7. to these may be added about a dozen of the ancient fathers , many of our school-men , and philo the iew. see also commentators on iob 38.7 . psal. 14. ps. 111.10 . ps. 119.98 . 1 tim. 6.4 . 1 tim. 6.20 . rom. 1. 28. 22. 21. * lucret. l. 1. iuven. sat. 4. humana ante oculos foede cum vita faceret . in ●●rris oppressa gravi sub religione , &c. lucret. acts 14.17 . rom. 1.19 , 20. heb. 11.6 . an inquiry concerning virtue in two discourses, viz., i. of virtue and the belief of a deity, ii. of the obligations to virtue. shaftesbury, anthony ashley cooper, earl of, 1671-1713. 1699 approx. 263 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 102 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a59472 wing s2892 estc r21267 12296519 ocm 12296519 59040 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a59472) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 59040) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 193:5) an inquiry concerning virtue in two discourses, viz., i. of virtue and the belief of a deity, ii. of the obligations to virtue. shaftesbury, anthony ashley cooper, earl of, 1671-1713. 199 p. printed for a. bell ... e. castle ... and s. buckley ..., london : 1699. attributed to anthony ashley cooper shaftesbury. cf. halkett & laing (2nd ed.). an unauthorized ed., published by john toland. shaftesbury bought and destroyed most of the copies. errata on t.p. verso. advertisement on p. [1] at end. reproduction of original in british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng virtue -early works to 1800. religion -early works to 1800. vice -early works to 1800. 2007-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 john latta sampled and proofread 2008-03 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an inquiry concerning virtue , in two discourses ; viz. i. of virtue , and the belief of a deity . ii. of the obligations to virtue . honestum igitur id intelligimus , quod tale est , ut , detractâ omni utilitate , sine ullis praemiis fructibusve , per seipsum possit jure laudari . quod quale sit , non tam definitione , quâ sum usus , intelligi potest ( quamquam aliquantum potest ) quam communi omnium judicio , & optimi cujusque studiis , atque factis : qui permulta ob eam unam causam faciunt , quia decet , quia rectum , quia honestum est ; etsi nullum consecuturum emolumentum vident . — cic. de fin. b. & m. lib. 2. london , printed for a. bell in cornhil , e. castle near whitehal , and s. buckley in fleetstreet . m. dc . xc . ix . errata . page 11. line 18. read , as when there are other minds , besides one chief one ; but. lin . 21. r. as when there are , besides one chief good principle , several principles . p. 22. l. 22. r. in himself . p. 35. l. 7. r. to their . p. 69. l. 11. r. are those . p. 79. l. 2. r. ill occurrence . p. 83. l. 2. r. is , and. p. 104. l. 29. r. degrees . p. 105. l. 26. r. from hence . p. 146. l. 9. r. order , set . p. 154. l. 29. r. content . p. 163. l. 17. r. perpetual satiety . p. 182. l. 13. r. and are . p. 185. l. 5. r. losing . p. 187. l. 20. r. highly reigning . p. 197. l. 1. r. the natural . book the first . of virtue , and the belief of a deity . sect . i. religion and virtue , as they have near relation one to another , and are ever presum'd to reside together ; so they are very rarely consider'd apart , or distinguish'd from one another . however , since there have bin instances of some , who having great zeal in religion , have yet wanted even the common affections of humanity , and have bin extremely vitious and corrupt ; and since others , even amongst those who have scarcely own'd a deity , have bin seen to practise the rules of morality , and have seem'd to act with good meaning and affection towards mankind : it has given occasion to several to enquire how far virtue alone could go ; and how far religion was either necessary to support it , or able to raise and advance it . and since by the example of others we have bin engag'd in an enquiry of this kind , and are now about to enter upon a subject where there is need of a very particular explanation of things , and of a more than ordinary clearness in terms ; we may do well first of all to consider what it is that we call atheism , and what virtue : and afterwards we may examin the consistency of these two together . first , then , as to atheism . and here it cannot justly be wonder'd at , if the method of explaining this appears unusual and strange , since the subject it self , and the question here treated of , has , perhaps , so little enter'd into consideration , and is a matter of so nice and dangerous speculation . but to begin , therefore , according to the best of our reason ; the judgment of which is submitted to others . in the whole of things ( or in the universe ) either every thing is according to a good order , and the most agreeable to a general interest that is possible : or every thing is not according to a good order ; but there is that which might possibly have bin better , more wisely contriv'd , and with more advantage to the general interest of beings , or of the whole . if every thing that exists be according to a good order , and for the best , by being in the wisest and justest manner ; then is there of necessity no such thing as real ill in the universe , nothing ill with respect to the whole . whatsoever , then , has such an existence or being as that it could not have bin better , or better ordered , is perfectly good. whatsoever in the order of the world is call'd ill , supposes a possibility in the nature of the thing to have bin otherwise contriv'd or order'd by some wisdom or other : for if it could not have bin better made , or any otherwise have bin better , by any suppos'd order or regulation ; it is perfect , and in no wise defective or ill . whatsoever is ill therefore , must be caus'd or produc'd , either by design ( that is to say , with knowledg and judgment ) or through want of design , from chance . if the order of all things be such , that nothing can be thought of , or imagined , more wise , perfect and just ; then it is impossible but that there must be wisdom , understanding and design in the whole ; and that in the perfectest , and highest manner and degree . whatsoever is from design implies a mind , discernment , and intelligence . if there be any thing ill in the universe from design ( and it must be , if at all , either from design , or from chance ) then that which is the cause of , or which disposes all things , is no one good designing principle . for either there is but one designing principle or mind , and that corrupt ; or if there be one that is good , there is another in being which operates contrarily , and is ill . if there be any thing of ill in the universe from chance , or which was not design'd , but accidental ; then a designing principle or mind , whether good or bad , cannot be the cause or guidance of all things . and if there be a designing principle which is the cause of good , and is good , but cannot prevent the ill which happens from chance , or from a contrary ill design ; then is there no such thing as a supreme good design or mind but what is impotent and defective : for not to correct , or totally exclude that ill of chance , or of a contrary ill design , must proceed either from impotency , or ill will. whatsoever has intelligence , and is a mind , having a superior power over us , or having any eminent place , direction , or controul in nature , is that we call god , or deity . for , tho a people believe and worship that which they think neither perfectly good , nor perfectly powerful , nor yet eternal ; it is a deity or god still , tho an imperfect one , which they worship : or whether they think fit to worship or no , still they believe a god of some sort . whatsoever therefore is superior in any degree over the world , or that rules in nature with discernment and a mind , is that which we call god. if there are several such superior minds , they are so many gods. but if that single superior , or those several superiors are not in their nature necessarily good , they rather take the name of daemon . for remove all good from either of those beings , and we shall immediately pronounce it a devil . to believe therefore that every thing is govern'd , order'd , or regulated according to the best , by a designing principle or mind , such as is good and eternal , is to be a perfect theist . to believe nothing of a designing principle or mind , nor any cause or measure or rule of things , but chance ; so that in nature neither the interest of the whole , nor of any particulars , can be said to be pursu'd , design'd , or aim'd at ; is to be a perfect atheist . to believe no one supreme good designing principle or mind , but several , is to be a polytheist . to believe this one single mind , or these many minds , are not absolutely and necessarily good in their nature , but are vitious and unjust , is to be a daemonist . for , to believe any thing of beings , or of a being which dos universally superintend , which governs all things by his power and will , but not with that obligation and necessary confinement to good , and to what is best , is to believe an infinit devil , and not an infinit god. to believe this supreme mind , or these supreme minds good , and not the cause of ill ( if real ill be allow'd ) is to allow some other cause , which is either design or not design . if it be design , and of consequence a malicious and ill design ( that is to say , if it proceed from the prevalency of an ill mind or minds ) then is this in reality being a daemonist in some degree . if it be from no design , but from chance ; so that a mind prevails but in some things , and chance in others ; then is this to be an atheist in some degree , or in as far as chance is thought prevalent and unsurmounted by the power and wisdom of any supreme mind or minds . there are few men who think always consistently , or according to one certain hypothesis upon any subject so abstruse and intricate , as this concerning the cause of all things , and the oeconomy or government of the vniverse . for it is plain in the case of the most devout people , and by their own confession , that they have times when their faith only supports them , and that they are ready to judg ( that is to say , that their reason inclines them to judg ) to the disadvantage of a providence and a just rule . that alone therefore is to be called a man's opinion , which is of any other the most habitual to him , and occurs upon the most occasions . so that it is hard to pronounce of any one , that he is an atheist ; because , unless his whole thoughts do at all times carry him against all design , or government of a mind , he is no perfect atheist : for , to believe any thing of design , or government of a mind , tho limited , and not infinitly powerful , is to believe something of a god. and that this is a proper way of speaking , and a necessary one , appears from this ; that otherwise if no one were to be stiled a theist in any degree , who permitted any thing to chance ; then likewise would no one be to be stiled a theist who permitted any thing to a contrary ill principle , as those do , who believe a devil or daemon , opposit to god ; or that there is any such thing in the universe , as real ill , which is neither from chance nor from god. but if any one believes more of chance and confusion than of design ; then is he more an atheist than a theist , from that which most reigns with him , and has the ascendent . as on the other side , if he believes more of the prevalency of an ill designing principle than of a good one , he is then more a daemonist than he is a theist , and may be called a daemonist from the side to which the balance most inclines . all these sorts both of daemonism , polytheism , atheism , and theism , may be mixed : as thus . 1. theism with daemonism : 2. daemonism with polytheism : 3. theism with atheism ; 4. and so daemonism with atheism ; 5. and so polytheism with atheism . 6. theism ( as it stands in opposition to daemonism , and denotes a goodness in god ) with polytheism : 7. and that part of theism and daemonism , together with polytheism ; 8. or with polytheism and atheism . 1. as when the one chief mind or soveraign being is divided betwixt a good and ill nature , by being the cause of ill as well as good . 2. as when there is not one , but several corrupt minds that govern ; which may be call'd polydaemonism . 3. as when chance is not excluded ; but that god and chance divide : for instance , jupiter govern'd both the gods and men , but could not prevent the ill fate of his son sarpedon , nor the growth of the titans , who sprung not from him , but from chance , and fought against him to gain the sovereignty . 4. as when an evil daemon and chance divide . 5. as when many minds and chance divide . 6. as when there are more minds than one , but agreeing in good , and with one and the same will and reason . 7. as when there is 〈…〉 good principle , and an ill principle ; or several such principles or minds , both good and bad . 8. as when the last is together with chance . religion excludes none of these except perfect atheism . undoubtedly perfect daemonists there are in religion ; because we know whole nations that worship a devil or fiend , to whom they sacrifice and pray , only to prevent the mischief he would do them . and we know that there are those of some religions , who give no other idea of their god , but of a being arbitrary , violent , causing ill , and ordaining to misery ; which is a devil in the place of god. now as there are all these opinions concerning a god ; and that there are some who have no opinion at all , either through scepticism , and a doubt which to assent to , or by having never thought at all , so as to be influenced by any belief in religion , or any opinion in philosophy as to this matter ; the consideration is , how any of these opinions , or this of having no constant opinion , or no opinion at all , dos consist , or is inconsistent with virtue . sect . ii. but to examin now concerning virtue . there is in every creature a certain interest or good , which is as an end in that creature ; and to which end if any thing either of his appetites , passions or affections be not conducing , but the contrary , this is ill to him : and in this manner he is ill with respect to himself ; as he is said to be ill also with respect to others , when any such appetites or passions make him injurious to them . and if , by the natural constitution of any rational creature , the same irregularities of appetite which make him to be ill towards others , make him to be ill also as to himself ; and that the same regularity of affections which makes him to be good in one sense , makes him to be good also in the other ; then is that goodness by which he is thus useful to others ( if this perhaps be what we call virtue ) a real good to himself . whether this be so or not , is reserv'd to be consider'd afterwards . our present design is , to examin separatly the good of virtue to society . if any one will maintain that a creature well constituted as to himself , may yet be contrariwise towards others ; then , notwithstanding a creature be thus good for himself , this is not enough to make it be said of him that he is a good creature ; unless he could be understood to be absolute and complete in himself , and without any real relation to any thing in the universe besides . for if there be any where in nature a system of which this living creature must be consider'd as a part ; then , if the creature be to carry the name of good , he must be such a part as makes to the good of that system or whole . now if there be any thing in the structure of a particular animal more than what has relation to himself , or his own privat system or nature , and by which he has an absolute relation to some other thing , or other system or nature without him ; then is this animal but a part of some other system : for instance , if an animal have the parts of a male , it is with a relation to the female ; and the parts both of the male and female have a relation to another thing besides the system of themselves . so that they are parts of another system : which system is that of a particular species of living creatures that have some one common nature , or are provided for by some one order or constitution of things subsisting together , and uniting to that end , of their support . in the same manner , if a whole species of animals be such as contribute to some other thing ; and that their existence has a necessary relation to something else , or to the existence of some other species of animals ; then is that whole species but a part of a system . for instance , to the existence of a spider , the existence of such animals as flies is made to be necessary : so that the fly has a relation to the spider , as the web of the spider , and the spider it self have relation to such animals as flies . and thus , in the structure of one of these animals , there is absolutely as apparent and perfect a regard and relation to the other , as in the system of our selves and in our own body there is a relation of parts one to another ; as of the stomach to the limbs : or , as in the branches or leaves of a tree , we see a relation to a root and trunk . in the same manner are flies necessary to the existence of other creatures , both fowls and fishes . and thus are other species or kinds subservient to one another ; which is being parts of a certain system , according to which the nature of animals is disposed . so that there is a system therefore of all animals together ; an animal system , and an animal nature , or a nature common to all animals . in the same manner if the whole system of animals , together with that of vegetables , and all other things in this world of ours ; that is to say , if this whole system of the earth has a relation to , or a dependence on any thing else whatsoever ( as it has , for instance , with respect to the sun , and planets round that sun ) then is the earth but a part of some other system . and since there must be a system of all things , a universal nature , or nature common to the whole ; there is no particular being or system which must not be either good or ill in that general system of the vniverse : for if it be insignificant and of no use , it is a fault or imperfection , and consequently ill in the general system . therefore if any being be wholly and really ill , it must be ill with respect to the universal system ; and then the system of the universe is ill or imperfect . but if the ill of one privat system be the good of other systems , and be still the good of the general system ( as when one creature lives by the destruction of another ; one thing is generated from the corruption of another ; or one planetary system or vortex may swallow up another ) then is the ill of that privat system no ill in it sell ; more than the pain of breeding teeth is ill in a system or body , where without that occasion of pain , the body would suffer worse by being defective . so that we cannot say of any being , that it is wholly and absolutely ill , unless we can positively shew and ascertain it , that that which we call ill is not good in some other system , nor in the whole . but if any intire species of animals be destructive to all the other species , then is that to be call'd an ill species , as being of ill in the animal nature or system . and if in any species of animals ( as in men , for example ) one man is such as to be of a nature pernicious to the rest , then is he an ill man. but we do not say a man is an ill man , because he has the plague-spots upon him , or because he has convulsive fits which make him strike and wound those that come near him . nor do we say a man is a good man , when his hands are ty'd , which hinders him from doing the harm that he has a mind to do , or ( which is near the same ) when he abstains from executing his ill purpose , through a fear of some impending punishment , or through an allurement of some privat pleasure or advantage , which draws him from his ill intention . so that in a sensible creature , that which is not done through any affection ( and consequently with no knowledg , consciousness or perception at all ) makes neither good nor ill in the nature of that creature , according to the sense we speak in , when we say a creature is a good or an ill creature . and whatever is done either of good or ill , otherwise than as through good or ill affections in that creature , it is in the nature of that creature neither good nor ill , according to the common understood sense of a good or ill creature , a good or ill man. a creature in this sense is only good therefore when good or ill ( that is to say , a good or an ill to his system , or to that which he has a relation to ) is the immediat object of some affection moving him : it being then only to be truly said that he has good affections , good inclinations or passions , a good nature , or a good soul. for if a creature that is mov'd by a passion of hatred to his own kind , be by a violent fear of something hurtful to himself , mov'd so as to do that good which he is not inclined to , by any affection to the good it self ; it is not good ( that is to say , good as above ) which is the object of the affection moving him : for that which moves him is no affection relating to any good of his species , or of that which he is joined to , or is a part of : and therefore there is no goodness there ; that is , there is nothing which takes from , or abates any thing of the ill nature or ill disposition ( which is the true illness of the creature ) altho the effects of that ill nature or ill disposition be accidentally prevented , or that some good come accidentally to be wrought by that creature , without good nature , good disposition , or good intention . if there be any affection towards privat good , which is for the good of the species in general that every individual should have , this cannot be other than a good affection ; 〈…〉 it be not for such affection as this , that a creature is commonly called good . if there be any affection towards privat good which is not really consistent with such privat good or happiness ; this , as being hurtful to the creature , and being superfluous , and such as must detract from , anticipate , or prevent the other good affections , is vitious and ill . if there be any affection towards privat or self-good which is consistent altogether with real privat good or happiness , but is inconsistent with that of the other kind , the public good or good of the species ( which whether a thing possible to be suppos'd or no , will be afterwards consider'd ) this must be ill and vitious in the common sense of illness and vice ; for altho profitable to the particular creature , it is injurious to the society or whole . if the affection , by being only in a moderate degree , be agreeable to the other general good ; but by being immoderate , is the contrary ; then is the immoderate degree of this affection vitious , but not the moderate . and thus , if there be any thing which is the occasion of a more than ordinary self-concernment or regard to separat and privat good , or of an over-great extension of the appetite 〈…〉 attention of the mind towards what is merely of self-good , or reputed self-good ; this , as being detracting from the affections towards other good , and inconsistent with just and equal concern for the species , or towards public good , must necessarily be ill and vitious : and this is what is called selfishness . now , if there be any affection towards self-good , or towards pleasure , which is in it self contributing to the other good , that of the species or system ; then is that affection so far good , as that it is absolutely necessary in order to constitute a creature good . for if the want of such an affection ( as for instance , of that towards self-preservation , or towards generation ) be of injury to the species or system ; then is it vitious in some degree to want those affections , or to have such as are contrary : as no body would doubt to pronounce , if they saw a man who minded not any precipices that lay in his way , or who had a disposition that rendred him averse to any commerce with woman-kind , and of consequence unfitted him through illness of temper ( and not merely through a defect of constitution ) for the propagation of his species or kind . so that the affection to self-good or privat good , may be a good affection or an ill affection . for if the affection towards self-good be too strong ( as for instance , the love of life , which by being over-great , unfits a creature for any generous act , and hinders him in the doing his part ) then is it vitious ; and if vitious , the creature that is mov'd and acted by that , is vitiously mov'd , and can never be otherwise than vitious in some degree , whilst mov'd by that vitious affection . therefore , if through such an over-great love of life and being , a creature be accidentally induc'd or engag'd to do a good thing , or several good things ( as he might be upon the same terms induc'd to do ill ) he is not any more a good or a virtuous creature for this good he dos , than a man is so much more a good man for pleading a just cause which he is hired to , or for fighting in a good cause against a tyrant whom he happens to have a privat quarrel with , and whom he fears or hates on that account only . whatsoever therefore is done that happens to be of good to the species , or to the system as above , through this affection towards self-good , or separat privat good , dos not imply any more goodness in the creature than as the affection is good . and if that affection in it self be not to be stiled a good or virtuous affection ; whatsoever happens through it , is not goodness nor virtue , nor the creature any more a virtuous or good creature : but let him do whatsoever good , if it be only that vitious affection of exorbitant selfishness , or an excessively extended appetite towards self-good , which moves him ; and that there be wanting therefore to move him any good affection , such as ought of right to do it ; the creature is in it self still vitious , and will always be so in some degree , whilst the passion towards self-good , tho ever so moderate and reasonable , is in any degree his motive in the doing that which a natural affection to his kind should have mov'd him to ; but , which natural affection is wanting in him , or so weakly implanted as to be insufficient to move him without help from the other . nor indeed can there be any goodness till it comes to be a part of the natural temper of a creature , such a one as is mov'd by affections , to be carri'd by some immediate affection , directly and not consequentially or by accident , to good or against ill : that is to say , till some good or ill ( which is a good or an ill as above ) come to be the object of his affection , either as towards it , or against it ; and that such affection become part of his natural temper : for in the instance of fear beforemention'd , where through fear a creature hating his own kind , is kept from hurting them , or is even induced to do them good ; in this case the fear of self-ill or privat ill , or love of self-good or privat good , is part of the natural temper : but the fear or abhorrence of other ill , or love of other good ( which is requisit in a good creature ) is no part of the natural temper , but far the contrary . so , let the creature act how it will , or whatever way it is casually mov'd by those affections which regard merely privat or separat good or ill ; it will not have any thing more of true goodness on that account , but will be still vitious and depraved , unless the natural temper come about , and the nature of its affections change . for instance , if a creature naturally fierce and cruel , lose that fierceness , and is made tame , gentle and treatable ; then is his natural temper chang'd . suppose now that the creature has indeed a tame , gentle and mild carriage , but that it proceeds only from the fear of his keeper ; which if set aside , his other passion instantly breaks out ; then is that mildness not his natural temper : but his natural temper is what it was , and the creature still as ill a creature in its own nature . suppose on the other side , that a creature be naturally inclin'd towards the preservation of its young ; but that the terror of the hunters , or of an enemy in some extraordinary case , cause it to abandon them : in this case the temper of the creature remains still what it was , and is not prejudic'd or impair'd , tho hindred from operating by a strong passion suspending it for the time . but if by any operation of outward things , or by any thing from within , that passion or affection towards the young comes to grow weaker , so that other passions may more easily prevail over it ; then is the natural temper chang'd in some degree , and the creature not so good a creature . nothing therefore being properly either goodness or illness in a creature , but what is from his natural temper ( or from those passions or affections which constitute natural temper ) as it respects that good or ill of his kind or species ; a good creature or a good man in such a one as by his affections or natural temper , is carried primarily and immediately , and not secondarily and accidentally , to good and against ill ; and an ill man the contrary : who is wanting in right affections of force enough to carry him towards good , and bear him out against ill , or who is carried by his natural affections just contrarywise ; to ill , and against good. if the natural temper be vitious , the man is vitious in the same degree : and so if the natural temper be good , he is in the same degree good . if a man be by his natural temper just , equitable , kind ; but that his natural temper towards ambition fights against his other temper , but not so as to conquer it ; in this case he is good still by natural temper ; the better natural temper being that which is prevalent in him , and has the mastery . when in the general , all the affections or passions are suted to the good that we have spoke of ( the good of the system to which man relates ) then is the natural temper , and consequently the man , chiefly good . if any such passion or affection be wanting , or any passion or affection be redundant and over and above , or too little and weak , or repugnant , or any way such as to be unconsonant to that good , and disserviceable and contrary to that end ; then is it vitious . i need not instance in rage , revengefulness , and other such ( where it is so obvious ) to shew how they are ill , and constitute an ill creature : but even in kindness and love , tho rightly plac'd , and towards a proper object ( as when it is that sort of love of a creature to its young ) if it be immoderate and beyond a certain degree , it is vitious . on the other side , not to have it at all , or not to have it to a certain degree , is a vice in the temper : and not to have it at all towards this object , but to some other which is improper ( as when a fantastical woman is fonder of a toy , or of some tame animal , than of her child ) this is a double vice. but where the good passion is too intense and eager , as where love to the young , or pity is in that degree ; it is both hurtful to the creature , and disserviceable to that end it carries to : for so over-fondness is destructive to the young , and excessive pity uncapable of giving succor . thus the excess of motherly love is a vitious fondness ; over great pity , effeminacy and weakness ; over great concern for self-preservation , meanness and cowardwise ; too little , rashness ; and none at all , or that which is contrary ( viz. a passion or passions inclining to self-destruction ) a very great depravity . in a creature capable of forming general notions of things , not only the sensible things that offer themselves to the sense , are the objects of the affection ; but the very actions themselves , and the affections of pity , charity , kindness , justice , and so their contraries , being brought into the mind by reflection , become objects ; as even that very thing it self of a good and virtuous life , or the part of a good and virtuous creature , having a thorow good affection , or intire good affections : so that , by means of this reflected sense , there arises another kind of affection , which is towards the very affections themselves that were first felt , and are now the subject of a new feeling , when either they cause a liking or aversion . and thus the several motions , inclinations , passions , dispositions , and consequent carriage and behavior of creatures in the various parts of life , being in several scenes represented to the mind , which readily discerns the good and the ill towards the species or public ; it proves afterwards a new work for the affection , either virtuously and soundly to incline to , and affect what is just and right , and disaffect what is contrary ; or , vitiously and corruptly to affect what is ill , and disregard or hate what is worthy and good . and in this case alone it is that we call any creature virtuous , when it can have a notion of good , and can make goodness and illness an object , or have the speculation or science of what is morally good and ill , of what is admirable or blameable , right or wrong : for tho we may call a horse a vitious horse ; and so in the case of other animals and things ( as a vitious medicin , a vitious stomach ) yet we never say of a good horse , or even of an idiot or changeling , tho ever so well natur'd and good , that he is virtuous . so that if a creature be generous , kind , constant , compassionate ; yet if he cannot reflect on what he dos , nor approve of what he dos or sees others do , by observing what that thing is that is generous , just , or honest ; and making that idea or conception of goodness , or a good action done through good affection , to be an object of his affection , he has not the name of being virtuous : for thus , and no otherwise , he is capable of having a sense , in any kind , of what is right or wrong ; that is to say , of what is done through just , equal , and good affection , or what is not so . if any thing be done through an affection which is not just , equal , and universally conducing to the good of the species or system to which man belongs ; this is certainly of the nature of wrong . if the affection be equal , sound , and good , and the subject of the affection such as may with advantage to society be ever in the same manner prosecuted or affected ; this cannot but be right . for , wrong is not barely such action as is the cause of harm ( for thus a son striking to kill an enemy , but killing with that blow his father , would do wrong , which is not so ) but that which is done through insufficient or unequal affection ( as when a son has no concern for the safety of a father , or prefers the safety of an indifferent person to the safety of his father ) this is of the nature of wrong . by unequal affection is meant affection unproportionably or unequally applied , not towards the object as it always actually exists or is ( for then the running to save a father in distress , but taking a wrong man for him , would be unequal affection , and consequently wrong ) but towards the objects or object , as it appears to be , as it is the object of the mind , and as represented by the senses . for in this instance last mentioned , the affection was , according to this meaning , rightly applied to the object ; so that the affection was not unjust , but equal and right , tho the sight perhaps were ill ; and that it were a purblind man who thus mistook a stranger for his father . neither can any weakness or imperfection of this sort create wrong , as occasioning the unequal application , abuse or prostitution of the affection , so long as the object , in the manner that it is taken or apprehended , is neither absurd nor improper , but sutable to , and worthy of the affection or degree of affection applied to it : for if it be possible to suppose a rational creature who has an intire and forcible affection towards right and good , and who never fails in a just and right degree of affection towards every object presenting it self , but that his memory or parts fail him ; and that the objects are through the senses , as through ill glasses , falsly conveyed and represented to him , not as they are actually , but after a different manner ; the person thus failing , since his failure is not in the affection , but elsewhere , is only vitious where his defect is ; that is to say , in his senses ( as in his hearing , seeing , &c. ) or in his memory : but it being not for ill memory , or ill organs of sense that a man is called vitious , this is not vitiousness or wrongfulness in one thus defective . but as the extravagance of opinion and belief is such , that in some countries we have known that even monkeys , cats , crocodiles , and such like animals , have bin held for deities ; should it appear to any one of the religion and faith of that country , that to save such a creature as a cat , before a parent , was right ; and that the cat deserved the greater affection of the two ; this would be wrong , notwithstanding the appearance of the thing , or any appearance or belief in the world. so that whatsoever is the cause of the misconception or misapprehension of the worth or value of any object , so as to raise an affection or degree of affection towards it , such as ought not to be ; this must be the occasion of wrong , as it is the occasion of an inequality or disproportion in the affection towards the object represented or appearing . for thus he who affects or loves a man for the sake of something which is reputed honorable , but which is in reality vitious , is himself vitious and ill : as when an ambitious man , by the fame of his high attempts ; a robber or a pyrat by his boasted enterprizes , raises in any others an esteem and admiration of himself , and of that immoral and inhuman character which deserves abhorrence . but on the other side , he who loves and esteems another , as believing him to have that virtue which he has not , but only counterfeits , is not on this account wrongful , vitious , or corrupt . so that a mistake in fact ( where there is due advertency ) being no cause of , nor any ways implying ill affection , can be no cause of wrong . but whatsoever is a mistake of right ( that is to say , of the worth of the object represented ) this being the cause of unequal or unproportioned affection , is the cause of wrong . but as there are many occasions where the matter of right ( that is to say , the worth of the object represented ) may even to the most discerning part of mankind appear difficult and of doubtful decision ( as when a man amongst several relations or friends about to perish , doubts whom he shall first succor ) it is certain that the very least mistake in this way , the least wrong preference , tho in a matter the most intricate , is in strictness of speaking an injustice or wrong : yet however , as to that name or appellation of a worthy or good man , or man of integrity , it is not the very least error of this sort , or the slightest inequality or disproportion of the affection , through a mistake of judgment , which takes away that denomination , and makes a man to be esteemed a vitious or ill man , whilst the aim and intention is still good , and the affection strong and of full force towards public good , justice and equity . tho on the other side , where this good aim is ever so much ; and where the affection towards right is ever so strong ; yet if through superstition or strange custom and vogue , or through any wildness or extravagancy of opinion , there come to be very gross mistakes in the assignment or application of the affection ( as when human sacrifices or bestiality are practised as worthy and right ) this cannot but be wrong and vitious ; and must denominate a man ill : and the same when the mistakes are less gross ; but so complicated and frequent , that a creature cannot well live in a natural state ; nor with due affections , so as to perform his part even but tolerably well towards his society or system . and thus we find how far virtue ( which is goodness or soundness of affection in a rational creature ) depends on a right knowlege of what is right and wrong , and on such a right use of reason as may give ground to a right application and exercise of the affections ; that nothing horrid or unnatural , nothing unexemplary , nothing contrary to , or destructive of that natural affection by which the species or society is upheld , may on any account or principle whatsoever , through any notion of honor , or on any pretence of good to mankind , or of obedience to supreme powers , be at any time affected or prosecuted as a good and proper object of inclinable affection , love , and esteem . for such an affection as this must be wholly vitious : and whatsoever is acted upon it , can be no other than vice and immorality . and thus if there be any thing which teaches men either treachery , ingratitude , or cruelty , tho under the color and pretence of religion , or of any present or future good to mankind or society ; if there be any thing which teaches men ( as amongst some indians ) that to torment captives of war in sport , and to eat their flesh , is a thing very plausible ; or that to eat the flesh of enemies ; or that to cut and slash themselves in a religious fury before their god ; or to commit all sort of bestiality , is excellent or lovely in it self , or conducing to his particular nation or society , or to society in general , or to the interest or honor of the deities , and as such , praiseworthy and honorable ; be it what it will that teaches this ; be it custom that gives applause , or religion that gives a sanction ; this is not virtue , nor ever will be of any kind , or in any sense ; but is still horrid depravity in these men , notwithstanding any custom or religion of their country , which may be ill and vitious it self , but can never alter the eternal measures and true nature of virtue . to conclude therefore , upon this matter , from what has bin said before . as to those creatures who are only capable of being moved by sensible objects ; they can only be either good or vitious ( for we cannot say they are virtuous or vitious ) as those sort of affections stand . a creature on the other hand , capable of framing in his mind those other rational objects of moral good , of justice and right , of what is generous , worthy , and becoming ; altho his other affections towards the sensible objects may , any of them , remain ill ; yet if they do not prevail over him , because of his good affections to the other sort ( that is to say , to goodness and virtue , as they are objects of his reason ) then is his natural temper good in the main ; and the person esteem'd-virtuous by all people , according to that natural temper which is the test still , and by which every thing of goodness or virtue is measur'd . now , if by natural temper any one is passionate , angry , fearful , amorous , or the like ; but that he resists these passions , and keeps to virtue , notwithstanding all their impression and force , we say commonly in this case , that the virtue is so much the greater : and we say well . tho if that which keeps the person virtuous , in opposition to these dispositions , be no good affection elsewhere in the temper towards goodness or virtue ; but that it be only some affection towards privat good or self-good ( as hope of reward , or dread of punishment ) then is this not so much as any virtue at all , as has bin shewn before . but this still is evident , that if an angry temper bears , or an amorous one refrains , so as that nothing of severity , nor any action immodest or irregular can be drawn or forc'd from such a one , thus strongly tempted ; we applaud the virtue of the person , above what we should do , if he were free of this temptation and these propensities : tho , at the same time , there is no body will say that a propensity to vice can be any way understood to be an addition to virtue , or helping to complete a virtuous character . but thus it is . if there be any part of the natural temper in which ill passions or affections are stir'd , and which is consequently vitious ; but that in another part of the natural temper the affections are so vastly forcible towards good ; and that the sentiments of right and wrong , of a virtuous life , and of integrity , are so strongly fixed , as to master these other attempts , of a contrary vitious temper ; then is this the greatest proof imaginable , how strong the principle of virtue is in such a person , and how much a thorow good affection toward good and right ( which is the true principle of virtue ) is strongly fixed in and possessed of the natural temper . whereas if there be no such ill passions stirring in the natural temper , a person may be much more cheaply virtuous ; and may live virtuously without ▪ having so much of a virtuous principle as this other . but if this other , who has the principle of virtue so highly and so strongly implanted , be without , or do lose these natural impediments ; he certainly loses nothing in virtue , or is wanting in any manner to virtue ; but losing that other part which is vitious in his natural temper , is more entire to virtue , and has it in a clearer and higher degree . however ill the natural temper be with respect to the sensible objects ; as for instance , however passionate , furious , lustful or cruel any creature naturally be ; yet if there be any attractiveness or prevalency in those rational objects of justice , generosity , gratitude , or any other image or representation of virtue , so as that it draws an affection towards it ; there is however some virtue here . and on the other side , however vitious the mind be ; or whatever ill rules or principles it goes by ; yet if there be any flexibleness in the temper towards the sensible objects of moral good or ill ( as when there is any such thing as mercy , compassion , bounty ) still there is some good left in that creature ; and he is not wholly unnatural and depraved . thus a ruffian who refuses to discover his associates out of a sense of fidelity and honor of any kind whatever ; and who rather than betray them is contented to endure torments in a dungeon , and there expire , has something of the principle of virtue , and may be call'd virtuous in some degree : and so in the same manner that malefactor who rather than do the office of executioner to his relations , chose to be executed with them . in short , therefore , it is hard to pronounce of any man , that he has no virtue , or that he is entirely vitious ; there being few even of the horridest villains who have not something of virtue , or some goodness . nothing being more just than what is a known saying , that it is as hard to find a man wholly ill , as wholly good : because wherever there is any good affection left , there is some goodness or some virtue still remaining . and , having consider'd thus as to virtue , what it is , we may now consider how it stands with respect to the opinions concerning a deity , as above-mention'd . sect . iii. the nature of virtue consisting ( as has bin explain'd ) in just and equal affection , which we may hereafter call a due sense of right and wrong , as comprehending in one the soundness both of judgment and affection ; nothing can in a creature capable of such a sense , exclude a principle of virtue , or can obstruct or make it ineffectual , but what 1. either wholly , or in some degree , excludes or takes away the sense of right and wrong . 2. or causes a wrong and disturb'd sense of what is right and wrong . 3. or , tho there be a sense of right and wrong , is the means however of guiding the affection to what is contrary . as when a man knowing any action or . behavior to be morally ill and deform'd , yet through some violent passion , as of lust or anger , or through love of some imagined good , he notwithstanding commits ▪ the ill or unsociable action . and so , on the other side , nothing can be assistant to , or promote virtue , but what either in some manner nourishes and supports that sense of right and wrong , or preserves it from being false and imaginary , or causes it , when sound and genuin , to be obey'd and submitted to , by subduing and subjecting the other affections to it . upon this account therefore , we are to consider , how it is that any of these opinions about the subject of a deity do affect in these cases , or cause any of these three things . i. as to the first case , the taking away the notion or sense of right and wrong . it will not be imagin'd , that by this is meant the taking away the notion or sense of what is good or ill for the species , or in society , since this is what no rational creature can be unsensible of : but , it is then that we say it of a creature , that he has lost the sense of right and wrong , when being able to discern the good and ill of his species , he has at the same time no concern for either , nor any sense of excellency or baseness in what relates to one or the other . so that except merely with relation to privat or separat good , there is nothing which gains any estimation or any good affection towards it ; nothing which is thought right , or worthy in it self of admiration , love or good affection ; nor any thing on the other side which is accordingly dislik'd or hated , as morally ill , be it ever so horrid or deform'd . there is in effect no rational creature whatsoever , but knows that when he offends or dos harm to any one , he cannot fail to create an expectation or fear of like ill , and consequently a resentment and animosity in any creature looking on ; and therefore must be conscious to himself of being liable and exposed in some manner to such a treatment from every one , as if he had in some degree offended all . thus offence and injury is always known as punishable , and claiming punishment from every one ; and equal behavior , which is therefore called merit , as rewardable and well deserving from every one . this is no more than what the wickedest creature imaginable has , and cannot but have a sense of . so that if we have any farther meaning in this , of a sense of right and wrong ; if there be any sense of right and wrong which an absolute wicked creature has not , it can be only the hatred and dislike of what is accounted morally ill ; hatred of offence and injury , as such merely , and the love of , or approbation of what is accounted morally good ; love of equal behavior ; equal and kind affection as such merely , and not because of consequent punishment or reward , which implies only love of privat good , hatred of privat ill , and not of any thing farther , as in it self amiable or detestable . so that sense of right and wrong , as here treated of , is nothing but the very affection it self of kindness or dislike to such objects of moral good or ill , as above explain'd . it is scarcely to be conceiv'd , that any creature should be at the very first so ill , and of so curst a nature , as that if it be merely a sensible , not a rational creature , it should as soon as it comes to be try'd by objects , have no one passion of goodness towards its kind , no foundation in its temper of either pity , love , succorableness , or the like : or if the creature be more than sensible , and be a rational creature , that it should as soon as it comes to be try'd by rational objects , as of justice , generosity , and other virtue , have no inclining affection , no kind of liking towards these , or dislike towards what is on the contrary side cruel , horrid , base , villanous , or the like , but so as to be of absolute indifference towards any thing of this kind ; this is in a manner impossible to suppose . sense of right and wrong therefore being as natural to us as natural affection it self , and being a first principle in our constitution and make ; there is no speculative opinion , perswasion , or belief , which is capable immediatly , and of it self to exclude or destroy it : and it being it self an affection of first rise and production in the affectionate part , the soul or temper ; nothing but contrary affection , by frequent check and controul , can operate upon it so as to make it cease to be ; since that which is of original and pure nature , nothing but contrary habit or custom ( a second nature ) is able to displace : for , where the mind is the most earnestly bent , merely against any bodily gesture or meen , either natural or by habit acquir'd , and would endeavor to break it , so as to remove it wholly out of the carriage ; it is not by such an immediate and sudden disapprobation , or contrary bent of the mind that this can be remov'd ; neither can that affection in the soul , of hatred to inhumanity , love of mercy , or whatsoever else in a rational creature implies a sense in some degree of right and wrong , be instantly , nor yet without much force and violence effac'd or struck out of the natural temper , even by the means of the most pernicious opinion and belief in the world . but this mischief being not to be effected directly through any opinion , but in consequence and by effect of untoward and opposit affection ( which may often be owing to , and occasion'd by opinion ) we may then speak of it more particularly when we speak of the ill operation of other affections , set in opposition to that of a sense of right and wrong . ii. as to the second case . if there be a sense of right and wrong , but that it be more or less mistaken and confounded , as in the case of those barbarous nations , as above ; it often happens that it is no opinion at all about the subject of a deity which influences in this place : for it is frequently nothing else but the custom of some countries , and the force of education against nature , where such and such things are repeatedly view'd with applause and honor accompanying them . so that it is possible that a man forcing himself , may eat the flesh of his enemies , not only against his stomach , but against his nature ( if i may so speak ) and yet think it very right and honorable , as being of considerable service to his community , and capable of advancing the name , and spreading the terror of his nation . but to speak of the opinions relating to a deity , and what effect they have in this place , which is our business . as to atheism , it dos not seem that it can directly have any effect at all here towards the setting up , or making of a false species or shew of right or wrong . for tho a man by ill practice , which may be occasion'd by atheism , may come to lose , in a manner , all sense of right and wrong ( that is to say , all sense of good or ill , amiableness or deformity in any moral action , as above ) tho atheism , thus , may be the occasion of an almost thorow selfishness , as when a creature has scarcely any thing that attracts him but what is of a selfish kind , and what relates to a deliberat self-end , the satisfaction of some lust , or the security of the animal state ; yet it dos not seem that atheism should of it self be the cause of any such estimation , or valuing of any thing as noble of performance , generous , self-worthy and deserving , which was just the contrary : so as that it should be thought that the being able to eat man's flesh , to commit bestiality , or any such like actions as have bin mention'd , were after the same manner , good and excellent in themselves . but this is certain , that by means of ill religion , or superstition , many things the most horridly unnatural and inhuman , come to be receiv'd as most excellent , good and laudable in themselves : for , where the commiting bestiality is taught as a religious practice , there it is generally in high esteem , and thought to be in it self a thing excellent : for if any thing that is abominable and horrid be injoin'd by religion , as the suppos'd command of some deity ; if the thing be not taken for good and excellent , but for horrid and abominable , then must the deity be taken for such , and be thought of as a being odious and malignant ; which every religion forbids to believe . therefore whatever teaches the love and admiration of a deity , that has any character of ill , teaches at the same time a love and admiration of that ill , and causes that to be taken for good and amiable which is horrid and detestable . so that if the praise and love of a deity be that which is proper to every religion , there is no religion where god is not represented intirely good , and free of malignity , injustice and cruelty , but what must make that sort whatsoever it be , of malignity , injustice , or cruelty , to be applauded and taken for good and right ; and must be the cause therefore of mens acting against natural affection , and of their growing malignant , unjust , cruel , and the like . for instance ; if jupiter be he that is ador'd and reverenc'd ; and that the history of jupiter makes him to be lustful , and to satiate his lust in the most loose and exorbitant manner ; then is it impossible but his worshipper believing this history and character , must be taught a greater love of lustful actions . if there be a religion that teaches the adoration and love of a god , whose character it is to be full of jealousy , captious , and of high resentment , subject to wrath and anger , furious , revengeful , and revenging injuries on others than those who did injury ; and if there be added in the character of this god , a fraudulent inclination , incouraging deceit and treachery , favorable to a few , and that for slight causes or no cause , and cruel to the rest ; it is evident in the case of such a religion as this , that it must of necessity raise even an approbation and respect towards the vices and imperfections of this kind , and breed accordingly that parallel disposition , that unsociable and jealous temper , partiality , selfishness , moroseness , bitterness and revengefulness , as well as treachery and inhumanity : for whatever is of this nature must in many cases appear noble to him who views these things in that being to which he gives the highest honor and veneration . but , if it be suppos'd , that in the worship of such a god , there is nothing besides what proceeds merely from fear and aw , without the least esteem or love towards him , as to one suppos'd amiable or excellent ; then is not any one indeed by this opinion , misled as to his notion of right and wrong , of what is amiable or detestable in actions . for if in following the precepts of his god , or doing what is necessary towards the satisfying of such his deity , he be compell'd only by fear , and act against his inclination the thing which he dislikes as barbarous , unnatural , or any other way ill and odious ; then has he a sense of what is ill , and of what right and wrong is , and is sensible of ill in the character of his god : however nice he be in pronouncing any thing concerning it , or in not daring so much as to think formally about it out of a superstitious fear or shyness . for whoever pretends to believe that there is a god , and that god is just and good , must mean that there is such a thing as justice and injustice , right and wrong , according to which he pronounces that god is just : for if the will of god , or law of god alone , be said to be that which makes right and wrong , then must this be a name only for what is or is not his will : for thus if by his will one person were to be punish'd for anothers fault , this would be just and right ; and so the same , if arbitrarily and without reason , some beings were made to suffer nothing but ill , and others only to enjoy good ; which to say is just , is to say nothing , or to speak without a meaning . and thus it ever is , and must be an ill consequence in false and ill religion , that where there is a real reverence , esteem and worship of a supreme being , represented not as absolutely just and perfect , it must occasion the loss of rectitude in the creature so worshipping and adoring , and who is thus immorally religious . to this i need only add , that as the character of a vitious god ( or rather daemon or idol of the mind ) dos injury to the affections of men , disturbs and impairs the sense of right and wrong ; so on the other hand , it must highly contribute to the fixing of right apprehensions , and a sound sense of right and wrong in men , to contemplate , respect , and adore a god who is ever , and on all accounts represented to them so as to be actually a true model and example of the most exact justice , and highest goodness and worth ; and who by a constant good affection express'd towards the whole , must of necessity engage us to act within our compass , or in our sphere or system , according to a like principle and affection : and having once the good of the species or mankind in view , and as our end or aim , it must be with difficulty that we can be misguided to a wrong sense of what is right or wrong . nor can any thing more prevail on men , or more naturally form their minds to a union with virtue and excellence , than an establish'd opinion , such as this , concerning a supreme deity . but of this afterwards . as to this second case therefore ; religion ( according to the kind it may be of ) is capable of doing great good or great harm , and atheism not any positive good or harm . for , however it may be indirectly an occasion of mens losing a good and sufficient sense of right and wrong ; yet it will not , as atheism merely , be the occasion of setting up false right and wrong , which only fantastical reasoning , ill custom , or ill religion can do . iii. as to the last case , the opposition of other affections to those virtuous ones , which create a real sense of right and wrong ; it is to be consider'd that a creature having this sort of sense or good affection in any considerable degree , must necessarily act according to it ; if this affection be not oppos'd either by some interesting affection towards a contrary imagin'd self-good and privat advantage , or by some strong and forcible passion , as of lust or anger , which may not only overbear the sense of right and wrong , but even the sense of privat advantage too , and overrule even the most settled opinion of what is conducing to self-good . nothing therefore can overcome or suppress this sense we speak of , or injure the integrity of such a creature , but what either raises or affords growth to those strong and obstinat passions ; or otherwise causes an imagination of some interest or self-advantage in opposition to this affection of virtue ; so as to cause this good disposition to be resisted and gone against deliberatly , and in cool judgment . whatsoever is of this kind , besides that it turns a creature towards vice in spite of this other good disposition● it must in time also even wear out that good disposition it self , and so leave the creature in a manner totally resign'd to vice. now , in this former part of our inquiry , our business is not to examin ( as we afterwards shall ) all the several ways by which this corruption is introduc'd or increas'd : but we are to consider how the opinions concerning a deity do influence one way or another in this place , or cause this corruption whereby we act in contradiction of good and right affection , and which is follow'd by the loss of that right affection , or sense of right and wrong . and this being after this manner complicated , we shall treat it more openly and at large . that it is possible for a creature capable of using reflection , to have a liking or dislike of moral actions , and consequently a sense of right and wrong , before such time as he may have any notion or sense of god at all ; this is what will hardly be question'd : it being a thing not expected , or any way possible , that a creature such as man , arising from his childhood slowly and gradually , to several degrees of reason and reflection , should at the very first be taken up with those speculations or more refin'd sort of reflections , about the subject of god's existence . but to make this more plain ; let us suppose a creature wanting reason , or unable to reflect at all , who notwithstanding has many good qualities and affections ; as considering only that one of pity or compassionatness : it is certain that if you give to this creature a reflecting faculty , it will at the same instant approve of charity and pity , be taken with any shew or representation of pity , and think pity amiable and good , and cruelty the contrary : and so the same in case of any other passion or affection . and this is to be capable of virtue , and to have a sense of right and wrong . before therefore that a creature may be suppos'd to have any notion or opinion one way or other , concerning the subject of a god , he may be suppos'd to have a sense of right and wrong , and to have virtue and vice in different degrees ; as we know by experience of those who have liv'd in such places , or in such a manner as never to have enter'd into any thoughts or opinion at all in that matter ; who yet are very different amongst themselves , as to their honesty , good nature and virtue . but whether we suppose in a creature but the least part of this good disposition or virtuous principle ; let us consider what it is ( as to any of these opinions concerning a deity ) that can , or is likely to raise any affection in opposition ; or on the other side , may be able to prevent and hinder any such opposit affection , subdue it , or make it less . now , as to the belief of a deity , and how men are influenc'd to yield obedience , and act in conformity to such a supreme being ; it must be either in the way of his power , as expecting advantage or harm from him , or in the way of his excellency and adorable perfections , as thinking it the perfection of nature , and highest glory and honor to follow and imitate him , or to be approv'd by him . if ( as in the first case ) there be a belief or conception of a deity , who is fear'd as one that will punish such or such a behavior ; and if upon this account , through the fear of such a certain punishment , the creature be restrain'd from doing that particular ill , which he is not otherwise in any manner averse from ; this is not , nor ever can be , as has bin prov'd , any virtue or goodness , any more than as it may be said perhaps , that there is meekness and gentleness in a tyger chain'd up , or innocence and sobriety in a monky under the disciplin of the whip . for however orderly and well those animals , or man himself upon like terms , may be brought to act , while the mind or reason is not gain'd , nor the inclinations carri'd that way ; but that aw alone is that which prevails and forces obedience ; the obedience is but servil , and all that is done through it merely servil ; and the greater degree of such a submission or compliance is but the greater servility towards whatsoever subject it chance to be . for , whether such a creature have a good master , or an ill one , he is not less servil in his own nature : and tho the master or superior so fear'd be ever so perfect , and of so excellent a nature , yet the greater and more prostitute submission that is caus'd in this case , and through this principle or motive only , is but the lower and more abject servitude , and implies the greater wretchedness and meanness in the creature , as having those passions of self-love , or towards self-good so much more strong and excessive , that is to say , more faultily and vitiously ; as has bin explain'd . so that this belief of a god dispensing rewards and punishments according to such and such actions , is not of it self directly the cause of virtue ; tho it may be perhaps of a virtuous-like behavior . but if it be the character of a religion , to injoin not only the good action , but the affection , such as charity and love ; and that in reality it be the effect of such a religion , to make men endeavor all they can to create in themselves such free dispositions to goodness : then is a person by this means made to have virtue in any particular , when he begins to act through such sincere and sound affection . and thus the fear of punishment and hope of reward may be understood to be the occasion of virtue , when it gives rise to another principle than it self , and is at length the occasion of doing good out of some other affection than either that towards reward , or that of apprehension and dread of punishment ; there being no such thing possible as either actual love , charity , or goodness , till such time . if ( as in the second case ) there be a belief or conception of a deity , who is admir'd and ador'd , as being understood to have the most high and glorious qualities ; such as of infinit power and wisdom , which make him conspicuous and cause him of necessity to be reverenc'd and held in veneration ; and if in the manner that this soveraign and mighty being is apprehended , or as he is related and describ'd , there appear in him a high and eminent regard to what is good and excellent , a concern for the good of all , or an affection of kindness and love towards the whole ; such an example as this ( of the good of which we have already spoken ) must certainly help to raise and increase the affection towards virtue , and help to submit and subdue all other affections to that . and if join'd to this , there be an opinion or apprehension of the superintendency and all-seeingness of such a supreme being ; as one who is a witness and spectator of human actions , and conscious of whatsoever is felt or acted in the universe ; so that in the perfectest recess or deepest solitude there is not wanting one closely join'd to us , whose presence singly is of more moment than that of the most august assembly on earth , or of all mankind overlooking , before whom as the shame of guilty actions must be the greatest shame , so the honor of well-doing , even under the unjust censure of a whole world , must be the greatest honor and applause ; in this case , it is to the commonest view apparent how far conducing a perfect theism must be to virtue , and how much want there is in atheism . therefore , if there be a being conceiv'd , all-intelligent , and all-seeing , of infinit power , wisdom and goodness ; the belief of such a being ( which is barely the theistical belief and no more ) must of necessity , thus , be highly effectual to the creating or furthering of good affections , and to the removing of contrary ones ; by rendring every thing that is of virtue more lovely , splendid , and attractive , and every thing that is of vice more ignominious and deform'd . what the fear of future punishments , and hopes of certain future rewards , may farther do towards the promotion of virtue ; and of what benefit this accession of belief may be to virtue , we shall further consider as we proceed . but this in the mean while is certain , that neither can this fear or hope be of the kind of those affections which we call good affections , as being the springs and sources of all actions truly good . nor yet can it , as has bin prov'd , so much as admit of a thorow good affection , where it stands as essential to any moral performance , or where it has to do , as but in part a motive to that which some other affection ought alone to have bin a motive full and sufficient : so that it is therefore not only not the cause , but is exclusive in some degree , of any virtuous action , and must withal , as it increases , strengthen the vitious principle , that of excessive selfishness , or habitual earnest attention of the mind , and application of the passions towards self-good ; which principle as it is improv'd and made stronger every day , by the strong exercise of the passions in this subject of more extended self-interest , must spread it self through the whole life ; and by causing a greater attention to self-good in every thing else , must of necessity take off from , and diminish the affections towards other good , that is to say , public and extensive good , or good of the system , as above ; in short , must destroy more and more true generosity and virtue , and introduce meanness and narrowness of soul. thus if true piety be esteem'd a love of god for his own excellency , it will follow , that as this solicitous regard to privat good expected from him , is greater or lesser ; so it will prove either more or less a diminution to the love of god for his own excellence , and consequently prove a diminution of piety : because whilst god is belov'd only as the cause of privat good to any one , he is belov'd but as any other instrument or means of pleasure by any vitious creature : and when there is more of this sort of passion or affection towards privat good , there is less room , as has bin shewn , for the other towards more general good , or towards any deserving object worthy of love and admiration for its own sake ; such as is god. in the same manner , if the love and desire of life , or prolongation of being , be remarkably strong in any creature ; the stronger it is , the less he is able to have true submission or resignation to providence , or the rule and order of god , and consequently the less is his piety . and if his resignation depends wholly on that expectation of infinit reward , the meaning of his resignation , whatever the appearance be , is only this , that he resigns all other things upon a condition of that which he himself confesses to be much beyond an equivalent , viz. eternal living , and in a state of highest pleasure and enjoyment . but , notwithstanding this , it is certain that altho the principle of virtue cannot in its own nature but suffer diminution by whatsoever is of that other kind ; as by eagerness of reward ( which by it self , and in the room of better affection is mercenariness ) and dread of punishment ( which is in the same sense servility : ) and altho as any such ardent pursuit of pleasure , or over-great attention of the mind to self-concernment increases , the principle of generosity , magnanimity and virtue , must suffer and decrease ; yet it is certain that this principle of fear of future punishment and hope of future reward may indirectly , and in particular circumstances , be the occasion of great good and advantage to virtue ; and what this may be , we shall to the full endeavor to shew . it has bin already consider'd how , that notwithstanding any implanted sense of right and wrong , or any good affection towards society , yet by violent passion , as by rage or lust , this other good affection may be frequently control'd and overcome . where therefore there is nothing in the mind capable to make such passions as these the objects of its aversion , and to cause them earnestly to be oppos'd and struggled against ; in this case , if there be any thing in religion which creates a belief that passions of this kind as well as their consequent actions , are the object of a deitys animadversion , it is certain that such a belief must be allow'd beneficial to virtue , as it will be allow'd to tend to the calming of the mind , and to the disposing or fitting the person to a better recollection and observance of that other good and virtuous principle , which by being unobstructed must the more increase . this also may be said as to the support which this belief of a future reward and punishment may prove to virtue ; that as it is capable of raising men to virtue who were at first in a manner strangers to it ; so where men are already in a virtuous course , it may prove that which alone can save them from falling off from the virtue they possess , into a licentious and vitious practise . to prove how this may be , we may consider the thing thus . a person who has much of goodness and natural rectitude in his temper , being sensible of poverty , crosses and adversity ; and being perhaps of a nature too sensible towards some certain pleasures , as of fame or reputation , ease , indolency or repose ; it is certain that the meeting with any of these first , or the being disappointed in any of these latter , must give a sourness and distaste to the temper , and make it averse to that which is the occasion of such ill . now if the person be so affected as to think his honesty or strict integrity to be at any time the occasion of this ill ; it is likely he may be made dissatisfi'd with his good disposition and principles . and if his own thoughts , or the corrupt insinuations of other men still present this to his mind , that his honesty is the occasion of this ill to him , and that if freed from this restraint of virtue and honesty , he might be much happier ; 't is very obvious that his love and relish towards virtue and honesty , must every day diminish , as the temper grows uneasy and quarrels with it . but if he opposes to this the consideration , that honesty carries with it , if not a present , at least a future recompence , so as to make up that loss to privat or self-good which he repines at ; then may this injury to his good temper and honest principle be prevented , and his love or affection towards honesty and virtue remain the same . in the same manner where there is not a love , but a sort of aversion towards what is good and virtuous , as towards lenity and forgivingness , and that there is a love of its contrary , revenge ; it is possible and very natural , that by the consideration that lenity is , by its rewards , made the cause of a greater self-good ; that very affection of lenity and mildness may be industriously nourish'd , and the contrary depress'd ; so that the good affection may come at last to be seated in the temper , and the good and proper object to be belov'd , as by a creature well affected , when no punishment or reward is thought of . thus we see that in a state or public , a virtuous and good administration , and an equal and just distribution of rewards and punishments is of service , not only to restrain vitious men , and to make them act usefully to the public ; but , by making virtue to be apparently the interest of every one , it removes all prejudices against it , creates a fair reception for it , and leads men into that path which afterwards they cannot easily quit . for , thus a people made virtuous by the long course of a wise and just administration , when ever this happens to be interrupted by some sudden tyranny or usurpation , they will on this account rather be raised to exert a stronger virtue . and even , where by long and continued arts of a prevailing tyranny , they are at last totally oppress'd , the seeds of that virtue will still remain , and for some ages afterwards shew themselves not wholly extinct . but this withal we must here observe , that it is example which chiefly works these effects ; for a virtuous administration is seldom but accompanied with virtue in the magistrate . nor is it so much the reward it self , or the punishment which dos this , as the natural estimation of virtue , and shame of villany which is excited and mov'd by these expressions of the hatred of mankind towards injustice , and their approbation of goodness and virtue . for even in the suffering of the greatest villains themselves , we see generally that the infamy of their act , the odiousness of their crime , and their shame towards mankind , contribute more to their misery than all besides ; and that it is not so much death it self which creates their horror , as that kind of death they undergo . it is the same in privat families : and here tho the slaves and mercenary servants , restrain'd and made orderly by punishment , and by the severity of their master , are not on that account made good or honest ; yet the same master of the family using proper rewards and punishments towards his children , teaches them goodness , and by this help instructs them in a virtue which afterwards they practise upon other grounds , and without thoughts of reward . if by the thoughts of future reward , or what regards another state , be understood the love and desire of virtuous enjoyment , or of the very practice and exercise of virtue in another life ; the expectation or hope of this , must not only be a great encouragement to virtue ; but it appears plainly , that the very following of virtue in hope to obtain that supreme happiness which consists in the perfection of it , is of it self a degree of virtue , a proof of the sincere love we have for it , as for its own sake ; and cannot be call'd a motive of self-interest or selfishness : for if the love of virtue be any thing distinct from that which we mean by common and narrow self-interest , then the love and desire of life ( when lov'd and desir'd for the sake of virtue alone ) must also be distinct . but if the desire of continu'd or prolong'd life , be only through the violence of that aversion which is towards death ; if it be through the love and desire of something else in life , than virtuous affection and practice , and through the unwillingness of parting with something else than what is purely of this kind ; then is this no longer any virtue , or sign of virtue . whoever therefore ( from what has bin said before ) is after any manner , or in any way at all perswaded or induc'd to think that honesty and virtue have their rewards ; such a one is capable of being led to a virtue which he already is not arriv'd at ; tho yet his doing any thing on the consideration or foresight merely of such reward separate from virtue and of another nature , is no virtue ; nor even that thing of setting about to make himself virtuous on that score , can be any virtue . for tho he may intend to be virtuous , he is not become so , for having only intended , or for only intending to be so , because of the rewards of virtue : but as soon as he is come to have one single good affection , any affection towards what is good and worthy , sociable , human , or any way morally good , as liking and affecting this for its own sake , and as good and amiable in it self ; then is he in some degree good and virtuous , and not till then . upon the whole therefore , one who has not any reason or belief to hinder him from thinking that virtue is the cause of misery , and is of self-ill , such a one must be subject to lose much of his virtue and good disposition . and one who has a contrary reason and belief , which makes him think virtue to be his good , or a cause of good to him , has an inducement to virtue , and an assistance in it which the other has not . whoever thinks always consistently , or according to one fix'd or settled judgment , that virtue causes happiness , and vice misery ; or whoever there is , who , as they say commonly , feels by himself , that he can never be happy , if he quits his integrity and innocency ; either of these persons carry with them that requisit security , and that assistance to virtue abovemention'd . or if there are such who have not such thoughts , nor can believe that virtue is their interest in life , except they are otherwise rewarded ; yet if they believe a god dispensing rewards and punishments in this present , or in a future state , to virtue and vice , they carry also this security and assistance to virtue along with them ; whilst their belief continues thus , and is not in the least either wavering or doubtful . for it must be observ'd here , that whensoever the dependence upon this is exceeding great , it very much takes off from any other dependence or encouragement ; for , where high rewards are inforc'd , and the imagination strongly turn'd towards them , the other natural motives to goodness are apt to lose much of their force , whilst the mind is thus transported and taken up in the contemplation and pursuit of a highly elevated self-interest , and in a concernment of such infinit importance to our selves in particular , that on this account , all other affections towards friends , relations , or mankind ( mere worldly objects ) are slightly look'd upon ; the interest of our soul being so far superior . and we know this by experience , that the persons who are the most highly devout , are , from the contemplation of the high enjoyments of another state , accustom'd to undervalue all other earthly advantages of goodness ; and in the same religious zeal are often carri'd to decry all other natural benefits of virtue : so as to declare , that except only for the sake of that supreme reward , they would devest themselves of all goodness at once , and should think it their greatest advantage to be vitious . so that there may be nothing more fatal to virtue , than the weak and uncertain belief of a future reward and punishment ; for , having laid the stress wholly here , if this come to fail , or loosly to waver , it must prove a betraying of virtue , and must prove , if not the ruin , at least of mighty prejudice to mens morals . but to return to our argument ; the belief of a god therefore may supply that defect in the thought or opinion concerning the want of happiness in virtue , which atheism has no remedy for . altho it be not otherwise imply'd , but that without an absolute and clear assent to that hypothesis of full and compleat theism ; the other opinion , or the other thoughts as to the happiness of a man with good affections , and the misery of a man with contrary ones , may possibly be establish'd in the mind ; and so virtue be esteem'd good , or the means of good ; and vice always the contrary . tho yet the natural tendency of atheism be very different ; since besides the unaptness and disproportion of such a belief as that of atheism , to the apprehension or imagination of any thing in such just order , and according to so admirable a disposition as that would be , were virtue always the good , and vice the ill of every creature : it must be besides confess'd too , that there is a great deal wanting in this belief towards the promotion of that particular good affection of love to virtue ; which love however when at its height , and when forcibly felt , is the chiefest thing that can make the happiness of virtue to be well credited : for it is almost impossible constantly and firmly to retain this opinion of the great happiness arising from virtue it self , without conceiving high thoughts and estimation of the pleasure and delight resulting from the very love of virtue ; from the contemplation of what is worthy in it self , as well as from the mere conveniences of a virtuous life : which sort of pleasure and delight is likely to gain but little opinion or credit where it is not highly experienc'd . the chief ground and support , therefore , of this opinion , of the constant happiness of virtue , must be from the powerful feeling of this affection , and the knowledg of its power and strength . but this is certain , that there must be but little encouragement or support of any such affection as this , or of liking and affecting any thing as in it self good and beautiful , where there is neither goodness nor beauty allowed in the whole it self ; nor any perfect or wise direction for the good of any thing , nor any good affection of a supreme mind or will towards the good of all in general , nor any consciousness in such an all-knowing and perfect mind , of the virtue and good affection of particulars . this must tend rather to the cutting off of all love , veneration or esteem of any thing decent , just or orderly in the universe , to the weaning of the affections from any thing amiable or self-worthy , and to the suppressing even of that very habit and custom of contemplating with satisfaction and delight the beauties that are in nature , and whatever in the order of things is according to a harmony and proportion the most resulting to sense . for how little dispos'd must such a person be , either to love or admire any thing as orderly and comly in the universe , who thinks that the universe it self is nothing but disorder ? how unapt to reverence or respect any particular or subordinat beauty ( such as is part of the structure ) when the whole it self is thought to want perfection , and to be only a vast and infinit deformity ? and when we consider further concerning such an opinion of the whole as this is , and the thoughts of living in such a distracted universe , from which so many ills may be suspected , and in which there is nothing good , nothing lovely to be contemplated , or that can raise any affection towards it other than that of hatred and aversion ; it will seem hardly possible for us to think otherwise of such an opinion as this , than that it must by degrees imbitter the temper , and not only make the love of virtue to be less felt , but help to impair and ruin natural affection and kindness . so that as there is nothing so exalting to virtue , or so hightning to the pleasure deriv'd from it , as a pure and perfect theism ; so on the other side a perfect atheism is that which must tend exceedingly to destroy all ground of delight in virtue , and even that very principle it self of all virtue , viz. natural and good affection . but now on the other side ; neither is it impli'd that every one whosoever that believes a god , believes to this effect , and with this advantage to virtue ; or that whoever believes both a god , and rewards and punishments dispens'd either in this present , or in some future state , believes to this effect . for if he believes that these rewards and punishments are tied to , or follow something else than good or ill affections ( as they do , who believe rewards for simple actions or performances irrational , and without account ; or who believe such rewards and punishments as are tied to things casual and accidental , as the being born in such a place , or of such parents ) then may the affections grow ill and vitious without hindrance , or rather with help , as has bin shewn ; because of the suppos'd want of rectitude in the ador'd sovereign being . whoever therefore has a firm belief of a god whom he dos not merely call good , but of whom in reality he believes nothing but what is good , and is really sutable to the exactest character of justice ; such a person believing rewards and punishments in another life , must believe them rewards and punishments of virtue and vice merely , and not of any other qualities or accidents , which make them either rewards for ill , or for nothing ; and therefore not properly rewards , but capricious distributions of happiness or vnhappiness to creatures . and such a person as this has the advantage spoken of , and can grow to be , or can keep himself virtuous where an atheist cannot ; in case there be a failure , as abovemention'd , in the thoughts or opinion as to the happiness of virtue in it self , and that it come to be believ'd the contrary way , that virtue is an enemy to happiness , with respect to this life merely : which that it is so in the main , is an opinion that only an atheist or imperfect theist can have . for whatever be decided as to that of any life after the present one , and of rewards and punishments to come , he who is a perfect theist , and who believes an eternal universal mind , reigning sovereignly and through all things , and with the highest perfection of goodness , as well as wisdom and power , cannot but believe that virtue is made the good or advantage of every creature capable of having virtue . for what could be more an unjust ordinance and rule , or be imagin'd more a defective universe and ill constitution of things , than if virtue were naturally made the ill , and vice the good of every creature ? thus therefore there is an advantage to virtue necessarily suppos'd in perfect theism , which is not in the atheistical belief : on the contrary it is , tho not wholly impossible , yet very rare and difficult , that through all the ill chances to which a virtuous man may be expos'd , the certain remembrance and belief that virtue is the best or only means of happiness , or the consciousness of his not being able to recede from it , without falling into greater misery , and a more deplorable state , should be able to keep it self a firm principle in his mind , if he be one who has no opinion at all of any wisdom or order in the government of the universe ; no example above himself of any goodness or good affection , and whose natural reflections on this subject cannot well be other than melancholy and disgustful . now , if there be wanting in a mind that which can more kindly dispose the temper , and is able to raise the affection to a greater admiration and love of virtue ; then is there much wanting of what should make the happiness of virtue credited ; since nothing is more assistant to this belief than the full experience of those better and kinder affections , and of that satisfaction enjoy'd in the love of virtue it self . and now in the last place , there is yet greater advantage to virtue , in that opinion of perfect and compleat theism , which we will endeavor to explain ; tho the matter it self be of that kind which is nicely philosophical , and may be thought , perhaps , to be so overmuch . there is no creature , according to what has bin prov'd above , but must be ill in some degree , by having any affection towards , or against any thing in a stronger degree than such as is sutable to his own privat good , and that of the system he is join'd to : for , in this case the affection is an ill affection . now if a rational creature has that degree of aversion which is requisit against any particular ill ( as suppose that ill of being overcome , banish'd , or ruin'd in fortune ) this is regular and well . but if after the ill happen'd , his passion of aversion proves such , that he still rages at the accident , and is in continual abhorrence towards his fortune or lot ; then will this be acknowledg'd vitious in it self , and further prejudicial to temper , and to all virtue : as on the other side , the patient endurance of the calamity , and the support of the mind under it , must be acknowledg'd virtuous and preservative of virtue . now altho that which atoms and chance produce ( supposing no other principle besides ) need not give occasion to that excess of abhorrency , violent rage and anger , which is what a tolerably rational man may allay by considering , that what is done is neither meant nor design'd , but is from atoms and chance only ; yet if there be nothing at the bottom , nor any rule or reason besides chance and atoms , there can be no satisfaction at all in thinking upon what they alone produce : for if the thing seems ill , and be ill felt , it cannot be admitted in that hypothesis , ( or in the atheistical one whatever it be ) that this ill is a real good elsewhere , and with respect to the whole of things , as being according to the wisest and best design that is conceivable . now that which is thought ill , and altogether unaccountable and without reason , cannot but raise some degree of aversion towards it . but in another hypothesis ( that of perfect theism ) the affirmative of this , that whatever happens is good , must necessarily ( as has bin prov'd ) be the belief . therefore in the course of things in this world , whatsoever ill occurring would seem to force from a rational creature a censure and dislike , or whatsoever may happen to be his privat lot ; he may not only acquiesce in it , and have patience , which is but an abatement of the natural anger and dissatisfaction , but he may make the lot or part assign'd to him , an object of his good affection in some sort , as having a good and kind affection in general towards all that is produc'd in the universe , as coming from the most perfect wisdom , and being perfectly good : which affection , since it must in a much greater degree cause a good support of whatever is endured for virtue , or in any state of sufferance ; and since it must cause a greater acquiescence and complacency with respect to ill accidents , ill men and injuries ( and consequently a greater equality , meekness and benignity in the temper ) ; so it must of necessity be a good affection , and the creature that has it , so much the more a virtuous and good creature : for whatsoever is the occasion or means of more affectionatly joining or uniting a rational creature to his part in society , and causes him to prosecute the public good or good of the system he is join'd to , beyond what he would otherwise do , is undoubtedly the occasion or cause of greater virtue in him . now if the subject of such an affection be not just or deserving , if no such hypothesis is to be admitted as that of perfect theism ( so that there is real ill continually produc'd in the course of things in the universe , and no good intelligent and powerful principle able to exclude such ill ) yet notwithstanding this , the affection towards this false subject ( if it be to be suppos'd false ) must be so far good , as that the having of it will be the occasion of greater strengthning and forwarding of virtue , as has bin shewn . but if the subject be just ; that is to say , if every thing which the universe produces be according to all reason the wisest and best of what could be imagin'd , and be therefore the most worthy of admiration , applause , and all good affection of rational creatures , as coming from a most perfect , wise and good principle ; then dos such an affection become due and requisit in every rational creature , so as that it must be vitious to want it . on which it may be grounded , that the relation which virtue has to piety is such , as that the first is not compleat but in the latter : and that where this latter is wanting , there cannot be the same benignity , perseverance , the same good composure of the affections , nor so good a mind . to conclude then : having consider'd how any opinion about the existence of a god can have influence on the manners of men , and cause either virtue or vice ; if the reasons we have offered be found to be of any weight , it will appear in resolution of the question which has bin treated of : that one who has not the opinion or belief of an intelligent principle or god , may , tho very difficultly , and at a great hazard , be capable of virtue , so as to have an honesty , a faith , a justice perhaps of great note and worth ; may have many generous and good passions , and possibly that of love to virtue for its own sake , as well as for being believ'd advantageous : but that in the other belief , there are not only greater securities and advantages to virtue , but there is besides a degree of virtue which the opinion contrary to it cannot admit . so that the chiefest security , the perfection and the highest degree of virtue , must be owing to the belief of a god. book the second . of the obligations to virtue . sect . i. we have already consider'd what virtue is , who may be allow'd in any degree virtuous . it remains now to shew , what obligation there is to virtue , and how any one may have reason to imbrace virtue , and shun vice. we have seen that to be virtuous and good , is for a rational creature in the use of good understanding and judgment , to have all his natural affections ▪ or better passions , his dispositions of mind and temper sutable and agreeing with the good of his kind , or of that system ( as explain'd before ) where he is included , and of which he is a part . so that to have all these affections right and intire , by which we are kindly and naturally join'd to our part in society ; this is nam'd rectitude , integrity : and to want any of these , or to have their contraries , such as alienate from hence , is depravity , corruption , nature vitiated . that in the passions and affections of particular creatures there is a relation to the interest of a species or common nature ( as that there is an affection towards the propagation of the kind , towards the nurture of the young , towards mutual support and succor ) this is not deniable , neither will it be denied ; therefore , that such an affection as this of a creature towards the good of that common nature , is as proper an affection , and as natural to him , as to any member of a body to work in its own way , as to a stomach to digest , as to other intrails to perform their other offices , or as to any other part in an animal body to be so affected , and to operate so as is appointed to it in its system . it is certain also , that a creature having such affections as these towards the common nature , or system of the kind , at the same time that he has those other affections toward the privat nature or self-system , ( as in the case of self-preservation , self-support and maintenance ) it must happen that in following the first of these affections , the creature must often contradict and go against these latter ; as in the instance so often before us'd , where the love to the young makes every other affection towards privat good give way , and causes a total neglect of self-interest or concernment ▪ it may seem therefore in this place , that there is a perfect opposition between these two ; as if the pursuing or being carried towards the common interest or good , by such affections as are suted to that common interest , were a hinderance to the attainment of privat good , as being a hinderance and check to those passions which aim thither . and it being found that hazards and hardships make but ill for the animal state , in the privat system ; these other affections towards another good ( that of the kind , or public system ) being such as do often expose to hardships and hazards , by overruling their opposites , the self-preservative passions , and by necessitating the creature thus to self-denial , and , as it were , self-desertion ; it may be concluded , perhaps , from hence , that it is best for the animal to be without any such affections at all . so that that love which joins us to others of the same kind ; that reconciling affection towards a species or fellowship of creatures with whom we are bred , and live ; that social kindness , or whatever else , be it what affection soever that goes against that other principle , takes the place of the self-interesting passions , and draws us as it were out of our selves , so as to make us disregardful of our own convenience and safety ; whatever is of this kind should be abolish'd ; love to the young , tenderness and pity abolished ; in short , all natural affections should thus be extinguish'd and rooted out , as dangerous , tormenting and destructive . according to this it would seem to follow , that in the constitution of that order or system of a kind or species , the part is ill affected , and in an ill state as to it self , which is naturally and well affected towards the whole : and the only natural and good state of the privat nature or single part , as to it self , is to be in an unnatural and ill state towards the common nature or whole . a strange constitution indeed ! in which it must be confess'd that there is much disorder and untowardness ; but which in nature is no where observ'd besides : that in a system , as in a tree or animal body , any part or member should be in a good and prosperous state as to it self , which was under a contrary affection , and in an unnatural operation as to its whole . that this is otherwise , i shall endeavor to demonstrate , so as to make it appear , that what seems thus to be an ill order and constitution in the universe , ( and which , if true , would necessarily make natural rectitude the ill , and depravity the good of every creature ) is in reality according to a wise and excellent order in the universe ; insomuch that for every particular in its system , to work to the good of that system or public , and to its own good , is all one , and not to be divided . by which means natural rectitude or virtue must be the advantage , and vice the injury and disadvantage of every creature . it has bin shewn before , that no animal can , as an animal , be said to act in any manner but through affections or passions , such as are proper to an animal : for in convulsive fits ▪ where a creature strikes either himself or others , it is a simple mechanism , an engine , or piece of clock-work that acts , and not the animal . whatsoever therefore is done or acted by any animal as such , is done and can be done only through some affection or passion , as of fear , love or hatred , moving him . and as it is impossible that the weakest affections should overcome the strongest ( as that a lesser love should overcome a greater love , a lesser fear a greater fear ) so it is impossible but that where the affections or passions are strongest , or where they make the strongest side , either by their number or force , thither the animal must incline , and by that be govern'd and led to action . the affections or passions which must influence and govern the animal are either , 1. the natural ones towards the kind , or which carry to the good of something beyond the privat system . 2. or the self-ones , which carry to the good of the privat system , as towards self-preservation , self-nourishment or support , self-defence , or repelling of injury . 3. or such as are neither of these , and neither tend to any good of the public or privat system . and it is through these several affections or motions that a creature must be good or ill , virtuous or vitious . but , before we come to speak of these separatly , it may be convenient to premise some few things in general , in order to clear some matters which may create a doubt and disturbance . when in a rational creature , any thing is done with real and full intention towards public good , and with that just and excellent natural affection which leads towards the good of society ; if there be any failure in the judgment , which notwithstanding guides and directs amiss ; how far this may be vitious , has bin before mention'd , so as not to need any thing farther in this place , nor is this worth insisting on : it having little to do with the essential part of vice , and that which is with most reason complain'd of in the world , as creating those disorders we see . for where there is in a rational creature an inclination and strong affection towards virtue , superior to all other affections , prevalent over all obstructions , and freed from the ill influence of any unnatural passions , such as those raised from superstition , and horrid custom before spoken of ; there is little fear of failure through wrong choice or preference in moral actions , or through want of a right knowledg of duty when rightly and sincerely sought : but if notwithstanding such a search , it be however miss'd in any small degree , the misfortune or self-injury is , as the vice it self , very slight and of little moment . the natural affections separatly consider'd , as either pity or compassion , love to the young , and such like , however excellent they are , they may notwithstanding be in a too great , and therefore vitious degree : as when pity is so overcoming as to destroy its own end , and prevent the succor and relief requir'd ; or as when love to the young is such a fondness as disables from rightly taking care of the young , or such as destroys the parent , and consequently the young too . and tho it seems harsh to call that vitious which is but an extreme of some natural and kind affection ; yet the thing being rightly consider'd , it is apparent , that wherever any single affection of that kind is over great , it must be worst for the rest , and take off from their operation : for a creature possest with such an immoderat and excessive passion , must of necessity allow too much to that passion , and too little to others of the same note or character , and equally natural and excellent as to their end ; so as that this must be the occasion of partiality and injustice , whilst only one duty or natural part is earnestly follow'd , and other duties neglected , which should accompany , or perhaps take place and be prefer'd . now as natural affection of this sort may be too high , so may the affection towards the privat system , or self , be too weak . for if a creature were self-negligent ▪ insensible to danger , or wanted such a degree of passion in any kind , as was necessary to preserve , sustain , or defend it self , this would be a vice or imperfection in the natural temper , with respect to the privat system , and the design of nature in the animal constitution ; in the same manner as it would be a vice or imperfection in that single part an eye not to shut of its own accord and unknowingly to us , by a natural caution and timidity ; which , were it , wanting , however we might design the preservation of our eye , we should not preserve it by any observation or steady intention of our own ever so good towards the preserving it . and thus tho the passions of this kind do not immediatly regard , nor have for their object the good of the kind , but a self-good ; and altho no creature be ( according to the common way of speaking ) called good and virtuous for having any of these : yet since it is impossible that the public good , or good of the system , can be preserved without these ; or that it should be well with the particulars , if these were wanting , which are for the good of the parts , and of the whole together ; it follows that a creature wanting any of these , and being wanting to it self and to the whole , is in reality wanting in some degree to goodness and natural rectitude ; and may thus be said to be defective or vicious , tho this be not what is commonly call'd so . 't is thus that we say of a creature that he is too good ; when he either has his affection of any sort towards the kind so violent , as to carry him even beyond his part ; or that it happens that he is really carried beyond his part , not by a too highly kindled passion of that sort , but through want of some self-passion to restrain him in some bounds . it may be objected here , that this of having the natural affections too strong , ( where the self ones are overmuch so ) or of having the self ones thus defective or weak ( where the natural ones are weak ) may often prove upon occasion the only reason of a creature 's acting honestly and well . for , thus possibly , a creature insensible to some self-interesting passion ( as suppose he were altogether indifferent to life ) may even with the smallest degree of some one natural affection , do what the highest affection of that kind should or can perform : and thus a creature excessively timorous may by as exceeding a degree of some one natural affection , do that which requires the perfectest courage to perform . to this i answer ; that when we say of any passion that it is too strong , or that it is too weak , we must speak with respect to a certain constitution or oeconomy of a particular creature , or species of creatures . for if a passion carrying to any right end , be only so much the more serviceable and effectual , for being strong ; if the violence of it be no way the cause of any disturbance or distraction within , or of any disproportionableness between it self and other affections ; then consequently the passion , however strong and forcible , cannot be blam'd as vitious . but if to have all the passions in equal proportion with it , be what the constitution of the creature cannot bear or support ; so that one or more passions are perhaps rais'd to this height , but that the others are not , nor can be in the same proportion ; then is it to be said of those more than ordinary forcible passions , that they are excessive : for , notwithstanding that they may be such as the creature can well bear , that they agree with his frame and constitution , and that they are no ways an obstruction to their own end ; yet these passions being in unequal proportion to the others , and causing an ill balance in the affection , must be the occasion of inequality in the conduct , and must incline to a wrong moral practice . but to explain a little further this of the oeconomy of the passions , by what we may observe in other species or kinds . as to those creatures that have no manner of power or means given them by nature for their defence against violence , nor any thing by which they can make themselves terrible to such as injure or offend them ; it is necessary that they should have very great and extraordinary fear , but little or no animosity or passion , such as should cause them to make resistance , or should delay their flight , which is their only sasety , and to which the passion of fear is useful and of help . it is thus that timorousness , and an habitual and strong passion of fear may be according to the oeconomy of a particular creature , both with respect to himself and his species : and that on the other side , courage may be vitious . even in one and the same species this is by nature differently order'd , with respect to different sexes , ages , growths . at a time when the whole herd flies , the bull alone makes head against the lion , or whatever other invading beast , and shews himself conscious of his part ; for so nature has made him to be : and should he lose this generous passion and animosity , he would be degenerate . even the female of this kind is , we see , arm'd by nature in some degree to resist violence , so as not to fly a common danger . as for a hind , a doe , or any other inoffending and defenceless creature ; it is no way unnatural or vitious in such a one to desert the young and fly for safety : for to do otherwise would be contrary to the oeconomy of the creature and species . but for those creatures that are able to make resistance , and are by nature arm'd ( as those savages of the wood ) with that which can mortally offend ; it is natural in one of these to be rouz'd with fury , and to oppose it self to death against its enemy or invader ; by which known passion in the creature its species is secur'd : since such a one can hardly on this account be assaulted , or injur'd with impunity , and that a creature , such as this , sells his own and offspring's life at so dear a rate . to do less therefore than this , is in such a one unnatural and degenerate , and is a betraying of his species . and of all other creatures man is in this sense the most terrible : since if he thinks it just and exemplary , he may in his own , or in his countrys cause , revenge an injury on any one living ; and by throwing away his own life ( if resolute to that degree ) is almost certain master of another's , tho ever so strongly guarded : of which several examples given , have served to deter those in power , and restrain them from using the utmost outrages , and urging men to extremity . but to come to what was said : no passion therefore , which carries to a right end , and which is such as a creature in his constitution can bear , without the desorder or sufferance of his body or mind , and which is no other than proportionable with respect to other passions , such as are suted likewise to the oeconomy of the creature , and of the species in which he is included ; no passion such as this can be too strong or too forcible a passion . but whatever passion ( tho of the sort of those we call the natural affections , or affections towards the kind ) is overstrong in proportion to any other affection , this is immoderate passion , and in too high a degree . and in answer therefore to the objection made : tho it be true that this of having a self-passion too weak , or a natural affection too strong , may occasion virtue in one place , and cause one virtuous action ; yet , with respect to the whole of life , it is what must create confusion and disorder , and must occasion too ( as has bin shewn before ) partiality and injustice . but , to express this all at once , under an easy and very familiar comparison . it is the same with the passions in an animal constitution , as with the cords or strings of a musical instrument . if these , tho in ever so just proportion one to another , are strained however beyond a certain degree , it is more than the instrument will bear ; and by this the instrument is abused , and its effect lost : on the other side , if while some of the cords are duly strained , others are not wound up to their due proportion ; then is the instrument still in disorder , and its part ill performed . the several species of creatures are as different sorts of instruments : and even in the same species of creatures ( as in the same sort of instrument ) one is not intirely like the other ; nor will the same cords fit each : the same degree of strength which winds up the cords of one , and fits them to a harmony and consort , may in another burst both the cords and instrument it self . thus men who have the liveliest and exquisitest sense , and who are in the highest degree affected with pleasure or pain , have need of the strongest ground and foundation of other passion , as that of natural affection , sensibleness to friendship , love , pity , and the like , in order to keep a right balance within , and to preserve them in their duty , and the performance of their part ; whilst others , who are more flegmatic , heavier , and of a lower key , need not , nor are made for the feeling those other passions in altogether so high a degree . it would be agreeable enough to inquire thus into the different tunings ( if one may speak so ) the different structures and proportions of different men , with respect to their passions , and the various mixtures , temperatures and allays , which make that which we call temper , according to which the goodness and worth of any creature is esteemed . but here we should have too large a field : tho however we may , in passing by , observe , that whilst we see in all other creatures around us so great a proportionableness , constancy and regularity in all their passions and affections ; so great a harmony , and such an adherence to nature ; no failure in the care of the offspring , or of the society ( if living in society ) ; no prostitution of themselves , nor no excess in any kind ; whilst we see those creatures who live as it were in cities ( as bees and ants ) never to go out of that constant train and harmony , nor contradict those affections which carry them on to operate to the public good , the good of their whole ; and that even those beasts that live the farthest out of society of that sort , maintain however a conduct one towards another , such as is exactly well fitted for the good of their own species ; man in the mean time , vicious and unconsonant man , lives out of all rule and proportion , contradicts his principles , breaks the order and oeconomy of all his passions , and lives at odds with his whole species , and with nature : so that it is next to a prodigy to see a man in the world who lives naturally , and as a man. thus having clear'd this part , and having explain'd what is meant by having any passion in too high or too low a degree ; and how that to have any natural affection too high , or any self affection too low , is ( tho not so called ) a vice and moral imperfection , and is prejudicial both to the privat and public system ; we come now to that which is the chiefest and most considerable part of vice , that which alone is call'd vice and illness . the several senses in which a creature may be said to be ill or vitious , are , first , when the affections are all orderly and right ; but that through want of judgment , any error is committed in the choice of moral objects . of this there is no need to speak more than we have done . all other vice or illness besides , must be through the immediat disorder of the affections themselves ; as when the natural affections are too strong , or the self affections too weak : tho nothing of this hitherto be what we ordinarily call illness or vice. that which remains of any way or sense , in which a creature may be ill , or can possibly act ill , is either through the want of natural and good affections , and the having no such thing at all to move him , or that is sufficient to move him ; or , through contrary passions or affections moving him to what is wrong , and overcoming those others , whensoever there are any of those to make opposition . that is to say , either by having the natural affections weak or deficient : or by having the self passions too strong : or by having such as are neither natural affections , nor self ones ; and of which the smallest and moderatest degree is not tending to the support or welfare of either the species or privat system . other wise than thus it is impossible any creature can be ill or vitious . and if it may be proved that it is the interest of the creature to have his passions or affections never thus , but contrariwise ; it will then be proved , that it is the interest of a creature to be , and keep in that state in which he cannot but be good or virtuous : so that virtue , then , can never be but his good , and the contrary his ill. our business therefore will be to prove , 1. that to have those excellent affections ( the kind and natural ones , such as have bin mentioned ) is to have the chief enjoyment of life ; and that to want them , is , and must be , besides the loss of that good , the occasion of farther and greater ill. 2. that to have the self passions excessive or beyond such a degree in which they cannot but of necessity yield , as is fitting , to the natural ones , whenever they meet or are opposed to each other , is also injurious to the creature , and is of self-ill . 3. and that to have the other sort of passions , those which are neither natural affections towards the kind , nor self ones , of which the least degree is essential or requisit in the constitution or oeconomy of the creature , is prejudicial to the creature . sect . ii. there are few , who when they think of such a creature as is void of all natural affection , all social inclination , friendliness , complacency or love , but think of it as in a condition miserable enough as to it self , without regard to the ill terms upon which such a creature must live with those that are his fellow creatures : 't is generally thought , i believe , that such a creature as this feels but a little part of the satisfaction of life , and relishes but little those few enjoyments which are left with him , those of eating , drinking , and the like ; when those others of sociableness , kindness and love , are substracted . it is well known , that to such a creature as this , it is not only incident , to be morose , rancorous and malignant ; but that of necessity a mind or temper thus destitue of all mildness and benignity , of all kind and indulgent inclination , sense or feeling , must turn to that which is contrary , must be agitated and wrought by passions of a different kind , and be a continual seat and lodgment of those bitter , hateful and perverse ones , made from a constant ill humor , frowardness , and disquiet , in an uncalm , unaffable , and unloving temper ; and that the consciousness of such a mind or nature , thus dissociable , obnoxious , and averse to all humanity , hating and hated of mankind , must overcloud the mind with dark suspicion and continual jealousy , alarm it with fears and horror , and raise in it a continual disturbance and disease , in the most appearing fair and secure state of fortune , and in the highest outward prosperity . this , as to the perfect immoral or inhuman state , is generally notic'd : and where there is this absolute degeneracy , and a total deprivation of all humanity , love , or natural affection , there are few who do not see and acknowledge the misery of such a state , when at worst as here suppos'd . the misfortune is , that this escapes us , and is not perceiv'd in less degrees : as if to be fully and perfectly horrid , unsociable and inhuman , were indeed the greatest misfortune and misery that could be ; but that to be it in a little degree should be no misery nor harm at all : which is as reasonable as it would be , to allow that it is the greatest ill of a body to be in the utmost manner distorted , maim'd , and in an absolute disuse or perversion of all its organs ; but that to lose the use of one limb , or to be impair'd in some one single member , is no inconvenience or ill at all . the parts and proportions of the mind , their relation to , and dependency on one another , the connexion and frame of those passions which constitute the soul or temper ; in short , the whole order or symmetry of this inward part being no less real and exact than that of the body , yet by not being obvious to sense as that other is , it comes not into consideration . so that tho the greatest misery and ill is allow'd to be from the mind or temper , which it is own'd may suffer by abuse and injury , as the body dos ; yet it is not known by what means this former suffers , how it receives abuse or injury , or at what rate and in what degrees it comes to be impair'd ; it is not known nor though of , what it is that should maim or offend any particular part ; or how it should happen to a temper or mind , that ▪ being wounded or hurt in any one particular part , the whole should be the worse for it . on the contrary , we think that a man may violate his faith , commit any wickedness unfamiliar to him before , engage in any vice or villany by which a breach is made on good affection , to the furtherance and promotion of what is contrariwise malignant , horrid and enormous , and all this without the least prejudice to himself , or any misery following from the ill action merely . 't is thus that it is often said , such a one has done ill ; but what is he the worse for it ? and yet we say of any nature savage , curst , and throughly inveterate , that such a one is a plague and torment to himself . and we allow that by certain passions , and merely by temper alone , a man may be fully miserable , let his circumstances , as to other respects , be what they will. now did it appear that this fabric of the mind were such , that it was impossible to remove from thence , or out of the natural temper , any one good or orderly affection , or introduce any ill or disorderly one , without danger of ruin and fatal destruction , without drawing on in some degree that horrid and detestable state , and making in part that havock and confusion , which at its height , or but in some particular occasion , is observ'd and justly confess'd to be so miserable ; were this made appear from the oeconomy of the mind , or of those passions which constitute the natural temper or soul , it would then be confess'd , that since no ill , immoral , impious , or unjust action could be committed , without a violence committed here , without either a new inroad and breach on the temper and passions , or a farther advancing of that execution already begun ; whoever did ill , or acted in prejudice of his virtue , integrity , good nature , or worth , acted in the same manner towards himself , but with less mercy , than he who with his own hands should wound or any way destroy or ruin his own body . i. but to begin now in the first place with this proof , that to have the natural affections ( such as are founded in love , complacency , goodwill , and in a sympathy with the kind or species ) is to have the chief enjoyment of life ; and that to want the same affections is to be on the other hand as miserable . we may consider , first , what those are which we call pleasures or satisfactions , from whence happiness is reckon'd and esteem'd . they are satisfactions or pleasures ( according to the common distinction ) either of the body , or of the mind . that the pleasures of the mind are greater than those of the body , is allow'd by most people , and may be prov'd by this ; that whensoever the mind having a high opinion or feeling of some excellence ( be it in what subject it will , either where worth or excellence is , or is not ) has receiv'd the strongest impression , and is wrought up to the highest pitch or degree of passion towards the subject ; at such time it sets it self above all bodily pain , contemns torture and racks : for thus we see indians , barbarians , malefactors , and the very horridst and most execrable villains in the world , oftimes , for the sake of a particular gang or society , or out of some cherish'd notion or principle of honor , of revenge , of gratitude , or something of that kind with which they are taken , embrace any manner of hardship , and defy torments and death . whereas on the other hand , a man being plac'd in all circumstances of outward enjoyments , surrounded with every thing that can allure or charm the sense , and being then actually in the very moment of such an indulgence ; yet no sooner is there any thing amiss within , no sooner has he conceiv'd any internal ail or disorder , any thing inwardly vexatious or distemper'd , but instantly his enjoyment ceases , the pleasure of sense is at an end ; and every thing that is a means of that sort becomes ineffectual , and is plainly rejected as uneasy , and giving distast when offer'd . the pleasures of the mind being allow'd , therefore , superior to those of the body , it follows , that whatever can create to any intelligent being a constant flowing , a series or train of mental enjoyments , is more considerable to his happiness , than that which can create to him the same constant course or train of sensual ones of the body . the mental enjoyments in a great measure are actually the very natural affections themselves , in their immediat operation . or , they proceed from , and are caused by natural and good affections . how much the natural affections themselves are really pleasures and enjoyments , cannot but be own'd by any one who knows the condition and feeling of the mind under a lively and forcible affection of kindness , love , gratitude , bounty , succor , or whatever else is of a generous , sociable , or friendly kind ; and who is sensible of what pleasure the mind perceives when it is imploy'd in acts of that nature , and is touch'd and mov'd in that sort . the difference we find between a solitude and company ; between a common company , and the company or merely the sight of those we love ; the reference of almost all our pleasures to society , and the dependence which they have either on society it self immediatly , or on the imagination and supposal of it , as present ; all these are sufficient proofs , or rather experiences and inward convictions of the truth of this . that the pleasures of this sort are thus forcibly felt , and are even superior to those of any bodily kind , may be known too from effects ; not only from this ( tho this withal may be remark'd ) that the very outward features , the marks and signs which attend this sort of joy , are expressive of a more intense , clear , and undisturb'd pleasure , than those which attend the satisfaction of thirst , hunger , lust , and the like ; but it may be known with certainty from the prevalence and ascendency of this sort of joy over any other ; from the silencing and appeasing of every other motion of pleasure where this presents it self ; and from the preference which is apparently given by every nature almost , at some time or other , to this feeling or affection , which has the power of drawing from every other ( as in the case of love to the young , and a thousand other instances ) or of so engrossing the whole temper , as to render it , in the midst of all other pleasures , sensible in a manner only to this alone , which remains as master of , and superior to the rest . there is not any one who , by the least progress in science or learning , has come to know barely the principles of mathematics , but has found that in the exercise of his mind , or the discoveries he there makes , tho merely of speculative truths , he receives a pleasure and delight superior to that of sense . but this again , how great soever the pleasure may be , must of necessity be infinitly surpass'd by virtuous motion or exercise , where , together with the strongest delightful affection of the soul , there is an approbation given by the mind to what is acted in consequence of that motion or affection ; and where there is the fairest matter of speculation , the goodliest view and contemplation on earth , which is that of a beautiful , proportionable , and becoming action , self applicable , and of which the memory and consciousness is of any other thing the most solidly and lastingly pleasing . in the passion of love ( we mean of that sort which is between the sexes ) in which there is a mixture of the strongest sensual affection together with natural affection , or affection of kindness ( such as is in that case towards the object belov'd ) it so far appears that the sense or feeling of the former , and the pleasure enjoy'd in it , is outdone in this latter , that it is commonly known how that often , through that affection of kindness , and for the sake of the person belov'd , when in any danger , or any ways expos'd , the greatest things in the world have bin done , and are so every day ; the greatest hardships submitted to , and even death it self voluntarily embrac'd , without any desired or expected compensation ; not here in this world surely , for death puts an end to all ; nor hardly , i suppose , hereafter , for there are few who have ever thought yet of providing a heaven or future recompence for the suffering virtue of lovers . but what is more yet , as to the excellence of these natural affections , and their agreeableness to our natures ; not only the natural affections of this kind , when joy , sprightliness and gaity are mixt with them , have real enjoyment and happiness above sensuality , or the gratification merely of sense ; but even that natural affection which is clouded and under the worst appearance , the very sorrow and grief ( if one may say so ) which belongs to natural affection , to a generous , humane and kind concern ; tho it may be thought contrary to pleasure , is yet for contentment and satisfaction far above those other pleasures of indulg'd sense . and where a series or continu'd succession of these motions or affections can be carried on , even through fears , apprehensions , alarms , doubts ( the object virtue being still kept in sight , and its beauty appearing still in the midst of the surrounding calamities ) there is inseparably join'd to this a contentment and satisfaction of the highest sort ; insomuch that when by mere illusion , as in a tragedy , the passions of this mournful kind are artfully excited in us , we prefer the enjoyment and pleasure to any other entertainment of equal duration , and find by our selves that the moving our passions in this sort , the engaging them in the behalf of merit and worth , and the exerting of that goodness that is in us , tho there be nothing more remote from sensual or bodily pleasure , is yet of exquisit sensation , and to such as are refin'd enough to feel it , more moving , and of greater enjoyment than any thing of the other kind abstracted intirely from this . and after this manner it may appear how much the mental enjoyments are actually the very natural affections themselves . how much they proceed from , and are caused by natural affection , we have now to consider . that the affection of love , kindness , and bounty , is it self of the highest degree of mental pleasure , has bin shewn . the effects of love or kind affection in a way of mental pleasure are , a delight in , and enjoyment of the good of others ; a receiving it , as it were , by reflection , so as to participate in the joy , pleasure , or prosperity of whom we love or kindly affect ; and a pleasing consciousness of love or approbation from others , or of our meriting it from others . there is nothing plainer than that both these satisfactions and delights , viz. joy in , and participation of the good of others ; and pleasing consciousness or sense of merited love from others , can possibly be nothing else but the effects of love in us ; and that they increase and decrease , as their cause diminishes or grows . so that where no love or natural affection is , or where it is but weak or unsound , there the consequent pleasures cannot be at all , or at least must be but weak and unsound . now the pleasures of sharing good with others ; of receiving it in fellowship and company ; of gathering it from the pleased and happy states of those around us , from accounts and relations of such happinesses , joys , deliverances ; from the very countenances and pleased looks even of creatures foreign to our nature and kind , whose signs of joy and contentment we can discern or understand ; the pleasures or delights of this sort are so infinitly spreading and diffusive through our whole lives , that there is hardly such a thing as pleasure or contentment , of which this is not a part , and which , if this were taken away , would not totally sink and be corrupted , or at least lose its chiefest vigor , that which made its refinement , and without which it would be dross . and thus in the same manner , as to the other pleasure , that of sensibleness to the love of others , and consciousness of merited esteem and love ; which in as far as it is a pleasure , must be wholly the effect of love , and cannot be felt where natural affection is not felt . how familiar and natural it is to us , continually to be drawing some sort of satisfaction from hence ! how frequent and habitual it is with us , and how great a part of our enjoyment of life , to be in joy and delight , as either well satisfied in the consciousness of merited esteem and kindness from others ; or as flattered by the imagination of it ! what wretch is there , what open violator of the laws of society , destroyer or ravager so great , who has not a companion , or some particular set , either of his own kindred , or of such as he calls friends , with whom he shares his good , in whose welfare he delights , and whose joy he makes his joy ? who are there amongst these that are not flattered by the kindness of some that are near them , and sensibly moved by the affection which they apprehend is bore to them , even by such as are no way capable of assisting them , or serving their interest ? it is to this that almost all their actions have reference ; and without this there are few even of these ununiform and inconsistent livers , who would not find themselves in an unsupportable solitude and desertion , and think life it self a torment to them . it is this that goes through our whole lives , and mixes it self even with most of our vices . of this , vanity , ambition , luxury , have a share , and many other disorders of our life partake . so that were pleasure to be computed in the way that other things commonly are , it might be said , that out of these two branches would arise more than nine tenths of all that is enjoyed in life . now there is not , nor can be any thing of this kind which dos not immediatly depend on the having natural and kind affection . and as natural affection is narrow , broken , or imperfect , so must be the content and joy arising hence . for , first , partial affection , or natural affection in part , and only to some particulars , is an inconsistency and contradiction : and as it has no foundation or establishment in reason , so it must be easily removable and subject to alteration without reason . now the variableness of such sort of passion , which depends solely on capriciousness and humor , and must undergo the changeable successions of alternate hatred and love , aversion and inclination towards the same object , must not only in the end diminish natural affection , and together with it the pleasures enjoyed from reflected good , or good of participation , as above ; but must create continual disturbance within , unquietness , disgust , and give an allay to whatsoever is actually enjoy'd in the way of natural and social affection . whereas on the other hand intire affection ( which is throughout , and equal towards the society , or whole , wheresoever any relation lies ) as it is answerable to it self , duly proportion'd , rational , and accountable ; so it is irrefragable , solid , and lasting . and as in the other , every deficiency elsewhere , and every exorbitancy in the affection , dos in some manner resist and disturb the present and immediat feeling of social and friendly affection ; so in this , every other good affection , and the consciousness of integrity and soundness , casts a good reflection , and an addition of contentment on every particular affection felt , and makes it of more inward pleasant feeling in the soul , and more satisfactory and rejoicing in the mind . thus he who is least selfish , and can , according as there is merit , love another with most sincerity and strongest affection , dos not only enjoy most by division or sharing of good , and by communicating and imparting of it ; but through the consciousness of the justice , beauty and excellence of that love , of its proportionableness to all his other affections , and of the sutableness of those affections to nature , and to the whole , he enjoys a satisfaction vastly above what is receiv'd from that limited , entangled , and much corrupted pleasure of imperfect , partial , and unintire affection . and in the last place , as partial affection is fitted but to a small enjoyment of those pleasures of communicative and reflected good above-mention'd ; so neither is it capable of extracting any thing considerable from that other principal branch of human happiness and delight , the being sensible to the love and esteem of others , and the being conscious of that which merits it . for in the same manner as the affection it self is narrowly limited , infirm and changable ; so accordingly is the merit arising hence very imperfect , and of little account . and , as the merit is but low and inferior , whilst only towards some mean and inconsiderable part of mankind , and not towards society and the whole ; so , accordingly , the consequent pleasure of the mind must below and defective . and as it is not possible that any who esteem not , nor love according to virtue , should in the number of their so beloved and esteemed friends find either those in whom they can so constantly and throughly rejoice , and have satisfaction in meriting from , or whose reciprocal love , esteem , or merited approbation , they can equally and constantly prize and enjoy ; so , they of necessity must fall short in this other part of mental enjoyment . nor can the pleasures gather'd from self-flattery in that unsound esteem and love of those who are neither rightly nor constantly esteemed or loved , be any other than unsound , disorderly and disturbed . whereas on the other hand , intire affection has all the opposit advantages ; it has applause and love from the best ; and , in disinterested cases , from the very worst of men : and of this we may say , that it has a consciousness of merited love and approbation from all society , from all intelligent creatures , and from that which is the highest and supreme of all intelligences . and the satisfaction which attends this intire affection , is full and noble in proportion to its ultimate and final object , which carries all in it self , and contains all perfection , according to that sense of theism above establish'd . this is the result of virtue : and to have this intire affection , or integrity , is to live according to nature , and the dictates and rules of supreme wisdom ; this is morality , justice , piety , and natural religion . thus therefore it is evident that by reason of the effects of natural affection in reflected good from the joy and good of others , and in that of sensibleness to kindness and love from others , the chiefest of mental pleasures ( which are the chiefest of all pleasures ) are deriv'd from , and owing to natural affection . and to shew by farther instance yet , how much the mental pleasures proceed from , and are caus'd by natural affection ; let any one consider , that all those pleasures which a man can have in any other besides a merely sensual way , all those pleasures receiv'd from converse , familiarity , society , in privat contemplation , thought and retirement , in mirth and entertainment , or whatsoever they be of that species and kind of mental pleasures ; they are wholly in a manner founded in the having as well dispos'd and easy temper or spirit , free of harshness , distast , sowerness , turbulence ; and in having a mind or reason in good order , reconcilable to it self , such as creates it self no unpleasant views , nor is of ill reflection . now such a mind and such a temper as this , which must fit and qualify for the enjoying of the pleasures mention'd , is , and must be owing to the natural and good affections . as to what relates to temper ( which we will consider first ) and how a temper of that happy sort comes to be really owing to natural affection ; it may be consider'd thus . there is no state of health or prosperity so great , where inclination and will are always answer'd , fancy and humor pleas'd ; where there are not hourly almost some stops , impediments or crosses to the intention , appetite or liking ; some accidents or other from without to check the licentious course of the desire ; or something from within , from the disposition of the body , the humors , or what else is common in the ordinary course of a constitution , which must occasion distast and vexation , and cause a habit of that kind , where there is nothing to oppose it , so as to stop the progress of it , and hinder its gaining upon a temper . now the only thing that can be oppos'd to this , is some natural and kind affection : for if the mind by reflection resolves to suppress this ill at any time when risen in the temper , and that it thinks fit to do it in good earnest on any account , it can no otherwise effectually and really do it but by introducing into the soul , or passionat part , some affection of love , some motion of kindness , affectionatness or candor , to allay and convert that motion of impatience and discontent . for , if it be not done this way , the countenance may indeed be counterfeited , but the heart not chang'd : and if it be done only by the power of immediat fear or apprehension , or by the power of any other affection than such as is by nature opposit and contrary ; the ill passion is suspended only during the time which that fear lasts , but is not subdu'd or in the least debilitated against the next occasion , nor hindred therefore as to its progress or gaining over the temper . so that where an affable , benign , and kind disposition reigns not ; where there is not a mildness and serenity spread through the whole temper , so as to render it of easy acceptation , and fair construction , compliant , easily conceding , charitable and good ; there can be but little of an easy and free spirit long remaining , and consequently but few and slender enjoyments of a mental kind : for in a temper where the slightest thing diseases and provokes , where displeasure and offence are always ready to arise , and nothing kind and reconciling to allay and turn those motions ; but where bitterness and choler in a manner swim at the top and over all , and where something of a froward and malignant kind is ever stirring and active ; in such a temper as this there can be but little reception for any of those mental pleasures , which in this case can be but very rarely experienc'd , must be very faint , and of small continuance . but , to press this further yet : it is most certain that by what proportion the natural and good affections are lost or wanting in any creature , by that proportion the ill and unnatural ones must prevail . it is the nature of every passion by use and exercise to grow stronger and more confirm'd . there are in every life , even in the most prosperous ( as has bin said already ) continual sources of displeasure and uneasiness , either from inward bodily constitution , variety of disposition , or the unconformity of things without to fancy , humor and will : and if those who are in the highest circumstances of fortune seem to come off the easiest , it is to be consider'd that the most humor'd and indulg'd state is what receives the most disturbance from every disappointment or smallest ail . now since besides what is of the kind of natural affection , there is nothing of any kind else which can hinder the course and growing habit of impatience , discontent and vexation ; much less can any thing else besides natural and kind affection , resist the more violent motions of anger , rage , revengefulness ; and , where provocations , offences and enmities arise , ( as there are subjects infinit ) be able to correct the virulence and malignity of those passions once kindled , and to expel that which is infective in them , and poisonous to the temper : so that the forward , prone and sudden passions of resentment , pique , vexation and frowardness , which are sure to be mov'd on a thousand occasions , and which arise in a manner of themselves , without any apparent subject , having no check or controul ; but , being left masters and possessors of the soul ( when there is nothing there either of human or good affection to resist or make a stand ) and growing thus by use and exercise into greater strength and prevalence , they cannot but cause a settled inveteracy and rancor , and make this the ground and bottom of the whole temper . but , of the misery of this we shall speak when we come to consider of the unnatural state. in the mean time it seems to have bin prov'd , that all those mental pleasures of converse , mirth , familiarity , and the rest , depend upon a mind and temper properly dispos'd ; and that the temper which produces these is and must be owing to the natural and good affections . now as to the other part , a mind or reason thus dispos'd and in good order , reconcilable to it self , and of good reflection ; and upon what account this is , and must be owing to natural affection , we may consider it after this manner . whatever creature has intelligence and reason in the manner that we have it , and who from several degrees of reflection has risen to that capacity which we call sense and understanding ; such a creature as this , in the very use of his contemplative or reasoning faculty , is forc'd to receive reflections back into his mind of that which passes in it self , of the actions of his will , and of his foregoing behavior in the common course of his natural temper towards his fellow creatures , as well as in all occasions besides . and tho we say of some giddy and heedless people , that they live without reflection , it is not that they are exempt from this sort of feeling , or have not this consciousness with them as others have ( for their memory is as good , and the necessary occasions are as many of remembring and calling to mind what they did or felt before ) but they are said to have no reflection , because they do not designedly , or with any service or help to themselves in their conduct , call to mind any number of circumstances to draw inference from thence to what is present or future . now to such a reasoning or reflecting creature as this , who is forc'd of necessity to endure the review of his own mind and actions , and to have representations of himself and his own affairs constantly before him , obvious to him , and passing in his mind ; to such a creature as this there are two things which must be horridly offensive and agrieving ; to have the reflection in his mind of any past action or behavior which he likes not should be imputed to him , which he knows odious , and feels to be of ill merit : or , to have the reflection in his mind of any thing foolishly done ( either as supinely and negligently , or as rashly and extravagantly ) in the prejudice of his own interest and good. conscience is one or other , or both of these . for the fear of future evils or of eternal ill inflicted at the will of some superior and supernatural power , is to have aw and terror of the deity , but dos not imply conscience , any more than the fear of those evils which are apprehended from spirits , enchantments , and such like , dos imply conscience : for to fear the devil and to fear god would ( as to conscience ) be then all one ; and to fear god in any other manner than as in consequence of some justly blameable and imputable act , is to fear a devilish nature , or devil in the stead of god : so that conscience may even be where sense of future divine punishment is not . nor dos the terror of hell , or a thousand other terrors of the deity imply conscience except in this case , viz. where there is ill reflection in the mind of what is wrong , odious , morally deform'd , and ill deserving ; or of what was committed contrary to wisdom , and unaccountably : and wheresoever this is ( whether join'd or not join'd with any positive fear of future divine punishment to be inflicted ) there conscience is , there conscience accuses . and thus there is besides a religious conscience that which we may call moral or natural conscience : altho that also may be call'd religious conscience which regards the odiousness of any act with respect to the all ▪ seeingness of the deity ; who being so highly thought of as to all excellence and greatness , it cannot otherwise be , but that in the conceiv'd presence of such a being , the shame of villany or vice must with great forcibleness be felt , even independently of that apprehension or sense of any future punishment of positive infliction . as for a rational creature therefore , such as man , who whilst he continues to be rational and to have a mind , must of necessity through the course of his life be conscious of , and have before him still , the results of that mind , the determinations and actions of his will , and the effects of his natural temper and affections in his foregoing life : if there be any action which , having proceeded hence , is odious of imputation , and of ill reflection , it must be discomposing and afflicting to him , as being acted against natural conscience . there is no sensible creature who maliciously and intentionally dos ill , who is not sensible likewise that he deserves ill : and in this sense every creature has conscience . for , with all mankind , and all intelligent creatures this must ever hold , that what they know they deserve from every one , that they necessarily must fear and expect from every one : and thus suspicions and ill apprehensions must grow , and terrors arise both of men and of the deity . but besides this , and over and above the very return and punishment which is fear'd , there must , in almost every rational creature , be yet farther conscience , from sense of deformity in what is thus ill-deserving and unnatural , and from the consequent regret and hatefulness of incurring what is odious , and moves aversion . there scarcely is , or can be any creature whom consciousness of villany as such merely dos not at all offend ; nor any thing opprobrious or hainously imputable , move or affect : or if there be such a one , it follows then , that with such a creature as this all things that are of a moral kind , or relate to either the good or ill of the species , must be equal and indifferent in the affection ( for if it were not so , but that any thing of that kind were odious , it must be most of all odious of imputation or self ▪ application . ) if this be so , then neither can there be any natural affection : if not that , then neither any pleasure of society , or mental enjoyment , as above ; but instead of that , all manner of horrid , unnatural and ill affection ; of the misery of which we are to speak distinctly under our last head . so that not to be sensible to the odiousness or mere deformity of crime and injustice ( which is to have no sense of the goodness or illness of any act , nor any natural affection at all ) and to be so far without conscience , is to be most of all miserable in life : but where conscience or sense of this sort remains , there it follows , that whatever carriage , action or deed , is contrary to the sense of goodness and deservingness , and is therefore odious of imputation , unbecoming , and of ill consciousness , this must of necessity , by means of reflection , be continually grievous and offensive . a man who in the height of anger and fury happens to kill another , dos , as we often see , relent immediatly at the very sight of what he has done , and only by beholding the miserable state of a dying creature , in that spectacle of death which he himself has caus'd : for this he suffers agony ; the subject of this continually occurs to him in his mind ; and of this he must have ill memory and consciousness . if on the other side , he dos not relent nor suffer any concern at all , then , either he is such a one as has no sense of deformity , of crime and injustice , no natural affection , and consequently no happiness or peace within : or if he have sense of moral goodness or illness , but that in this or any particular , he affects that as noble , gallant or worthy , which is the contrary ; it must follow , that as there is no proportion , aptness or fitness but in virtue alone to esteem , approbation , or good consciousness ; he must either through the inconsistency , contradictoriness and absurdity of such an unlasting and unaccountable esteem and approbation , and through the ill influence it must have in time upon his temper , come to lose at last even this remaining imperfect conscience ; or , if he still retains it in any degree , it must follow that through the same unsutableness of approbation or esteem to any thing of a contrary nature to virtue , there must be great confusion and disagreement in life , and continual disturbance and dissatisfaction in the service of such a principle . for it is impossible that a murderer , or one of the banditi , a pirat , or any confederate cheat or ruffian , or in short , any one who is false to the society of mankind in general , and contradicts natural affection , should have any principle that holds throughout , any fix'd standard or measure upon which he can regulate his approbation or esteem , any reason or rule for his approbation of any one action moral ; if any thing morally good or ill , amiable or detestable has place with him : so that the more he engages in the love or admiration of any thing as morally worthy , which is morally ill and detestable ; the more self-contradiction he must meet with , the more dissatisfaction and self-disapprobation in the main , through the perpetual variableness and instability of that rule by which he approves and disapproves , and through the irreconcilableness of his mind and reason to it self . and there being nothing more certain than this , that no natural affection can be contradicted , nor no ill one advanced ( as by false applause it is ) without a prejudice in some degree to all the other natural affections ; it must follow that natural deformity growing greater by the incouragement of unnatural affection in any particular , if at the same time there remains a sense of moral good or ill ; there must be of necessity more work created for ill conscience , more subject of ill consciousness ; and the matter or ground of self-disapprobation or self-dissatisfaction in life , must be more increas'd , as irregular and ill affection increases . in short , there is no transgression , loss or violation of natural affection in any degree , without ill conscience of the first sort , viz. of ill merit or ill deservingness , such as loses us that supreme happiness of rest , and security of mind in a freedom from ill apprehensions and suspicions ; and such as must draw on , necessarily , that contrary habit of mind which causes us to live in terrors of mankind , and of all credited , or but suspected superior powers : from which fears we are by innocence and good consciousness so much deliver'd , and by that means plac'd in such security and ease . if there be no farther conscience than this , if there be no conscience at all from sense of deformity in moral ill , and consequently no natural affection ; then is the mind farthest of all from being at ease , by being ( as it must necessarily be , when natural affection is lost ) in the horridest state of savageness , immanity and unnatural passion . if there be indeed farther conscience , as from a sense of moral deformity and excellence , then there being certainly no durable or consistent self-approbation from any thing besides what is of virtue ; there is ground of constant self-accusation or dislike from whatsoever is contrary to , or is a defect in natural affection : as on the other side , there is ground of thorow self-approbation , joy and contentment , wheresoever there is integrity of life , and adherence to natural and sound affection . this also is to be consider'd , that when any one by an immorality or injustice offends his conscience , and goes against natural affection , or sense of right and wrong ; he cannot possibly see a reason in himself , why he should not be carried further into all manner of villany , or why he should not esteem himself as a person liable and open to all crime and wickedness , even that which is as yet unknown to him . and this is a reproach which a mind must of necessity make to it self upon the least offence of conscience , and where any thing is committed in contradiction to a sense of right and wrong , that is , of an amiableness or deformity in moral actions . as for that other part of conscience , viz. the ill remembrance or ill reflection of what is unreasonably done , and in prejudice of interest or happiness : this must follow still and have effect , wheresoever any action has given occasion to sense of deformity contracted by crime and injustice : or where there is not the ground of any such sense ; yet there must follow still an ill conscience from sense of ill merit with respect to men , and to the deity . or tho there be a possibility ( which is hard to suppose ) of excluding for ever all thoughts or suspicions of any superior powers , yet it is impossible but that an almost total defect in natural affection , which no dissimulation can long conceal , must occasion a sensible loss to us in the confidence and trust of men , and consequently in interest and happiness . and the sense of this great disadvantage is what can never fail to occur to us , when we see ( as we must be forc'd to do with envy ) the better and more grateful terms of friendship , trust , love and esteem , on which those who have not renounc'd their good and natural affection , live with the rest of mankind . where natural affection therefore is not ; yet by immorality , happening through want of such affection , there must be disturbance from conscience of this sort , viz. from sense of what is committed unwisely , and contrary to interest and safety : and this too , notwithstanding any security in which men may live against the apprehensions of a superior and animadverting power . from all this we may conclude , that a mind and reason , well at ease , orderly , reconcilable with it self , and of good retrospect or reflection ( on which , and on a temper such as we have spoken of , all those mental pleasures before enumerated do in a great degree depend , and are founded ) is owing to natural and good affection . so that if the chiefest happiness be from the mental pleasures , and from the constantest succession or series of such in life ; and that the chiefest mental pleasures are such as we have treated of , and are founded in natural affection ; it follows , that to have the natural affections , is to have the chiefest enjoyment , possession , and happiness of life . now as to the pleasures of the body , and the satisfactions belonging to sense ; it is evident , that they cannot possibly have their effect , or be of any valuable or delightful enjoyment , but by the means of natural and social affection . if from the highest voluptuousness in eating or in drinking , the circumstances of a table and companions were withdrawn ; so that all possible means of enjoying these delights in fellowship , all occasion for social feeling or affection were deny'd ; there would be hardly any pleasure remaining that were worth acceptance , even in the opinion of the most debauch'd themselves : and if there are any of those sensualists who can be sensual by themselves , who can be contented to take these satisfactions when perfectly alone , and can indulge themselves in the same manner , and eat and drink with the same relish then as at another season ; there is no body who thinks the pleasure of these persons to be very refin'd , or that they are so much as capable of enjoying it , so as to be reckon'd upon as men of pleasure . the very notion of a debauch ( which is a sally into all that can be imagin'd of pleasure and voluptuousness ) carries with it an apprehension of reference to society , or to a gang , or something of fellowship : it may be call'd a surfeit or excess of eating and drinking , but hardly a debauch of that kind , when the excess was taken separately , out of society or reach of people : and one that uses himself in this way , is often call'd a sot , but never a debauchee . the courtezans , and even the commonest of women , who live by prostitution , know very well how necessary it is , that every one whom they entertain with their beauty , should believe that there are satisfactions reciprocal , and that pleasures are as well given as receiv'd : and were the imagination of this to be wholly taken away , there are hardly any of the grosser sort of mankind who would not think the remaining pleasure to be gross and sordid , and of very imperfect injoyment . who is there that can well , or long enjoy any thing when alone , and abstracted perfectly even in his very mind and thought , from any thing of society ? who is there that on those terms is not soon cloy'd by any sensual indulgence , and that is not uneasy with his pleasure , however exquisit it be , of sensation , till such time as he has found a way to impart it , and make it truly pleasant to him , by communicating his joy , and sharing it at least with some one single person ? let men imagin what they please ; let them suppose or believe themselves ever so selfish ; or desire ever so much to follow the dictates of such a principle , and to bring nature under restraint ; nature will break out , and in agonies , disquiets , and a distemper'd state , demonstrate evidently the ill consequence of such violence , the absurdity of such a device , and the punishment which belongs to such a monstrous and horrid endeavor . thus , therefore , not only the pleasures of the mind depend on natural affection ; but even the pleasures too of the body do in so far depend , that where natural affection is not , they not only lose their force , but are in a manner converted into disturbance , uneasiness and disgust : so as that the matter which should feed joy , contentment and delight , feeds rather discontent and sowerness , and breeds a nauseating , wearisom and restless disposition , by reason of the absolute incapacity in any thing sensual to please , or give any lasting or thorow contentment , where it is not mixt with any thing of affable , kind , or social affection . and thus both with respect to mental enjoyment , and to the enjoyments of sense also ; to have the natural affections , is to have the chiefest satisfaction and happiness of life . now on the other side , that to want the same natural affections is to be chiefly miserable , appears first from the loss it implies both of the mental and bodily pleasures ; and also from its carrying with it the horridest of pains , those of the mind : of which sort if ( by what shall further be prov'd ) those deriv'd from unnatural and horrid affections appear to be the very worst ; it will follow that since ( according to what has bin prov'd already ) unnatural and horrid affection is and must ever be consequent to the loss of natural and good ; that therefore to want natural and good affection , is certainly to incar the greatest of torments and diseases . but , before we conclude as to this of natural affection , we may add something in general , of the balance of the affection ( of which we gave some hint before ) and by this endeavor to demonstrate how that for want of a due proportion or balance in natural affection , a creature is at a loss and uneasy , disturb'd , and ill affected in his other passions . there is no body who has consider'd ever so little the nature of the sensible part , the soul or mind , but knows that in the same manner as without action , motion and employment , the body languishes and is oppress'd , its nourishment grows the matter and food of disease , the spirits unconsum'd help to consume the body , and nature as it were preys upon it self ; so also that sensible and living part , the soul or mind , wanting its proper and natural exercise , is burden'd , and diseas'd ; and its thoughts and passions being unnaturally witheld from their due objects , turn against it self , and create the highest impatience . for the mind or soul , which more than the body requires agitation and exercise , cannot be but in a state of feeling or passion , of some kind , and under some certain affection or other : if not under such affection as may fitly employ it in proportionable and fit subject ; yet however under such as will make it a burden , disease and torment to it self . in brutes , and such as have not the use of reason or reflection ( at least not after the manner which mankind has ) it is so order'd in nature , that between their daily search after food , their application and intention towards the business of their own immediate support , or towards the affairs of their kind , almost their whole time is taken up , and they fail not to find full imployment for their passion , according to that degree of agitation and vigor to which they are fitted , and which their nature requires . if it happens that any one of these be taken out of a natural and laborious state , to be plac'd in the midst of ease , and of a plenty furnishing abundantly to all his appetites and wants ; it proves , that as his circumstances are luxuriant , his temper and passions grow so too ; and that coming to have these accommodations at a cheaper rate , with respect to labor and imployment , than was intended him by nature , he is made to pay dearer for it in another sense , by losing the good disposition of his temper and passions , and the orderliness of his kind or species . it happens with mankind , that some by necessity are ty'd to labor , whilst others are provided for in an abundance of all things at the expence of the labors of the rest . now , if amongst those of this easy sort , there be not something of fit and proper imployment rais'd in the room of what is wanting by such a vacancy from common labor and toil ; if there be not an application to some sort of work , such as has a good and honest end in society , as letters , sciences , arts , husbandry , public or privat oeconomy , or the like ; but that there be a settled idleness , supiness , and a relax'd and dissolute state ; it must needs produce ( as is always seen ) a total disorder of the passions , and must break out in the strangest irregularities imaginable . it is not thus with those who are taken up in honest and due imployment , and have bin well inur'd to it , as amongst the industrious sort of common people ; where it is rare to meet with any instances of those irregularities of affection that are known in courts and where idleness reigns . neither may it be improper here , to remark what many have done in advantage of imployment and application ; that where a person necessitated from his youth to a life of the most laborious sort , has on a sudden chang'd his circumstances and become rich , he has found in himself the uneasiness and ill operation of that ease and rest he so much wish'd for , and having no other proper imployment to turn himself to , he has again betaken himself to that life out of choice , to which before be was only driven and necessitated . there is no need of going about by farther instances , and argument , to prove , that as motion and exercise is of absolute necessity to the good state and welfare of the body ; so it is to that of the mind and affectionate part . now nature having ( as we see evidently in creatures ) made it so great a part of the natural imployment and exercise of the mind and passion , to be applied and bent towards the species : and having suted and fram'd the rest of the passions , the whole constitution and oeconomy of the creature to this ; it cannot but follow of consequence , that where this social bent and affection is wanting , the mind and passionat part must suffer much by the want of it ; being sure to create to themselves unusual and unnatural exercise , where they are cut off from such as is natural and good . and thus in the room of social and natural affection , new and unnatural ones must be rais'd , and all order and oeconomy be thus destroy'd . it is to have a very imperfect idea of the order of nature in the formation and structure of animals , to think that so great a principle , so fundamental a part as that of natural affection in the soul , should be possibly lost or impair'd without mighty disorder , calamity and injury to the creature . in the structure of the body , where all is so aptly adjusted , there is not any of all those which are call'd the noble or principal parts , that can be wounded or hurt without the immediat disorder and sufferance of the whole body . nor is this otherwise in the structure of the passions and affections , which are with equal art and exactness suted and fram'd to one another , to every different creature and different sex ; since we see the whole so nicely built , that the barely extending of one passion but a little too far , or the continuance of it too long , is able to overturn all , and bring irrecoverable ruin and misery , by distraction . how is it possible , therefore , that in a system such as this , a principle of life and motion so great as that of natural affection , so interwove with all the other faculties , and suted to the other motions within , should possibly be injur'd or lost , without the sufferance and ruin of the inward part , and a total intanglement , torture , and perplexity of inward disposition ? we see in the example of castration , how a small bodily alteration has an effect upon the passions , so as to take away those appetites and affections that are the proper ones of the sex , and how great a disorder this breeds ; how man himself no less than other creatures , is render'd by it unsound , imperfect , deform'd , and miserably disposed in his passions and affections as well as in outward figure ; how impotent of mind , and how weak , untoward and wretched in his whole state . it is the same thing when without any change in the bodily organs , and only by the force of unnatural education , practice , or use , any natural passions are remov'd which are of the oeconomy and order of the creature . a man effeminatly bred and us'd , tho not an eunuch , nor by any metamorphosis chang'd into woman , yet becomes a kind of woman in part , and is the same disfigur'd creature as to his passions and inward composure , as that other sort of monster and creature of neither sex. who is there that can think of any creature that becomes degenerate , and loses any principal feeling or passion which is of the character of his species ( as of a lion that should lose his courage , a bee his industry , a turtle his tender , and as it were conjugal affection ) without having the idea of an untoward imperfect being , and of a creature that for his own sake had better not be ? can any one think either of a male that passes into any of the passions or affections proper only to the female ; or of a female that loses the proper and peculiar softness belonging to the sex , and becomes masculine , without being offended , and without judging very readily , that as there is a different order of life , a different oeconomy , different capacities of pleasure , and enjoyments of life ; so there is a different order set , and oeconomy of passions assign'd in the same manner to the one , different from the other ? for , where the faculties , the habitudes or affections belonging to the male , are join'd to other affections which are proper only to the female ; this being disagreeable , preposterous , and of disturbance to the smooth and regular course of the passions , must be of necessity a torment and disease . now if for any animal , even of the brutish kind , to lose any one of those affections proper to his species and to the character of his kind , or of his sex only , be of so great an injury to him ; what must it be for man to lose that sense and feeling which is proper to him as a man ; which is his proper character , his make and genius ? what must it be for man ( whose dependence on , and relation to society is yet greater than in any of those other creatures ) to lose any thing of that natural affection by which he is carried on to the good of his species and society , and of which passion he has naturally so much more than other creatures , that he , of any other , can least bear solitude or an intermission of social enjoyment which he is still seeking after , and if long depriv'd of , is hardly able to endure his being ? nor is any thing more apparent than that there is naturally in every one such a degree of social affection as necessitates and drives him to seek the familiarity and friendship of others , amongst whom he may let loose a passion which wants to be employ'd , and which when it is suppress'd , creates a sadness , dejection and melancholy in the mind , as great as is on the contrary that healing and enlivening joy it brings when acting at its liberty and with full scope ; as at that time we may see particularly when the heart is open'd , and the secrets of the breast unfolded to a bosom-friend . this we see confirm'd in persons of the most elevated stations , in princes , monarchs , and those who seem by their condition to be above ordinary human commerce , and to affect a strangeness and distance with mankind . for altho the wiser and better sort are perhaps out of a jealousy rejected by them , as not fitted for their intimacy or secret converse ; yet there are those substituted in the room , who tho they may have the least merit of any , and are perhaps the most vile and contemptible of men ; yet serve however to that end of friendship , and are so much the subjects of a kindness and social affection in these great ones , that for these we can see them often in pain and in concern ; in these they easily confide ; to these they can with pleasure be open , free , kind , succorable and bountiful , as rejoycing and taking delight in it , having no intention or aim beyond it , and their interest ( in respect of policy ) often standing contrary to it . in persons of but an ordinary good disposition , no better than what is common to the generality of mankind , it is discernable how much they are press'd with this necessity of entertaining friendship and familiar commerce , and how much these social affections want ( if i may say so ) their daily exercise and discharge . how heavy dos life grow when without it ? and how plain is it , that after a long absence , and a sort of abstinence in this way , after a banishment from the company of near friends , and a disuse of society but for a small time , the mind is in distress , the temper discompos'd ; and that no sooner is the man restor'd to the means of his former enjoyment , but he takes new pleasure , receives additional delight , and enjoys more than before the freedom , intimacy , and all those circumstances of friendly commerce , and of an inward society from which he was separated ? and thus it may appear how much natural affection is predominant in us ; how it is inwardly joined to us , and implanted in our natures ; how interwove with our other passions , and how essential to the regular motion and course of all our affections , on which our happiness and self-enjoyment so immediatly depends . thus much as to the system and constitution of the inward part , and as to that natural balance of the affections ; which may not be thought ( we hope ) so odd or unjustifiable a way of speaking , after what has bin said . as to both those ills which follow the ill balance and defect of natural affection , viz. the enlargement and extention of the selfish passions ; and the growth of the unnatural and horrid ones ; how and in what degree these consequences are miserable , we come to speak in what follows upon each of those heads , which make the second and third part of this examination . and thus it appears , that as to have the natural and good affections is of the chiefest enjoyment of life ; so to want them is of the highest disorder and misery . ii. we are now to prove , that by having the self-passions too intense or strong , a creature is miserable . we have already consider'd in some measure of the passions and affections of this kind , as they are good and useful for the creature , with respect to his privat interest and self-oeconomy . now these , if they are moderate and in a natural degree , are no ways inconsistent with the effects or right operation of natural affection ; which will prevail still where it ought , and in every fit occasion take place of any of those other affections whilst thus moderate , and make them to be no obstructions : for thus in a creature who has a natural affection towards its young , the affections towards privat good or safety , tho abiding still in the creature , are yet no hindrance to his operation towards public good , or good of his kind , even where sufferings and violences are to be undergon , and life it self comes in question : and this is according to a right balance and proportion . but if the passions of this kind toward privat good , or the regards to privat good are excessive and beyond a certain degree ; then is this operation hindred , and the effects of natural affection towards public good prevented : and thus is the balance broken , and oeconomy destroy'd . therefore if it be suppos'd conducing to the interest of any creature , to have these self-passions thus violently strong , and the balance to be after this manner ; then it must be according to his interest resolutely to go against those natural affections . but if ( as we think it will appear ) it can never be for the interest of a creature to have his self-passions thus strong or violent , so as to make this ill balance ; then it must be always at his own disadvantage , and not according to his interest , to go contrary to natural affection , through that which we call self-love . if there were any of these self-passions , which for the good and happiness of the creature might be set in opposition to natural affection , and deserv'd a degree of strength able to over-balance it ; the desire and love of life would be the most likely . but it may be found perhaps that there is no passion which ( by having so much allow'd to it ) is the occasion of more disorder and misery . there is nothing more certain , or that is more universally consented to and confess'd by every one , than this ; that life may sometimes be even a misfortune and misery ; and that nothing can be more desirable than to lay it down and withdraw from under the heavy burden . to cause , or any way inforce the continuance of life in creatures reduc'd to a certain extremity , is esteem'd the greatest cruelty : and even there where any religious faith forbids , as a thing heinous and sinful , that any one should be his own reliever ; still , if by any fortunat accident death offers of it self , it is embrac'd as highly welcom , and as a blessing . and on this account the nearest friends and relations often rejoice at the release of one entirely belov'd . even tho he himself may have bin of so weak a mind as to have declin'd death , and endeavor'd earnestly the prolongment of his own uneligible and wretched state. since life therefore may frequently prove a misfortune and misery , and that even naturally it becomes so by being only prolong'd till it reaches the infirmities of old age ; and since there is nothing more commonly known than the instances of life overvalu'd , where , out of an eager desire of life , men purchase it at an overrate , and at such a cost as hardly any life can be thought worth ; it follows evidently , that that passion or affection of love of life , and abhorrence or dread of death , if it be over great and exceedingly prevalent , and over balancing in the temper of any creature , must be the means of carrying him directly against his own interest and good , and must make him in occasions , such as are of the last importance , to become the greatest enemy to himself that can be , and necessitate him to act as such . but in the next place : tho it were always the interest and good of a creature , by all courses and means whatsoever , at any price or at any rate , to preserve life ; yet according to this , it is not for the interest of a creature to have this passion over great : for thus it will be ineffectual , and not conducing to its end . various instances need not be given : for what is there better known , than that at all times an excessive fear betrays to danger , instead of saving from it ; and that it is impossible for any one to do the least thing serviceably or well for his own preservation , or in his own defence , when strongly press'd with such a passion : insomuch , that on all extraordinary emergences , courage is that which chiefly saves , whilst cowardice robs us of the means of safety , and not only deprives us of our defensive faculties , and hinders us from acting as we should do to that end of our defence ; but even runs us into the mouth of ruin , and makes us meet that evil which we scarce needed to have shun'd ? and now tho in neither of these senses it could be call'd an ill , to have the affection of this sort thus strong and prevalent ; yet the affection it self , when in this degree predominant in any one , must be the cause of misery , if it be misery to have a thorow cowardice , and to feel those horrors that are proper to the character of one who lives under a constant dread of death . for , in a rational and reflecting creature ( to whom the thoughts and imagination of death are continually in some manner or another presented ) an inherent passion of this sort must be the occasion of the greatest agonies and torments , such as must enter at all times into the pleasantest parts of life , so as to corrupt and poison all enjoyment and consent . and thus by reason of this passion alone , such a life as this , if inwardly and closely view'd , would be found to be one of the most miserable , tho attended with all other circumstances that should in all appearance make it happy . but when we add to this the meannesses and base condescensions occasion'd by such a fear of death , and which necessarily follow from such an eager desire of retaining life ; when we consider how we are debas'd and sham'd by it , when driven to actions which we cannot view but with dislike ; when the life we thus cherish , is by this means grown to be of so unpleasing reflection , sulli'd , deform'd , and forc'd by degrees into still greater crookedness and perplexity ; in this case i think there is no body ever so little ingenuous but feels that life sits heavily upon us , and is worn uneasily : whilst all that is kind and social , the chief pleasure and good of life , is for the sake of life abandon'd and given up , and things submitted to , for which nothing in life besides can make amends . in short , is there any thing more miserable than the condition of a thorow timorous nature , where the terror of dying is always a close and pressing passion ? and what fortune , what outward state ever so secure , can deliver from this ? to what is not such a one necessitated and driven , who lives under a more than ordinary fear of this sort ? what torturing and endless work is still growing upon his hands , who out of an earnestness to retain life at any rate , renders it so much the more expos'd , as he is forc'd more and more into those indirect courses upon which such a passion runs him ? on the other 〈…〉 , is there any one who will not esteem the life of a person more easy towards this subject , to be a life capable infinitly of greater happiness and enjoyment ? is not the very consciousness and feeling it self of such an ease and indifference as this , an infinit satisfaction in a world of occasions ? and is not the effect of it an augmenting and heightning to our pleasures , and to the enjoyments we take in life ; as the contrary passion is by its effect destructive to the pleasures of life , and an allay and bitterness amidst all that is injoy'd of that sort ? and thus therefore , upon the whole , it seems evident , that to have that affection of desire and love of life , or abhorrence of death , too intense and beyond a certain degree , is against the interest , good and safety of a creature , and is opposit to the happiness he injoys in life . in the same manner as this passion of fear ( under a certain degree ) is necessary to self-preservation , and to the avoiding of what is destructive ; so is there another passion as preservative to us , and as useful to our safety , by assisting us not to fly , but to repel injury , and resist violence when offer'd . it is by this that a creature offering an injury , is deter'd from it , as knowing by the very signs which accompany this passion whilst it is rising and gathering strength , that the injury will not go with impunity . and it is this passion which , when violence is actually us'd , assists us more effectually to struggle against it , and adds a force to us , both in supporting it , and in returning it on the inflicter . for thus , as rage and despair increase , a creature grows still more and more terrible ; and being urg'd to the greatest extremity , finds a degree of strength and boldness unknown till then , and which had not risen but through the height of provocation . as to this passion therefore of anger ( for i know no other word for it ) tho its immediat aim be indeed the ill or punishment only of another , and not the good of self ; yet it is plainly one of those passions ( of which we are now discoursing ) that tend to the advantage and interest of the self-system , the animal himself : since a certain degree of that passion ( whether that degree be properly call'd anger or no , it matters not ) is most certainly requisit in the creature for his performance even of the better sort of moral actions , whether tending to the good of society , or to his own preservation and defence . for , who can resolutely enough divide from , or resist ill and detestable men ; or who can fight either singly against a privat enemy , or for the public against a public one , without feeling in some measure , and being arm'd as it were with a certain degree of this passion ? but , on the other side , there is hardly any need that we should explain how mischievous and destructive anger is , if it be what we commonly mean by that word ; if it be such as denominates an angry temper , and be either hasty , rash , and violent in the instant of provocation only ; or if it be of that kind which imprints it self deeply , and for a long season , and causes revenge , and a vindicative bent and resolution . what can be a sorer or deeper wound , a closer grief , or more sensible misery , than to be agitated by this fierce passion , and carry this sting within ? and what wonder is it that so much is done out of revenge , and in the fury of anger , when the relief and satisfaction found in that indulgence is really the asswaging of the most torturous grief and pressing sensation of misery ; which being remov'd , or for a while alleviated or abated , by the accomplishment of the desire in the ill of another , leaves behind it ( as a rack newly quitted ) the perception of the greatest comfort , and an overflowing of soft and pleasing sensation ? from hence are those untoward delights of perversness , and of an habitual froward , envenom'd and malignant disposition acting at its liberty : for this is a perpetual asswaging of anger perpetually kindled , and always renewing ; which is the same as to be perpetually stung , and still curing of the sore . thus a thorow home revenge being rais'd once to a high pitch , rests not till it attains its end ; and that attain'd , is easy and reposes : making the succeeding ease and relief to be by so much more enjoy'd as the preceding anguish and incumbent pain was of long duration , and of bitterest impatience . and certainly if amongst lovers , and in the language of gallantry , the success of ardent love is call'd the asswaging of a pain ; this must be by far yet , more justly term'd so . and surely , however pleasing that other pain may be said to be , this can be no pleasing one , nor can be any other than sound and thorow wretchedness , a grating and disgustful feeling , without the least mixture of any thing soft or flattering . to speak any further of this passion of anger ; to shew the ill effects of it as to our selves , our minds and bodies , our condition , and circumstances of life with those around us ; or to shew on the other side , the good effects as well as happy feeling of a mild condescending temper , easy of contentment , such as not easily takes offence , and easily forgives ; to shew how much this is sutable to interest , to health and contentment , to easy and pleasant living ; and how much the contrary is embroiling , dangerous , exposing , and of perpetual disturbance , inconvenience and misfortune , would be i imagin needless . what has bin said , may be enough to make this be understood , that to be subject to such affection of anger of any kind , as we have bin mentioning , is to suffer under a worse sort of disease , and to be subject to no small misery . we are now to speak concerning other self-passions that are of the oeconomy of the creature , as love or appetite to nourishment ; love of , and concern for those conveniences by which we are well provided for and maintain'd ; love and desire of reputation , authority , and power of some kind , which advance our welfare , good establishment and condition of living . now these affections of desire or appetite towards what is self-advantageous , and of self-good , if they are moderate and in certain bounds , are such as are not blamable , by being any ways injurious to social life , or a hinderance to virtue : but being in an extreme degree , they become luxury , avarice , ambition , and are known vitious and ill with respect to society . how it is that they are ill also with respect to the privat person , and are his loss and injury as well as the society's , we may thus consider . as first in that of luxury . were it true ( as has bin prov'd the contrary ) that the most considerable pleasures were such as came in by the sense ; and were it true also that these pleasures of the sense lay in such certain outward things capable and sure to yield always a due and certain portion of pleasure according to their degree and quality ; it would then follow , that the certain way to procure happiness would be barely to procure largely of these subjects to which happiness and pleasure were thus annexed ; and by using or consuming the most of these , make sure of most enjoyment . but in what sense soever it be that this is call'd to live , and to live fast , as if this were to make the most of life ; it will hardly be found that the inward faculties ( such as are the cause that any thing of pleasure is conceiv'd ) are able to keep pace with these outward supplies . and if the natural disposition and aptness from within be not concurring , it will be in vain that these subjects are thus heap'd on , and multiply'd with eager intention and desire . now if those inward dispositions ( such as of a stomach towards nourishment ) be disorder'd , overturn'd , and ruin'd by excess , then is there no longer the same enjoyment to be receiv'd from any thing ; but all is in a manner ruin'd , and the capacity of real pleasure lost , whilst that which remains is rather a sore and a disease : as may be observ'd in those who have gain'd a constant nauseating , tho with a cravingness of stomach ; or who have contracted a continual , eager , and insatiable thirst . but how much better dos nature , that has so well and easily provided for our pleasure , dictate also and prescribe to us for the enjoyment of it ? and who by quitting nature e'er made advancement or improv'd in pleasure ? was it ever known of any one , long us'd and accustom'd to an active life , and to exercise begetting health , and a kindly vigorous appetite , that having then experienc'd the gratefulness of food , even of the plainest kind ; it ever came into his thought , upon a following change of life and diet , to compare or bring in competition the pleasures receiv'd from all those delicacies of luxury , and of a continual solicited and forc'd appetite , with those former remember'd satisfactions of a homely and common diet , prepar'd by chearful and wholsom labor , and preceded by due abstinence , and a sutable kind and natural appetite ? on the other side , has any thing bin more known , than the instances of people bred to a life and diet just the contrary , us'd never to wait , but to prevent appetite , and accustom'd to contend with an almost perpetual society ; who when by accident or choice they came to fall into that other more natural course of life , or but for a while ( as on a journey , or a day of hunting ) came to experience once the satisfaction had from the plainest food , have afterwards with freedom own'd , that it was then that they receiv'd the greatest contentment and delight of that sort , and such as was infinitly above what arose from all those studi'd pleasures of variety and excess ? it is plain , that by pressing on and urging nature thus , and by forcing continually the appetite and sense , the keeness and edg of those natural sensations are by degrees lost : and tho by vice and habit the same things may be sought after with equal violence as before ; tho the impatience of being without them may be greater and greater ; yet the joy in having them is lessen'd and brought almost to nothing . the accompanying palls and nauseautings which continually intervene , are of the worst and most hateful sensation that can be ; and hardly is there at last any thing tasted wholly free from something of this ill relish and untoward feeling : so that instead of a constant and flowing delight to be reckon'd upon as belonging to this state ; the state it self is a perpetual sickness or infirmity , a corruption of pleasure , and cannot so much as admit of any thorow kind , natural , and agreeable sensation , even of the very sort of those it so earnestly seeks and aspires to with such eagerness . as to the consequences of such a pernicious greediness , and excessive desire towards indulgence of this sort ; how fatal to the body , and to the health and vigor of the manly frame ; how ruinous by diseases , such as are the most tormenting , and of the acutest pain and longest duration ; all this needs scarce to be repeated : nor how on the other side , the reverse of this , a temperate life , and desires moderated , afford every thing so happily contrary , by making life so much more lasting , vigorous , and so infinitly more delightful , and of more pleasing inward sensation and lively feeling , proper always to that full healthiness of a temperate state ; as a contrary torpor and heavy wearydness is proper to a debauch'd state , and is spread still through the senses of one used to continual excess . as to the consequences with respect to the mind , the difference here between temperance and intemperance ; which of the two is the most thriving state for the mind , and which injurious and destructive , is superfluous to mention . nor needs it be told , that as there is a vigor and alacrity gain'd to the mind by temperance , so in the very practice of what is thus beneficial both to the body and mind , and advantageous so many other ways besides , there is a peculiar joy and satisfaction . the consequences as to interest are plain enough . the misery of such a state of impotence and unforbearance , whilst it subjects us to the lowest and meanest carriage and dependence , as well as to all profusion , to all irregularity and extravagance of conduct ; the injuries too , which even knowingly they do themselves , who out of an impotence of this sort , and an impossibility of restraint , forbear not what even they themselves declare they know to be destructive to them ; all this , and more of this nature is obvious enough . and from less than what has bin said , it would be easy to conclude , that to have this violent love , this luxurious and high desire towards the sort of pleasure mention'd , is to be highly inconvenienc'd and prejudic'd as to interest , happiness of life , and enjoyment of real pleasure . now as to those other excesses of the self-passions , such as mention'd , as of regard towards the outward conveniences of life ( which in an extreme degree is covetousness or avarice ) and that of inclination and good liking towards what is of reputation and authority ( of which the extreme is ambition and vanity ) how far the first of these a coveting or avaritious temper is miserable , needs not that one should go about to explain . who is there that knows not how little a portion that is , which is agreed by all to be sufficient for a man's single use and convenience ? and how much may even this be reduc'd still , and brought into a narrower compass , if all superfluity being cut off , temperance and a natural life were follow'd with near that application and earnestness that sumptuousness and luxury is practis'd by some , and studi'd as an art or science ? now where temperance is found thus advantageous , and the practice as well as the consequences of it so pleasing and happy , there is little need to mention any thing of the miseries attending those covetous and eager desires after things that have no bounds or rule , as being out of nature , beyond which there can be no limits or moderation set to desire . for where shall we once stop when we are over this , when we are no longer contain'd within the bounds of nature ? how shall we any way fix or ascertain a thing wholly unnatural and unreasonable ? or what method or regulation shall we set to excess or exorbitant fancy , in adding expence to expence , or possession to possession ? hence that natural restlesness of coveting and eager minds , in whatever state or degree of fortune they are plac'd ; there being no thorow or real satisfaction , but a kind of natural insatiableness belonging to this condition , whence it comes that injoyment is hinder'd : since it is impossible that there should be any real enjoyment but of what is in consequence of natural and just appetite . nor do we readily call that an enjoyment of wealth or of honor , when through covetousness or ambition , the desire is still forwards , and rests not as satisfi'd with its gains . but of this vice of covetousness , and the misery of it ( especially of that sort which is mere avarice ) there is enough said in the world ; and in our common way of speaking , a covetous and a miserable temper has often but one and the same meaning . neither is there less known or said as to the ills of that other aspiring temper , and the self-torments of a swoln pride and ambition ; which would be indeed but little felt in the world , if those passions were as much fought against and controul'd within , as they are condemn'd abroad , and own'd by every body to be unfortunat and tormenting . but when one considers the ease , happiness , and the thousand advantages and securities which attend a satisfied temper , a free and easy spirit , such as can be accommodated on easy terms , is fitted to society and fellowship , and can sute it self with any reasonable circumstances ; it will not be necessary any further to suggest the excellence and good of moderation , and the mischief and self-injury of immoderat desires , and of a mind that covets eagerly fame , honor , superiority , or power . this too is obvious in this place , that as the desires of this kind are rais'd and become impatient , so the aversions and fears of the contrary side grow in proportion strong and violent , and the temper more subject to apprehensions from all events , and more uncapable of bearing the least repulse or ordinary loss or disappointment . and thus all quiet , rest and security as to what is future , and all peace , contentedness and ease as to what is present , is forfeited by having desires of this kind , and by having appetites thus swelling and immoderat . there is a temper which is oft-times consider'd as in opposition to these eager and aspiring aims of which we have been speaking ; not that it excludes the passions either of covetousness or ambition , but that it is the hindrance of their effects ; and that by soothing of the mind , and softning it into an excessive love of rest and indolence , it makes the attempts of those passions to be impracticable , and renders the difficulties of their painful and laborious course towards wealth and honors to be insuperable . now tho an inclination towards ease , a love of moderate repose and rest from action , be as natural and useful to us as that inclination we have towards sleep ; and that to want such an inclination would be in the same manner an ill , as if we had not at proper times a strong and pressing inclination to sleep ; yet notwithstanding this , an excessive love of rest , and a contracted hatred and aversion towards action or employment , must be greatly injurious , and be a disease in the mind equal to that of a lethargy in the body , and no less destructive of it by keeping it in a perpetual dulness and in-action , than the other , by keeping it in a perpetual slumber . how much this of action or exercise is necessary for the body , let it be judg'd by the difference we find in the constitutions that are accustom'd , and those that are wholly strangers to it ; and by the different health and complexion which labor and due exercise create , in comparison with that habit of body which we see consequent to an indulg'd state of indolence and rest . it is pleasing to observe what eager and impatient appetite towards exercise nature has given to youth of all kinds , in that desire of play , which is no other than the instigation or incitement of nature to such an extraordinary motion of the body as is at that time chiefly requisit . afterwards , when grown up , and no longer in their parents but their own care ; when the subjects of labor increase , and self-defence , self-maintenance , search of food , and venery , the consequent charge of the young , and other affairs begin to give them imployment in abundance ; then is ease and quiet more injoy'd , and love of rest increas'd , as toil and business increase , and the vigor and eagerness of youth abates . but where through a corruption of nature , sloth and laziness is ingendred : where it is contracted as a habit that slackens and enervates the mind , and infeebles , and as it were dissolves the body ; it is not only ruinous of the body's health , and destructive in the end , or by its consequences ; but the immediate feeling of it , and the sensation it self becomes no other than a lingring , drooping pain and heavy oppression : it being impossible this way ever to feel ( as those who live naturally ) either the sprightly joy of vigorous and manly exercise , or the succeding refreshment , and the pleasures of a natural and wholsom rest after due labor and imployment . so that in the room of the pleasures of a double kind that are thus parted with , there is nothing gain'd but a dull and heavy feeling more weighty and tiresom than any labor whatsoever ; a sort of languishing disease prejudicial to all other enjoyments of a vigorous and healthy sense , and injurious both to the body and to the mind : in which latter it is the occasion of worse disturbance , and of a more immediate spreading corruption ; for however the body may hold out , it is impossible that the mind in which the distemper is seated , can escape without an immediate affliction and disorder . the habit begets a tediousness and anxiety which infects the whole temper , and is the occasion of converting this unnatural rest into an unhappy sort of activity , such as that of vexatiousness , ill humor , and a preying active spleen . and in the same manner as in the body , where no labor or natural exercise being us'd , the spirits that want their due imployment prey upon the body , and find work for themselves in a destructive way ; so in a mind unexercis'd , and which languishes and faints for want of due action , the passions which should have an equal and apt imployment , and be taken up in a settled application to some sit work and business in life , being thus cut off from their course of action , find work themselves , and turning inwards , raise disquiet in the mind , and an eagerness and irritation in the temper , which becomes loosen'd towards passion , is render'd more impotent , more incapable of moderation , and like prepar'd fuel , is made apt to take fire by the least spark . thus therefore by reason of the injuries that this habit brings both to the body and to the mind , and to the pleasure and real ease of both ; it is plain , that to have this overgreat inclination towards rest , this slothful , soft or effeminate temper , averse to labor and imployment , is to have an unavoidable mischief and attendent plague . as to interest , how far it is here concern'd , how wretched that state is , which by this habit a man is placed in towards all the circumstances and affairs of life , when at any time he is call'd to action ; how subjected he must be to all inconveniences wanting to himself , and depriv'd of the assistance of others ; whilst being unfit for all offices and duties of society , he yet of any other person most needs the help of society , as being least able to assist or support himself ; all this is obvious , and need not to be explained . there remains still one passion more to speak of , which yet we can scarcely call a self-passion , since the sole end of it is the good and advantage of the kind . but whereas all other social or natural affections are join'd only with a mental pleasure , and sounded in a kindness and love only ; this has more added to it , and is join'd with a pleasure of sense , and a necessity in some degree of indulging the appetite which is towards it , for the ease and welfare of the creature . and tho the necessity be not absolute here , as in the cases of eating , drinking , rest and sleep ; yet to abstain wholly from the use of venery ( which is that we are speaking of ) can hardly be without the sufferance of the body in some degree : nor can the prejudice to the constitution be absolutely avoided , without the assistance of art , and a method and rule of living , as is observable even in the female sex ; where notwithstanding the toil and sufferance of breeding and bearing the young , the natural consequences are rather worse to the constitution from being totally witheld , and never serving to that use and design of nature , tho through so much labor and fatigue . such concern , therefore , and care has nature shewn for the support and maintenance of the several species , that by an indigence and a kind of necessity which we are thus cast in , it is made an immediate self-interest to us , with respect to our bodily state , to work towards the propagation of our kind . the passion therefore which carries us to this service and good to our species , is made as it were a self-passion , and is accompanied not only with an affection of kindness and love towards the female , but with a desire of self-ease , and towards what is of use to the privat animal nature , and a satisfaction and indulgence of sense . now whether or no it be the interest and good of the animal to have this indigence and need beyond a natural and ordinary degree , and to have this appetite towards venery more eager , impatient , and more extended than of course it usually is in nature , where no additional incitement or provocation is used ; this is what we may consider . having said already so much concerning natural and unnatural appetite above , there needs less to be said in this place . if it be allow'd that to all other pleasures there is a measure of appetite belonging , which cannot be exceeded but with prejudice to the creature , even in his very capacity of enjoying pleasure : and if to have either a ravenous appetite , such as is a disease , and has a peculiar name ; or to have that other sort of exorbitant appetite ( no less properly call'd a disease ) which we see in the luxurious , be both of them unfortunate , and of prejudice even to the very right enjoyment of the pleasures deriv'd from those senses , it will hardly be thought that there is no limit , bound , or certain measure of this other appetite towards venery : as if this were independent of nature , and might extend to infinite , and still be the occasion of greater and greater pleasure ; which is too great an absurdity to go about to confute . there are other sorts of ardent sensations and eager incitements of flesh , which we accidentally sometimes experience in our selves , and which are acceptable perhaps whilst in a certain degree ; but which as they increase , grow intolerable . even laughter provok'd by titillation , grows an excessive pain , tho it retains still in a great degree the same features of delight and pleasure . and altho in the case of that particular kind of itch which belongs to a distemper that has its name from that effect , there are some found so sensually inclin'd , that they esteem the continual allaying of that ardor , however eager and fierce , to be acceptable and delightful , yet it would hardly be reputed so amongst the more refin'd sort , even of those who make sensual pleasure a study . now if there be a certain height , a certain pitch or degree of the other ardor , which by being further advanc'd , is so much less consistent with the pleasure of that sensation , and is rather a sort of rage and sury ( like that which is rais'd by certain poisonous medicaments and incentives to lust ; ) and since there is a necessity of stopping somewhere , and fixing some boundary , where can that possibly be done but where regard is had to nature , beyond which there is no measure or rule of things ? now nature may be known from that which we see of the natural state of creatures , and of man , when unprejudiced by unnatural provocation and youthful incitements of a vicious education . where it happens that we see any one bred to a natural life , inured to honest industry and sobriety , and unaccustom'd to any thing immoderate or intemperate ; it appears always that such a one as this , when at full age , has his desires and inclinations of this sort at command , and no ways enflam'd , till by force upon himself , and by giving into debauch and excess , he strains and widens his appetite to a new and unnatural degree . but if such excesses are never us'd , the desires contain themselves in their just limits . but when we reflect upon what is customary to almost all the youth of human kind , especially of those who are above the laboring sort , and at what early years they are familiariz'd to the licentiousness of this passion ; when we consider to what obscenities the ears of our youth are accustom'd ; how their inclinations are vitiated , and every day fed ; and what practices are us'd to urge and precipitate nature ; we need not find it strange that men are so corrupted , and their appetites so exasperated and enflam'd to such a degree beyond all natural temperature . all other creatures in the world are for their orderliness in this , a reproach to man ; since they , of what kind soever they are , have regular and proportion'd appetites , and have the use of venery according to fit and proper seasons and subjects ; whilst man alone knows neither season , nor bound , nor fitness of subject , but breaks into all horridness of unnatural and monstrous lusts , regarding neither sex nor species ( tho of this latter the instances are less common : ) and all this through that inflammation of the desire and appetite , which , being swell'd beyond a natural size , cannot be answer'd by plain and natural means . so that neither ought it to be thought strange , if what has bin said in relation to that of meats and drinks , be said to hold good , and be the same in this : and that altho such an abandon'd indulgence as this is sure to bring a greater indigence and need on the body , and fix a greater lust and cravingness in the mind ; yet this is so far from resembling natural appetite ( which by being greater , is the occasion still of greater pleasure ) that the more these excessive desires are thus encreas'd , and the unnatural appetite fomented , the less is there of a real pleasant sensation , and the more mixture there is of allay . for thus , as we have shewn already , a sensation which seems to hold all of pleasure , often by a small and almost imperceptible extension runs into pain , and grows insufferable . so nearly bordering and related are these two things , even so as to be almost confounded with one another , which yet are really so distinct , and in appearance so very contrary . but on the other side therefore , by due abstinence , and more moderate use , the pleasure spoken of is much clearer , and more enjoy'd . so that were both these sensations to be compar'd , that of a virtuous course which belong'd to one who liv'd a natural and regular life , and that of a vicious course which belong'd to one who was relax'd and dissolute ; there is no question but it would be pronounc'd in favor of the former , without regard to consequences , and with respect only to the very pleasure of sense perceiv'd from hence : for it would be found , that a man thus superior to his appetites of this kind , had yet no less a share of satisfaction from them in that more sparing use , nor less pleasurable enjoyment in the whole , than he who liv'd in a manner only in the service of these appetites , and who indulging the most that could be to this sense , and seeking a perpetual support in it , had nothing else to do but to force and solicit nature to the highest degree , and struggle against a perpetual satiety , and against the heavy and dull intervals of a surfeited sense , and of a mind and body unnaturally held , and as it were benum'd , and drooping in this imprisonment and restraint from other natural action . as for the other sex ; altho there be less of this satiated feeling experienc'd perhaps in them , yet they having once abandon'd themselves , are capable of the same inconstancy and desire of change , as being weari'd of the present . but it is enough to say of this sex , that having once forsaken modesty , and given scope to their desire and appetite , beyond a duly restrain'd temperat and honest way , they grow insatiable and monstrous , and fall into a state which even they themselves , till grown into it , detest and think horrid . as to the consequences of this vice with respect to the body ( the health and constitution of which is so much impair'd , and so often wholly destroy'd by it ) there is no need to mention any thing . the injuries it dos to the mind , tho less notic'd , are yet in proportion much greater than those which the body suffers . the prejudice to the parts and intellect , the wretched wast of time , the effeminacy , sloth , supiness engender'd ; the disorder , loosness , and impotence of a thousand passions , through such a relaxation and enervating of the mind ; all these are the effects of this vice , and are apparent when but reflected on . nor is it less apparent how much is suffer'd as to interest , and to what multipli'd inconveniences he is subject , who is under the power of such a passion as this . what irregularity of life , and disturbance of affairs ; what animosity , war , and contention must he undergo , who is thus addicted , and who has this temper to such excess , as to be a rage possessing him , and ruling his conduct ? what trust or dependence is there on one of such a character and fame ? and how must such a person stand with respect to friends , relations , the public and general society of mankind , in an ordinary way of living and conversing ? on the other side ; how fair and recommending is the contrary character and habit of virtue and continence ? how advantageous to all oeconomy , and management of privat and public affairs , in all the duties and offices of friendship , and of a civil life ? how promotive of society , and conducing to all ease , prosperity , commodious and happy living ? thus have we consider'd of those which we may call self-passions ; and what the effect is of having them beyond a moderat degree ; which when they once exceed , when once grown imperious and high , are the occasion that a creature is mean and low , are the ground of that which we call selfishness , so much detested in creatures . tho yet it be the misfortune of some men , in their way of reasoning upon these subjects , not to reckon upon such selfishness as a real ill , or a misfortune , except only so far as it happens to be known and mark'd , as a just object of peoples aversion , and of the contemt and hatred of mankind ; not as if in it self it did imply any misery or disease : whereas there can be nothing so miserable in it self , and so wretched in its consequence , as to be thus impotent in temper , thus master'd by passion , and to serve such a slavery to things of such mean and wretched dependence , and from the contemt of which the greatest satisfaction and self-enjoyment arises , and all generosity and magnanimity depends . it is by such a slavery as this that we lose at last all true esteem both with our selves and others ; that we lose all character , authority and respect ; that we disagree and are at perpetual variance with our selves as we alternatly serve and submit to these opposit affections , so inconsistent with one another , and so utterly irreconcilable : and it is by this that we lose even the faculties of our minds , which can never be so inlarg'd , and in such a way of improvement towards knowledg , as in conjunction with temperance , where there is a constant attention and obedience to reason practised and establish'd ; and where , in the same manner as the body by good use is fitted to its proper exercise , so the mind is render'd apt and dispos'd by right disciplin and rule to its proper exercises and imployment . but besides what we have mention'd of the privat ill and self-injury of every such self-passion in particular ; all these irregular and vitious affections have this necessary effect in general , that they are ruinous also of the natural affections , and by making them give place , by long suppressing and controling them , must at length sink and destroy them . as indeed who is there that knows not , and is not ready to own , that a creature who is in a way of growing every day more selfish , and of having those passions still in a higher degree , is in a certain and unfailing way of growing more and more unnatural , unkind , unaffectionate , and more out of all friendly and social feeling ? who knows not that by the increase of selfishness , and of that subtilty and feignedness of carriage which it brings along with it , the candor and ingenuity of our natures , the ease and freedom of our minds must be forfeited ; all trust and confidence in others , familiarity , inwardness , and heartiness with others must be in a manner lost ; and suspicions , jealousies , hatred and enmity succeed , and be in the room ? besides , a creature us'd to reflection , who by an ill use of reason confirms himself in selfishness , and who in a settled manner is come to think it to be his good not to allay or correct , but to indulge and satisfy such appetites as these , must by certain consequence industriously strive to silence and check his natural and good affections , those that would carry him to the good of his kind , and of society , against the interest which he conceives he has elsewhere and in a contrary way . and this must work to the subversion of all good affection in him , and to the forming of a profligate , inhuman and savage nature . now if these passions , besides what other ill they are the occasion of , are withal the occasion and means of destroying and loosening the natural affections ; then , by what has bin prov'd before , they must be the certain means of losing us the chief and best enjoyment of life , and consequently too ( as has bin prov'd ) of making us to incur those horrid and unnatural passions , and that savageness of temper which makes the greatest of miseries and the most wretched state , as we are going in this next place to make appear . so that we have seen thus , how that by a wrong balance in the affections of this sort , and by having these self-affections too intense or strong , a creature is miserable . iii. the passions that are now left to speak of , are those that carry neither to a public nor a privat good , and are founded neither in any advantage to the species nor to the self-system : for were there no such passions as these , what then could be the meaning of that unnatural and barbarous delight in beholding torments , and in viewing those spectacles of horror with that satisfaction and joy which is sometimes known , and which has bin the reigning passion of many tyrants , and barbarous nations ? to see the sufferance of an enemy with cruel delight , may be from the height of anger , revenge , fear , and other extended self-passions : but to delight in the torture and pain of other creatures indifferently , of slaves , of such as are unknown ; to feed upon death and dying agonies ; this has nothing in it accountable in the way we have bin speaking , but is wholly unnatural , as being of a kind of which not the least degree can be said to aim at , or tend to the good or interest of the particular creature , and much less of the species , or of society . there is another affection nearly related to this , which is a gay and frolicsom delight in what is injurious to others ; a sort of wanton mischievousness and pleasure in what is destructive ; a passion which instead of being restrain'd , is usually incourag'd in children : so that it is no wonder if the effects of it are very unfortunatly felt in the world. for i think it will be hard for any one to give a reason why the same temper that was wont to delight in disorder and ravage when in a nursery , should not afterwards find delight in other disturbances and imbroils , and be the author of as much mischief in privat families , amongst friends , and in the public . but of this passion there is no foundation in nature according to that sense above explain'd . malice or ill-will , such as is grounded on no self-consideration , and where there is no subject of anger or jealousy , nor nothing to provoke or cause such a desire of doing ill to another ; this also is of that kind of passion . envy too , when it is such as arises from the prosperity or happiness of another creature no ways interfering with ours , is also of this kind of passion . there is also amongst these , a sort of hatred of mankind and society ; a passion which has bin known perfectly reigning in some men , and has had a peculiar * name given it . we may add likewise to the number of these , all those passions which are rais'd from superstition ( as mention'd before ) and from the custom and usage of barbarous countries ; all which are too horrid and odious in themselves to need any proof of their being miserable . there might be other passions nam'd , as that of bestiality , and of another sort of perversion of the venereal appetite within our own species ; which are both of them in the same manner unnatural : of the misfortune of which depravity of appetite we need not speak , after what has bin already said on that subject . such as these are the only passions we can strictly call unnatural , tho there are others which are indeed so much beyond the common bent of any self-passion , that tho they may have their foundation thence , and be deriv'd from several of those combin'd ; yet they so exceed all ordinary appetite of that kind , and are so directly opposit to all natural affection , that they are called and may be reckon'd unnatural and monstrous : for instance , such an enormous pride or ambition , as that which would willingly leave nothing eminent , nothing free , nothing prosperous in the world besides ; such an anger as would sacrifice every thing to it self ; such a revenge as is never to be extinguish'd , nor ever satisfied but with the greatest cruelties ; such an inveteracy and rancor as seeks , as it were , occasion to exert it self , and lays hold of the least subject , so as often to make the weight of that malevolent passion fall even upon those who are mere objects of pity and compassion . these are in that other sense unnatural : and of these therefore we may speak in conjunction with those others , since they are such as join with those to make up that horrid and monstrous state above describ'd . it may be said here , that these passions , unnatural as they are , carry still a sort of pleasure with them ; and that however barbarous a pleasure it be , yet still it is a pleasure and satisfaction which is found in that of pride , of tyranny , of revenge , of malice , or of cruelty exerted . now if it be possible in nature , that any one can feel a barbarous or malitious joy of this sort but as in consequence of the perfectest of tortures ( that of a rancorous and malignant disposition ) then may this perhaps be call'd pleasure and enjoyment , like those pleasures of the body which depend still upon some preceding uneasiness . but if to love , and to be kind , to have natural affection , complacency , good-will , be in its own nature happiness ; and be as it were original joy and delight , as depending on no preceding pain or uneasiness perceptible , and as operating to pleasure and joy only ; and that on the other side , hatred , animosity and bitterness , be always original misery and anguish , always operating to ill , and never producing any satisfaction , but as that torture and inflammation is as it were cool'd and respited by something that looks like success in the fulfilling of the horrid desire and monstrous appetite attending this affection ; then is the barbarous delight improperly call'd satisfaction or pleasure ; or if it must be call'd so , it is of the same nature in the mind , as that pleasure in the body which ( as we had occasion to say before ) is owing to racks , wheels , and other engins of torture , or to the acutest diseases which admit of sudden intervals . however strong therefore these pleasures may be said to be , they do but the more imply the misery of that state which produces them . for as the cruellest bodily pains do by intervals of asswagement , produce the highest of that sort of bodily pleasure thence rais'd ; so the fiercest and most raging torments of this sort in a mind , are those which by certain moments of relief , afford the greatest of those seeming mental injoyments . if those who know but little of this untoward disposition , and who are most easy in their temper , find themselves however but too sensible of what happens to them in a way of disgrace or injury ; if even these better tempers are acquainted with the heavy disturbances which small occasions are apt to give ; if they know the weighty pressure of an ill humor ( tho such as comes but seldom ) and the ill moments that are passed when the temper is thus unquiet , fretted , or ever so little gall'd or diseas'd ; if this be in reality so great a sore , and so great a part of thorow misery ; after what rate then must they be miserable who hardly know any better hours in life , and who for the most part are agitated by a more active spleen , a closer , bitterer malignancy and passion of hatred ? how lively must be the sense of every thwarting and controling accident ? how great must be the shocks of disappointment , the stings of affront , the gripes and gnawings of a working antipathy and strong hatred , at either the real or fancied presence of the objects that give offence ? nor can it therefore be wondred at , if to such persons as these who are thus oppressed , thus agitated and wrought , it seems a high and exquisit delight to appease and allay for the while these furious and rough motions , by an indulgence of their passion in mischief and revenge . but now are we come to that which is easiest of proof , that which indeed scarce needs an explanation ; for who is there but knows that to hate , to be envious , to be enrag'd , to carry bitterness and malice , is to suffer ? this it is which we properly call displeasure ; and to conceive hatred or displeasure , is all one as to conceive pain , anxiety , misery . whosoever has ill meaning , and an inclination or appetite to do hurt , it is through hatred thus conceiv'd , and through brooding passions of this rancorous kind . now whoever hates , whoever is angry , or feels rancor , is wounded , distress'd , aggriev'd ; this cannot be otherwise in its own nature . so that whoever has ill will , and is carried to the injury , harm or sufferance of others , suffers within himself , and carries a wound within : and where the passions of this horrid kind are deeply infixt , there the heart is ulcerated , the wound kept open and not cured ; and the horridest of tortures are thus made perpetual . now as to one who has in this manner lost all what we call nature , and who has these horrid affections ; how such a one as this must stand towards the society of mankind , and how he feels himself in it , as conscious of his affections towards others , and of what the affections of others must be towards him , this is easily conceiv'd . what enjoyment , or what rest is there for him who is not conscious of the merited affection or love of any human soul ; but on the contrary is conscious of merited hatred , not only from every fellow-creature , but from every thing in the universal nature ? what ground of horror and despair ? what foundation of fear and continual apprehension from mankind , and from superior powers , when ever any such are credited , or but suspected ? how thorow and deep must that melancholy be , where there is nothing softning or pleasing from the side of friendship to allay or divert it when once risen ; no flattering view or prospect of that chearful and reviving sort , not so much as from the fancy or imagination of kindness or affection from any part ; but where every thing around is gastly and horrid , every thing in appearance hostile , and , as it were , bent against a privat and single being , who is divided from , and at war with the rest of nature , in a disagreement and irreconciliation with every thing , and with the order and government of the universe ? 't is thus at last that a mind becomes a wilderness where all is laid waste , every thing fair and goodly remov'd , and nothing extant but what is dismal and horrid . now if any thing that but looks like desert , or that feels like banishment or expulsion from human commerce , be so heavy to bear ; what must it be to be thus estranged from mankind , and to be after this manner in a desert , and in the horridest of solitudes , even when in the midst of society ; and to live with mankind as with a foren species , and as with those creatures that are most remote from man , and such as he has the most cause to fear ? were we to form a hell in our imaginations , we could by nothing so well represent it , as by those terrors , despondences , and horrors which attend this dark state of a mind revolted from nature , in no concord or unity with any thing , but every way desperate ; viewing its own deformity and disagreement ; and as conscious of universal ill merit , so conscious of universally merited hatred , and punishment accordingly due , and ever to be expected from every hand . and thus therefore it appears that the greatest of miseries is that state which is consequent to the loss of natural affection ; and that to have those horrid , monstrous , and unnatural affections , is to be miserable in the highest degree . conclvsion . thus have we endeavour'd to prove what was propos'd in the beginning . and since in the common understood sense of vice and illness , no one can be vicious or ill , but either , 1. by the deficiency or weakness of natural affections ; 2. or by the violence of selfish ones ; 3. or by having those unnatural ones that carry to no end either in the privat or public system : it must follow that if each of these are pernicious and destructive to the creature , insomuch that his completest state of misery is made from hence ; to be ill or vitious , is , and must be ever , to be miserable and unhappy . and since every vitious action must more or less in proportion help towards this mischief and self-ill , it must follow , that every vitious action must be of self-ill , and never but be to the injury and sufferance of the creature . for , whatsoever is committed or done , that either goes immediatly to the impairing of the unnatural affections ; or to the promoting of the unnatural ones ; or to the widening and extending of the self-passions , by an encouragement of those lusts which overturn all order of life , and are as much enemies to the ease and pleasure of the body , as to that of the mind ; this must ever be esteemed injurious , and against the greatest interest which a creature can possibly have . for how can there be an indulgence of those irregular appetites , without a greater inflammation of them ? and how can such an inflammation work , but to the disorder of the soul , and to the corrupting of sound and natural enjoyment , even in a way of sense , as well as to the corruption of the affections , the dissolution of the temper , and the distortion , rack and misery of the mind ? which way therefore can it be said , that any one thorow self-interest can act either vitiously or unsociably ; since to do any thing through an imagination of self-interest or pleasure , that is contrary to natural or social affection , or out of the just limits of natural appetite and self-inclination , is and must be of self-injury , to that degree as has bin shewn ? thus have we computed , in the best manner we were able , the good and interest of mankind , by enumerating and casting up all those particulars from whence , as by way of addition or subtraction , that sum or general account of man's interest or happiness in life , is either swell'd or diminish'd : so that the method here taken may perhaps for this reason be call'd a sort of moral arithmetic , and be said to have an evidence as great as may be found in numbers , and equal to mathematical demonstration . for it seems to us , that there has not bin any degree of certainty wanting in what has bin said concerning the preferableness of the mental pleasures to sensual ; and even of the sensual ones accompani'd with good affection , and under a temperate and right use , to those sensual ones that are no ways restrain'd , and are supported by nothing social or affectionat . nor is that ( as we conceive ) less just and real , which has bin said of the united structure and fabric of the mind , and of those passions which constitute the temper or soul , and on which its happiness or misery so immediatly depends . it has bin shewn , that in this constitution the impairing of any one part must go to the disorder and ruin of other parts , and of the whole , through the necessary connexion and balance of the affections ; that those very passions through which men are vitious , are of themselves a torment and disease ; and that whatsoever is done that is knowingly ill , must be of ill consciousness , and must in proportion , as the act is ill , impair and corrupt social affection and enjoyment , and destroy both the capacity of kind affection , and the consciousness of meriting any such : so that neither can we in a manner participate thus in joy or happiness with others , or receive satisfaction from the expressed kindness and love of others ; on which however the greatest of all our pleasures are founded . if this be so , and that the state which is consequent to this defection , and which immediatly succeeds to the loss or ruin of natural affection and integrity , be a state of all others the most horrid , oppressive , and miserable ; then it will appear , that to yield or consent to any thing ill or immoral , is a breach of interest , and leads to the greatest ills : and that on the other side , every thing that is an improvement of virtue , and that is establishing to right affection and integrity , is an advancement of interest , and leads to the greatest and most solid happiness and enjoyment of life . thus the wisdom of what rules , and is first and chief in nature , has made it to be according to the privat interest and good of every creature , to work towards the general good ; which if that creature ceases to promote , and to be useful to , he in so far ceases to be kind and useful to himself , and is his own enemy , as being no longer good to himself than whilst he is such as to be good also to society , and to that whole of which he is a part . so that virtue , which of all excellences and beauties is the chiefest and most amiable ; that which is the prop and ornament of human affairs , which upholds societies , maintains union , friendship and correspondence amongst men ; that by which countries , as well as privat families , flourish and are happy ; and for want of which every thing comly , conspicuous , great , and worthy amongst mankind , must perish and go to ruin ; that single quality , thus glorious in its effects , and of this good to all society , and to mankind in general , is , after this manner , equally a happiness and a blessing to each creature in particular possessing it , and is that by which alone man can be happy , and without which he can never but be miserable . and thus virtue is the good , and vice the ill of every one . the end . books lately published . an account of the first voyages and discoveries made by the spaniards in america ▪ containing the most exact relation hitherto publish'd , of their unparallel'd cruelties on the indians , in the destruction of above forty millions of people . with the propositions offer'd to the king of spain to prevent the further ruin of the west-indies . by don barthol ▪ de las casas , bishop of chiapa , who was an eywitness of their cruelties . illustrated with cuts . to which is added , the art of travelling , shewing how a man may dispose his travels to the best advantage . price in calf 4 s. the grounds and occasions of the controversy touching the unity of god , &c. the methods by which it has bin manag'd , and the means to compose it . with some account of the late mr. thomas firmin and other unitarians . by a divine of the church of england . price 12 d. johannis clerici ars critica , in qua ad studia linguarum i atinae , graecae & hebraicae via munitur ; veterumque emendandorum , & spuriorum scriptorum a genuinis dignoscendorum ratio traditur . in 2 vol. price 5 s. the art of memory . a treatise useful for all , especially those that are to speak in publick . by marius d' assigny b. d. price 12 d. an account of the taking of carthagena by the french , in the year 1697. containing all the particulars of that expedition , from their first setting out , to their return into brest . by monsieur de pointis , commander in chief . illustrated with a large copper plate , describing the situation of carthagena and parts adjacent . done out of french. will very shortly be publish'd by sam , buckley , at the dolphin over against st. dunstan's church in fleet-street . 1698. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a59472-e350 * misanthropia . religion and reason mutually corresponding and assisting each other first essay : a reply to the vindicative answer lately publisht against a letter, in which the sence of a bull and council concerning the duration of purgatory was discust / by thomas white, gent. white, thomas, 1593-1676. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a65800 of text r13640 in the english short title catalog (wing w1840). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 261 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 110 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a65800 wing w1840 estc r13640 13324736 ocm 13324736 99049 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a65800) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 99049) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 443:7) religion and reason mutually corresponding and assisting each other first essay : a reply to the vindicative answer lately publisht against a letter, in which the sence of a bull and council concerning the duration of purgatory was discust / by thomas white, gent. white, thomas, 1593-1676. [17], 200 p. [s.n.], paris : 1660. errata: p. [17]. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. includes index. eng religion -philosophy. purgatory -early works to 1800. a65800 r13640 (wing w1840). civilwar no religion and reason mutually corresponding and assisting each other. first essay. a reply to the vindicative answer lately publisht against white, thomas 1660 48732 31 0 0 0 0 0 6 b the rate of 6 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2004-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-11 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2004-11 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion religion and reason mutually corresponding and assisting each other . first essay . a reply to the vindicative answer lately publisht against a letter , in which the sence of a bull and council concerning the duration of purgatory , was discust . by thomas white gent. vinc. lir. cap. 27. intelligatur te exponente illustriùs , quod anteà obscuriùs credebatur . per te posteritas intellectum gratuletur , quod ante vetustas non intellectum venerabatur . eadem tamen quae didicisti ita doce , ut cum dicas novè , non dicas nova . paris mmlx . the author to the judicious reader . i suppose you have perus'd the book i here pretend to answer ; and , how do you like it ? has he done his work ? i dare not say , demonstrated , for sure he will not offer at what he thinks impossible ; but has he prov'd , which is a modest word , and he must not be offended at it ? has he solidly prov'd , that the position he sustains is a truth traditionarily deliver'd from the apostles to us as a point of catholick faith ? or , secondly , that it is defin'd either in the bull or council ? if he had done this , i should heartily rejoyce in his victory , though over my self : but if , as to the first branch , he have onely prov'd it the common perswasion of later ages ; and that , without clearing in what quality it is held , whether as faith or opinion , even by the moderns : if , instead of the consent of fathers he bring but one , above exception , and out of that one , the first and chief testimony is indifferent both to him and me , and the onely difficulty of the rest objected and answer'd by my self , and unreply'd to by him : if , of the three passages he cites out of the publick liturgyes , one onely bear any shew of difficulty ; the other two being either plainly neutral or grosly abus'd : and , if in the second branch , he have onely prov'd that it was suppos'd , or , as their title-page warily calls it , contain'd in the bull and council , and not determin'd , i cannot see my case so desperate as he imagins . scripture it self oftentimes proceeding upon suppositions conformable to the fore-entertain'd apprehensions of those it speaks to , without engaging that every such supposition is a reveal'd truth . but , on the other side , if i have plentifully alledg'd both scriptures and fathers , and liturgyes , and reasons too ( of which me thinks a little does well even among divines ) and to none of these has he given the least satisfactory answer ; i cannot see but my case is hopefull ; and when you have read this little treatise , i cannot doubt but you will see it so too . but all this engages onely a particular controversy , the next is of a far more high and universal importance , of a far different strain from other single and ordinary questions . for in this , we agree that what the church sayes is the truth ; we agree in the words wherein the church delivers us that truth , our onely dispute is about the sence of those words ; or rather what ought to be the means to come to the knowledge of that sence . we find by dayly experience the same creed recited in the mouths of children , of men , and of the learned : we cannot doubt but the apprehensions of children and men are different , and that our young thoughts are to be corrected by age ; but whether the learned and the prudential make the same apprehensions , is the great controversy between us . my antagonist seeing the largest part of the church consist of this degree of prudential men , perswades himself , that not only their belief , but their very apprehensions are uncontrollable and unamendable : i conceive , god has given that priviledg to learning , to make us understand the truth of our faith better , then by vulgar and popular conceptions . on my side stand the endeavours of the whole schools , whose direct profession it is , to explicate and declare the true sence of scripture , and the words in which faith is left us . on his side stands the multitude of the common people , whose fancyes are not elevated , nor their judgments improv'd by study : this multitude he loudly calls the church , all christianity , and such brave names : but be not astonisht at his great words , for he distinguishes not between the church , and the weaker part of it which he follows ; nor offended at me that i observe not a grave and regular progresse , where i am set to catch a bird that hops up and down from twig to twig , chirps upon this a little , and then flyes immediately to another ; but rather pity the condition of an old clumsy man too slow and heavy for so wild a chace . wherein , yet , by the help of god , i am resolv'd to follow him , as fast as i can . as the whole book in a manner is made up of little else but boutades and flashes , so you are onely to expect from me short hints of what might be said more dilatedly , which i hope may suffice to counterblast those sudden gusts . if any other , as is threatend , come out with stronger ordnance , i shall endeavour to oppose stronger bulwarks . i hope he will write hereafter more closely and with less distemper ; especially , since now , as i understand , he intends to read my books ; i would he had done so before he had written against them ; for then i might have hop'd a few hours would have suffic'd to make my answer , which now has cost me all my spare time of a whole fortnight . tho. white . index . a every act ( even a sinfull one ) has some perfection , as to what 's positive in it , pag. 132. that affections got here are not distinct from the soul , no singular opinion , p. 131 , 132. antiquity not favouring ante-judiciary delivery , shown from the miscarriage of his best testimonies thence , p. 105 , 106 , 107. arraignment of the author feebly attempted . p. 90 , 91 , 92. c. censuring of doctrins , and who may lawfully do it , p. 6 , 7 , 8. controversy , in what manner to be handled , p. 5 , 6. corporeall affections remain after separation , p. 137 , 138 , 141 , 142 , 143. best corporeall pleasures most conducive to beatitude , from p. 133. to p. 137. the council of florence , examin'd . p. 49. it ( and the bull ) wrongly descanted on by his eminently learned divine , p. 53. not holding ante-judiciary delivery a materiall point , nor of faith , p. 58 , 59 , 60 , 61. councils , how held by the author , how by some other divines , p. 64 , 65 , 66. infallible in things necessary , and proceeding advisedly , p. 68 , 69. their errability , speaking in common , and abstractedly from all matters and manners of proceeding , held by all , p. 121 , 122 , 123. fewer , easier , and less deceivable requisites to their infallibility in the authors doctrin than in others . p. 71. 121. 123. the council of trents doctrin concerning remission and satisfaction exactly observ'd by the author , p. 177 , 178 , 179. d. definitions may proceed upon suppositions onely probable , p. 96. 97. delivery so speedily expected by priviledg'd altars , diminishing the care of assisting our dead friends , p. 88 , 89. and our amendment here , p. 184 , 185. the opinion of ante-judiciary delivery never taught as certain , p. 83 , 84. 87. it s beginning and progress , p. 77. to 81. true discourse in angels following from the vindicators tenet , p. 162 , 163. distinguishers between faith and opinion must neither be illiterate nor meanly learned , p. 76 , 84 , 85 , 87. divinity grafted on the stock of our naturall speech ; and , so , on philosophy , p. 24. e. eymericus his mistake , p. 47 , 48. his censoriousness p. 39 , 40. f. faith not endanger'd by true science , p. 12 , 13. but its objects better understood by it p. 9 , 10 , 14 , 15. not diversify'd according to the severall apppehensions of the faithfull . p. 9 , 10 , 11. 14. 191. 198. 199. so●e false-dealings and disingenuities toucht at , p. 22 , 23. 27 , 28. 31. 48 , 49 , 50 , 52 , 61. 93 , 94. 112 , 113 , 115 , 120 , 121 , 125 , 126 , 174. father and son spoken of god metaphorically , 102 , 103 , 104. that foundations contradict ante-judiciary delivery , p. 79. g. that a governour dispossest ought to be restor'd when the common good requires it , the profest and express doctrin of the author , p. 116. s. gregory not the author of those dialogues which gave us the first news of an ante-judiciary delivery , p. 77 , 78. hence , the origin of that opinion much later , p. 107. i. i dentification of the soul and body necessary for a body's action on her , p. 153. 155. identity of the soul and body , p. 154 , 155. infallibility , when certainly found in decrees of a pope and council , p. 72 , 73. inquest not necessary to find our faith p. 73. interpretation of the bull and council by the vindicator , manifoldly defective , p. 75. m the method of a divine in seeking truth , p. 8. to 14. diverse mistakes about the council of florence , p. 92 , 93. of a censure , p. 16 , 17. of the occasion of my writing the middle state , p. 28 , 29. of a metaphor , p. 101. of the liturgyes manifoldly , p. 109 , 110. of my doctrin concerning a dispossest governour , p. 116. and the vncertainty of scriptures letter , 110 , 117 , 118. of best corporeall pleasures , p. 134. of eternall happiness to be no good at all , p. 166 , 167. of the souls nature at reunion , p. 183. mysteries of faith not knowable without revelation , p. 11. p. paganism uncharitably and weakly objected , p. 187. pains of purgatory what , in the true opinion of the author , p. 144. prayers and alms for the dead in use before the opinion of ante-judiciary delivery , p. 78 , 79. and many wayes beneficiall to them in the authors doctrin , p. 167. to 173. a prohibition of a book no censure , p. 16. to p. 20. punishments of pure spirits agreed by all to be acts of the will , p. 88. q. the question stated as in the bull , p. 34. s. scriptures letter uncertain without the ayd of tradition , p. 117. the soul , how substantially chang'd by separation , yet the same , p. 139 , 140. pure spirits know all things together and perpetually , p. 156. to p. 161. the sufferings of our saviour not prejudic'd by the unyeeldingness of separated souls to externall torments , p. 146 , 147. t. tradition not examinable , p. 72. more or less time coexisting adds or dimininishes nothing to a pure spirit , p. 149. to 153. errata . p. 114 l. 19 , 20. these terms ; but the terms expressing those mysteries , which were — p. 147. l. 9. conform. p. 157. l. 12. appetit . religion and reason . first essay . introduction . sir , had your answer to the unknown author been written in my fresher dayes , i should have endeavour'd to have given you an ampler satisfaction : now , being come forth in my frozen age , when my long ague hath made me fitter to think of death than of school-quarrels , i hope you will be patient with me , if , in as short a method as i can , i give you rather hints by which a little endeavour of your own may find out satisfaction , than dilate my self so far that every weak eye may see it . doctor hammond , as i am told , about the same time hath bent himself against my doctrine : whom , though i much esteem , being assured by friends common to us both that he is a very courteous and civill person , and hath spent much time in reading good authors ; yet have i rather preferd the answering you ; both because i expect better quarter at your hands , since the stricter bond of religion should make us apt to interpret one another more fairly ; as also , and indeed far more ( for i see that tye very slippery in many ) because you have some tincture of the school ; and , to my thinking , are much sharper and abler to set off an argument , and write a style solid and proper to the matter : whereas , that loose way of preaching and affecttaion of words the doctor uses , shews more vanity than substance in his discourses . besides he has an adversary from satisfying whom he seems to me very short ; and i am gladly willing to excuse my pains when i see the same or more fruit come from anothers pen . returning then to you , i hold it my first duty to give you many thanks for your work ; you being the first , who ( though somewhat late for me , now scarce able to keep my self warm by a fire ) have given me the occasion to speak for my self , that the world may see whether those many smother'd slanders , which so long have layen heavy on me and my works , bear a value proportionable to the noyse they have made . which to examin in short , i divide your treatise ( and so , my reply ) into two parts ; the first holding twenty two of your sections , and belonging chiefly to the middle state of souls : the second , containing the rest of your sections , touching upon many points of my doctrin in which you find fault . first part . refuting some of the vindicators objections , as they ly in his book ; chiefly those that concern the middle state . first division containing an answer to his five first sections . the vindicator's mistake of the manner of treating controversies , and of the nature of a censure . the method a knowing divine ought to pursue . diverse errors rectify'd . to begin then with your first section , i confess you speak very fairly , had your patience but held out , not to have broke your word in that very section : which i intend presently to declare , if first i desire you to beware how you take principles out of hereticks mouths . the nobleman out of whom you cite the maxim that writing of controversies ought to carry as much sweetnesse as love-letters , was a very ingenious and worthy person ; but , if you enquire of his religion you shall find it in chillingworths book , in which he is thought to have had a great hand . and mr chillingworths religion how sound it was you may ghess out of the answers made by himself to himself which go before his book . in one whereof he candidly professes , that if tomorrow he sees more reason for another religion , and next day for a third , he will change his religion as often . now , who can doubt but he that has his religion tackt on him with such slight pins that he may change it a la mode , has reason neither to take offence nor give any upon that account , but civilly to proceed with a gentile and unengag'd indifferency as in a business that concerns him not enough to be angry about : and , if you have such an esteem of your religion , you shall do very well to follow that maxim : but , if you conceit writing in religion to be one of the most efficacious courses to breed an eternall and incomparable mischief to the readers , if it be so handled that he may think both sides ( as men call it ) probable , and that it sinks into neithers heart , then i beleeve your pen will prove sharp and stinging , as wee see the fathers is in such occasions ; though some milk and honey towards the persons bee mingled for charity and edifications sake . now let me perform my promise . you say you cannot digest their boldnes who usurp the authority of the supreme tribunal to brand any opinion with the title of heresy whilest the church has not done it to their hands . yet presently after you do it your self , branding this opinion of purgatory as hereticall , and bringing your evidence that you are convinc't it is condemned . and , i pray , who off●●s to censure another , but he takes himself to bee convinc't that it is against some rule which he supposes sufficient to make a catholick truth ; as , against scripture , councils , the generality of the fathers , or ( as you do ) against the definition of a pope ; and this to him is a conviction that it is condemned before he censures it . nor have you any more to build on than your own perswasion that it is defin'd ; your self professing that the question is brought to those niceties that one need have his vnderstanding perfectly calm to judge of it . so that , on your perfectly calm judgment entirely relies this your censure . thus much to your self : but , as to the universall proposition of censuring opinions , you seem a great stranger in the world . for , what famous divine , what university , what bishop is not thought fit to censure a malignant proposition ? is there not regularly in all dioceses some censor librorum expresly appointed ? is not every preacher subject to be forbidden the chair if he advance a proposition that the bishops theologall thinks not fit to be suffer'd ? are you ignorant of the pudder at paris about censuring monsieur arnaulds letters , which censure was not approved at rome ? and yet you cannot digest their boldness who usurp the authority of the supreme tribunal to brand any opinion with the title of heresy while the church has not done it to their hands . know , great divine , that the pastor or doctor who lets a wicked proposition run uncontroll'd among the people till means bee made to get it censu●'d and forbidden in rome ( which how hard it is if the maintainer have great friends may appear by the long contest betwixt the order of saint dominick and the jesuits about certain propositions of molina ) wrongs his own conscience and is unfaithfull to his vocation , in suffering the infection to sink deeply into the hearts of the faithfull ere he prepare an antidote . besides , when would the pope take notice of what is publisht in france or england if no body cry fire ? how many , how violent out-cryes were there in france before the jesuits wicked cases were condemn'd at rome . so that this principle of yours betrayes the church into the hands of any potent heresy that shall spring in a far country . let me therefore intreat you not to use so uncivill terms towards all the learned doctors of the church . i hope you will not be offended that i omit to answer some small-shot of yours in this section , that i may pass to the next ; in which i find my self taxed of a wrong method in seeking truth , out of a story which as i do not particularly remember , so am i far from denying ; for the method you report , as i understand you , is truly mine ; that is , as a divine , to find out the truths in philosophy , and then the mysteries of our faith will square well enough with them ; and so i doubt not but i have been subject to declare it many times . nor can i conjecture who it was that gave mee the answer you mention , but shrewdly ghess that he either did not understand mee , or the matter , or both . and , because by your proceeding i fear you are in the same errour , i will endeavour to explicate my sentiments , and leave the judgment of the cause to upright understanders . my conceit of matters of faith is that the scriptures and creeds and sometimes also our doctors deliver them in words well known , but whose vulgar sence divines see impossible to bee true . for example , where it is sung that the eternall son descended from heaven , the vulgar conceive a locall motion by which he came down into the b. virgins womb : and , as i remember i saw it painted thus at frankford in a catholick church whither i went to mass : the holy ghost above coming towards the virgin , and sending rayes before it , in which was a little child carry'd by them towards that blessed mother : an apprehension which the learned know to bee impossible . so , by our expression of christ's sitting at the right hand of his father , what doth a vulgar hearer imagin but an old man sitting in an high chair , and his young son in another , set at his right hand . i cannot believe you think it possible this meaning should be literally true . to find out then the true sense , i conceive philosophy a fitting instrument ; so that by philosophy we come thus to understand our faith , and by understanding it , to be able both to defend it and propagate science out of it . a certain sort of divines ( if i wrong them not in calling them so ) there is , who , conceiting as soon as they have the words they know the meaning , reckon not upon this way ; but cast about to find out more and other words that shall lead them to the defence and propagation of the known truths ; and think they must not look what philosophy sayes , but teach her what she ought to say . this i conceive to have been the difference between me and the eminent schollar that conferr'd with me . when i had read thus far , i expected to see the other method strongly maintain'd , & mine as strongly laid flat on the ground ; but , looking farther i onely find your own censure , and that such a one as is hard to judge whether it be a dispraise or a commendation : but , whatsoever it is , with mistake or addition . from which last to begin , you suppose i intend out of philosophy to frame a divinity ; and , if i understand you right , independently from revelation ; which i am sure you can find neither in my words nor my writings ; but onely that revealed propositions were to be explicated by philosophical ones known without revelation . do you make no difference between inventing divinity-truths and finding out the meanings of the words in which they are deliver'd ? do not lawyers dispute the meaning of the laws after they see the words ly before them ? do scripturists invent scriptures when they seek out the sence hidden in those writings ? i pray then take notice that you either add to or mistake what i say ; for , how often do i expresly affirm those mysteries could not be known without revelation ; though , after they are revealed , they may by nature be explicated , and new truths propagated out of them . you seem to be sore afraid that my method should bring forth a naturall and new divinity . had you said a connaturall one , i could not have desir'd a greater praise at your hands ; for so all supernaturall qualities , at least the good ones , are term'd by divines . but you say a naturall one : what mean you by this term ? that it shall be one never reveal'd by god , and yet exprest by the very words in which god reveal'd his ? truly , if this be your meaning , i am beholding to you for a great honour and commendation . but i must tell you i suspect you understand not well your own proposition . for , if it be true that the holy ghost means in his words all true senses which they afford , there is no denying but such a divinity will be a revealed one , however it may be proved by naturall principles ; for , you will not deny but the same object sometimes may be knowable both by faith and by philosophy . if the divinity you mean be false , it is either against the other which you say is revealed , or against naturall principles : this latter you cannot press while you grant it is a naturall one , that is , according to naturall principles . the former leaves still this quarrell undecided which is the true divinity , since the words bear both the senses ; and , this , by your own plea , hath the advantage of conformity to nature , as indeed any true divinity must have . besides , the novelty you fear , supposing it contradict no truth already known , is a great praise ; for to discover new truths especially in divinity , and such as are of moment , is to advance and give a progress to that sacred science , and so the highest pitch a divine can aym at . thus much being spoken to your fearfull thoughts , let me consider the two sayings , that of your eminent schollar , and mine own . i desir'd to be assured of naturall truths , and said ( as your self report ) that the mysteries of faith would square well enough with them . and i appeal to your self whether i spoke truth or no . if i mistake not your person you have been a reader of philosophy , and so cannot be ignorant that ex veris non sequitur falsum , and that verum vero minime contradicit . if then we have once certainly found the truths of philosophy , can there be any danger that what we have so found should contradict our mysteries ? much help may proceed out of such principles , much direction ; no harm , no danger of erring . so that i doubt not but your self , if you consider it , will find this resolution perfectly secure . now let us turn the leaf and examin the course of your eminent schollar ; and you may easily descry how he commands us to take unkonwn principles to prove truths which may be known by other plain wayes . do not mistake me , i call not the principles of faith unknown as not being demonstrated , but as not being understood . i grant the letter to be certain and certainly known , i grant a quaedam tenus of the sence to be known ; but the sence which in rigour is literally verifiable , that i do not grant to be alwayes and entirely known out of the pure force of faith . your self will easily apply this doctrin to the article of our saviours sitting at the right hand of his father . it is certainly known those words are true ; it is certainly known the materiall sence which the vulgar takes has a proportion to the true sence : for , the true sence being that he arrived to perfect quiet after the troublesome oeconomy he had passed in this world , which rest hath sitting for its concomitant in an active man ; that he remain'd the first and chiefest instrument , and in the french phrase , le premier ministre d' estat in gods government of the world ; to which dignity is annext a kind of perpetuall presence and conference with the prince : now , why this is well exprest by being on the right hand of another , may we not consult some other skill than that of faith ? wherefore , in such cases as these i cannot doubt to affirm that true philosophy is both an usefull and necessary and alwayes obedient servant of faith . and let your eminent schollar without the assistance of any other knowledge than the bare words of the article attempt to determin out of them what sitting , and what on the right hand is , and this according to the way and profession of a divine , i fear he will come out with some such notion as others of his form learnedly give to person , nature , vbi's , actio's , &c. that is , some strange puzzlling thing , which not onely leaves us altogether ignorant what it is in god , but wholly confounds the knowledge we have of it in nature . neither do i deliver this purely by discourse but by experience ; which experience joyntly with my reading s. thomas were the instruments by which god conducted mee to this way . i thought it fit to dilated my self a little in this point , that you who are in your flourishing age , and hopefull to be a great light in gods church , if you be put in the right way , may be little and little mark the difference of them who go under the common name of divines , and see how many such as you esteem eminent schollars are onely historicall , not scientificall divines : they can tell you after the manner of an history or narrative what the most celebrated doctors teach ; what is in their opinion the more common sentence of schoolmen ; and , the multitude or reputed worth of such doctors is the scale in which they weigh theologicall truths ; though they read even in those very doctors that their authority is of no more value than the proofs they bring . now , if divinity be a science , as i am sure you will not deny , it being voiced so by those very divines , though sleightly executed , there must of necessity be , or be possible a sort of divines who in true speaking know theologicall truths , who therefore will properly and with justice claim the title of divines , whereas these others wil be but discoursers in theologicall subjects . if an old mans experience may prevaile with you , i exhort you to study true divinity . looking into your third section , at the very door i met with a scruple which i must endeavour to remove . you say , the authority of our supreme pastor hath interposed his sharp but justly deserved censures against diverse of my books . i confess it is gravely spoken ; but i find not any sence within to maintain so peremptory an outside . i pray which of your eminent scholars teach that the prohibition of a book is a censure . the holy bible if printed i do not say in a vulgar language , but even in an heretical country , especially by an heritick , is prohibited ; and your way of speaking which makes a prohibition a censure , i and a sharp one too , would make us beleeve that the bible , that is , gods word is sharply censured by the pope . can you imagin a greater scandal , considering the place where you live ? in luthers time there was a decree that whatever book was printed by any book seller who had printed any of luthers works should be prohibited . read the rules of the index expurgatorius in the council of trent , and see how farr wide you have stray'd from the catholike practice and opinion . as for the special prohibition against my book , though doctor holden hath learnedly declared the quality of it and that be sufficient , yet i have these two notes to offer you ; one , that i am now fortify'd in my plea ( which hitherto has been accused as a meer shift to cover my disaffection ) that a simple condemnation of a book at rome , without singling out any particular proposition , leaves the whole doctrin of the book untouch't . i am confirm'd , i say , now by a fresh authority out of stubrockius his new notes upon wendrockius his commentaries on the provinciall letters ; where , at the bottom of the page before the first , you may see how unscrupulously those children of obedience take up the same undutifull pretence against roman condemnations with others when their case is the same with others . this you may plainly see if you busy not your thoughts too much at the seeming contradiction of my words [ the page before the first ] for i observe your art is excellent in descanting on a bull . but , because the words prohibited , condemn'd , make a noyse a great deal lowder than their signification , i shall so far comply with my reader's either unexperience or indisposition as to cite that disguis'd jesuit stubrockius his words ; that the world may know how religious men and those whose chief strictness consists in obedience , can put by the blow of a superiour's command when they are concern'd in it , how loudly soever they exclaim against others for a less matter . si nihil prorsus in eo ( libro prohibito ) sigillatim config●tur , sed prohibeatur generatim , nemo sapiens neget eo duntaxat nomine prohibitum fuisse quod contra regulas a concilio tridentino praescriptas , editus sit . if nothing at all in particular be struck at in that book , but it be prohibited in generall terms ; no wise man can deny but that it was onely in this regard prohibited , because it was set forth against the rules prescrib'd by the council of trent ; as that the authors name was not printed ( by which , observe , that this your book , according to the council of trent sess. 4. is prohibited ) or approbation of superiours obtain'd , or such like . and the book stubrockius thus strives to defend is neither better nor worse than the intolerable apology for the casuists , condemn'd and prohibited by the pope the last august . my other note is , that amongst all the two books of mine ( for your diverse are no more ) prohibited in rome , this which you except at is none : so that your censure is the first ; how well grounded your following discourse will tell us . the reason that court would not proceed against it ( though the doctrin it delivers might justly expect a stronger opposition , than some others that have had worse luck , from the interest of its most zealous adversaries ) is because they see my opinion supported by an universality of fathers , of contrasting with whom they are cautious in rome , being persons of great prudence . and the ex-jesuit who writ so bitterly against me here in england , though sollicited to oppose that book , would not , answering he knew diverse fathers of that mind , particularly s. austin , whom ( sayes he ) i have read over no less than fourteen times . you promise me in the end of this section to concern your self onely with this one controversy of the state of souls dying in grace not as yet fully purged , and with the positions and grounds on which ( my ) explication of purgatory stands ; unless some one doctrin ( of mine ) or other , having a neer alliance with the business in hand so offer it self that the discourse and subject would be illustrated by it . you promise me a great favour ; for , i naturally love to speak to one question at once , and points connected with it , that so it may be more fully illustrated and the reader inform'd ; which , when many are touch't sleightly and onely catch't at , especially if disparate and not tending to the same difficulty , the reader's eye is distractedly drawn diverse wayes , and no occasion offerd of clearing any thing fully . but i must not be so happy as to hope performance from you in any thing . you promist me formerly the sweet style of love-letters ; but anon very furiously and unkindly call me epicurean , pagan , heathen , and what not ? you promist you would not censure me ; and yet proceed even in the same place and all over to censure me most sharply . you promist p. 5. strength of sence in treating this subject ; but have hitherto afforded me nothing but the contrary weakness , and i mainly fear the like performance in the rest of your book . you promist civility towards my person , and that you combated onely my doctrin ; yet more than once quarrell with my very name , which i assure you , sir , is onely personall , and not a jot doctrinall . and now you promise me the treating onely one question and points neerly ally'd with it , which is a procedure worthy a schollar ; but yet afterwards you ramble to the apocalypse , the two wings of the woman , the eternall generation of the second person , my expression of my name and quality , and diverse such discourses ; which are not onely not neerly but not at all ally'd to the present question : which shows that you are very regardless of your word and credit , and unconstant to your own thoughts ; and that you aym more to cavill and make a noise against me , by picking out of my works two or three paragraphs here and there from their fellows by connexion with which they subsisted ( a method which should one attempt in god's holy word it self , your own heart tels you nothing's so absurd but might be father'd upon it ) rather than to confute any piece end wayes as a schollar should do . your fourth section ( the substance of it being nothing but the copying another book ) i am glad to have nothing to except against , onely you insinuate a fault in the translation , which not having the latine copy by me i cannot judge of . had you endeavour'd to mend it , you should have oblig'd both the worthy translatour and my self . in your fifth section by a malignant sleight you seek to bite sir kenelm digby , saying , the book of the immortality of the soul was father'd upon him . i know you would do me the honour to entitle me to it . but , as that eloquently proper style , the diffusion of the discourse , the multitude of experiences even in arts wherein i am totally ignorant , do exclude me from the vanity of pretending to so excellent a piece , so do they discover to the world the rashness of your impotent envy . my part follows next in the subscription of my peripateticall institutions , the naturall sence whereof being , thomas an english man , of the whites of essex , you are pleas'd to transform according to your good will . you add i say my institutions are according to the minde of that most eminent man and excellent philosopher . and , as for the first epithet i have the unanimous testimony of all that know him and are able to judge in what consists the worth of abilities in the arts both of peace and warr . and , for the second , concur with me all those in italy , france , germany and england , whom their own industry and aequability of minde have made worthy to read his book . what your following discourse sayes of my institutions i candidly confess and am bound to thank you for sealing it with your good word ; saving still what you cite out of the consilium authoris , where is no such matter as you express , though your sincerity can allow the puting it in a different letter as a citation from the place : and , therefore i see even when you make show to cite the very words , the reader must look the place if he will not be mistaken . though you seem to speak of a point which all peripateticks acknowledge to be done by aristotle long since , and so needs no greater excellency to perform than to have read and understood him . it seems by your requiring faith in your reader , that in your schools you do not use to let your schollars see evidence to anchor them in your doctrin , but you propound some easy and plausible perswasion to tickle and inveigle their belief ; and so need none of those strange terms , fit , sequitur , consequens est , &c. for no one thing follows another in your doctrin . all are either primò nota or postremò ignota in your philosophy . your next quarrell is that i say divinity is inaedificata to philosophy . lord ! how you would have been troubled if i should have sayd that faith is grafted upon the stock of our naturall understanding , and charity on our will ; and yet i beleeve this will prove the tenet of your eminent schollars . now , if this be so , sure it is less absurd but not less necessary that our divinity be grafted into the stock of our naturall speech and words , whose meanings and definitions philosophy must open to us . i pray then be not offended with this word inaedificatàe ; for it signifies not super aedificatae , nor has the force to signify that the strength of divinity comes from philosophy , but that philosophy is the wax into which the seal of divinity is printed , which no learned ingenuous man will deny . for , if definitions be the principles of science , and philosophy defines the words divinity uses , it must needs have a materiall priority to it . next , you tell your reader my philosophy and divinity are so perfectly squar'd , that if i had not made a division of the books it had been impossible to know where one ended and the other began . honour'd sir , you know i am but a poor man , and cannot give rewards for good turns done to me ; therefore i beseech you to be content with humble thanks : for i owe them from my heart ; first to god who gave me to perform what you say or rather did it by me ; next , to your self who so kindly acknowledge and divulge it . for i see not how you could give a schollar a greater praise , than to signify that the contexture of ( not his paragraphs , but ) even his books are so closely connected . but to check my too much feeding on your praises , you give me a knock with every bit ; you say i banish supernaturality , evacuate christian faith , admit nothing on other grounds than demonstration , all calumnies as false as bold ; and so can do me no harm where your bare word is not blindly beleev'd . second division . containing an answer , from section sixth , to the fifteenth . the ground-work of the vindicator's impugnation of the middle state found to be a most groundless calumny . the occasion of writing the middle state , the letter of vindication , and that in answer to the dispensers of the bull and canon . his weakness in arguing , in stating the question , and opposing his adversary . in the sixth section you seem to come to the question , and cite a large text our of my peripateticall institutions , adding at the end this conclusion of your own . this is the essence , the substance of his purgatory , this is his whole chain or deduction of it , this is the grief he admits in separated souls , &c. is it possible , sir , you should thus forget all truth and honesty ? first , you cite out of a book where there is no more mention nor thought of purgatory than of the dungeon of constantinople ; where method permitted me to treat of no more than i had before layd grounds for , where i had not made any mention of christianity , or christian felicity or unhappiness : where , in a word , i could onely speak to pure naturalists ; and yet you boldly pronounce this is the essence , the substance of his purgatory , this is the grief he admits in separated souls ; whereas the whole bufiness is both in the sacred institutions and middle state ( the books which purposely treat that subject ) so quite differently and so at large explicated . pray , sir , furnish your self and me with some excuse why you omit those books which designedly handle that matter , and cite out of another which handles it not at all ; and then , upon this false and abusive pretence , lay the whole ground-work of your future impugnation . the seventh and eighth sections consist chiefly of my words , and so i may omit them till there arise some occasion of farther examination : onely i must note that at the end of your eighth section you profess your great care fully to deliver the foundations of my new fabrick of purgatory ; yet make no mention at all of the institutiones sacrae ; or that there is either scripture , or fathers , or theologicall reasons alledg'd in my book of the middle state ; by this sly trick seeking to draw your credulous reader into the conceit that there is no other ground for my opinion than a metaphysicall argument , whose force because they do not penetrate , you may shake it off with crying 't is non-sence . in the ninth section you tell a forged story ( whether out of ignorance or malice i leave to your conscience ) that my lord of chalcedon admonish't me of this point and others , and that i was ready with a premeditated apology . in which , though short , there ly three mistakes . first , that my lord admonish't me : for , though he were my superiour ; though one whom a long-well-spent age , great study and many writings had made awfull to our church , yet was he far modester than you ; and profest , as he did dislike my opinions , so he dissented no otherwise than as one divine does from another , and had never descended to censure any of them . perhaps , of this point you may have heard the contrary , but i have it under his own hand . the second mistake is , that he admonish't me of this point ; for he never descended to any particular ; and this you might understand ( as partly the other ) out of my dedicatory of my , ratio villicationis written to him , and presented in his lifetime . the third , that i had fore-prepar'd my book of the middle state , and presently sent it him . for , the reason of my composing it was the many popular noises rais'd against me by persons , some ignorant , some malicious , as if i were an heretick , which forc't me to write the treatise in mine own defence , and i dedicated it to my lord , though i knew no particular exception of his against this point , but judged he might have some , because the greatest cry was against it . the translation , as far as came to my knowledge , was not made by any design upon earth , though by the event i perceive it was out of speciall providence in heaven . how things passed on your side , and what were the true mot●ves of your publishing the bull , and that testimony of the council i can onely collect from the phaenomena of all concurrent circumstances , of which you may perhaps hereafter hear more . you say the publishers of the bull had no respect to the letter of vindication . i think you aym at one i wrote in latin to a person of honour , which was presented him , and by him shew'd to some jesuits that frequented his house , and they can be witnesses of the truth between us . this , afterwards , as i hear , was translated into english and printed . if this be the letter you speak of , i would gladly understand why you imagin the author conceits himself inspir'd with the genius of mont-alt : whose spirit , i confess , i take to be very solid and pious , and generously adhering to persecuted truth : nor , do i find it unlawfull that any should wish to be inspir'd with it , but truly conceive my self far below the hope of such excellences . what you heard well observ'd that all the protestant divines of england would subscribe to the same protestation which is in that letter , i beleeve purely upon your report . but tell me first , may a catholick protest nothing that a protestant will subscribe to ? or can a protestant profess nothing but what he will perform . again , will any protestant profess to renounce any doctrin found to contradict any authority constantly acknowledg'd for infallible in the catholick church , meaning the same by catholick church as my writings declare me to do , that is all those who adhere to tradition ? will any protestant be content to have lost his cause if any decree of a pope be expresly repugnant to him , which i there also profess ? how maliciously blind then was the observer you follow , who could not see such distinctive expressions ? how uncharitable your self who catch at and magnifie every rash cavill , out of a tooth to disgrace and abuse him that never did you injury . your calumny of my denying decrees of popes and councils shall be answer'd in its due place . you say the publishers intended not to enter into the lists of disputation , which i easily beleeve ; and that they were perswaded , the very reciting the bull and canon would have knockt down the book ( which you say was the occasion of their setting them forth ) beyond all reply . how weak a conceit was this for men that saw both bull and canon cited and explicated in that very book , and could not be ignorant that in many private conferences the same authorities had been debated ? you thought your capitall letters would have dazled the understanding , of the adverse party , so that none would have dar'd to look further into the meaning of those authorities . but god provided that al should not be so light of belief , nor his church led into error by such a misgrounded interpretation of its decrees . you complain much in your tenth section that this pious intention of the dispensers was wrong'd . as though you did not know that intentions are secret and must expect their reward from him that sees the heart : men judge of actions , and your self confess the effect was that pious ( that is , credulous ) persons received satisfaction ; that is , were seduced into errour by that cuning practice ; and yet you think it not occasion enough for an understanding man to discover so prejudiciall an interpretation forc't on the church ; and would needs have it a wrong to you that one unknown & not intended to be hurt by you should take this pains ; as if every honest and ableman were not interessed in the churches quarrell of so high a nature as to set up an opinion , that may prove when examin'd erroneous , for an article of faith . in your eleventh section you begin to produce your arguments , whereof the first is , that all orthodox writers who have treated this subject of the state of separated souls since the promulgation of the bull a foresaid suppose it as a certain truth . but how many such do you cite ? surely of five hundred which have written since those dayes your readers might civilly expect at least half a score that positively assert it as an assur'd doctrin of the church . but , such is the irregular way of discoursing your eminent scholars use , that when they have audaciously advanc't a proposition whereof they know nothing certain , if it be deny'd , against all rules of discourse and logick they put the defendant to prove the contrary , which peradventure concerns not him a pin whether it be true or no . as in the present , what concerns it my faith whether many or few interpret the bull and councill as you or i say ? to make a new article of faith the definition must be so clear that none can doubt of it : and ipso facto that it needs interpretation , 't is evidently insufficient to make a new obligation of faith . again , suppose your antecedent be true , does any number of interpreters lock up the understandings of those that follow that they may not see more than their fore-goers ? if you say yes ; shew us some seal of infallibility in their foreheads by which we may know so much , or else your faith will be but probable ; but a peradventure i , peradventure no ; and interest or passion must supply the rest . and , such i beleeve is your faith of this your new-born article , though somewhat an older opinion . in your twelfth section you enquire into the state of the question ; and when you have recited it out of the bul , you presently cry , victory , without ever looking into the words and sence ; that one may note in you the wonted disposition of your great masters , to read the words , but seldom take pains to understand them . the bull then sayes , that in the dayes of the popes predecessor there rose a question among divines concerning the vision of the souls of just men after their death , in which nothing was to be purg'd when they departed out of this world ; or , if there were , it was now totally purg'd ; whether they see the divine essence before the re-assumption of their bodies , and the generall judgment , and also concerning other matters , &c. i pray you now , in vertue of your logick , shew us here what is the subject of the question , what the predicate . to my apprehension the subject is divided into two parts ; one is of just men in whom at their death nothing is to be purg'd ; the other of them who at their death had somewhat to be purg'd , but now are totally purg'd : the predicate is , the seeing of god's essence before the day of judgment . if this be so , then resolve me whether the subject of the proposition be affirm'd by the proposition , or be that of which the predicate is affirm'd . we whose logick tends to demonstration , agree that the subject is not affirm'd , but is that of which the predicate is affirm'd ? what your eminent schollars that square philosophy and consequently logick to their not understood faith , will say to this , i expect you to teach us who are a great professour ( i doubt not ) in their way . in the mean while give me leave to think and tell you , that the question whether any souls be purg'd before the re-assumption of their bodies , is no part of the popes answer , and neither part of the predicate nor of the copula ; and this so evidently that no ingenuous person can reply upon it ; which i may very well ghess to be the reason why you would not scan the popes words . nor need i make other answer to cherubinus , he ( as your self say ) agreeing with the pope . this is the main prop of your whole cause ; and yet how weak it proves when seriously and indifferently examin'd ! though i freely confess it might easily be mistaken by an unwary reader fully possess 't of the contrary perswasion . you see , now , sir , the way a scholar that understands logick would have taken here , is , since every question is of whether something be or be not ( that is , of some proposition , that is , whether some predicate be identify'd to the subject ) to show that the predicate of the proposition you would evince is the predicate here ; your subject , the subject . by this method you might have hop't to arrive to some strength of sence . but instead of doing this you onely cry aloud the words are most plain and express for you , that they most clearly and evidently condemn us ; and then to prove it , you are very high against your adversary's over sight , his prepossession , his boldness , his confidence , sometimes he is blam'd for an absurdity almost impossible in over-looking it ; anon , you say , to do him right ( as if you would confess you did him wrong before ) he did see it and cite it . strange challenge of over-sight which consists with a grant of both seeing and citing ! so that all you bring in your own behalf , and this in the main support of your cause , is contradiction to your self , calumny of your adversary , many bold sayings , and not one schollar-like attempt of proof . sweet sir , will this serve think you to prove your adversary a puny , and your self a great clerk ? or rather will not the reader judge that the differences of your performance will transpose those appellations ? in your thirteenth section you reprehend your adversary that he pretends there was but one question onely disputed and defin'd at that time , and affirm stoutly that it is not possible for him to perswade a● intelligent reader thereof ; though both the pope and cherubinus by your confession call it a question , and not questions . 't is an hard case that the pope's own word cannot protect him , but we must be put to prove the pope spake what he thought . but , let us see your arguments . you say the pope makes two questions , and that cherubinus does the same ( their words being equivalent , i see not why i should make two disputings of the same case ) the first of souls in which nothing remain'd to be purg'd ; the other of souls in which something is to be purg'd . but since by your own confession , and by the words cited by your self they say these two made but one question , a man would have expected you should bring somewhat to prove what you say , and not upon your bare word force us to beleeve they contradict themselves in the same period . but , to speak sence as well as words , who knows not that the word question may have two meanings ; one , to signify what may be ask't ; another what is or may be doubted . an asking may be fram'd of any proposition we are ignorant of ; a doubting onely of those against which we have some kind of apparent reason . now , you are pleas'd to look no farther than for what may be ask't ; but your adversary goes on to what may be doubted of ; and , therefore , finding no speciall doubt of one part of the persons you divide which was not in the other , he was so clear-sighted as to find that the pope and cherubinus exprest themselves properly and dogmatically ; whereas you make them break the common laws both of sence and grammar ; and , when they would speak of many questions , to use the singular number . you add a confirmation out of the title of the bull , in which in the plurall number articles are sayd to be defin'd ; not distinguishing betwixt articles and questions , whereas an article must be fore-debated to be call'd a question . so that , if there had been but one article doubted of and debated , there was but one question decided , though many articles defin'd . nor do you well appeal to the 2d . scholion of cherubinus , where you onely find that ten heresies are condemned by this bull . for it is a far different thing to condemn a known falsity , and to determin a doubted question . so that your clear-sight fail'd you also in this point . as for eymericus i easily confess of his worth , all that pegna writes : but , as all that doth not except him from being a man , so neither from having had his imperfections ; and this in particular that he was too censorious ; which is pardonable in him , few saints arriving to a perfect exinanition of proper interest , till towards the end of their dayes . wherefore , as all judges for the most part are subject to draw causes to their own courts , so this inquisitour was willing to make many heads , upon which delinquents might fall within the compass of the inquisition , by which means he set great quarrels betwixt his own order and that of saint francis , condemning raymundus lullus , whom the franciscans maintain to be a saint , of heresy , for attempting to demonstrate the trinity . in which controversy our modern divines side much with the franciscans . hence i infer you can ground little upon this author as to increasing articles of faith . your citation out of spondanus is less to the purpose , for his relation reports nothing more to your intent then what is formally in the bull it self ; and , so , already discuss'd : onely i may note that this worthy author , in that he sayes the opinion of the saints not seeing god was not altogether reprov'd or condemn'd in john the two and twentieths dayes , is mistaken with divers others of your eminent scholars , as may appear by the universal out-cry of the church against him , and the arts and violences he was fain to use to get doctours to side with him , as the history of those times doth manifest . i may conclude that notwithstanding your strong confidence that your adversary never dreamt of these subtill mysteries you think you have discovered , he saw the truth more cleerly then you with all your great intelligence ; and so may return your exhortation upon your self , to beware of heat of youth , to beware of the secret snare of interest , which many times lurk undiscovered in the hearts of men of greater age . in the fourteenth section you come to the other question of what is the subject of this bull , which your adversary sayes to consist in this , whether perfect charity brings immediatly to heaven . and you very complementally beseech him to tell you how his cleer-sighted friends could perswade him to impose so grosly upon you , as to settle the state of the question in that whose name is not recorded in the whole decree . i confess i hold him bound to yeild you satisfaction . and because you have imposed by your first section the burthen upon me to answer for him , in return of your civility my request is , to know how a man of your worth and parts could perswade your self to descend so low as to ask a question grounded on so triviall an errour , that every school-boy must see it . i imagin if two words have in a dictionary the same signification , and a school boy should deny that his latin had the sence in english which his master asserted , because one of the two words was not in it . i fear his master would think him negligent enough to deserve the rod . so if the word justus signify one that is in charity , and you , who take upon you so high an authority of censuring , will flatly and challengingly deny the thing to be there because the very word is not there , you seem to me most extremely unreasonable : what if instead of an angel of gold , i give you half a piece , is it not all one ? or , which perhaps you will think more like our case , instead of the term defin'd suppose the definition ? you object therefore more strongly , that he requires the popes positive is or is not ; and if you do not shew that , and yet will obstinately persist to draw from this definition that souls are delivered before the day of judgment you hazard to contradict both bull and council . the rest of the argument though plainly and strongly urg'd you omit at the present , what you will do hereafter we shall see . this last point that you hazard to contradict the council and pope you stumble at . but why ( i pray ) if you know not their minds about that point do you not hazard to choose the wrong for the right . i understand no otherwise . but you insist upon his admission that the pope was of that mind . first that admission comes after this speech of his . secondly it is but a permission , not a certification , for out of it , you are never the securer that indeed it was so , and so still remain in hazard . as for his requiring an is or is not , i wonder you should except against it ; this being the very substance of the question in hand . i pray , reflect ( as any ingenious reader i suppose will ) that the pope may either think that some souls are purg'd before the day of judgment , and yet neither intend to say it , nor in fact say it : he may again both think so and intend to say it , and yet not say it ; lastly , he may do all three : let us then for argument sake suppose , that , he did all three , and that this would make an article of faith of what was not so before , for some of your eminent schollars hold that . doth any of them say his pure thought has that power , or his will if it budds not into words ? none that ever i heard of . the most demand publication and affixion ad valvas sancti petri , and in acie campi florae , and such like formalities , far more visible than an ambiguous elocution or supposition ; which you , without being able to shew any express word , will needs fix upon us for a yoak to submit all understandings unto . do not reprove so fiercely unless you can give a better account of your doctrin and actions . it becomes you not . third division . containing an answer to his fifteenth and sixteenth sections . the true question establisht , and the sence of the bull and canon defended against the mistakes of his learned divine . some notes evidencing that nothing about the duration of purgatory was defin'd in the council of florence . so much concerning your reply ad hominem . now , let us say a word to your question it self . by the precedent discourse 't is apparent there was but one formall question disputed in those times , though the predicate belong'd to diverse subjects as all universall predicates do . of which kind ( viz. universall predicates ) 't is impossible to see one if the questions must be counted as many as the subjects to which they are applyable . now then in our present case i averr the question to be vtrum justus nihil habens purgandum immediate potiatur visione dei . nor do i see how possibly you can deny either the question to be one , or to be this ; since the pope himself both expresly calls it one and puts it to be this . which being agreed on , let us see what signifies the subject , [ justus nihil habens purgandum ] just men or souls in which there remaines nothing to be purg'd . to divines a just man or soul signifies one that is indu'd with charity ; and to have nothing to be purg'd , signifies to have not so much as a veniall sin left to be purg'd in them , that is , according to s. thomas his doctrin , to have his charity totally fervent & perfect . now john the 22th . deny'd that such souls went to heaven before the day of judgment : his opposits , the main body of the church , affirm'd it . if then this explication be on all parts evident , what can be answerd why this , according to your adversary's tenet , was not the onely-handled and debated question ? unles you will return to that triviall excuse , as to cry the word is not there but onely the sence and meaning . and , where i pray , does your adversary pretend that his very words are in the bull , that you challenge him so vaporingly to shew you the question in termes ? i find him indeed say that 't was the designe , aym , drift , intention of the definers , but i do not see him undertake that perfect charity brings an immediate heaven were precisely the terms of the definition . your self cannot but observe he severally phrases the question , as sometimes whether souls perfect in charity see god immediatly , sometimes in other words ; attending to the sence as sober and intelligent writers should do , not standing upon terms as dodging sophisters do . look but into the testimonies which your self cite , and indeed what all historians and divines report , and see whether they do not unanimously agree that this was the question . i think i may after so much evidence excuse the answering of your adversary's argument drawn from the pope's so pious recommends of holy desires ; for , since the question is not chang'd , but by you mistaken and pitifully not understood , and that your whole solution relies upon that defect , his argument remaines in its full strength . onely , i will ask your pardon if i presume to direct you in the example of the entychians and monothelites . you argue thus : when the church combated the eutychians , it did not onely define the plurality of wils against the monothelites , &c. what you would say i cannot tell ; if , that the church defin'd both the plurality of natures and wills , you discover too much ignorance , for it defin'd onely the plurality of natures : if , that it defin'd onely the plurality of natures not of wills , you say right , but it comes quite crose to your intention , which strives to prove that something is defin'd by connexion , not formally set down in the definition . wherefore your discourse seems to me imperfect and perplext . now then i may fairly proceed to your fifteenth section where again i meet with eymericus ; but , because he either sayes no more than the bull or obliges not so much , i shall agree with you that he is a grave and learned authour , without contending any farther about what conduces so little to our main conclusion . onely , give me leave to note this defect in him where he sayes these points were made of faith by this bull , if that be his meaning . t was a great weaknes in a writer so neer those times and living when the noyse was not yet ceas'd . for , if the truth of these articles were not known before this bull , what reverence was it in the whole christian world publikly to term the pope an heretick , and preach against him , even in the court of avignon ; as an englishman of eymericus his order , by name thomas wallis did , and was imprison'd for it . no ; these points were the constant tradition of the church , and this bull serv'd not to bring in a new faith , but to quiet the world , and by authority to quell the spirits mov'd by john the 22th . in your sixteenth section you pass on to the council of florence ; but it's definition being exactly according to the bull , there is no hope of any new advantage to your cause from thence . yet you will try again , though with the same argument , and we beg your readers patience if we repeat the same answer . first you cite the council that some souls are purg'd by the punishments of purgatory after their body's death which would have seemd very little to the purpose , your adversary professing the same , had not you long before laid a snake in the grass to use his sting when occasion should serve ; which here you begin . presently adding that this can find no admittance in your new modell . for all the suffering of soules which you fancy by their irregular and now unchangeable affections avail nothing as to the purging and cleansing of soules , &c. now i see why you neglected my book of the middle state , and what i write of it in my sacred institutions , that you might freely slander the catholick truth i teach about purgatory , to those who know no more , then what you cited out of a treatise of philosophy , where there was no intention to speak either of purgatory or in deed christianity . but because you will dilate your self as i suppose more largly herafter , i will deferr the question till then . you will have your adversary observe that when the council in the fourth article declares that souls which are purg'd being uncloth'd of their bodies are immediately received into heaven , this doctrine by the parenthesis of ( as is abovesayd ) is wholly built upon the former doctrin of the purging it self . and i , sir , would desire you to note , that because neither in the third nor in the fourth article any time of compleating the purgation is express'd or insinuated , that your note is nothing to your purpose , nor doth any way conduce to shew a complete purgation of them while uncloathed ; and this , though it were true that a purgation by punishment in purgatory were against your adversary ; which is a pure conceit of your own brain . you proceed to an antiparallel of the councels doctrin to ours , and to manage it the better you most freely assume what you finde not in the councell . i mean these words being purged uncloath'd of their bodies , which signify in plain english that the purgation is perfected while they remain yet uncloathed . the equivalent of which sence , if it bee not in the council as all my endevours cannot find it , i must perforce protest that as i should be content you wrong'd me to do the council right , so to slander the council that you may wrong me is a thing unsufferable in any , much more in a religious person . in the parallel you give for my side , you put a vast grief by reason those pleasurs are now impossible to be enjoy'd . shew this in all my books ever apply'd to the soules in purgatory and carry the question : if you cannot , consider what you make me suffer among them who believe you . you desire your adversary farther to note that sunt purgata is the preter perfect tense , and show that the purgation is pass'd . and are you so unadvis'd as not to know the council speaks as well of the souls to go out of their bodies the following ages , as in those before ? so that this being pass'd must stay in some even to the day of judgment by your own explication ? after this you seek farther into the roots of the council even from its beginning at ferrara . but as far as i see you are not very expert in the story . for at ferrara was deliver'd to the fathers of the council a long oration by marcus ephesius who would never consent to the councils resolutions about purgatory . but his action concerns not us much , so we understand the meaning of the main body of the greeks , whose propositions when you have recited , you infer 't were absurd to deny that the question of purgatory was here disputed and defined , by which you discover a great mind to play soul , but your fingers are not nimble enough to carry it hansomly ; you craftily would perswade the incautious reader that we deny'd purgatory , but then you spoil all by putting a wrong term , for truly the question of purgatory was not disputed , but from the beginning agreed on by both sides ; but a question concerning purgatory , that is , whether there were true fire in it was debated , and so , for any thing the council says , or i know it may be debated still . of the other points exprest in the decree of the council there was an agreement without debate betwixt the generality of the greeks and the latins . you go on pronouncing that in these professions both sides agreed against us directly , and home to our point in question : without expressing in what , or bringing any proof of it . for your self have before confest we hold both expiation and delivery , and the onely question betwixt us is whether before the day of judgment this expiation end : of which ( though the very precise point we contend about ) you still have the ill luck to fall short ; you offer sometimes indeed to rack your testimonies to confess what you desire , were not the words too faithfull to their speakers sence , to be corrupted by you : but if they will not do in latin , you have a trick to turn them into english , and piece them our with stuff of your own ; making their sence to be this , their present delivery whilst uncloth'd ? this you say the council intended to deliver as the faith of the church , in this both the greek and latin fahers clearly agreed , and yet plainly the conclusion i sustain was neither agreed to , nor debated , nor question'd , if i be truly accus'd as the first inventer of it , nor so much as mention'd . you conclude , it must be an act not of understanding , but of will to say presently signifies , at the day of judgment . truly it would be so , and in the mean while 't is an act of ill will , to impose on your adversary that he sayes it . now a word to the discourse of an eminently learned divine which you mark with the letter c. and for his learning i have nothing to say , why it should not be eminently above yours , but for his wyliness he is far short of you , and if any thing corrupt his judgment , it is self-conceit and down-right passion , his unhappy humors , that strangely abound in him . but i cannot omit to note in you , that you had not the luck to give his paper a convenient title , but printed it just as he had written it for his own memory . the entrance of his discourse is very good ; but his first proposition concerning the matter , plainly and unexcusably mistaken ; for he sayth , the matter in dispute betwixt the latins and the greeks was what souls were admitted or to be admitted to eternal beatitude before the day of judgment . a question that neither you as far as i can guess , nor we ever found in this council . neither do i remember to have met with such a gradation of saints in any author : therefore , i leave this great doctor to prove that there ever was such a question mov'd . his next leap though he calleth it this question , yet is quite from the question in hand ; being whether there be fire in purgatory or no . which how it appertains to his mainly proposed question i leave to better wits to consider . but i gather , that this paper was onely private notes , not written in a form to be printed , and that you have done very indiscreetly and to his dishonour , to expose them to the publick . he puts next the latins position , in which you who cannot pardon your adversaries sloath in perusing of the council , omit a sentence most pertinent of any thing to the cause , to wit , that he who hath committed many offences is freed after a longer time of purgation , but he who hath committed a few is sooner delivered , which particularity had it been in the decision of the council , would have been something to the purpose , and saved you the labour of corrupting the council by your additions . but i must note that this eminent man useth this phrase in this world , and in the next for before the day of judgment and after , not ( as i think ) by affectation , but by negligence , which still more confirms me , that the whole draught were but private notes , and not fram'd for the print . he goes on to give the variety of opinions concerning their going to heaven , in which he sayes the greeks imagin that the souls of just men have indeed obtained beatitude , but not perfectly , and that they shall perfectly enjoy it when they shall be reunited to their bodies : which position , so far ( by his leave ) is common also to some principal latin fathers . he adds that the greeks say that in the mean while they remain in a separated place , where they interiourly rejoyce , entertaining their thoughts with the fore-seen and fore-known perfect beatitude and adoption which is prepared for them . but in the conclusion he seems to say that after many disputations the greeks came to the ensuing resolutions which are well known . in which he slaunders the greek church , for it was but a part of them that maintained this last mention'd position , upon the like testimonies as john the two and twentieth did amongst the latins , so you see that his master piece for which he esteems himself so highly , to wit , to understand what the opinion of the eastern church was , is a meer illusion bred out of the reading some schismaticks works , whom he took to be the mouth of the greek church . for the greeks themselves who at rome write against hereticks profess that the faith of the greeks concerning purgatory is contain'd in their euchologies & ritualls which are ancient and used both by catholicks and schismaticks . for as to their writers , if you read one , you know not who else will agree with him . so various and irregular are their explications . now if their ritualls and euchologies be not more express then the latins for your opinion , you will easily see what will become of you , there being not one word of delivery before the day of judgment , but all that is any way express referr'd thither : which you are pleased to neglect though it be the publick profession of the church , and to seek birds-nests in the bushes of probable authours . next then , your eminently learned man makes his reflexions upon the word presently , just as wisely as you , perswading himself that we think the natural and formal signification of it is at the day of judgment , and insisting upon it , because it is added onely to this member . as if the reason were not evident , to wit , because the time was to be set down uncertainly onely in this member ; presently therefore signifieth as soon as purg'd , whensoever that be , according to the variety of opinions . he goes on to tell us that neither greeks nor latins doubted of the delivery of souls at the day of judgment , which is very true , and therefore also they put no more down . he adds that the sole difficulty was of the precedent time , as both their declarations do manifest . but this manifestation was made in his learned brain , for in the text there is no sight of any such contest betwixt them . but it appears that the greeks held their tongues about it , and the latins were content they should do so . at last your learned man would perswade us that it is most plain in benedictus his bull , and that there the word [ presently ] most manifestly signifies before the day of judgment . but because he sent me not the magnifying spectacles of passion which he used , i could not perceive such evidence . he concludes with , what may he judge of me , who call this definition of a holy pope and council , a new doctrin . i pray certify him that i neither believe him nor you , that the doctrin i call new is either the popes or the councils . which that it may appear better , i give you a few notes for our side , upon the council . the first was that there was no debate betwixt the greeks and latins concerning purgatory but onely about fire , and with some greeks about the vision of god by confessedly just men , so that your learned mans wilfull supposition of a strife concerning the gradation of saints coming to beatitude is a pure fiction , without any ground of history , and his whole discourse built upon it , nothing but the humming of a chimaera feeding upon entia rationis . my second note is that whereas the latins put in their confession that some of those who requir'd purgation came sooner to beatitude , others later ; the greeks after they had seen the latins confession , quite left out that point , and this upon the fourteenth day of june , whereas the latins put in their propositions the fourth , so that you see it was not for hast or over-sight , but because it was not settled amongst them , as it seem'd to be amongst the latins . my third note is , that the greeks express the punishments of purgatory to consist in griefs , to wit , for their sins and for the want of beatitude which are the same in which i also think the pains of purgatory consist , howsoever you please not to take notice of it . my fourth note is that the latins never took notice of the greeks disagreement in point of coming to bliss , some sooner , some later , but proceeded joyntly to the definition with words abstracting from both sides of this controversy . all this is so manifest in the letter of the council , that there can be no dispute , in truth , of any part ; though of this later , you and your learned assistant will force a disputation thrusting in a sence which the words bear not , without shame or care of your conscience in so wicked an attempt as to corrupt a council . now out of these notes i frame a demonstration , as strong as the nature of such a case can bear . where a difference is so plain betwixt 2 parties that it is not possible to be hidden from either , and yet neither part takes notice of it , it is plain they do not hold that difference to be materiall . but there was a known and plain and unconcealable difference between the greeks and latines concerning this tenet whether some soules were purged sooner then others , the latines putting it down expressly , and the greeks after having seen the latins confession , leaving it quite out , and yet no quarrel or disputation arose betwixt them about this point . therefore neither part took it for a materiall point of religion and controversie . now then you see wherin consisted the agreement of the two churches concerning this point , to wit , in this that neither of them thought it a matter to contend about . i pray express your opinion in this point whether if the latins had believ'd it an heres'y to say one soul was not deliver'd before another , could they in conscience have admitted the greek church to communion without declaring their mind in this point , and this after so open an opposition , as to leave out all mention of it when the latins had so positively express'd it ? if you think councils can dissemble in points of this quality , i believe the world wil soon confess that i , as stubborn as you reckon me , give far more reverence to councells then you do . wherefore i press you farther out of the council . if any man should say it was an heresy to hold there were no materiall fire in purgatory , or that it was not lawfull to consecrate in leaven'd bread , you would not spare to tell him that since the council had declared it indifferent , he stood not with the council , but seem'd at least to contradict it if he held it were a matter of faith . so do i press you , since the council hath pass'd this point for an indifferent one , he that will say the opposite is an heresy is malapert beyond his strength . arrogantia ejus plus quam fortitudo ejus . you give us another paper , which you say was written by a nameless schollar of mine . i could reply i have none . for who converse with me , i tell them they must see themselves , not trust me ; which if they do , they are scholars to truth , not to me ; if they trust me they follow me not , and so are not my scholars . but i have too much ground to suspect you aym at some advantage against me by charactering him a very able proficient in my school , and repeating it so often ; as if you would have men think that both friends and foes were all against me . i must then once more tell you that the authour of that letter never was addicted to my doctrin , nor pretended to be my follower ( however you have got a trick to call all my followers that will not censure me as loud as you , nor willingly assent to your uncharitable carriage ) nor was he ever given to be curious in such kind of dissertations , no not even to that degree as to have read my middle state , which made him more easily liable to surprise in mistaking the council at the first sight , taking all for right which your learned divine writ concerning it ; so that it was candid credulity of your friends wrong relation of it , not want of judgment which betray'd him into the errour of imagining the bull and council on your side , nor did he dream his letter should ever come into print , it being writ privately to the other as a friend , otherwise in likelihood he would have sifted the testimonies himself , and not have taken them on others account . so that you first uncivilly print a private letter of his , surreptitiously procur'd , without his knowledge ; then mischaracter him an able proficient in my school , my follower , &c. whereas what he writes is onely like a moderate and grave christian , who knows he is not even by principles of charity to interpret as disobedient one who publickly submits to the church ; and so i look upon it as an act of charity , not of particular friendship to me . but since you love to have it thought your party can gain some advantage against those who are proficients by my books , i will show you one , your present adversary , whom your self character to be but a puny in my school , and as i hear never appear'd in print , nor set himself to write before , yet has so prudently foyl'd you in every encounter in this question , that he hath left nothing for me but to discover your falshood in such by-questions as you thrust in to stuff out your volume . fourth division . containing an answer to his seventeenth section . the authours doctrin of councils explicated ; this new opinion of purgatory in likelihood later than saint gregory . in your seventeenth section you first put upon me that i am arm'd against the authority of popes and councils , and then you run headlong on with declamatory invectives upon that supposition . but , as the world is curious , i conceive some will light on my defence as well as on your calumny ; to whom i thus explicate the true state of the question . it is known to all christians that christ and his apostles taught the world the christian faith . it is known to all catholicks , that this same faith has continued in the catholick church now fifteen ages . it is known to the same that the means of continuing this faith hath been by pastours , and fathers teaching their children what themselves had learn'd by the same way . it is likewise known that in divers ages there arose up divers hereticks , who endeavour'd to bring in doctrins contrary to the received faith : and that bishops , sometimes in particular ( especially the bishop of rome ) sometimes in collections or councils with-stood and confounded such hereticks confirming the old belief , and rejecting all new inventions . it is evident that to do this it fuffices to have veracity enough to attest what the old doctrin was , and power enough to suppress all such as stir against it ; thus far all goes well . of late ages among our curious school-men some have been so subtle that the old faith would not serve them , but they thought it necessary to bring in new points of faith , and because what was not of faith could not become of faith without a new revelation , they look't about for a new revelation ; and , finding the two supreme courts of christian discipline , seated in general councils and the pope , they quickly resolv'd to attribute the power of encreasing christian faith to these two springs of christianity . now , the first difference betwixt the two parties engag'd in the present controversy is , whether the faith deliver'd by the apostles be sufficient to govern the church by , or there be necessary fresh additions of such points as cannot be known without a new revelation . in which they whom i follow hold the negative , they whom i suppose you follow , the affirmative . out of this question springs a second , whether in the councils and in the pope is to be acknowledg'd a prophetical kind of spirit , by which towards the ordinary government of the church , they have a gift to reveal some things not before revealed , nor deducible out of things already revealed by the natural power of discourse which god has left to mankind to govern it self by . in which point also i follow them that deny , you and your eminent learned men stand up for the affirmative . i hope by this any ingenious reader will perceive that , if the faith deliver'd by jesus christ joyn'd with the natural power of discoursing be sufficient to govern the church of god , then those who give power to councils and popes sufficient to govern by this way , give them as much as is necessary for the church . but if new articles be necessary to the government of the church then , and onely then , they fall short . so that no understanding person reading these lines can doubt but the true question is this , whether the faith deliver'd by christ be sufficient for the government of the church ; or , that we must expect new additions to our faith every age , or when occasion presents it self . whence it will easily appear that all the great noyse you make , and furious rhetorick you use , of , my denying the authority of councils ; my being arm'd against them ; and such like angry stuff , are but uncharitable , uncivil , and highly injurious clamours without any true cause or ground at all . but we shall hear more of these hereafter . now , any prudent christian that shall , with moderate attention , have read but so far , will judge the question already decided : for who dare maintain christ's doctrin was imperfect ? and indeed all that have any little modesty on your side , will not say new articles of faith are necessary , but that whatsoever the church defines was before revealed ; though when they come to declare themselves they demand really new articles , onely calling them explications of the former , or deductions from them : and if they would justify that they were but such deductions as natural reason can deduce , there would remain no controversy : which in very deed the churches practise shews to be the truth ; in the first council it being recorded , that there was conquisitio magna , and all councils , and popes ever since proceeding in the same style . but here i must remember you what you said in the beginning concerning pargatory , that the reason why you write against my opinion was because it was translated into english . and so i now protest , that you are the cause why i write of this subject in english . my books generally are to debate what i think in the points i write of with learned men , whose care it is to divulge truths to the people , dispensing to every one the quantity he is capable of , not to raise any new thoughts in ignorant heads . your crying out against me forces me to a necessary defence before the people ; wherefore if any disputings concerning this matter displease any person of judgment , let it light upon your head who are the provoker , and compeller of me into this new task , which both age and other thoughts make me slowly and unwillingly undertake . but i must not be mine own chuser , but follow god . as to what you say against this doctrin : first you desire your reader to consider that if these grounds , to wit , that the pope and the council can err , ( without distinguishing in what either matter or manner of proceeding ) christian faith is a meer mockery . i confess the proposition grave in words , but in sence not worthy a school-boy . for , first , i ask you , whether you mean in necessary points or unnecessary ones ? if you say , in both , i doubt your whole school will desert you . for who is there that hath an ounce of brains who will give authority to the church to determin all the subtle quirks of the school ? but if you say onely necessary ones , then before you went farther against me you should have prov'd that the verities come by inheritance from jesus christ are not all that are necessary , which question you never think on , and so brandish your logick against the apparitions in the clouds . secondly , i ask you whether without counsel or with it ? if you say without it , again your school will desert you . if you say with it , i ask you how much counsell , and to what period ? in all which you will be at a loss . must it hold till by reason they see a necessary connexion with the deliver'd faith ? if you say so you desert your vertue of prophesying , and come over to our school , which you so abominate as rational and faithless : yet this , experience teaches us , is the way that popes and councils use to take . if you say their consulting must not hold till they see it by reason , then tell me , what oedipus or geometrician can guess or fix the terminating line of counsell prerequisite ? these points a scholar would have setled . you distinguish nothing but jumble all your bells together into a confused noise , and deafen more then instruct your hearers . now 't is to much purpose to talk of the force of the word anathema , whilest you have not settled a matter in which the church hath a power to impose it . what an inconsiderate manner of arguing is this ? you say catholiks require no other assurance of their faith , then upon this firm foundation that our holy mother the church is their infallible directress . the proposition is the very tenet we mainly advance and stick to . go but consequently to this , and we shall have no quarrell . you add another ground , that the councils ( her mouth ) are the unerring deliverers of truth . this also is very true and never deny'd by us . but there rises a great question whether councils be perpetually and in all cases the mouth of the church : look upon cariolanus his abridgment of the councils , and read his division of general councils into approbata and reprobata , and ex parte approbata , and ex parte improbata : and see how ignorantly you go to work even in the grounds of your own eminent learned men , who will oppose you peradventure more then i , and yet you preach christian religion is a mockery if this be taken away . i desire not to look into particulars , unless you force me to it . for i cannot discover even your errours , without discovering too the vanity of that school which you nickname the church , and confidently take upon you to be one of her masters . i doubt not if you attentively consider your eminent scholars you will find many of them speak indeed gloriously of councils ; but , unless i be strangely deceiv'd , they give them less of inward and reall authority then i ; while they make them , in effect , but cyphers to the pope , without whom they signify nothing , though added perhaps to him they increase his signification ; yet surely not very much ; since , in many of those masters opinion , he alone is infallible , and i think in every ones opinion , all together are not much more . whereas the doctrin i follow gives them an absolute inerrancy in testifying receiv'd truths ; which is clearly sufficient to conserve and propagate the faith of the church . i beleeve you mistake the meaning of that grave and worthy person , whom , without any ground at all for your conceit , you call my scholar , since he seriously protests , he never gave his mind that way , nor ever read over any considerable part of my books , nor particularly , this of the middle state : his true meaning i conceive is , we may know when councils and consistory's apply themselves right , by examining ( not tradition it self for that's evident in the sence of the faithfull , but ) their proceedings , by tradition , whether they be conformable to it . which is not onely a maintainable but excellent truth . and by this method the divines of those dayes examin'd the doctrin of john 22. for , tradition is the law of christ planted in the hearts of all christians , not to be examin'd ; it being to be read , fair written there by their externall words and conversations . now if a pope or council be supposed to delver doctrin against this , 't is past darkness and examining , since all the christian world cannot choose but resent it , and know it to be against their faith and judgment . so that you plainly misunderstand the meaning of tradition , which is no hidden thing , but the publick and settled belief of the christian world . you will say , 't is impossible a pope or council should proceed so grosly . i wish there were no examples of it . but the truth is , if instead of a pope , consider'd onely personally , you take him as presiding in his church and seat , and joyn'd with it , which is a kind of more then a provinciall council ; but much more if you take a general council , without extraordinary violence without or within , both mainly visible , this cannot happen , and so they have infallibility in attesting the received doctrins , most absolutely sufficient to secure the church against being mis-led by them . by the same errour you look to determin faith by inquest , not knowing it cannot be unknown in a catholick country to them that live there . see the story of luther . were men doubtfull of their faith , before he and his fellows in iniquity set themselves to snarl at it ? therefore inquest may be made how to answer their argumments , but not to understand what the church held before opposition rose . how much mistaken is all your discourse about the proceeding to higher tribunals after so great diligence of scrutiny ? there is no such thing as scrutiny necessary to find out faith , nor ever was the church to seek her faith . since she once receiv'd it from jesus christ she never lost it , and so is to look into it , not for it . if any thing be to be look ? for , it is not faith , it may be some theologicall verity , not faith . your discourse therefore is wholly out of the way . no wonder then you find your self at a loss , and cry out like a blind man for a hand to guide you , since instead of christs faith , you look for a new faith . one would have it an article of our christian faith , that his order is a true religious . order , another , that one hang'd for treason is a true martyr : others seek some private revelation that brings in profit , to be canoniz'd for faith , and other such fine questions to be put in the creeds of the church ; and if it be not yeelded there 's a power in the church to impose such beliefs upon men , presently the denying doctrin is an exterminating school , and pulls up by the roots all the foundations of christian religion . nor will there want some to say , that though these things be true , they are not to be published , but catholicks are to be left in ignorance of such tender points : but will not the mischief by degrees grow intolerable , if once it should come to that height that the people by a preoccupated credence , be apt to be stirr'd seditiously against their naturall and lawfull governour , by any surreptitious rescript fetch't from beyond sea , freshly seal'd with the new stamp of faith : and to believe all christianity is rain'd if such a rescript , nay the interpretation of the procurers be any way doubted of . o strange unhappy times ! you press farther that according to me the church hath de facto erred in the bull and council so long treated of . what a strange boldness is this ? you bring an interpretation against grammar , against logick , and against divinity , and if this be not accepted of , you cry the church has err'd . your interpretation is against grammar by your own confession , complaining of your adversary for demanding an is or is not , which is a plain acknowledgment that your sence is not formally in the words . it is against logick , because you put the subject to be part of the predicate ; against divinity because you would make the grace of god and heavenly benefits be bought like salads in the market , by him that has most mony . besides other inconveniences whereof i have explicated some in my book of the middle state , and may have occasion to say more hereafter ; and yet , forsooth , if this sweet interpretation be not gratis admitted of , the church has err'd , the church has err'd , and all 's undone , well a day , well a day . you go farther and press that my rule of faith failes me in this very point . and first you appeal to the consciences of all illiterate persons , whether this be not their present faith . yau have found out a tribunal very fit to gain your cause in . but i wonder you are so little skill'd in spirituall direction , that you do not know , most illiterate men never reflect upon their inward acts , or farther then what belongs to the fancy , not one amongst ten thousand : and you deceive me if you hold faith to be an act of the fancy . yet i dare not be too bold , for i have heard of one that wore a plush cloak and could neither read nor write . wherefore it is enough for me to deny it , whether it be your opinion or no . besides do you not know that even literate persons , unless divines , are not to mince the doctrin taught them by their pastours so far as to distinguish what is deliver'd for faith what as necessary to the explication of it , or to the practise of christian life : further you may know that many even of your own eminent divines differ not only in what points are of faith what not , but in what makes them to be of faith what not . though i think they all agree that an explication against grammar and logick does not rayse a position into an article of faith , though the explication be of a popes bull . next , you tell your adversary that master white him self says saint gregory the great was the first founder of that faith . i know well you accompt master white a kind of a mad man , that dares advance such propositions as he cannot but foresee what strong opposition they were like to stir up against him . but i did not think he was so mad , as holding no doctrin to belong to faith which began since the apostles daies , who are the last revealers of publik faith that he knows of , and besides professing this doctrin so far from faith that it is not true , yet should tell you that saint gregory founded this faith . as far as i remember , what i sayd was , that saint gregory reported this novelty first broke out in his dayes by the means of certain revelations . and this i sayd upon the authority of venerable bede , who attributes the book of dialogues to saint gregory . but now i must tell you that upon fuller consideration , i rather believe venerable bede's information was defective , then to attribute so unworthy a book to so grave and learned a pope ; nothing like such winter tales as are told in that book being found in his most worthy and learned works . and i will make your self , whom i know a great admirer of that learned and pious doctour , judg of the controversy . do you think there is in the next world excommunications and restorings to communion as is exprest in one of those revelations ? do you think that one who dy'd obstinate in schism was sent to purgatory because he did many alms as is reported in another revelation ? do you think it is not the fancy of an idle brain to imagin souls are sent to bathes to scrub and rub men there to be acquitted of their sins ? other things there are in the same book worth the noting ; but these are enough to shew it unworthy of st. gregory ; as indeed it is for so great a doctour and prelate to spend his time in gathering together private storyes of obscure and petty relaters . this will set this doctrin an hundred years later , and into an age one of the least cultivated since the beginning of the church of god . nor is it true that this carries after it a practise testified by foundations , prayers , masses , almes , &c. for all these were in the church before this doctrin , as may appear in antiquity . the church of afrik made a canon to force the laity to contribute to prayers for the dead about saint austins time , who yet testifies that the question whether souls were deliver'd out of purgatory before the day of judgment had not yet been moved . now foundations contradict this doctrin , rather then promote it . for he that makes a foundation intends it without limit of time ; and so must imagin the soul needs the assistance of that charity so long ; which would much cool the devotion you pretend , and we see practis'd before our eyes , to get masses enow in a morning to send a soul to heaven to dinner . shew me but one ancient instance where two or three thousand masses have been by legacy procur'd to be said the very next morning after the testator's departure , and little or nothing after that morning ; and i will ingenuously confess it the best argument you have produc'd in the whole managing of your cause . after the author of the dialogue there was no more news of this opinion till odilo , a monk of cluny's , time : who being a kind of a generall of many monasteries , dilated this doctrin in them , upon a goodly ground to build a matter of faith on , to wit , the report of a french pilgrim who sayd he had met with an hermite ( i think a french man ) who perswaded himself he had visions of souls being deliver'd out of purgatory by the prayers of the monks of cluny . upon this ground the good saint recommended the devotion for the dead warmly to his subjects , and they to the people who frequented their monasteries : and hence this doctrin came to be common where his order was in esteem . and so , being a pious credulity stay'd about one hundred years till the school began . which ; finding it very common , easily favour'd it with such reasons and explications as they thought fit , though not universally , for some are found to have contradicted it , and so it was exalted to a probable opinion . in which state the council of florence found it , and practis'd it , giving communion 'to the greeks , ( who as is before declar'd ) left it out of their confession , after the latins had put it in theirs . and in this quality it persever'd till my book de medio statu was turn'd into english . then it began first to be a matter of faith , by the power of the great letters you put in the edition of the bull of benedictus , and the council of florence . for , before that , even the consorts of your tenet held it no otherwise then for the common opinion of divines . last division . containing an answer from section the eighteenth , to section the two and twentieth . the catholick rule of faith defended . the vindicators weakness in making the unlearned judges of controversy . his frequently mis-representing my doctrin , and manifold failings in his new attempts from the bull and council . your eighteenth section you begin with saying , my doctrin ( which is a close adhering to tradition ) is the way to make fools stray . you follow still the same truantly humour of using words without looking into the sence . for , if tradition signify the delivery of the doctrin preach't and taught by our forefathers , your proposition signifies that to follow what we are taught by our forefathers is the way to make fools go astray . neither do i deny but that you speak consequently , if first you make the popes veracity the veracity of the whole church , and that all the church but he can err , and consequently he may correct the doctrin which was believ'd by the church in the age immediatly going before him ; then 't is true that to prefer the belief of the former age before the popes word will lead fools astray . but for my part i desire to be one of those fools , and to go so astray . you run on in a full careere , and tell us of the authority of the church and councils in common , and that things settled by them must not be brought in question , not seeing because you will not , that what the church believ'd in the last age is more the church's decree , then what she speaks either by pope or council , unless she speaks the same that she believed the last age : and so , you continue your discoursing with words , not taking their meaning along with you . in your nineteenth section you come so home as to judge and condemn me by mine own doctrin , a great shame to me , i confess , if you make it good . you argue therefore what have we seen but masses , dirges , almes , &c. so far is almost true ; but why did you not put in , by which in express terms we pray'd for the welfare of the souls at the day of the general judgment ? but you had reason to leave that out , for it would have set a shrewd puzzell in your argument . we have heard constantly ( say you ) that souls are deliver'd out of purgatory by these powerfull helps before the day of judgment ? in this part you have mended your former fault , for there you sayd too little to serve your purpose , if you had prov'd all you said ; and here you say more then can be prov'd to serve your purpose : do you mean that your way was preach't constantly , that is , as a certain and establisht doctrin of faith ? or that for a long time they preacht it as a probable truth ? or , without engaging at all into the degree of its assuredness ? but perhaps you proceed more nicely , since you onely said you heard it constantly , not that it was preach'd constantly ▪ for to say a thing constantly , imports that the speaker teaches it to be certain , and it is not enough if for a long time he tells you it is likely to be so . now so far as concerns the delivery of souls from purgatory by the potent means you speak of was ever constantly taught , but that the delivery should be made before the day of judgment , was taught but as a pious opinion , if the preacher understood the sence of the doctours of the schools themselves , who add no such qualification : because , their principles being either authority or reason , they find in authority neither fathers , nor councils , nor popes express in the point , and reasons much less favourable , and to say the truth though they are apt enough to dispute whether there be a god , a trinity , an incarnation , &c. yet i do not remember to have heard of any one who hath treated of his proposition so directly as to dispute it pro and con . which being so , what certainty can we expect a preacher should fix upon this doctrin . but to declare what i think those whom you appeal to will answer : i beleeve it is , that they never reflected to make any difference of the things the preachers deliver'd them , and much less upon the degrees of assent they gave to this or that point , and as far as they can tell they gave the same assent to any place of scripture the preacher explicated , as they did to this point ; unless some particular occasion put them in mind to qualify one and not the other . but , as they found by experience in other things that if any rub came to make them doubt of any thing a preacher sayd , then first they began to consider on what grounds they were bound to believe the point proposed , so they have done in this , and of those who have spent any competent time in examining both sides , many have discover'd your grounds unsafe to build any certainty on , and some confest them too weak to sustain even so much as a probability . what the gentleman , whose letter you cite ( and with some imprudent circumstances ) will say , why he was carryed away with your arguments , i know not ; but had he read my books as much as i esteem his learning and vertue ; he would surely have met with full answers to your very objections : which they who read yours cannot do ; nor so much as hear of the arguments i use to maintain my opinion ; you on set purpose concealing them ; and proposing , in their stead , as my whole grounds , a discourse made to a meer philosopher or heathen , where the method of a regular writer oblig'd me to abstract from revelation . but that this answer i set down is for the greatest part of those that follow this opinion , a true one , is not onely manifest to all that reflect upon what passeth within them on the like occasions , but experience hath taught me it in every country where i have conversed since the publishing this doctrin . in all which i have found divers who upon hearing of it acknowledg'd that before they had in their hearts a certain dislike of your opinion , but they knew not why ; it having a kind of an uncouth semblance , yet they could not pitch upon any thing to say solidly against it . one passage i will intreat your patience to let me tell you : before i printed it , i communicated this point to one of the greatest divines of christendome , and confest to be so . he presently reply'd it was against the council of florence , and went immediately to his chamber and fetcht down the council ; when we had a little debated the text , and he saw it did not reach home , he shut up the book , with these words . look to it , you will draw all the regulars upon your back , meaning all such of them , as found great profit by perswading the people they should procure a sudden redemption of their friends out of purgatory , which i believe , are those you speak of that hear not of this doctrin without horrour . therefore , acute sir , you will or may see that your argument is two edged , and as the auditours you speak of did not distinguish the degree of assent to this position from that they give to faith , so neither do they make any difference between it and the sleightest assent they have . thus may your adversary by your argument conclude any practise of the church , or common opinion of preachers , or generally receiv'd ecclesiasticall storyes , nay even the new holy dayes to be points of faith , as well and as easily as you do this . what difference of assent , think you , do the people make between these truths , that there was a saint philip or saint jacob , and that there was a saint bennet , or saint augustin ? they hear of these far oftner then of those , and seldom or never , of the severall degrees wherein they are recommended to their assents . even the more prudent in many such points run currently on with an undistinguishing assent , till something jog their thoughts , and awaken them to look into the business , then they begin to make it a question , to examin and sift it , and at last to settle it in its true box of catholick , or theological or historical faith , or of some other inferiour assent . you go on to perswade your readers , that those who accept of this doctrin do it through comfortable apprehensions in lieu of great horrours before they were in , and because it eases their consciences from the incumbent care of assisting their dead friends . in the first , you manifestly shew you understand not the doctrin of your own divines ; for , we agree in the grievousness of the punishments , or if we disagree in any thing , it is that mine is the severer . for the difference of our positions is not in what the punishments are , which we both agree to be acts of the will : our difference is , whether these acts of the will be caused by the force of nature in spirits , as i say ; or by the force of material fire , as your divines maintain . which was the cause why when i explicated the nature of hell in a divinity lecture , one of my scholars told me , i made hell worse then it was . for in truth the force of a material body is not to be compared to the strong activity of a subsistent spirit , as any divine will easily guess . in your other point you seem to have fram'd your conceit out of conversation with women and children , whose desires are violent at the instant , but soon pass away ; and not out of the consideration of men whose counsels are govern'd by a far prospect , and aym at perpetuity . so you flatter poor women with the hopes of relieving their friends the first morning , or the first saturday , or in some speedy time , and get present monies fit to make merry with for one day ; never reflecting that the ancient and manly charity for the dead was to establish foundations , and perpetual anniversaries ; by which the memory of our friends , and prayers for them was often renew'd , and long continu'd ; whereas taking your principles , we need neither much fear the terrours of purgatory , nor seek new wayes to ease our consciences from the incumbent care of assisting our departed friends , since one mass at a priviledg'd altar will do the work alone , and a very little sum of mony procure that mass without going to the cost of dirige's and such like chargable offices . and here i must ask my readers & my adversary's leave to correct one suspition i had unawares entertain'd , that interest might have some influence upon the defenders of this short stay in purgatory ; i was deceiv'd , and now i see they are no wayes accusable of that odious crime : anciently great alms were given , and those often repeated , for the assistance of one soul ; and so the church and church-men gain'd much , and grew rich apace ; now , there is open'd a far cheaper way ; one piece alone , and that of silver too , dispatches the business . surely out fair and numerous and rich monasteryes were not built and endow'd with such petty contributions . after this you proceed to the arraignment of me before my bishop or a nuncius apostolicus . but there want two things to make your arraignment good : first that the people be inur'd to tradition , and to prefer the received faith of the church before all other doctrins . from the danger of which your divines will secure me , while they teach the people that the church when it is sayd to be inerrable , signifies the pope alone , that all the people may err , that general councils have no strength till they be seal'd by the pope , and so i shal have this help to appeal from them to the pope , let my doctrin be as opposit as it will to all that hath been hitherto the belief of the christian world . the second thing that wants to the perfect arraignment is that you have not yet found out so weak a bishop , that will believe a doctrin sprung from uncertain visions , foster'd by unlearned zeal , and strengthen'd with an exposition of a council or of a popes bull , against the rules of grammar , logick , and divinity , is the belief of the present church . in the mean while i give you great thanks both for your setting forth my plea against luther , and honouring it with so high an approbation that it thunders and lightens home . for , besides that the knowledge of that form of proceeding against hereticks is very necessary , it will give me a testimony that i am a good christian , and if i be not a very beast i have not committed an errour to fall under so gross and so well fore-seen a censure . to the charge it self , from what i have already said you may gather my clear and full ansver ; that the doctrin i sustain is not by me pretended to be of faith but onely not against faith : as also , that the doctrin i oppose , is not and article of faith , and supported by fathers and monuments of antiquity and immemorable custome , but onely an opinion not very ancient , nor ratify'd by the consent of fathers , nor of so long a standing that it's beginning is not well enough known : perhaps , the later , yet for its time as much prevailing doctrin of priviledg'd altars may live to be as old as this is now , and as common too ; will it therfore deserve to be put into our creed ? or can it ever become an article of faith which the whole church professes is but an opinion now ? and are not these differences betwixt luthers case and mine , whom you so charitably endevour to parallel , sufficient to distinguish our dooms ? examin them but once more , and i will make you my judg. onely forget not these words which your self put down as part of my method to convince an heretick , that the authority of things which wee stand bound to beleeve , descends handed down from christ our b. saviovr and no otherwise , even till this age . in your twentieth section you pretend to examin the councill of florence once more against me . your first mistake is that it was the business of the council in florence to declare the faith of the church concerning the state of souls which depart this life . i mean not to speak to your history , for as much as was determin'd of souls was agreed in ferrara , but to the word business ; for their business was onely to agree two points ; one about material fire : the other , about the just souls presently seeing god , which was the business of benedictus his bull , and some of the greeks were of the same apprehension with john the 22. but you like an astronomer considering the phoenomena's of the definition frame the question out of that , whereas all the rest was no business , but the compleating of the doctrin by dilating it out of tenets agreed without and before any controversy . your next errour is , that whereas you pretend to compare my doctrin with the councils , you do it to the doctrin of the parts of the council , when it is a clear case , the doctrin of one part is not the doctrin of the council , but that in which the whole council agrees . your third errour ( if it be not a willfull aequivocation ) is , that you say the latins believe material fire in purgatory ; which , if you mean by belief , catholick faith , is extremely absurd ; since they joyn cōmunion with the greeks , who profess the contrary ; if you mean only they held it as a probable opinion , you cosen your auditory , which expects you should speak of faith , and not of that from which i may dissent by authority of the council . your fourth rather malice than mistakes is , that you impose upon me , that there is no purging of souls before reunion ; for all who know that actio is prior termino will allow a purging before a being purged , as going to london is before being there . besides your oft repeated fault of mischarging me to hold that the soules irregular affections are the torments of purgatory . your fifth errour is , that you put an opposition betwixt the latins and me where we perfectly agree in all , save onely that intruded word by this fire which comes out of a former , and spoils the whole tenet of the latins from being a matter of faith , making it but a probable-opinion in whole , though the other parts belong to faith . you add , the latins must needs have thrust me out of communion , not reflecting that they gave communion to the greeks who dissented in all you have alledged truly against mee . as to the greeks . first you say i hold against them that souls are in no place . and though i cannot affirm positively what the meaning of the greeks was at the council in this point ; yet knowing their fathers use , when they speak of spirits , to call working in a place , being in a place , i am well assur'd they would not thrust me out of their society for denying a true locality in spirits . the second objection is answer'd by my answer to the latins , and the same is to be sayd to the third : of your last objection concerning the efficacy of the helps because you say you will evidence it , i must expect the fulfilling your promise , till then it is but a threatning likely to be of little effect . you end with a great confidence that you have dispatch't this business , and converted your adversary , unless he will stand upon the errability of the council . for you ( imagining your self inerrable in your rash and shallow interpretation of it ) cannot ( alas good christian ! ) imagin any other possible way to maintain the conclusion : i on the other side , hope i have sayd somewhat that may help your imagination , but dare entertain no great apprehension that i shall convert you , knowing i have not spoken to the main foundation of your opinion , which is setled in your will , upon grounds beyond my removall . yet in the 21 section you are forced to retire from your fair hopes , for your great words satisfy your adversary no more then your capital letters . his answer in substance is , that you misconstrue the pope and council as it hath been declar'd by him and me before ? and that the purgation before the day of judgment may be suppos'd but not defin'd . and clearly enough , such is both the popes and the council's meaning as is before more largely insisted on ; which being the onely knot of the controversy , you do well to prepare loud clamours against it , and tell us it is a pitifull evasion . let us then suppose it were judg'd by the pope to be the more probable opinion amongst divines that souls were purg'd before the day of judgment , though he held the other was also probable , which i think you will not say impossible for a pope , since divers have gone that way in other matters . in this case was it fit the pope should define what became of such souls or no ? if you say he could and should define , what is become of all your clamours against defining upon a supposition which afterwards may be found to be impossible ? for he that judges an opinion onely probable , leaves a probability , that it is impossible to be true ; since whoever sayes one side is but probable as far as concerns science sayes it may be false , for any thing he knows . now , things that have a settled course in nature are so dispos'd that impossibility is concomitant to falsity , nor can it ever be prov'd to be false unless it be prov'd to be impossible . so that the pope in defining the coming to heaven of such souls , proceeds not consequently to his opinion if he doth not go upon a supposition that himself confesses may be impossible , and yet in all prudence he must define it as being but an extension of this his main question whether saints go immediatly to heaven . if you say he could not or ought not to define such a conditionall case , who will or can believe you that hath any prudence ; since , for the position it self , he both thought it the more probable and saw it concern'd the most ample part of his division of saints going to heaven . for all christians imagin more go to heaven through purgatory , then either by the vertue of baptism or by eminency of purity and sanctity acquir'd in this world . so that i persuade my self you would easily allow the pope not only could , but ought , in case he thought both sides probable to proceed as he did in his definition . now , that this was the pope's case is absolutely certain and more then probable : since we cannot doubt but it was the case of the latines in the council of florence , in which the greeks by their leaving our the expression of some being deliver'd sooner , some later , directly wav'd that position ; and by consequence refused to profess an article of faith , if this were one , and yet , without any repugnance or quarrelling about this circumstance , were admitted to communion and a common decree made in which the latines position was abstracted from , as you may plainly see in the council , and is before more fully declar'd . now as to your argument , every one can see 't is weakly done to talk of actions proceeding out of knowledg or apprehension , not according to the apprehension but according as things really are : he that thinks two opinions probable takes both as possible whether they be or no . for , howsoever they are in themselves , to him they appear so . now to argue out of the nature of things , which he professes not to know , to the actions that must flow from his apprehension , is a clear inconsequence . yet all your great clamours have no other ground , and therefore i think i may leave out your petty quarrells with your adversary about his examples , as superfluous , and nothing conducing to the main point in controversy . second part refuting the vindicator's other scatter'd objections ; chiefly those which oppose several doctrins of the author in other points . first division , containing an answer from sect. 22. to sect. 27. the vindicators unskilfulness in the nature of a metaphor . the triall of his tenet and mine by fathers and liturgies . his drollish calumnies shown groundless by the authours explication of his tenets about the church's future proficiency in science , a dispossest governour , and the uncertainty of the scripture's letter by meer transcribing . his manifold abuses of the authour in his citing him about councils , and hell . his miscalling god's doing what 's wisest and best , pagan fatality . dear sir , ( that i may , following your directions though not your example , begin like a love-letter ) by chance i had turn'd over a leaf too much , and so lighted on the beginning of your 22 section : in which you design'd to give a clearer view of my doctrin , and so i hop'd to have been quit of the former controversy , and could willingly upon that condition , have endur'd the bitter dissemblings wherewith you end this chapter . but finding you fall back to the same quarrel again , i perceive you had condemn'd me to the oar for another caravan : and therefore i must repeat to you , that you talk so unskilfully of faith , as if there were none but in popes bulls , and definitions of councils : as if the apostles had gone about preaching that such a council had defin'd such an article , and such a pope the other . and so you ask a monstrous question . how if some imp of hell should arise , and admit onely a metaphorical and not a real son in divinis , how could this blasphemy be repress'd by consubstantialem patri ? a shrewd question i confess , for it so confounds the termes , that it is very hard to make sence of them . first , i would know what you mean by that terme in divinis ; whether in the substance of god ? or in the●logy , or speaking of god ? for if you speak of the essence , the arrians never held a metaphorical son in the essence of god , but in the essence of christ . nor do i think any who understand a modicum of divinity , can put so foolish a position , that to be a son should be to be god , or the very essence of god ; and yet should be so solely metaphorical that it should be no reality . but if you mean that there was no son in god , but some creature , was call'd son as the arrians held , then what signifies this word in divinis ? rub over your old school-notions again a little , before you put your self in print . now against these was made the nicen creed , and not against the former . but i must advertise you that by your high skill in divinity , you should have fram'd a new nature of metaphors , to have come home to your position . for i doubt not , you can as well square grammar as philosophy to divinity . then , in our way , who look into nature to know what a metaphor is , it appear's to be the use of a word in a second sence , derived from a former . and so , how you jumble together onely a metaphorical and not a reall son , i do not understand . for they have no more connexion then green and d●l●ful , or what disparate terms you please to compound into strong non-sence ? reality speaks nature ; metaphorical , a manner of speech , yet both these must be joyn'd to condemn some trinobant to be an imp of hell . and why such fierce unchristian words ; miscreant and imp of hell ? i remember indeed the furious zeal of a pharisee let fly at our blessed saviour , language far worse then this ; but whether my chider be pharisee , or publican , or both , or neither , i know not , god knows , and god forgive him , and bless me with grace to take patiently all his injuries , and i hope he will give me strength to refute his arguments . but let us look into the thing it self , and seek how a son is spoken of god . and , let our first question be , what those people who first brought the words of father and son into use mean't to explicate by them . and i know nothing , but that they mean't by father a man ▪ who by means of a woman produc't a creature like to himself ; by son , a creature thus produc't . this then must be evidently the first signification of the words , and if another be attributed to them by design , not pure hazard , they must be acknowledg'd to be translated from this first signification to that next ; as when he that converts one to faith or good life is call'd his father , the person converted , his son . now , because translations are made upon divers kinds of connexions of the things signify'd , not all but such a one onely , as is translated for a proportion or likeness , is called a metaphor , as a governour or gubernator in latin , first signifies the master or pilot which governs a ship , thence it s translated by reason of similitude or proportion to him that in a city or common-wealth behaves himself as the master or pilot doth in a ship . now , let us affirm something of god by this word father , will you say , the word was not translated to him from a former signification , but given him by pure hazard , without any respect to a fore-used sense ? sure either you or the readers will not be so senceless . it remains then to see by what connexion it was translated . certainly not that it was a cause or effect , or a concomitant , for all these are more improper , but because there is a similitude or proportion , seeing that in god , another person proceeds in likeness to him , from him . therefore a father is spoken of god metaphorically . and if you but consider the language , you use by custom and not by understanding , you would know it were onely metaphorically spoken of god , that is to say in no other signification of the word ; not by a metonymie , synecdoche , or catachresis , nor in the first signification : for these are the termes which are excluded when onely is added to metaphorically : and not the terme really , which is a manner of being not of speaking , and so cannot be oppos'd to metaphorically , by one who understands the words he speaks . you will say you scorn these grammatical lectures , and i believe you ; but such pride hath brought you to call the principall fathers of the church , and her best divines , imps of hell , for all these say the same i do in this point . you must have some miscreants to accompany your imps : therefore you would have a miscreant teach that a moderate affection to a concubine ▪ is a less crime then an immoderate love to a wife , and , because this latter is no breach of gods commandments , as your discourse imports , therefore he must be a miscreant that should say it . o what want had solomon of such a ghostly father ? to tell him that to love his wives immoderately was no breach of the commandments , and that to love them so , as out of that love to fill hierusalem with idols and idolatrous worship , was not far worse then a moderate , or rather an ordinary ( for none is moderate , none but is sinful enough ) love of a concubine . surely you have quite forgotten that excellent sentence of our saviour ; he that hates not his wife , can be none of his disciple ; or , as it is expres't in another place , he that loveth his wife more then him ; for i have heard say , that by these words , is signified as much as he that loves his wife immoderately . surely he was no miscreant , that preach't to men to loavo their wives , if they would not let the● serve god quietly . after this in your 22 sect. you arm up your fathers , and set st. austin in front to make a great shew with his name , for in his words nothing is to be found for your purpose . and , indeed , it is an imprudence to cite him for your opinion , who professes expresly ( ad dulcit . quaest. 1. ) the question had not yet been handled before his time , but might hereafter , but that he knew not whether side would prove true . yet you will give him a paper in his hand to hold forth , though it contains nothing but the profession of your adversary . and ●ot to take notice of the doubtfulness of the two latter books you cite , there is nothing in them that your adbersary will deny , but has already explicated them . but if you fail in saint austin , you will help it out by origen who sayes too much for you , being known to speak heretically when he uses those phrases you cite out of him . for , his opinion was that purgatory began after the day of judgment , and the sentence given by christ ; according to which some were to be longer , some shorter in torments , but all to be freed at last . and this he expresses by the words you cite , and you should have brought some words by which it might appear he spake of souls before the day of judgment . but you have a salve against this , saying , he wrote this before he was an heretick . by which it is clear you speak at randome , for he fell not to be an heretick , by a set occasion , as some others did , but as long as he liv'd was accounted a great doctor of the church , and his heresies not discover'd untill after his death , and even then defended to be none of his , but to have been foysted in by hereticks . your next author is st. gregory of nyssa , a man of very great worth and au●hority , of whom petavius that famous jesuit sayes , that some in his time , more piously then either truly or wisely , striv'd to explicate some places of his which did savour of origenism . but germanus bishop of constantinople , ancienter then photius , defends this great man ; yet not without admitting the origenists had mingled some sentences of their own here and there in his works . now this germanus his book is not extant , and therefore such places as use the origenists phrases are suspected ones . specially the book you cite is excepted against . possevinus rejects it absolutely , others object against it , that 't is corrupted by the origenists in divers other points , so that it is neither certain the book you cite is his , nor if it be , that it can carry authority , where the phrase is origenical , as this word ignis purgatorius is , and avoided much by greek fathers , because it is so notorious in origen . i have not the book , and so i cannot speak expresly to the words . in conclusion , you make the judgment of the ages before those strange revelations , which gregorius dialogus ( as the greeks call him , and say him to be the pope whose successour was zacharias , who lived about the midst of the eighth age ) hath left us , or rather odilo who lived about six hundred years agoe , out of three fathers ; whereof one sayes nothing special for your doctrin , and is certainly against it . the second was notoriously an heretick , and the words you cite pertinent to the explication of his heresy . the third's words are certainly corrupted by the followers of the second , and the book out of which you cite the place rejected by learned catholicks , yet this you call the consent of fathers , and the apprehension of those ages to which i appeal . but now comes such an impiety as should make a christian sink for shame , to wit , that i say virgils purgatory is more rational then yours . but what would you have me do , i did not know that all the light of christianity consisted in certain private revelations , quarum nox conscia sola est . now that you have told me so , i will mend as soon as i shall believe you : mean while , till then , i may conceive a man of wit may conjecture or feign likelier thing ; then we find in such visions , as go generally accompany'd with some circumstance against the nature of christian life . nor do i fear your exposition of the councils will stand canonised in christian creeds ; however you assume the confidence to nickname such shallow conceits of your own catholick faith all over your book . you follow the same matter by citing places out of the publick liturgies ; of which all but one are purely indifferent to both parties , even in the very out side of the words ; and that one easily explicable in a sence consistent with mine . you brave me to find out a new construction of ante diem rationis , and i tell you i have found one of which i never heard before , and 't is in your book , and in this very place , pag. 83. wherein striving to apply that excellent hymn to your purpose , you mistake it i think as much as 't is possible . first you make the priest speak in the person of the dead , whereas the whole style of the hymn runs clearly in the person of him that prayes , and in the singular ; quid sum miser tunc dicturus , &c. supplicanti parce deus . contremisco , mei finis . with which person suit these words best ? that of the dead , or of the priest ? secondly , your argument must suppose him to pray for delivery from purgatory ; let 's see how you hit it in this : ne perenni cremer igne , can these words agree with purgatory ? thirdly , you bring this passage to prove he asks delivery before the day of judgment . sure , in this branch you will have better luck ; and yet he that reads the hymn but once unslubberingly over ( which certainly you have often red over ) will easily pick out another meaning from quando judex est venturus , &c. cum resurget creatura , &c. ne me perdas illa die . can there be possibly words more clearly contradictive of what you pretend ? which yet is more confirm'd & made plain by the fix last lines where the hymn begins to change its meeter , and then passes evidently from the priest to the person pray'd for , huic ergo , &c. spare him , whereas before it ran perpetually with me ; and from eternal fire to the style us'd in praying for souls in purgatory . but perhaps you saw the latin would not so well serve your passion , therefore you either find or make a translation of it into english verse , and cite us three lines of it . truly i do not take my self bound to answer such authorities , especially when they are grosly mistranslated with a soul corruption , of which i suspect you knew well enough ; since the verses are printed in a late book whose venerable author you often converse with , and there they are , my long black score , &c. which you hastily if not maliciously change into their long , &c. is this the performance of your promise in this very section , to be no niggard to your reader ? when you thus notably , in the scotch phrase , spare the truth . which indeed appears to mean in this hymn , onely an expression of fear concerning the rigorous examination at the day of judgment , with a desire to be handled then in mercy , else what an improbable request were it , to beg so solemnly one hour , nay , one minutes anticipation of delivery , for even thus much would satisfy ( were yours the right interpretation ) that moderate petition of ante diem rationis . but becaus you will cry out upon poetical expressions , though you use them your self and those lewdly corrupted : i will intreat you to apprehend , this hymn or sequence was put into the mass , not compos'● expresly for it , as the gospels , epistles , and other parts of the mass were : but was made for a meditation upon the judgment day . and so the true meaning of the words are before thou comest to count with me , that is , before my death . the other citations are not worth the writing over , being common to both sides . in the 23 section , you begin to display your rhetorick which i am very well contented with for two reasons . the chief ▪ because it is fitter then divinity to be made a bawble of , the other because a little patience will be sufficient to answer as many leaves as you employ in it , that is some four whole sections , which i intend almost quite to leave out , they being made for disport and without proof of any thing save onely of this , that you mightily affect the humor of railing without sence or reason . yet i would desire you to note , that it is one thing to say this is to be done , another to say i can do it . true it is , i think demonstrations may be made in divinity , but i have not ever said of any particular point , that i have demonstrated it . ( i leave that to the judgement of the readers . ) nay not so much as that i ever attempted it . in my two euclides i pretended to demonstrate , but so that i preferr'd not my self before greater demonstrators who had miss'd , and so i went with such care , considering that i also might err in some part . but , where i used not the form of demonstration , as in my institutions and other my little books , i never went about to demonstrate . for those who know never so little concerning demonstration , know it is one thing to put a medium which bears with it a possibility to be fram'd ●nto a demonstration ; another , to frame the demonstration . the first is so common , that we cannot talk of our business without using it , in case what we say be truly consequent . much less can any solid divine frame a long discourse without doing it . the latter , no body doth but he , that maketh it his proper task to proceed in form . whence you may see how much you calumniate mee . besides , you quite forget the qualifications i ad , in the places you cite by halves , out of my bookes ; did you not read about the middle of ratio operis these words , si enim non potuisse rationem , &c. to this sence , if you say reason could never have reach't these mysteries , i freely assent , but that after revelation it cannot be satisfy'd i unwillingly beleeve , till it be prov'd ? go on , and you shall immediately meet another omitted qualification ; that even assisted by revelation we cannot penetrate into the deity nor any mystery , thorowly , that includes it. then come the words , wherein my sentiment is plainly containd ; but these hinder not , that such demonstration as is given of god may be found out even of these mysteries , that is , not thorowly or perfectly , but some predicates and truths concerning them ; which every divine agrees of god , and i onely extend that kind of demonstrableness to other articles . this i earnestly intreat the reader to observe , and when ever he meets with this accusation laid to my charge , that i would evacuate faith by demonstration , evidence , knowledge , &c. to understand me still with these qualifications : which had you fairly mention'd , they would have very much allayd the heat of your exceptions . but you cite me somtimes so interruptedly , and translate me sometimes so craftily , that i fear you rather affect to contend plausibly , then improve either your self , or me , or the world with any profitable truth . one passage here you very pardonably english to the worser sense , for the words indeed are easily mistakable ; and they are these , sed haec omnia , &c. where i meant not , things in your sence that is , mysteries of faith , exprest by these terms , expressing those mysteries ; but the termes which were taught us before christ . as appears , by my words , fides in humano nobis idiomate tradita est , &c. words not so far off but a shorter sight then yours might have seen them . as for what you cite out of my letter to a person of worth , that divines do not profess demonstration . if you mean the form of demonstration it is so plain there can be no question of it : if you mean onely that they do not evidently prove ; how can those divines pretend it who think there is no certainty but in faith ? for the rest i say no such matter , but hold that both saint thomas and others have demonstrated many things , and that my self have followed them in such demonstrations . another accusation is , that i pretend to take away faith in the manhood of the church ; which you should have prov'd . for though i conceive the great scholars of that time shall have a large portion of scierce , yet i do not know that i ever said the people should have it . the same i conceive hath ever been in the church in a certain degree ; of which there are manifest signs in saint denys the areopagite , saint basil , saint gregory nazianzen , and others ; as also in the latin church , specially in saint austin , boetius , saint auselm , and others . but i conceive demonstration will be both in its matter , and in divines much more diffus'd then it is yet . so that in the church will ever march together science and faith , though in diverse measures . some other little nibblings at my doctrin , ( or rather at little bits of it snatcht from the context , as your custom is , because taken entire 't is too difficult for your teeth ) interlace your jollity in these your sections of mirth and raillery . as that of a dispossest governour ; which you deform in the worst manner you can , by leaving out the antecedents and consequents ; which would have let you see that my discourse proceeds in the case , that onely his own private interest or particular good be oppos'd and counter-ballanc't to the publike ; not if the publick good be for his restorement : for then my whole book favours him . wherefore to make my doctrin invidious against the person you mean , you must first subsume that his re-entry is against the common good , otherwise i say nothing against him ; but all for him ; and if you subsume this ; i believe you will deserve no great thanks for your officious mistake , but approve your self his greatest enemy . next , you are hugely troubled that in rushworth's dialogues ( which you say are mine ) i make the letter of the scripture so uncertain . and this objection i may conceive you borrow'd from doctor hammond , whose book in which he has something against me , and ( as i am told ) this very passage , was extant long before yours ; and i doubt not but you read very diligently whatever opposes me . unless perhaps good wits jump't in their observations , which also may be likely ; for you agree much ( taken as scholars ) in your method of seeking for truth . i must profess therefore ( to answer both in one ) that you are two of the prettiest men that ever i met with , and most hard to please with reason . neither of you can endure i should attempt & profess certainty and evidence in things capable of it , that is , in matters scientifical ; nor yet profess uncertainty in matters not capable of certitude ; as in our present point about the delivery of words by way of transcriptions of copists or scriveners relying upon their own human diligence ; which 't is impossible to secure against over-sight ; besides divers other miscarriages which the fathers , as well as i , complain the letter of the scripture was lyable to . but to satisfie your tender conscience , and other catholikes like yours ; i profess that that place speaks of the letter of scripture , as left to multitudes of human contingencies and imbecillities , and as taken abstractedly from , and unassisted by tradition or the churches living voice and practice , to guide securely the delivery of it downwards : but i ever profess that this guidance of tradition did efficaciously preserve the letter untainted in all that was coincident with christian tradition , that is , in all points necessary to mankinds salvation ; and not onely so , but so far the rest of the scripture's letter too , that nothing evidently contrary to the doctrin of tradition or christian faith could light into it . so that catholiks may with all security accept it and hold to it . and yet , notwithstanding the aid of tradition formerly , above 2000 faults were corrected in it by our late pope's , since the beginning of the council of trent , and more still remain to be a mended , as the preface to the same bible grants , nor is any person living able to stint us the ultimate compleating of the true copy . thus much to you ; how i can satisfy doctor hammond ( who holds tradition onely then when he can serve his turn of it , and otherwhiles impugns it ) by what way in his grounds he can be certain of one little of it , i know not : and therefore must leave him to the fruits of his labour in impugning tradition , that is to a perfect uncertainty of any thing that can concern his faith . in a word , to a catholik my position onely signifies that we are beholding to the living voyce of the church even for any certainty of the true copy of the scripture ; which , why it deserves more exception that saint austin's noted saying of evangelio non crederem , &c. i should be glad to learn . but you think rushworth has made too long a catalogue of uncertainties . to which i answer that if you please to scan the occasions of that long catalogue , and then tell us how many we may safely abate . i shall in his behalf remain very much oblig'd to you ; if not , 't is plain you do not know we can abate any , or that his catalogue is longer then it should be in his case . after this you give a wipe at my denying the popes personall infallibility ; and as for the point , you well know 't is held but a probable opinion , and that many learned authors hold the same opinion with me . as for my censuring it , i shall hope the reasons given for it in tabulae suffragiales will stand to justify me , till something of greater force than clamour appears to overthrow them , that is , till it can be shown less than archi-hereticall to say that an opinion which confessedly is no more but probable can be a sufficient ground to build christian faith upon . your next piece of gallantry is your old and oft repeated clamour of my denying the infallibility of councils , which forces me to lay open to the world how far your malice is above your conscience in writing against me . to do which i offer the reader those few notes . first that you onely cite here three words , non est impossible , to prove confusedly that i deny all authority of councils , whereas in my tab. suffrag. . p. 277. the place where it is found ( which had you quoted the reader might have rectify'd himself ) it follows immediately , ut concilium tentet hoc facere , & tentando in errorem incidat , it is not impossible a council should attempt this , and so err . now what this word this relates to is to be seen in the paragraph immediately foregoing , to wit , to the making new articles of faith ; so that i put councils errable onely in such a matter that is in creating us a new faith , you by maiming purposely my words make me hold them to have no authority in any thing . can this consist with honesty or fair dealing ? next is to be noted that in the same discourse there which gives account of my doctrin professedly concerning councils , i maintain in express terms , that councils are of infallible authority in declaring articles of faith , that the pope declaring ex cathedra concerning a matter of faith is infallible , and that the same is to be said of generall and even provinciall councils , if they proceed duly in their discussion . and must all this be conceald , and onely three generall words which declare neither particular manner nor matter be barely alleadg'd as a ground of all your spitefull rhetorick ! how strange a proceeding is this for a christian ! my third note is that in case christ be a perfect law-giver , and that the faith he left be sufficient and no more necessary for the church , that is , if a council have nothing to do in making new articles of faith , then i onely deny infallibility to councils in things unnecessary for the church , and unconcerning their duty as definers of faith , and give them an absolute inerrancy in all points necessary for the church , that is , in all that can truly concern their main purpose , that is , defining faith . and more than this , i beleeve you will find an hundred catholick doctors to one , deny them as well as i. my fourth note shall be that you would make the denying infallibility of councils , abstracting both from all matters and manners of proceeding or acceptation of the church ( for so you treat it ) my singular opinion , whereas thus spoken of , we have for their errability amongst the franciscans castillo , and the learned author of systema fidei , who cites him ; for the dominicans sotus , who tells us that if god by his secret judgment suffers a council to err , he will not permit it long to be conceald from the church , but will take order that it be corrected by another following council before it be receiv'd in the church . for the jesuits , bacon , telling us it was the opinion of saint austin , and of all the writers of that age , that the resolution of faith was compleated in the reception of the whole christian world . for the fathers saint austin himself , whose known words are that plenary councils have been corrected by following ones , where he seems also to speak even of matters of faith . of cardinalls , cusanus , that it may be observ'd by all experience that an universall council may fail . for your own doctors , worthy dean cressy , in whom you may find most of these authors cited , exomol . c. 33. where he acknowledges the placing the infallibility of councils ultimately in the acceptation of the church , an opinion at least allowable , and according to his eminent learning , and charity puts down the conveniences he observ'd in that doctrin to the reducing the heterodox party . nor onely these , but indeed , who is there of any note that will say a council is infallilible unless it proceed conciliariter ? and that it may not proceed conciliarly , or after the regular way of a council , i beleeve you are not unacquainted : if you be , let pope martin the fifth teach it you , who in the last session of the council of constance , declares himself to hold and observe their decrees made conciliariter , & non aliter nec alio modo , and this too expresly in matters of faith , which caution of his shows he held a possibility of their proceeding illegally . now what they call conciliariter , i call ( in definitions of faith ) attending to tradition : which put , i hold and maintain them absolutely infallible ; whereas i believe , all except me ( if you examin the matter well , and report it candidly ) put more numerous , and more difficult conditions to their infallibility , and far more liable to contingency than what i require ; which is both extremely hard to fail , and when it does , must needs be most notorious to the whole world , and so beyond my power to pretend or excuse it , as you would wisely perswade the reader , by saying this doctrin brings all into my hands . so that we have eminently learned men of all the chief orders in gods church , cardinalls , and fathers ( to omit many , or rather all others ) directly of my opinion in holding a non est impossibile , speaking in generall ; or rather i of theirs , and yet i onely must be raild at , as if none in the world held it or broacht it but i. turn now , i beseech you , valiant sir , the mouth of your pot-gun against all these renowned authors , and discharge your intemperate spleen against them as abandoning the catholick church , denying the authority of councils , and such like , ( which make up a great part of your worthy work ) and see how feeble an attempt you will make , and whether you will not deserve as great an hiss , as you have made a noise to no purpose but to breath out some of your swelling passion . at least excuse your self to charitable christians , why omitting to mention all others authority who held the same doctrin with mine , leaping over the backs of all distinctions both of matter and manner , without which your discourse signify's nothing ; and , lastly , why leaving out words of mine within the same comma which should clear me , you rawly took out three onely which were generall ones , apply'd them to what particular sence you pleas'd , nay , extended them to that which was invidious , and which i never held , and by these arts abus'd the veneration which the vulgar justly have of councils , to stir up in them an undeserved ill opinion against me . i pass by in my book many such like carriages of yours ; this , because you so often , and so maliciously glance at , i could not leave totally unreflected on . if it would not spoil your sport , i would crave leave to right the reader in the conceit you would imprint in him of my romancicall hell , as you are pleas'd to term it ; the ridiculousness of which lies in your expressions , not mine . one would think by your putting , dancers , bowlers , fencers , &c. in other letters , they were my words , but he would be mistaken . one would think that the words attempting now in hell in all their severall postures , which signify'd as if they were playing tricks there , were my words or sence , but would be mistaken again . one would have thought you might have had the candor not to omit the word quasi , which would have spoild the exactness of the postures you fancy , and so have much qualify'd your jeft ; lastly , one that had not known you might have imagin'd you would have transcrib'd to the full point , and not still take two or three words single , and then you should have seen the mixture of desperation , fear and grief , marring the perfect molds your imagination had fram'd , and made me say no more but that the shapes of the damned were frightfull and distracted . but ( to omit other little advantages by which you strive in the translating 3 lines to render my sence ridiculous ) i would gladly know where you find these words spoken of damned souls , as you would here perswade us ; i would gladly know where you find the word now which you put as mine [ attempting now in hell ] wheras the whole chapter is intitled & declares it self in each paragraph , to speak of their bodyes onely , not souls ; and this not now , but expresly at the day of judgment , or rather ( if it could be ) after it . were ever three lines singled out from their fellows so abus'd , corrupted and falsify'd to make a little sport ! acute sir , when you have a mind to make merry hereafter , take heed your self to sober and judicious persons who require and expect solidness and sincerity from you , become not the best part of the scene ; however to gigglers , who examin nothing , but laugh at mares-nests , found onely in your and their fancies , you pass for a very comicall and witty blade . but , as i value the judgment of one serious examiner above a thousand of such light-headed things , so it seems by your carriage through your whole book , you intended such onely for your readers ; i hear they are your onely applauders , and that wiser persons , even those that perhaps set you on , seeing your passionate behaviour throughout the whole , will not hazard their own credits to commend your work before any man of prudence and moderation . your next exception is against my sayings that the best happens to the damned that could happen , and that god himself had been worse had they been otherwise dealt with . and this you confute very learnedly with loud exclamations , as pagan fatality , prodigious ! and what not , wheras indeed could you rightly open the opinion , however told rawly 't is to a vulgar head subject to misapprehension , you would have found it to be the greatest honour of god , both in his own attributes and in the government of the world , which mankind esteems of . in his own attributes , because it takes god to be essentially wise , even to the least circumstance ; and that he would be worse if he did any thing otherwise then according to the rule of wisdom , and that wisdom in all things is the principle to his will . whence follows that if it be better to let the damned be damned than not , he should not have done so wisely as he now does , if they had not been damned , and therefore had been less wise , that is , worse in himself . in his government , because it declares that in that very operation in which creatures seem to be worft handled , even there they have the greatest goods which were possible to them . this answer of mine perhaps you may have seen given to another upon occasion of the same difficulty rais'd . now to oppose this doctrin , you must either say that god in the government of the world does not behave himself most wisely , that is , does not what 's most wise to do , or permits not what 's most wise to permit , which if you do , i fear any christian ear that hears you will abhor your blasphemy ; or else you must say that to behave himself less wisely is not to be worse in himself , which is nonsence ; if you grant both these you fall into my paganism , as you call it . for if god does what 's wisest and best , and actually such or such a creature be damn'd , it follows t is wisest and best to permit it ; therefore to do otherwise had been to do less wisely , that is to do worse ; and so , if nothing limited the goodness in that action but what was in himself , to be worse . this you should have reflected on and spoken to , and not still think that to make a wide month over a point of divinity is enough to confute it , without ever weighing , answering , or so much as mentioning the reasons 't is built on . second division . containing an answer from section the twenty seventh , to section the thirtieth . the identification of the soul's affections with her self . the best corporeall pleasures most conducive to beatitude . in what sence the soul is not the same in the body and out of it . affections of souls not retractable during their separation . mis-informations of that grief the author puts in purgatory , rectify'd . our saviour's sufferings not prejudic't by this doctrin . in the twenty seventh section you begin to speak like a man that aym'd at a meaning and proving , and was not content with pure flashes of words as in your former sections : therefore i must look to my self , especially since you threaten me both with designes of your own and of abler pens which will more largely confute my errours . and i must confess you frighten me , for i do not love to take pains . but the best remedy i can think of , is to hasten this petty answer to you , which peradventure may prevent some mistakes in others into which you are fall'n ; and so shorten in part their and my labour ; your first onset is to ask how ridiculous a position it is to say the affections got in the body are not distinguish't from the soul ? and your reason of doubting is because the soul was and can be without them . i give you this answer ; 't is as ridiculous , as to say , that relation is not distinguisht from its subject ; that intension and remission are not made by adding one degree to another ; or that charity is increast by a greater radication in the subject ; that vnion is not distinguisht from its terms , or action from the agent and term , when it consists not in motion ; and twenty such other position ; which as i must not doubt but you have shew'd ridiculous in your philosophy papers ; so because i have not seen them i must judge to be probable opinions in the sentiment of your eminent learned men , while so many maintain them in your schools ; and yet all the arguments you bring , are commonly urged against all these opinions . the masters whereof peradventure may be of the same judgment with me , that the soul is a creature in its essence immutable , but mutable to a certain point ▪ and , so , that other things may be joyn'd to , or sever'd from her , whilest she remains perfectly the same , and neither better nor worse if we respect precisely her essence . they who have a mind to know what i think in this point , may find it at large discours'd , in the preface before the latin edition of sir kenelm digby's book , de immortalitate animae . your next question is , how i can say that sinfull acts are perfections , since the soul is more perfect when she is depriv'd of them . sir , my unwariness in this was , because i had heard that sin consists formally in a privation or want of something , and that all the positive act is good , and from god as far as positive , and so must be perfective , and in it self some perfection . now , to your arguments i reply , that in create perfections many times a greater puts out the lesser , as science puts out faith , comprehension hope , innocence repentance , &c. so doth the perfection of a vertuous act displace the imperfecter perfect on which is in a bad action . your third scruple is , that i say the life most full of corporall pleasure is the fittest to attain eternall beatitude . and i cannot deny but i say so , and your self bring my reason , because the body being made for the soul it cannot be ( regularly speaking ) but what is truly best for the body , is also best for the soul . peradventure you can pray better when you are sick then in health and ease , and the like is of study : my imperfection is such i cannot . and , if eating my meat with a good stomach gives me health and strength to study and pray , i think i do well to put vineger or some other sauce to my meat , which may make me eat what is fitting to perform those actions strongly and perfectly . neither do i understand that this is either against saint paul , or the doctrin of mortification prescrib'd according to saint paul , who tells us , he chastis'd his body and kept in slavery in order to attaining heaven , lest ( saith he ) i become a reprobate ; to which end all that use mortification discreetly , employ it . i confess this doctrin is against them who think god is pleas'd with a kind of sacrificing their bodies to his honour , without any commensuration to their own salvation , but meerly because they apprehend they make god beholding to them for the great honour they did him ; as heathen priests were anciently , and are yet us'd to do in some countries . you say this doctrine befits only epicurus his school , and the life of hogs . for epicurus , the eloquent gassendus hath taken a great deal of pains to perswade the world you are in an errour . and for the life of hogs , unless you be better acquainted with it then a chast religious man should , i think you no fit judg of the comparison . but , whatever way you go , i le tell you mine : which is , to think we feel or ( as i may so speak ) see no acts of our own immediately but corporeal ones , therefore those sensible pleasures , heats , violences of charity , which we read of in many saints lives are corporeal ones , as appears by the very narrations , telling us of bones broken , those that were neer them warm'd , those that they preach'd to materially set on fire , and the like . now , i say , there being such variety of corporeal pleasures , the understanding man chuses amongst them , what are fittest to breed in him those thoughts and desires which are the most efficacious dispositions of the soul to heaven : and these i hold the best and noblest , and which make a mans life the pleasantest . of these ( speaking in abstract ) are generally those that follow or accompany charity and science , but in practise those which be the instruments to increase solid charity proportion'd to the pitch of the soul to be govern'd , which possibly is not capable as yet of so great acts as the saints we spoke of . but there is none so low but if diligence and industry be not wanting , hath higher and greater pleasures then the hogs which were your instructers to know what corporea pleasure is . and i cannot but marvell much on what your thoughts were wandring , that whereas you cannot but have read in the lives of saints , and eminent contemplators of the excessive and ravishing delight which they felt ( that is , which was even in their body too , and affected it ) so as they have judg'd it to be inexpressible and above all contents and delights this world could afford ; yet forgetting all these , your thoughts could onely pitch on those which hogs feel , as the perfectest . do you think a virtuous man has not a more solid , lasting and true corporeal pleasure in the calmness of his fancy , and the undisturb'd temper of his passions , than a vitious man , who for a dram of delight which his mad phrenzy of passion gave him , and scarce left him understanding enough to know he had it , has whole pounds of bitterest gall of discontent attending it , both in the perpetuall fight of his fancy and appetite against reason , and the distemperature of other naturall parts which vice must needs disorder . nay , why should we not think the saints who liv'd mortify'd , lives felt not as much corporeal pleasure , taking the whole extent of their lives , as those enormous livers who cloy'd their senses with the surfet of them . we experience so high a difference in our pleasure taken in meat when we are heartily hungry , in a warm fire when we are extremely pincht with cold , that we have good ground to think their deprivement of the degrees of the thing , is recompenc't by the degrees of the perfect sence they have of what they admit of ; which is by the rarity of it commended and receiv'd with as great a welcome as a necessity both naturall and rationall , that is , those powers uncheck't in that action , could give it ; all which amounts but to this , that a virtuous life is in all respects the pleasantest to the whole man . if this satisfy you not , what think you of health and sickness ? is not the former full of corporeall pleasure , the other of corporeal displeasure or pain ? can any thing be so agreeable to the body as that , more disagreeable or unpleasant than this ? yet i beleeve neither your self nor any understanding christian had a scruple he was in health , but gave god thanks for it as a great benefit . this being so laid out , what have you to except why the pleasantest life is not the fittest to attain heaven ? you add , you have a scruple to translate this doctrin , and you justly may to do it so raw and imperfectly , as to make a quite wrong apprehension in your auditory of its being from what it is . but as you have a confidence of your readers vertue to abhor the doctrin as you set it down , so have i , that any hath heard of me will give no credit to your shameless calumny . you begin your twenty eighth section with my frivolous concluding that corporall affections remain in the soul after separation . and you seem to bring two arguments to shew it . first , that all these desires rise from the body , which being taken away , they remain no longer in the soul ; you may as wisely perswade a man not to seal his letter , because the impression coming from the seal , as soon as he puts that in his pocket , there would remain no more print in the wax . no , sweet sir , our foul hath certain prints of efficacious judgements , which though they begin from the flesh , yet sink into her , and become as it were limbs of her . for , as beasts work by legs and arms , and teeth , so our soul by her judgments . your second argument presses , that as it will not concern the soul to see or hear , so neither to have corporeal pleasures when she hath all fulness of knowledge , so that you would make the unpurg'd souls follow reason , and desire nothing but what is fit for them ; that is , to be totally purged , and by consequence go immediately to heaven , and all to be saints , and that their works follow them not . at least , you think a schollar could endure no punishment , who had no other irregular desires but of knowledge . qui est hic ? & laudabimus eum : but , putting the case ( how impossible soever in the judgment of christians , who hold grace necessary , ) we must remember , he that hath much science , hath a better knowledge of his last end , how great it is , and seeing himself deprived of that , hath a larger share in the high part of damnation , which is in the poena damni then any other . but this you knew nothing of , nor care to consider , diverted by reflecting upon an admirable non-sence of mine . and , truly i do not wonder , that you who cannot understand that a thing may be changed in relation , or that water powr'd out of a square vessel into a round one , can change its figure , without taking away one company of little jacks of the box , and adding as many more , should conceive how a thing can be substantially chang'd , and yet remain the same thing . neither do i intend to perswade you , onely i presume to open how the one case is consequent to the other . which consists in this ; that if a substance be divisible in the formal ingredients which make it a substance , then also is it mutable according to its substance . now the ingredients of substance in this pitiful way of philosophizing , which aristotle and st. thomas have taught me , are called matter and form , and existence . whereof matter and form constitute the essence of the individuum , and if either be chang'd , the individuum is chang'd : but it is not so of existence . for some of your great divines will tell you , that christ's humanity were the same individual humanity whether it had a proper human existence or the divine . now , that which we speak of the soul is somewhat less then this . for , we put the soul to continue the same existence , but to have it sometimes joyntly with the body , sometimes in her sole self ; and , because existence belongs to her substance , we say she is substantially chang'd , and yet remains the same . but to answer your difficulty formally , i pray remember that the notion of ens or a thing is habens existentiam , or that which hath being . now habens existentiam may be understood two wayes ; for one that hath actually being ; or , for one that hath an aptitude to being . now , if you take it in this latter sense , the soul is still the same , for in the body it is capable to have its existence without the body , and out of the body 't is capable to have it with the body . but , in the former sence , in the body it hath it commonly with the body ; when the whole , not she , is that which hath being ; whereas out of the body , she , not the whole , is that which hath being , and so in this sence , she is another thing out of the body then she was in it . there is your distinction , sweet sir , with which i must intreat you to be content , since you will easily see your arguments or inconvenients , drawn from your mistake of the opinion , have no force against it , for we speak not of higher and lower degrees of ens or anima ut sic , but onely of composition in the individual degree . in your 29 section you fall upon a kind of rational question , whether an understanding creature can wish what 's impossible , and you handle it as if you had never seen a man do against reason . let my first question be , whether in all the explications you have heard of the fall of angels , you find any but of some impossible object ? some say they desir'd to be god ; some the sight of god without due means ; some a supreme government of this world ; some an hypostatical union ; none any thing but what depended of god , without whose pleasure they affected it . therefore all put an absolute impossibility in the object , which made in the angel a damned will . are you better acquainted with human affairs ? did you never hear of niggards that hang'd themselves because of some great loss they had receiv'd ? never of an ambitious courtier , that took a grief and dy'd upon a disgrace offer'd him from his prince ? did you never hear of a lover that made himself away , because he could not compass the enjoying of his mistress ? our life is so full of such instances , that 't is a wonder you could not reflect on them . are not all these griefs for what men cannot help ? and doth not a grief include a desire of the contrary ? but you reply these are phrenetick men , our disputation goes of soul's perfect in knowledg , whose understandings represent unto them the lowness , vileness , baseness , unworthiness , &c. of these objects , and above all the impossibility which ( as you say ) at one blow cuts off all the will's pursuit : thus you ; but give me leave to tell you , all vitious desires are a kind of phrensy's , there is no difference but of degrees in them ; one hinders reason , the other masters it : and , besides , wilfulness is as great or greater phrenzy then passion . so that , though passion be not in souls , wilfulness is . and as passion hinders all those fine considerations which you mention of the baseness and foulness , &c. so much more doth wilfulness . you reply again , that according to my doctrin , the affections remain in the soul in the same proportion which they have in the body , out of which your adversary will gather , that as they in the body conquer all good considerations , so they will in wicked souls out of the body . but you subsume that in this world they make no vast or considerable griefs , instancing that the most gluttonous or luxurious man , when he is satiated , desires no more the same pleasure till his body be fit again . i wonder to hear one that lives ( as the french call it ) an grand mond , in all companies , talk so unexperiencedly of human affairs . look upon lovers , look upon those that seek after monies , see whether their whole employments be not to think on their mistresses , and gathering of wealth ? remember how many have held envy and malice a greater torture then artificers could invent . how doth tully seem to compassionat himself for the torment of ambition ? how pitiful a man was he when clodius prevail'd against him ? but the great melancholies and disastrous ends i spake of , make all this too plain to need many words . you conceit that in this doctrin he that goes out of the world in a great thirst , shall be tormented with the desire of drinking . no sir , but he that is never well but when his nose is at the tap , shall have that torment . for he loves drink and makes it his last end , the other desires it out of need , not out of love , and so the need being past , desires it no longer . at last you take notice of the sordidness of souls in separation , if they be troubled with such desires , i confess it sir . i do conceive damned souls in the next world , and vitious ones in this to be baser far then beasts . i confess , all you say of the contempt of drunkenness and carnality ( which you seem to take for the onely corporall pleasures ) to be perfectly true ; save onely your opinion of avicena , who kill'd himself by the excess of lust . then you go on and teach me what i should have settled for the griefs of purgatory . and to shew how apt a scholar i am , and how ready to follow your admonitions , i present you with two short lines out of institutiones sacrae , where having concluded that those who dy'd in veniall affections towards corporall objects , were not worthy the sight of god , presently add & per consequens cum illum ( deum ) pro ultimo fine habeant , ex desiderio ejus & paenitentia negligentiae suae gravissimas paenas sustinere , tomi 2. lib. 3. lect. 10. which is exactly your full sence , and not very different from your words : wherefore i hope since i have prov'd an obedient scholar to my power , you will inform those your friends who intend to write against me , that we are agreed in this point , and that it is a wrong to report i say of purgatory that the souls are tormented with the desires of corporall pleasures , much less that i place the whole misery of purgatory in the deprivement of those . and likewise that a farther design was cause that this would not content me , for you see i put no other but in hell . you charge me farther to say that all external torments in purgatory would be pure pleasures , because they were suffered out of an extreme desire to come to heaven by a courage that yeelded nothing to the force of the torments which the sufferers see to be their onely way to felicity . i do not see any great difficulty in this to a sober interpreter , that what an external agent inflicts is not the grief ▪ but breeds it ; nor will it reach so far as to breed grief , if prevented still with a strong apprehension of an over-ballancing advantage to be gain'd by it ; which yet does not hinder , but that such outward punishments are , in their nature , properly torments ; and 't is the extraordinary considerations of the benefits they bring , that can sweeten them into pleasures ; and , however , the want of heaven must needs be cause of an excessive grief . you go on to object that this doctrin changes all your pious meditations on our saviovrs passion . be of good courage man , and let no other pretence divert you , but proceed constantly and faithfully every day in those holy exercises , and i fear not , god will assist you to satisfy all those scruples and difficulty's , which seldom become unanswerable till we grow cold and negligent in performing our meditations . thus then you argue , christ sufferd with invincible courage ; therefore all pains were pleasures to him : i think you know there was in christ two parts of his soul , the rational and the animal . i do not know so much of the souls of purgatory . when you say then he sufferd with an invincible courage , do you mean of both parts , or onely of the rational ? if you ask him , he will tell you , spiritus promptus est , caro autem infirma . if you reflect on his prayer in the garden , you shall see when he speaks out of the motion of his inferiour part , how earnest he is against his passion , you shall see he did pavere , and taedere ; i pray put these points into your meditations , and you will find room enough for pains , though the rational part was still fixt upon a fiat voluntas tua . and this our saviour sufferd because he would . for the strength of his soul was so great , that he could have had pure pleasures , but would not ; that he might give us example , how to fix our upper souls when we are not strong enough to confirm the lower part . third division . containing an answer from section thirtieth to section thirty fifth . the duration of pure spirits free'd from the mistakes of fancy . the identification of the soul and body maintaind by reason and authority ; and that this is requisit to the souls change . the vindicatours rude conceits of angels . vnalterableness of pure spirits prov'd from the indivisibility of their actions , his false pretence that the author injur'd st. thomas . in the thirtieth section you examin the duration of separated souls . and you readily advance a conclusion that as it lyes i shal not deny , but onely beg leave to offer a distinction . for there being three parts ▪ angels , souls , and their operations , of which you pronounce , i distinguish upon your third or last branch of operations ▪ which schollars divide into external and internal ones , in the external ones i agree with you , that they are measur'd by succession , and by succession of time , as being corporal motions : but for their internall acts of understanding and will , i hold of them as of the substances : your propositions so jumble them together , that i know not what you say separately of them , and what in complexion : but because i defend the same both singly and in complexion , it doth not much concern me . but to proceed , you say , it is incomparably false , that to coexist to a greater or lesser part of time , adds or diminishes nothing to them : i ask , whether , that a greater or lesser time coexists to an angel , makes any intrinsecal change in the angel ? i think you must be a little besides your philosophy if you say it doth , since common sence teaches the pure passing of time doth nothing even to us , much less to spirits . my next question is , whether if there be no intrinsecal change , there can be any addition intrinsecally made ? i think this also will appear a plain truth , unless the fear of the sequel force you to contradict evidence : for the inference will manifestly follow , that purely to coexist to more or less time , ( which is the same as that more or less time coexists to the angel , for the variety and quantity of coexistency holds it self on the part of time ) adds nothing to an angel . now let us see your arguments . your first is drawn from god , in whose closet you have been , and can perfectly tell what he can do , what not , and so you press , what if on a sodain god should make a new angel , would his duration be as long as that of the former angels , or separated spirits ? but sir , i would advertise you , that when the speech is of an action done , it is not enough to examin his omnipotence , for that onely reaches to a possibility of the creature ; but you must also consult with his wisdom as well as with his omnipotency : for example , if you first ask whether it was in gods power to make , or not make the world , and finding it was , presently you would suppose ; then , let him have made it and not made it , the permission would not be granted you . so likewise your assumption , that if there were no time at all , god could at his pleasure create and destroy a soul , would be deny'd you , or rather that god could have the pleasure to create and destroy a soul in that case . and to shew your own consent in this point , mark your discourse ; god could not do it in the same moment , therefore in two moments . do you not see , as soon as you have deny'd time , you immediately put two moments , which cannot be without time . i pray remember st. austin , st. thomas , and others , answering the heathens question , why god made not the world sooner , say because sooner signifies in a former time , and that a former time , could not be , unless god had created it . your other suppositions too of gods creating and anihilating souls , proceed from an unworthy apprehension of almighty god , as if he should make and destroy spirits , onely to shew tricks , they having no more difficulty to be answer'd , then the plain instance of one souls separation before anothers ; and therefore is but the repetition of the same case . but well , what must be said to st. peters soul and the soul of st. teresa , hath not st. peters a greater duration then st. teresa's ? to this i answer , what is immediately loosed out of god almighty's hand , hath no respect to time , but is created for eternity , as the world and the angels are . but , what god doth by the mediation of creatures , takes a tang from them , and so hath some savour of time from the very loose . therefore souls when they go out of their bodies , have a kind of individual difference from the causes and time by which they begin . this is a kind of a difference , when you compare one soul to another , nothing if you compare the same soul to it self . and out of this is taken that diversity of duration which is found in several souls . your next argument is from the time , as the divines call it , of the way of angels to bliss , where you ask , who hath made evident that it could be done in one instant ? to which i have nothing to say , though there want not divines who hold it ; but that st. austin hath made it evident , that neither position prejudices christian religion , and therefore 't is lawful to hold either side , and so let divines dispute it , for no argument can be drawn from thence , why succession should be necessary in the intrinsecal operations of angels . your third argument consists of some expressions cited out of scripture , to which i answer , if you bring any texts of the thoughts of angels , i shall yield ; but if they be onely of outward actions , those are measur'd by time , as by twenty dayes , &c. and so argue no special duration in the inward acts of angels . those cryes of the martyrs under the altar , are so plainly allegorical , that it were lost time to shew they signifie nothing of importance to our controversie . in the 31 section , you say it is groundlesly assumed , that the identification of the body and soul is required for the action of a bodily agent upon the soul , and i cannot deny you have said it . but one that had spoken like a philosopher , would have brought the seeming grounds on which it is built , and shew'd the vanity of them , and not oppos'd his bare word against anothers reasons . you ask , who ever fancy'd such an identity betwixt the body and soul ? i answer , no body , no more then they can fancy that parts are not actu in continuo . but as aristotle and st. thomas have rais'd their speculations above fancy , and understood this , and taught it their scholars , so hath the church done about this identification of the body and soul , if the notion of forma corporis be rightly comprehended . then you demand who ever believ'd , our souls in this life are truly and really our bodies , and our bodies our souls ? no body sir , that i know of , is so grosly senseless ; and so i think you are at the end of your arguments . now let us see your belief , which is , that the soul and body , as two distinct parts , concur to the building up of one man , who is one , not by simplicity , nor identification of the parts , but by substantial vnion or composition . o how gay a thing it is to speak words and not understand them ? we say the same you do ; and nothing more , if you would make your words good . for if there be a substantial union , then there must be an unum substantialiter , or per se , or properly one . and if there be a truly one , it is not truly many , that is not many substances or things . and if there be not truly many substances or things , the parts of this truly one , are not distinguish'd really into things which are actually , but formally into things that may be made of this one thing : which is , to have its part in potentia . now if truly and really the thing be but one thing , all that is spoken of that thing signifies nothing but that thing , so that the man is body according to the signification of one word . another word will signifie him as he is soul , another as he hath the vertue of holding , and so he will be a hand ; another as he hath the vertue of walking , and that will speak of him by the name of foot : and all this be but one thing , which we call man . now sir , this is a catholick verity , defined by ancient councils , in the unity of a person , that is , an individual substance or thing , against the nestorians . the same was done in latter times under the notion of our souls being truly the form , or giving the denomination of being a thing . now the difference betwixt us is , that you examin the words by fancy , and we by understanding and discourse . you add further , it can never be evidenc'd that so much as a substantial union is necessary for a soul to suffer from the body . for who ( say you ) shall render it evident , that in the state of separation , by the omnipotent hand of god she may not be made passive by fire ? sir , i am so confident of your abilities , that i believe you are able to shew , that god by his omnipotent hand cannot turn a separated soul into wood , or straw , or some other combustible matter , by which she shall become passive by fire . and therefore your divines use to speak more warily , when they say , god elevates the action of the fire , not disposes the subject or soul . but this also , he that can prove fire is but a body , and his action either rarefaction , or locall motion , or some such other , may to such as carry sence along with their words , shew , that , seeing an action cannot be elevated unless it be , that is , fire cannot burn violently , unless it burn ; and that the action of fire can have no place in a spirit , which it cannot divide or burn , neither may it be elevated to torment a separated soul . your 32 section tells us , it is a purely voluntary and false assertion , that separated souls know all things perpetually and together . and , as for the falsity , we may guess by your arguments . but to say it is voluntary , you have no reason : since the proofs are set down in institutiones peripateticae , which i suppose you read ( as all sober adversaries do ) before you went about to confute : your arguments are first , our angel guardians every day learn our actions what they be , as it were by seeing the outward effects of them . you speak this so confidently , that i may imagin you have talk'd with some of them , and they have told you so , and then who dares deny it ? otherwise i must confess i am hard of belief . but you ground it upon this , that onely god is the searcher of the hearts , which although one might interpret to signifie the revealer of hearts , and find texts of scripture to that purpose , yet i go not that way ; but tell you , when god is said to be the knower of hearts , he is condistinguish'd onely to men , and if you will have the sence reach farther , you must prove it . for it is against the principles your self uses , to wit , that angels know all our material motions of our phantasie , and sensitive appeal . now if there be no act of the understanding without a fancy agreeing to it , nor an act of will without a proportionate motion in the appetite , you will leave few actions unknowable to angels . but our saviour [ say you ] tells us , angels kn●w not the day of judgment . and truly if he had not included himself in the same phrase , the place would have born a great shew , but since he that is to be the judg , cannot be thought ignorant of what he is to do , i believe the meaning is , that none makes that day known , but onely the heavenly father , whose proper day it is , in which he shall receive into his own hands the kingdom which he had put in his sons hands to be administred till that day , as being his right hand , and chief instrument of government and supernatural motion . and this is a known hebraism , for in the hebrew the same verb in one voyce signifies to know , in another to make known ; nor want we such instances in our own language , to learn one a lesson , and to teach one a lesson , that is , to make him learn it , being the same signification . your other place that they rejoyce at the new conversion of a sinner , wants one word to make it fit for your purpose , to wit , that they rejoyce of new , for if they rejoyce from the beginning , as god doth from all eternity , it will come but lamely to your design . in your 33 section , you go on with your questions ; easie to ask , but long agoe resolved ? but as to you , to little purpose , seeing you do not take the pains to understand the answers . as for the arguments you bring out of scripture , they are already answer'd in my institutiones sacrae , but must be repeated , because you take no notice of them ; yet so shortly that they may not be tedious to them who have read them . you object then that the dragon drew after him the third part of the starrs ; but why this was not done in a moment , you bring not a word . you say also , this doctrine that angels cannot immediately act one upon the other , destroyes their conversation for all eternity . sure you mean their grayes-inn walks , or spring garden , where they use to walk together and treat one another , or their academies where they meet at musicks , or bring their poems or discourse of news , or some such like entertainments . are you not asham'd to dream of such follies in pure spirits ? learn of aristotle , that man is a sociable creature , but beasts or pure spirits not : the one being below it , the other above it : but did not in the great battel in heaven one angel work immediatly on another ? yes , but not by gossiping and tampering one with another to dispute or perswade them into the conspiracy , but by example , and by being the objects one to another : as when one scandalizes another by sinning in his sight . but say you , the indivisibility of their actions which is the foundation of this doctrin is unsound , since it will never be evinced , that an act of a spirit cannot coexist to a greater or lesser part of time . sir , if you gave us security of your spirit of prophesie , we would believe what you say of things to come ; till then we will grant your proposition as it lies unwarily couch'd , but not as you mean it . for the acts of one spirit may be longer then those of another , as we said before of different souls , but that is not your meaning ; but that the same spirit hath successive acts , one of more duration , another of less . and this you should have prophesy'd of , why the argument of indivisibility did not convince . for speaking of one onely angel , either he is in some act or in none ? if in none , either his nature with the pure force of his power , ( which the schools call actus primus ) can burst into an act , or it cannot ? if you say it can , then you must put a thing first not to do , after to do without any change , that is to be not productive , and productive of an act , that is , two contradictories , without any variety . put him now in act , either his essence with this act , abstracting from all other circumstances , is productive of a 2d act , or it is not ? if it be not , then out of this essence & this act abstracting from all accidents , he will never have a second . but if the essence with this act is productive of a second act , then as soon as he hath this act , he produces the second , that is both together ( or else as we said before , the same thing without change will be productive and not productive , and so of as many acts as follow in this sort one of another , that is , all that be in an angel by his own power , without external help or determination . so that the conclusion is , all such acts must be in the same moment altogether . your answer is that this is true of one act but not of all . but you must shew that the argument doth not convince as much of every one as of any one , or otherwise it is but your bare word against a convincing reason , though you boldly term it a gross errour . but you press that i hold all causes are fixt , and set as to all effects whatsoever , from the very beginning to all future succession . i pray distinguish the proposition you infer against me , from this other , there is no effect but had a cause , and its cause had another cause , and so till the beginning of the world . for if you mean no more then this , i must admit it , howsoever you will please to miscall it . if you have another meaning , when you teach it me , i shall tell you whether it be concurrent with my sentiment or no . as for your crying out that 't is pagan fatality , that it destroyes the liberty of god , and the contingency of all created things , if of these three words ( though i doubt not but you have talkt them over often enough ) you understand any one , i will yeeld you the honour of being my learned master , and shall not contest with you in divinity . but in the mean while i must defend my self from your assaults in your four and thirtieth section , wherein you accuse me that i fix upon christianity and the church an ignorance of separated substances , meaning by these great words , those that hold the probable opinion which you maintain : as also , a most gross abuse upon the angelicall st. thomas . my fault is , that i say the opinion of souls being deliver'd before the day of judgment proceeded from the not following a doctrin of st. thomas , that in abstracted spirits there is no discourse , or any manner of composition of knowledg . whence i infer , there can be no falsity in them . this is my position , of which you tell us , that it importeth not to consider whether the knowledg of angels be by true discourse , or onely by virtuall , to which , say you , suffices a priority of causality . but if a man should tell you , that the causality you imagin cannot be without true time , then peradventure it would be necessary to dispute , whether there be a true discourse in angels ; and this is the very case . for , take away succession , and all corporeall causes which depend on time are taken away . there remain then nothing but the spirituall qualities of the angels to be causes , which neither are distinguished from one the other , nor from their subject , and so all notion of cause and effect , as they are proper to the efficient , are quite taken away , and so there will not remain any discourse at all , but a pure cleer sight fram'd on them by their creatour , in which i beleeve you will not say there is any errour or can be . so that the whole question resteth upon this , whether there be true discourse or no . now how do you prove what you say is to the purpose ? to wit , that it doth not follow out of this doctrin of st. thomas that there is no errour in angels ? your proof is because st. thomas notwitstanding this doctrin , acknowledges errours in devils . good sir , as long as you have been a divine , did you ever hear that it was a gross injury to st. thomas , to say some opinion of his was not true , or not consequent to another ? truly i desire not to do an injury to any , much less to my reverenc'd master , to whom , after god , i acknowledg it , if i know any thing either in philosophy or divinity . yet i have no fear not to follow all his opinions , much less not to make good all his consequences . and so , sir , i hope i am rid of your objections out of st. thomas . onely because you often repeat , that to say every thing hath a cause to make it before it be , is an epicurean , lucretian , pagan principle , &c. i must intreat you again to look to the sence of your words , and not to beat so carelesly the ayre . if at anytime you happen to dispute of liberty , i will endeavour to shew you your ignorance , but for vapouring words let others judge how far they become you . you go on in the same strain to except against the comparison of an embryoes designing the child to be born , and mans life framing the soul deliver'd into the next world . but what you dislike i cannot tell , you say it has no connexion with the immutability of the future state . the answer is , it was not brought to that purpose , but to open the readers understanding to aym at , of what disposition the soul is at her going out . but if the antecedent reach home , you say 't is a position destructive of all christianity . but you say not to what it should reach , but fain something as if you imagin'd i would have the body of a child never grow in strength or good parts . when i shall know what you aym at i may know what to answer . so we may leave you to conclude your chapter with a high conceit of the victories you have obtain'd . fourth division . containing an answer from section the thirty fifth , to section the fortieth . the vindicators forgetfulness that eternall happiness was any good at all . that prayers for the dead in the authours doctrin manifoldly profit the souls in purgatory , and relieve them , even there . charity asserted to be the immediate disposition to bliss . the authours doctrin consonant to the council of trent in the points of remission and satisfaction . diverse squibs and insincerities of the vindicatour toucht at . there follow●●our five and thirtieth section in ●●ich you have after so long a digression , remember'd again the question of purgatory . and intend to shew that prayers for the dead are of no profit , if souls go not to heaven before the day of judgment : an objection of every gentlewoman , but i hope seeing you have come into the lifts as their champion , you will set it high . and so you do , for scorning the lower waies of others , who press this difficulty , that the day of judgment will come of it self at the time appointed , and then every one shal receive according to his deserts , whether any prayers have been said for them or no ; you fly so high as to tell us , that though the prayers made for the dead impetrate eternal bliss for those in purgatory , yet they are of no profit . is not this a gallant attempt ? what may be your arms fit for so great an atchievment ? why ( say you ) the duration of separated souls is ( according to me ) above time and comprehensive of it , therefore it is but a moment whether bliss ever come or never , therefore there is no profit in the prayers , though they bring bliss , and this is the full import of your discourse . could a man have expected such an argument from 〈◊〉 logick master ? not to distinguish betwixt substance and an accident ? yet undoubtedly , according to his ordinary phrase , all christianity is ruin'd unless this consequence be good . you were assuredly in a great metaphysicall rapture , when in the same short discourse you took two such hyper-metaphysicall propositions , as that it was indifferent to have or not to have the greatest good god hath created for a person , and that there could actually be an infinite quantity or time ; i must confess they are both very fit for your sort of learning , to bolt out words without looking into what they signify . but because this is onely your private errour , and the world is to be contented too , which doth not apprehend any great benefit in hastning of christ's coming ; i must a little shew the good that the prayers of the faithfull do for the dead . let us then consider that our chief good is heaven , and the perfect sight of god , at which we aym in all our actions and progresses , from the first basis of our inclination to the end of nature , even to the highest step of charity from whence we immediately reach it ; this depends on two created causes , the perfection of the world ; and the perfection of the private person , which is to attain it . for god hath made the work of the world in so exact a method , that it shall happen to be wound up all in a day . st. paul hath told us , he would not have the foregoers be perfected before the rest , the apocalyps expresses the same . therfore christ taught us in his own prayer , to say to his and our father , thy kingdom come : therefore he bad us , when we saw signs of the approaching judgment , to lift up our heads with hope , because our redemption was near . therefore st. paul calls the good christians , those who love his coming : therefore in the apocalyps , christ shews himself as coming , and adds , my reward is with me . therefore in the end of the apocalyps we read that importunate calling on him , come , and let him that hears , say come : and this was the primitive devotion , to desire to be with christ . now , to conclude , he that by his prayers effects the coming of the day of judgment , as far as he doth that , so far he procures to his friend the eternal reward , the main good , the compleat satisfaction of the desires of nature elevated by grace . the next consideration reaches to the particular good that accrews to the party pray'd for . for the understanding whereof , you are to remember the doctrin of the saints , that for our selves we are heard as often as we ask in due manner what is good for us ; for our friends not so , but according as is suitable to the rest of gods providence . yet it is agreed , that many times such prayers bring some advantage , even to the special party for whom they are made : but when and how gods providence doth carry such graces , we know not , unless the effect prove visible . now we pray for the change of the soul of our friend from misery to bliss ; if he be in capacity to be help'd , without doubt our prayers are heard , but when , and in what degree , onely he knows who grants it , unless he hath reveal'd it . and , as when we pray for a living sinner , the effect of our prayers ( if it be fit they should be heard ) is , that circumstances are so cast , in respect of this prayer , that he lights into convenient dispositions to bring on his conversion ; so our prayers for the dead , work , that in the resurrection such grace is increas'd to the party pray'd for , as is fitting to be retributed to the prayers and affections devoutly powr'd out for him . the third consideration reaches even to the rendring less and more tolerable to them those pains they suffer before the day of judgment in purgatory ; which is to relieve them there . to understand which , we are to consider , that the state of purgatory differs from that of hell , mainly in this ; that this of hell is ever accompany'd with the horrour of despair ; that of purgatory , with the comfort of hope to see god's divine face . now all hope of a future good , if it be rational , is grounded in knowing the strength and efficacy of the causes which are to effect and bring it ; and the stronger causes appear to be layd in order to such an effect , the livelier and firmer is our hope , and by consequence more vigorous and sweet the comfort which springs from that hope thus erected : wherefore the suffering souls , by knowing that the releasment of all in generall , and each in particular , is procur'd by the prayers of the church ; the more , and the more fervent prayers they see powr'd out for them , the stronger hope and comfort they conceive . to apply then this to particulars , as the aym and hope and present comfort of each soul , is its future eternal happiness as best improovable to it , by the order of causes laid by gods wisdom and goodness ; so the fore-knowledg that the prayers of friends will bring to each with proportionable advantage their due reward ( as i exprest it in my second consideration ) gives each soul anticipatedly present sentiments even in purgatory of hope , joy and comforts for those advantages their friends prayers shall procure them in the day of judgment , which surely none that understand it can deny to be a very great relief . the fourth consideration extends this advantage of prayers for a particular soul , even to the state of heaven it self : which to explicate , we may remember the pious opinion commonly receiv'd , that s. francis , s. benedict , and other saints in heaven have new accidental joyes there , for any good effect perform'd by the order they founded , that is , for the arrivement of any good towards which they as causes had any influence in this world : now , of all goods imaginable , none is or can be comparable to the bringing of the kingdom of heaven or universal bliss ( this being the but and end of all our wishes , and of all , both natural and supernatural motion , nay the onely aym of his providence , who is goodness it self ) most certainly then they who in this world layd means of many efficacious prayers for the dead and for themselves in particular , will ( in my doctrin ) see themselves , and rejoyce in heaven , to have been particularly influential towards that happiest and noblest effect of bringing that day ; add , that this will be gratefully acknowledg'd by the whole court of heaven , and they respected accordingly , which will cause almost infinit multiplications of the best accidental joyes ; which they who in this world neglected to use and procure this devotion , will deservedly want . reflecting then this thought back upon a soul in purgatory , who has deserv'd by her carriage in this world , and taken order to be efficaciously pray'd for , that is , to have a particular share in bringing christ's coming in glory , she has antecedently even in purgatory by foreknowledg of those accidental joyes she shall futurely reap thereby , a sence of them at present , by meanes of the certain hope to attain them ; and thence in due measure a proportionable comfort , ease and relief , even in purgatory . so that you see according to my doctrin , both essential bliss , and best accidental joyes in heaven , and ( from the foreknown efficacy of prayers to accomplish these ) a present comfort accrues to the souls in that state , through our suffrages for them . you will say these motives will not be efficacious enough to stir up the hearts of your penitents . i can answer nothing , but that i doubt they are not well instructed and exhorted . and that it is the preachers duty to endeavour to stir up their hearts with solid christian truths , not by incertainties guilded over with a shew of piety . for indeed , what is not true cannot be pious . when such inventions have taken a good effect i bless god , that shews his goodness as wel by weakness as by strength . but to advise any man to teach or preach that , out of which he and the church thorough him may be upbraided to cozen the credulous faithfull into false and prejudiciall confidences , and make them rely upon such doctrins and practises as have no reality in them , i am not a fit counsellour ; i leave that to you who like it . in your thirty sixth section you over-reach'd me again , for by your beginning i perswaded my self i was come to a period of my pains , and that the rest had been but personal quarrels , which i could easily have swallow'd , how bitterly soever prepar'd by your rash and angry hand . but looking a little farther i perceiv'd i must tug again . and first , as for that question whether you had intention to wrong me in printing your bull , i beleive you had not because you say so , and that onely you pretended to make the doctrin pass for an article of faith , the contrary of which all the world knew to be maintain'd by me . secondly , i must remember you that you do indeed and inexcusably wrong me , when you say i deny that such souls are receiv'd presently into heaven : if you mean by the word such , souls purg'd after separation , 't is no better then a cunning calumny , and would represent me as holding directly contrary to the bull and council . whereas our dispute is whether souls may be so purg'd out of their bodies before the day of judgment ; not , if they be so purg'd , whether they go to heaven before that day : this i agree to , and is of faith ; that i deny , & is but an opinion . thirdly , you do not well justify your friends for changing the title from concerning the vision of god & the beatitude and damnation of souls , to this shorter , but more generall one . concerning the state of departed souls : while your answer signifies onely that they are severall expressions for the same thing , which to a wary considerer will easily appear an artifice . is it all one to contend about white and black , and about colours in generall ? no more is it all one to define concerning beatitude and damnation , and to define concerning a state which is neither of them both . fourthly , you often up and down your book brand me with faithless theology . what do you mean ? do not your doctors generally agree that somthing in religion is demonstrable ? are they all therefore presently to be condemn'd as faithless ? cannot your self demonstrate there 's a god ? and will you think your self an infidel for it . or dare you tell the ladyes that for your part you are not so silly as to believe there 's a god , you know it , and that as for belief of such things it belongs to the simple unlearned , not to scolars . i hope in your next work you will proceed with more candor and manliness . your thirty seventh section being spent in petty quarrels , though some lines in it be both false and malicious , yet i will let all pass and go on to the thirty eighth section where you rip up again the question , whether the matter of the decree be , that perfect charity carries separated souls immediately to heaven . in which you tell us your publisher is indifferent , and may yet chuse whether he will say that good souls at their decease be wholly purg'd from all irrationall affections or no , in the first instant . and this may peradventure be true . but if i am not deceiv'd he will not say they are purg'd : for i am sure you would censure it deeply in me , if i should say that after this life there is any more disposing it self or meriting towards life eternal . but i must not be over confident ; you may have two censures in your brest , for the same saying in the mouths of different persons . you ask , if charity brings a soul immediately to bliss : what then does your adversary think of lumen gloriae ? it is to me a hard question what he will think of it , for i see your great divines cannot agree what to think of it . but i guess he may think , either charity it self when perfect in a pure spirit , is the light of glory , or causes it , as well as the beatificall vision . you press farther the perfection of charity in this life doth not give the beatificall vision , therefore neither in abstracted souls . but , if i should ask you how you knew the antecedent , you would be at a stop . i can hear it defended that st. benedict had the clear sight of god ; and i was at a sermon in alcala made to the whole university , in which the preacher asserted our lady had beatifical vision in the first instant of her conception , and prov'd it out of his text , which was fundamenta ejus in montibus sanctis . fundamenta ejus her conception , in montibus sanctis , in the heighths or tops of sanctity . therefore believing divines must take heed of denying as well as of saying . besides i have read in st. thomas and others , both more ancient and more modern , that there is a certain pitch of charity to which when men arrive , god takes them out of this world . but however that stand , i think there is a large difference betwixt the charity of pure spirits and of men . so that the consequence may be true of one , and not of the other . farther on you mention some reasons of mine against corporall punishing of spirits : but you knock them all on the head with a canon of the council of trent . to understand the state of the question , it is not amiss to consider that a sin , specially a notorious one , hath three effects or parts . one in the rational soul , where it is a judgment or resolution , or affection , that such an action is to be done : a second in the appetite or body , where it makes certain motions and their causes which bring a likelihood of falling into the same sin . the third part is in the external action , where it brings in some disorder , which is subject to propagate it self farther into other subjects . the disorderly judgment and affection is that , which our school-men , when they speak formally , call the sin ; and account the sin remitted , when that is duly blotted out , whatever that signifies . but it is supposed to be done by contrition and absolution . and although they admit this to be sufficient to go to heaven if one dyes , yet in a living man they with reason require that the other two parts or effects of sin should also be taken away ; which is to be done by satisfaction . so may the reader understand what satisfaction is required for . now let us see what you urge out of the council . first you object the council teaches that it is against the word of god to say that the fault is never remitted but that all the punishment is also forgiven . and so you see by the discourse above made that we say also . secondly , the council sayes , that it becomes the divine clemency that sins should not be par●on'd without any satisfaction : so we say also by the fore-made discourse . thirdly , the council charges priests to impose satisfaction so , that it be not onely as to the guard of a new life , but also as in revenge and chastisement of their past sins : which is clearly necessary for the mending of the outward excesses brought in by the sin ; and so we say directly the same . you press farther that the council sayes , in baptism the whole pains are remitted ; and if you speak in opposition to sins remitted in penance , the cause is clear . for the sins committed before baptism belong not to the churches court . but if you speak in regard of god almighty , i fear it will require i should ask your judgment of a case . your divines tell us that he who receives baptisme cum fiction● , receives baptism truly , yet if he dye immediately , i suspect whether you will send him immediately into heaven , though neither the councils nor the popes words make any exception . i doubt then , when it is said , all pains are remitted in baptism , the councils suppose that baptism is receiv'd with that disposition which out of the property of the sacrament is due to it . now , because your question is none of the intended ones , but onely by the by , i need not give a more positive answer to it , but leave it to your consideration . it being by this clear , that your calumny of saying i deny satisfaction is fictitious : i may go to your nine and thirtieth section : where having translated a long discourse of mine , you learnedly ask in what mood and figure it is ? imagining your reader to have so little understanding as to think a demonstrative discourse ought to be just one syllogism . how favourable , or otherwise your translation is i examin not , since your chief aym is onely to make a little sport , which you seldom have the luck to do with the least degree of good manners . the gentleman that translated the book you mention , is a person whom all that have the happiness of his acquaintance know to be compleatly civil and ingenious , and one who wants but the name ( which you indeed have ) to be every way accounted religious ; a name i confess very honourable , and which carryes with it a presumption of vertue ; but i have seen some instances where i fear it went no farther then a bare presumption . i did not say how faithfull , but how favourable ; since every scholar knows the difficulty of rendring into significant and unbarbarous english , the terms of art used by the most abstemious school-men in their discourses both of philosophy and theology . all whom your rashness cares not to wound so it be thorough my sides . yet this fair offer i make you , translate but your dictates into smooth love-letter english , and i will freely forgive you for my part all you have unhandsomly written in this whole section . last division . containing an answer from section fortieth , to the end . the vindicators mistakes of what passes in the soul at reunion . the efficacy of his sleightly grounded devotions examin'd , on the by . his impotent malice in objecting paganism . his many bogglings at divinity-explications , like to fright him out of his faith , satisfy'd . in your fortieth section you are troubled that after the griefs of purgatory the sight of christ should change the imperfect affections which are in souls while they remain in purgatory . so little do you understand the course of nature , that precedent motion is quite of a different nature from the following quiet , which is the term of that motion . and , forgetting you had given leave to your publisher , to say his souls were purg'd in purgatory , now you will have it the faith of all christians , that there is no acting for bliss at the resurrection . by which if you mean meriting , 't is nothing to the purpose , for 't is but your own fiction to put merit at the resurrection . but , if you mean there is no change towards beatitude , you are not well instructed . neither is it a wonder , that this is a pleasure , seeing it is the very taking possession of bliss after the pains of purgatory ; or as philosophers would term it the purgatum esse , which yet hinders not but what went before , and was their purging or purgation in via was painful enough . after this , to make your comedy compleat , you will have a touch at hell , which ( god be thanked ) for my ease , you will reserve to a new discovery . yet you very heartily beg to know , why the damned souls do not repent themselves at the day of judgment , and become saints ? which is a sign you understand not what you read , though you are able to put it in english . and that you conceive , this putting in the body again , makes the soul not only fit to be perfected or totally fram'd to the proportion of her last end , but that she is return'd again into the state of this world's mutability , of forgetting , working by abstract notions , gaining new science , &c. which are the proprieties of her changeable condition in this world . if you please to study to understand , what you intend to oppose , i shall be willing to contribute on my part what i can . in the mean while , ( having already answer'd the other things you touch at in this section ) let me follow you in what you do understand . in your 41 section , you accuse your adversary of scoffing at hallowed grains , sanctify'd beads , &c. which it seems you will not permit to be held external devices , ( whatsoever your meaning is . ) nor vtensils of a thriving devotion : which is a term of an indifferent signification , and there must be somewhat in you to make you wince at it . the next words of deluding priviledges i lookt for , but could not find in this place ; yet afterwards reading them in the post-script , i conceive by their nearness to quamcunque voluerit , that they glance at the too much confidence of such a promise : so large , that were it true , ( and doctors say the value of indulgences is to be taken as they sound ) i should reckon it a great temptation to neglect wholly both all venial sins , and all satisfaction for mortall , in this life . the onely advantage that i know a priviledg'd altar pretends , ( if we may believe the words of the priviledg it self ) is to deliver a soul out of purgatory , by saying mass there . this mass we have daily experience may be procur'd , to say truth , at no unreasonable rate . what need i then , according to these principles , be much frighted at purgatory , and those dreadful pains they so often preach to me , when all may be healed with a little wisely-bestow'd alms , if these men be as good as their words ? but they say , 't is advisable not to be too confident in one mass , but to get more : and is there no suspicion incident to an advice so unnecessary , if the priviledg speak true ? and , however , so convenient in all cases ? pray you tell me in your next discovery , to how many masses on our common altars is one of your priviledg'd ones equivalent ? to ten ? then the priviledg alone is equal to nine ; then which i think a greater blasphemy can scarce be spoken . perhaps you may reply ▪ i hold you too severely to your word , and that by our promising a full delivery , we mean onely to contribute extraordinarily towards it ; but why do you give me your word , if i must not take it as it signifies ? why do you not play fair , and tell me , that one mass there , is something better then half two elsewhere ? for at the end of the account , that 's all your vast promises come to , for ought i see . besides , may not all the other altars , where the same great work is perform'd , justly complain , that you endeavour their impoverishment ? other questions there are as easie to make , and as hard to answer : but of this enough , the theam 's too plentiful , and i am even weary with thinking on 't . next you accuse your adversary , that he sayes you think such things promote souls in holy desires , though for my part , i think it is a great reason of the use of them , to make people be devout , when otherwise they would not . and for souls going to heaven by them , if they take away the pains of purgatory , with what face can you deny it ? i remember a doctor of divinity , who having obtain'd a scapular from the carmes , and a priviledg from the jesuits to be admitted a jesuit , at the hour of his death , was as confident to go directly to heaven , as if he had had a patent for it under jesus christs own hand . why then are you so touchy , as if there could not be abuses in these things ? why cannot you be patient in this case , as well as the church is content to admit some abuses to have crept even into the administration of the sacraments . your last note i believe is quite mistaken , for i do not conceive your adversary intended to make any comparisons ; both because he does not specifie any particular man to whom he should be suppos'd to compare me , and because there is no occasion for it . but peradventure he would not have the good life of any man , be an argument to bear down a contrary doctrin . for my self , i profess no exemplarity . if my life be such as may not unbeseem my calling , i have as much as i desire from men : neither do i see any reason , why any one should engage for me , supra id quod videt in me . i pray let not opinion-quarrels break into personal dissentions . si invicem mordetis invicem consumemini . to the same uncharitable end , i fear , tends your often repetition of diminishing words to those persons who think well of me or my doctrin , insisting especially on their small number : but i pray you tell me , how many you think have impartially and attentively read these few books i have made ? i believe , in proportion to them , it is not a small number who profess to have met , in many points , with great satisfaction ; nor do i expect they should in all ; i may sometimes be mistaken my self , and there i desire none to follow me ; others may sometimes be mistaken in me ; and there , i am so far from being followed , that my obscurity ( which i confess a defect ) will not let me be found : nor do i see so much cause to be troubled at the fewness , as to bless god for the qualities of those who profess to have found good in my writings , being persons both ingenuous , and vertuous , and of such frank and unbyassed principles , as well by their own inclination as the influence my way may have had upon them , that i am confident , they desire nothing more then to see my doctrin thorowly examin'd , and speedily brought to a fair & impartial tryal , by the sharpest arguments that a pertinent opposer can make ; and indeed they themselves have been the strongest , though not the fiercest objectors i have met with . one reason possibly of this little number may be , that my books have not as yet been long enough in the world to be fully perus'd by many : what time may produce god onely knowes , to whom i submit it . but to return to my self and speak to what you dislike in me , you absolve me from being an heretick , to make me a pagan . nor will i refuse to be what you shall please when you have explicated your self . but this not marking nor understanding your own words , makes all the misintelligence . you make me a pagan , but such an one as acknowledges christ , and every word and tittle either of the scripture , or any other law of his . such a pagan , such a naturalist was never heard of before . will you have me give you an instance ? take this bull and canons which you cite , and put them to my self or your adversary , and see whether we will either refuse to subscribe , or even swear to them . then our paganisus lyes in this , that we do not think you have the right sence . and this is my paganism thorough all things belonging to christian faith . you say i agree onely in words with the church ; but , saying so , you say , i agree in words ; and by consequence , the whole disagreement is about the sence of the words . in which controversy because i proceed out of philosophy and reason , and you out of what masters dictatts i know not , you leave a great prejudice that my explication is the more reasonable . wherein consists then my paganism ? because i pretend to demonstrate what you think is not to be known but by faith . then if i do not pretend to demonstrate but onely profess that they are demonstrable , and exhort men to seek out the demonstrations ( which is the true case , and what you add is out of the fulness of your heart ) why do i not hold all the articles by faith ? and where is my paganism ? but suppose some great scholar possibly or impossibly ( as the schools speak ) should have the demonstration of the articles of faith , would he therefore be ▪ a pagan ? sure you never thought what a pagan signify'd when you spake so cholerick a word : that peradventure might make him more then a man , or more then a christian , as a comprehensour is , if it reach'd to gods essence , less it could not make him . faith is not desirable for its obscurity , but for its certainty . we govern our lives by knowing the objects , not by the defect in the knowledge . let a man see his way by the clear sun , and sure he will be as able to walk in it as by the dimmer light of a star . but you complain i reduce the mysteries of our faith to our narrow brains . sir , you are mistaken . it is the quite contrary ; you should rather accuse me of endeavouring to dilate our brains to the capacity of the mysteries by the help of faith . why god cannot elevate our brains to understand what he hath deliver'd us to be understood ▪ you have not yet declar'd to my capacity . you say when you are told souls are not purg'd in the state of separation but at the reu●ion , though the word remains , your faith is gone . i easily believe you speak from your mind , and that truly you apprehend , the explication you frame to your self is your faith ; and so , that as many christians as fancy divers explications of the same article have so many faiths , but by this way i see very few in the whole church would be of the same faith , 'pray consider a little that reflexion . nothing is more clear then your next example . you say you believe that faith , hope , and charity are infused by the holy ghost into our souls in baptism . a pope and a generall council too , declar'd that of two opinions of divines , this was the probabler ; and , by saying so , said this was not the faith of the church , and yet if this be not true , your faith is gone . your next example is to the same purpose , that supernatural qualities are of a different series then nature . it is indeed st. thomas his opinion , and a pure scholastical one , nor universally receiv'd . yet if this notion of supernaturality be lost , your faith is gone : good sir , take faster hold on it , and let not your faith slip away so easily from you . again you believe the mystery of the trinity , but if it depends as to its deducibleness on what is essential in god , you doubt it is not your faith , though all divines will tell you , all that is in god is essential . if st. thomas explicate the unity and plurality in god by the unity of action and passion in motion , your faith is lost . but chiefly , if any miscreant , or imp of hell ( as your love-letter complement is ) should say the names of father and son were derived to god from what we observe in natural generation of living creatures , which being a materiall thing can be no otherwise in god then by metaphor , then your faith is different from those who explicate it so , that is all the divines i have either read or heard of , who universally agree in transferring aristotles definition of generation to the blessed trinity . you go on and tell us you have hitherto believ'd that god most freely and of his own goodness built this vniverse , and that he is not necessarily ty'd to the order and course of nature : all this is well , but now you are taught that god must contradict himself , if he act any thing against nature . and what signifies this , but what is consequent to that ? for if god be the builder of nature , he hath setled this order which we call nature , most freely , but yet he hath done it : and if he hath done it , he cannot undo it again , without undoing what he hath done ? which in english is called contradicting himself . for one to contradict himself , is to change his mind or will , which it seems is your faith that god can do . another article of your faith seems to be , that out of the very series of nature , judas might have escaped being damn'd ; whereas all catholicks agree , that out of the pure series of nature , st. peter could not have scap'd being damn'd . at last your faith descends to flyes , and wheras peradventure if you had thought , should god have had the mind he had not formerly to make another fly , his resolution ( that is his essence ) had not been the same it is now , your faith might have been the same with mine . but by falling immediately upon the fly , you have quite lost your faith . and your conclusion comes to be the same with this , that if god ties himself to any thing , and so remains ty'd , he is become a pagan jupiter . i confess this is not my faith . you march forward , telling us , if god neither command nor forbid any thing , all morality is lost . all this would be well , if you told us what you meant by command ; if no more then commonwealths do , when they appoint rewards for them who do well , and punishments for malefactors , upon which morality consists , your faith may be the same that mine is . for so i profess , god commands not onely by setting rewards and punishments , but by denouncing them . but if you have a special notion of commands importing a meer will or humour to command without designing any benefit to the obeyer , then i cannot help your faith , though we agree in these words , god forbids to steal , commands to honour him , &c. then you begin to prognosticate how you will discover out of my works a morality that escobar never thought on . and truly i hope you will , if you take pains to understand them . but , if you only use words , and never look what they signifie , you will do good neither to your self nor others . to give an essay of my morality , you bring this position of mine , that another man is no otherwise to me , then a peece of cloth or wood , which i cut and shape after my will . even though i do him harm , or seek to ruin him , i do him no wrong . and you ask how this agrees with that principle of nature , that we ought to do to others , as we would have them do to us . i can onely say , if it doth not agree i was mistaken ; for i brought it to shew the ground the second principle had in nature , and my deduction is this . reason teaches me to use cloth like cloth , and wood like wood , and consequently a man like a man , that is ▪ to think that fitting for him , i think to be fitting for my self , seeing a man is of the same nature with the considerer . lastly you are afraid , if faith yield to evidence , our notions must be chang'd ; and in that you are not much amiss . for i also conceive the notions of one who understands what he sayes , are different from the notions of him who doth not , and upon this subject , i will propose you a place of st. austin , which seems to me very home to the purpose . 't is too long to copy out , therefore i pray read the 26 , 27 , and 28 chapters of the 12th book of his confessions , and specially reflect upon the divers sences or understandings which divers christians have of the same places of scripture , and i may say of the same delivery of faith . the example in the end of the 27th , and the beginning of the 28th , is in a manner our very case . there are two understandings of the creation of the world ; one weak , the other strong , both necessary for divers sorts of people . if the weak man when he hears the more intelligent explicate his faith , should cry him down for a pagan , as taking away faith , it were no wonder . for so we read of a good monk that had been an anthropomorphite , who when he was taught that god was a spirit : that is , had no hands , feet , face , &c. as he before had fancy'd him , cry'd out , he had lost his god , and perhaps , was likely enough to call him a pagan too , that deny'd god such a shape , and explicated to him , according to the nature of a spirit and like a scholar , those places of scripture which begot and so suted to that fancy of his ; but no scholar would judg him a great divine for doing so . if you read these latter books of st. austins confessions you shall find that by natural knowledg he directed his understanding of scripture and faith , and consequently was as very a pagan as my self . and so did all the fathers by reason convince hereticks follyes , when they could , and this is the duty of a scholar , which saint peter preaches to us , and saint paul told us he practised among the perfect , giving to weaker stomacks milk , and not strong meat . by this , sir , you easily perceive my principal aym , to wit , what i have learned by faith and tradition the same to understand and defend by the help of sciences ; which i think i cannot do , unless i first understand the sciences themselves , and not frame the sciences to faith before we understand what faith it self teaches us . how ridiculous is it that what apprehensions we made of our creed when we were children , the same we should retain when we are men . or what conceptions clowns frame to themselves in religion , philosophers and divines should be oblig'd not to transcend , under pain of being esteem'd supplanters of christ and his doctrin , evacuaters of faith , miscreants , and i know not how many other such ill-favoured names as you give me too often up and down your book . think but how contrary 't is to mans nature , and the profession of the church , to forbid learning ? to hinder men from searching the true meaning of gods word ? from endeavouring to come to demonstration as near as we can ? to cut off all hopes of certainty ? and confound all sciences into a chaos of probability ? good sir , since god hath created us to science , and set our bliss in the knowledg of himself , since he hath given us a strong inclination to it , do not seek to plunge us into a despair of it , and confine us to the eternal darkness of knowing nothing . if your self be discourag'd , hinder not others to endeavour . should six persons find out but six conclusions , there 's so far advanc'd : those six may each of them produce six more ; and so go on with an unbounded improvement ; whose multiplying fruitfulness as we cannot conjecture , so surely we ought not either to envy or obstruct . in your postscript where you promise to make all such things good as depend on matter of fact , before any person of honour . i understand not well your meaning by this word matter of fact . but if false citations go under that name , i pray clear your self of this imputation i charge you with , that you say i put the pains of purgatory to be the irregular affections to worldly things . a proposition you have so often rvepeated and urged , that you cannot deny it to be deliberately and examinedly done ; so false and injurious , that you cannot refuse to acquit your self if you be indeed innocent . and for a close give me leave against your next vindication , to offer you this note ; not as a rule ( for who made me your superiour , that i should flatter my self with thinking you would perhaps obey me ? ) but as a friendly intreaty , that since we have experience enough of your power in rhetorick , you would wholy apply your self to solid and usefull reason ; this if you deny , at least let me prevail with you to put at the beginning and end of those periods where you intend to be bitter , some visible mark ; that i may save the labour of reading stuff so unsuitable both to you and me ; as also , that some other of your readers , whose ears delight in such janglings , may directly pick out the parts that most agree with them , and not be diverted by your other less impertinent discourses : whereas in your last work all is so jumbled together and closely woven quite through the whole piece , that for my part i can scarce distinguish the strong sence from the blustring satyr . if you intend to write like a man and like a scholar , take some treatise or book of mine end wayes ; then show either the principles weak , or the consequences slack ; else every one knows that in discourses single paragraphs subsist by their fellows ; and so , to impugn such taken apart signifies nothing . finis . the old religion demonstrated in its principles, and described in the life and practice thereof goodman, john, 1625 or 6-1690. 1684 approx. 338 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 198 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a41441 wing g1111 estc r2856 12412784 ocm 12412784 61579 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a41441) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61579) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 666:13) the old religion demonstrated in its principles, and described in the life and practice thereof goodman, john, 1625 or 6-1690. [10], 384 p. printed by j.m. for r. royston ..., london : 1684. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project 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record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng christian life. christian ethics. protestantism. religion -early works to 1800. faith -early works to 1800. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-01 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2008-01 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the old religion demonstrated in its principles , and described in the life and practice thereof . jerem. vi . 16. thus saith the lord , stand ye in the ways and see , and ask for the old paths , where is the good way , and walk therein , and ye shall find rest for your souls . london , printed by j. m. for r. royston , book-seller to his most sacred majesty , at the angel in amen-corner , mdclxxxiv . the epistle to the pious reader . good reader , thou art here presented with a new book concerning the old religion . as therefore thou art not to expect thy curiosity should here be gratified with new notions , ( for i am not describing a new way to heaven , but directing thee in the good old way which the holy scriptures have marked out , and which wise and good men have all along walked in ) ; so neither art thou to think thy self disappointed , if thou meetest not with a discourse modishly drest up , with all the fashionable ornaments of wit and eloquence . for give me leave to tell thee , though that would have been acceptable to the humour of the age , and perhaps might without any great difficulty have been complied with ; yet it would neither have suited so well with the nature of the subject i am upon , nor especially have fitted the persons for whose sake this little book was written . that therefore which i here pretend , and which i hope thou wilt not fail of in the papers before thee , is , first , a brief but plain and substantial proof of the grounds and fundamental principles of religion in general . secondly , a discovery and confutation of several vulgar opinions , which deform the beauty , and defeat the efficacy of christian religion in particular . and lastly , a clear description , a rational deduction , and a serious inculcation of the most important duties of that religion , wherein either the glory of god , our own comfort , or the peace and happiness of mankind are principally concerned . as for the management of these points , though i have not given countenance to this discourse by citation of authors , nor either adorned the text with fine sayings , nor the margin with great names ; yet i hope thou wilt find a vein of sound reason in it , and the spirit of the gospel running quite through it . i assure thee i have dealt sincerely and conscientiously herein , i have impartially consulted the holy scriptures , i have made use of the best understanding god hath given me , and i here set before thee ( though not the product , yet ) the result of many years observation , consideration , and experience . and so i leave it to gods blessing , and thy candid acceptance . farewel . the contents . part i. an introduction to an holy and comfortable life . chap. i. the wisdom of being religious . page 1 chap. ii. the reasonableness of religion in general . p. 9 chap. iii. of the rewards of religion in another world. p. 21 chap. iv. of the great influence and mighty efficacy of believing heaven and hell , or rewards and punishments in another world. p. 38 chap. v. of the choice of a religion , or what particular religion a man should apply himself to . p. 55 chap. vi. more particular directions for the setling a mans mind in religion . p. 71 chap. vii . cautions against some opinions which are hindrances both of an holy and of a comfortable life . p. 85 chap. viii . directions for the effectual prosecution of religion . p. 139 part ii. the practice of holy and comfortable living . chap. i. of secret devotion and particularly of secret prayer . p. 181 chap. ii. of several other instances of secret devotion . p. 209 chap. iii. of private devotion , or family-piety in general . p. 235 chap. iv. of family duties in special . p. 254 chap. v. of family-discipline , or by what means a family may be brought to the observance of religion . p. 281 chap. vi. of publick piety and particularly in relation to the church and publick assembly of christians . p. 301 chap. vii . of civil piety , or how a man may and ought to promote gods honour , and the publick good of the parish , considered only as a civil society or neighbourhood . p. 346 an introduction to an holy and a comfortable life . chap. i. the wisdom of being religious . the holy scripture ( that book of books , and treasury of divine wisdom ) expresses it self thus concerning religion , psal . iii. v. 10. the fear of the lord is the beginning of wisdom , and a good understanding have all they that keep his commandments . eccles . 12. 13. let us hear the conclusion of the whole matter , fear god and keep his commandments , for this is the whole ( duty or business ) of man. s t luke 13. 23. strive to enter in at the strait gate , for many shall seek to enter in , and shall not be able . phil. 2. 12. work out your own salvation with fear and trembling , &c. 2 pet. 1. 10. give diligence to make your calling and election sure . s t mat. 6. 33. seek ye first the kingdom of god , and his righteousness , and all these things shall be added to you . s t john 6. 27. labour not for the meat that perisheth , but for that meat which endureth to eternal life . s t mat. 16. 26. what shall it profit a man if he should gain the whole world , and lose his own soul . by all which , and abundance of other such like passages , it appears , that religion is as much our interest as our duty ; and that piety and care of another world , are not only the commands of god , and his impositions upon us , but the upshot and result of the best and truest wisdom . for wisdom doth not consist in sceptical jealousies and suspicions , but in a determinate knowledge and resolution what is fit to be done ; not in a superficial smattering of many things , but in a clear and distinct apprehension of the just nature , value , and moment of them ; not in an endless hunting after curiosity , but to know where to stick and fasten ; not in pilling a flint , or laborious beating out of unprofitable difficulties , but in applying a mans self to such things as are savoury and useful ; not in tricks of wit , sophistry , or eloquence ; and least of all in a jest or a repartee ; but to discover what is fit to propound to a mans self as his end and design , and by what means to attain it ; to have great things in a mans thoughts , and to despise and scorn little and petty designs : in a word , to see a great way before him , and to be well provided for the future . now all this is verified in religion more than in any other thing in the whole world ; for here a mans mind is taken up with the greatest thoughts and sublimest objects , god and eternity ; he takes care to secure the main stake , his own soul ; he imploys himself about things of the greatest moment and consequence ; by inquiring about another world , he gives proof of the greatest foresight ; in considering of it , he gives evidence of a sagacious temper ; in resolving upon it , he shews judgment ; in pursuing it by the means appointed , he demonstrates the command he hath over himself , and that he is led by his reason , not ridden by his passions ; and by persevering in this course , he arrives at true tranquillity of mind , the crown and glory of wisdom . accordingly we find by experience , that commonly where-ever there is a grave , thoughtful , sedate , person , such an one as is either fit to give or to take advice , he is seldom destitute of a sense of religion : but on the contrary , where-ever you see an incogitant shatter-brain'd fellow , that knows not himself enough to make him modest and civil , that hath not so much reason as to weigh an argument , nor so much arithmetick as to value any thing but what is present ; that is so much under the power of his senses , as scarcely to know whether he hath such a thing as a spirit within him , or hath so much drink about him , that his head works nothing but yest and froth ; here is a man cut out to be an advocate for scepticism or atheism ; this is the person that will be captious against religion , and malapert towards god almighty . but let such men enjoy their humour as long as they can , they will be sure sadly to repent , or rue it at last : and in the mean time , they only betray their own shame and folly , for their tongue will prove no slander to religion ; the mighty concern of which , is not only declared by god almighty , confirmed by our own reason , and justified by our experience , but also affectionately recommended to us by all wise and good men ; by those whose sagacity and discretion is such , that we have no reason to suspect they are deceived or imposed upon themselves ; and whose sincerity and integrity is such , that we can as little think they should have any design to impose upon us . and therefore those persons , who being either prevailed upon by the evil examples of the world , or discountenanced by the lewd sayings of such as we mentioned even now , and ( declining the ways of piety and devotion ) give themselves up to a loose and irreligious life , are in the first place errant cowards towards men , whilest they are insolent towards god : and in the next place , they are false to the common reason of mankind , which obliges men to provide for the future . in the third place , they are false to their own interest of self-preservation . and lastly , they are false and ingrateful to their best friends , whose counsels they forsake , and abandon themselves to the conduct of the most silly and profligate wretches . but if any shall think to excuse themselves from this censure , by suggesting , that they look upon devotion , as either the effect of a weak judgment , or of a melancholy and timorous constitution . i add , that this makes the matter so much worse , as that it involves them , not only in the guilt of all the former , but also of extream rudeness and incivility towards the best of men . to make all this more clear and convincing , and to lay the surer foundation of all that is to be said hereafter , we will now in the next place shew the grounds upon which religion stands . chap. ii. the reasonableness of religion in general . that which is meant by religion ( in the general notion of it ) is nothing else but a due regard towards the divine majesty , a diligent care of approving our selves to the supreme being , the creator and governour of the world : or , which comes to the same effect , the prudent ordering a mans conversation in this world , so that he may erect his mind with comfortable expectations of the favour of god and happiness in another world. thus much we are taught by the author to the hebews , chap. 11. 6. he that cometh to god , must believe that he is , and that he is a rewarder of them that diligently seek him ; in which few words , we may observe in the first place the matter or duty of religion , exprest by diligent seeking of god ; and secondly , the two pillars , or ( as i may say ) poles of it , namely , 1. the persuasion of the being of god , 2. the expectation of rewards from him ; the former of which most properly contains the first rise and reason of religion , and the latter the motives and inducements to pursue it . if these two pillars be united , they make so firm an arch , that no objection can shake the building ; but if they be taken and considered singly , they are each of them of mighty strength for the upholding of religion . § . 2. as for the former , if ( i say ) we consider the nature of god only , that alone is able to possess us with an apprehension of the fitness and reasonableness of diligently seeking him . it is true we cannot see the divine majesty as we may behold corporeal objects , because he is of a spiritual nature , and for the same reason we cannot see our own souls . and it is true also , that we cannot fully comprehend him in our minds neither , because of his infinite perfections ; yet we cannot so much as doubt whether there be any such being or no , if we do but bethink our selves in this one thing , namely , how we our selves came to be ? for , though it may be at the first blush of this question , we shall think it sufficient to say , we had our beginning from our immediate parents , and they in like manner successively from their progenitors ; yet when we proceed on in our inquiry so far as to consider and ask our selves , what it was which brought the whole race of mankind into being ? we shall then find our selves forced to acknowledge the hand of god in it . forasmuch as in the first place , it is certain that nothing could take a beginning without a cause , and in the next place , it is as certain that this thing called mankind , could not be the cause of it self , or produce it self ; and then to impute it to chance , or to imagine that such an excellent being as mankind is , wherein there is so much variety of parts , and yet order and decency , and in short , so many instances of admirable art and wisdom in the very composure of his body ( setting aside his mind : ) that this , i say , should be the product of blind chance , is more absurd than either of the former ; therefore there must be a god , for none but a fool indeed can say , there is no god. now if we acknowledge a god , who gave beginning to our selves , and to all other things , we must also own him to be eternal , as being before all things , and the cause of them ; and as such , he must needs , not only have in himself eminently all those perfections , which are to be found in any part of his workmanship , but be also unlimited in his own perfections . and this will inavoidably lead us to the acknowledgment of all , or most of those attributes , which either the holy scripture ascribes to him , or which religion is concerned in , namely , that he is a free agent , that he is omnipotent , that he is infinitely wise , that he is just , and that he is good , as will easily appear in particular . first , he must needs be a free agent , that is , such an one as acts not necessarily , or that is bound down by any fatal necessity , or determined to this or that act , or object , or measure of acting by any thing without him , but wholly follows his own voluntary motion and choice , the counsel of his own will ; the reason is plain , because he made things when nothing was before , and so there could be nothing to bound , limit , or determine him . secondly , he must needs be powerful or omnipotent , for the same reason , namely , because he gave being and beginning to things that were not at all ; for we cannot conceive a greater instance of power , than to bring something out of nothing . thirdly , he must be wise , both because we see he hath contriv'd things according to the rules of exactest wisdom , insomuch , that the more we understand the divine workmanship , the more we admire it ; and also , because he hath imprinted some image of of his wisdom upon our selves . fourthly , we must acknowledge him just , as well because ( by reason of his infinite power and wisdom ) he can have no litle ends to biass him , as because he hath also made an impression of justice upon our minds . lastly , he must needs be good , not only because he is wise ( as aforesaid ) but because he is infinitely happy and perfect , and so can fear nothing , can envy nothing , can need nothing from any other being , but contrariwise , being infinitely full , must have a pleasure to diffuse and communicate himself to them . § . 3. all these doctrines concerning the deity , flow from that one perswasion , that there is a god ; and the influence of every of these upon religion , is as great and apparent as the consequence of them from the acknowledgment of such a being , was natural and necessary : so that a man may with as much reason deny any of the aforesaid attributes to belong to the divine majesty , as ( granting them to be in him , or belong to him ) avoid the force of them upon his conscience , to incline him to regard this great god , i. e. to be religious , which we will again shew particularly . first , if the divine majesty be a free agent , then it is certain all the good and all the evil which he doth to us , he doth by choice ; and then we ought to be sensible of our obligations to him for the one , and humble our selves to him under the other . and then also , because we are convinced , that he hath mercy on whom he will have mercy , we know there is no trifling and dallying with such a deity , but we ought to use all possible means of propitiating him towards our selves . secondly , for the divine omnipotency , the natural consequence of that is , that we fear him , and trust in him ; for who is there that thinks of a god that made him out of nothing , and is therefore able to destroy him , and resolve him into nothing again when he pleases , who doth not think it the highest wisdom in the world that he shouldbe subject to him , pay him all possible homage , tremble before him , and also think fit to trust and rely upon his almighty power in all exigencies and difficulties ? thirdly , the divine wisdom makes our obligations to religion yet more strict and close ; for it convinces our reason that we ought to submit to his providences whatsoever they are , and not to dispute his commands , nor doubt his promises , but hold him in the highest veneration and admiration that is possible for us to express ; to be reverent towards him upon all occasions , to submit our wills to his ; and especially in consideration that he must needs see and take notice of all our carriage and behaviour , to live with as much caution in the greatest retirement and privacy , as when we are sensible that we are upon the greatest theatre . fourthly , the apprehension of the divine justice and integrity , not only assures us that he hates all sin , but that he hath no respect of persons , but will judge the world in righteousness , and then who will grumble at any of his providences , break any of his laws , or do any unjust and base action , and that because it is a fearful thing to fall into the hands of the living god , who always can , and in due time will right himself ? lastly , the consideration of gods goodness , and that he is a gracious and benigne majesty , cannot choose but mightily inflame our hearts with love to him , and provoke us to serve him with all chearfulness ; for who that believes him delighted to communicate himself to the relief of all his creatures , doth not think of him with pleasure , and comfort himself in him ; or who can find in his heart to offend and abuse him , and not rather repent of all his former follies and ingratitudes , and resolve to sin no more ? for as the apostle hath said , the goodness of god leadeth to repentance . so that in this one principle ( the belief that there is a god ) we have a large foundation for religion in general , which i have the rather insisted upon thus particularly , for the sake of those who are called , or call themselves theists ( because they pretend to be convinced of no more of the articles of religion , but only of this great point , the being of a deity : ) these men , i say , if upon that single principle they do not live religiously , are either men of no conscience , and then it will be all one what their principles are ; or are men of no principles at all , i. e. are atheists rather than theists , forasmuch as by what hath been said , it is apparent how pregnant that one principle is of virtue and piety , if it be sincerely believed , and rightly improved . but so much for that . chap. iii. of the rewards of religion in another world. let us now consider the other principle of religion , viz. that god is a rewarder of them that diligently seek him . this ( as i intimated before ) is properly the motive or inducement to the observance of the divine majesty ; for it hath pleased him to conjoin our interest with his own , and he hath made the greatest part of our duty towards him to consist in such things as conduce to our own good , as well as to his glory ; and to that purpose hath laid the foundation of religion , by planting in us that principle of self-love , and self-preservation , which is inseparable from our natures , and by which he works upon us . concerning this point therefore of the rewards of religion , we will first consider the evidence of it , and when that is clear , we shall easily in the second place be convinced of the efficacy of it , to the purposes of making men devout . the former of the two we will make way to the discovery of by this train of discourse . 1. we have shewed already that there is both justice and goodness in the divine nature , either of which severally , but most certainly both together in conjunction , afford ground of expectation , that he will make a difference betwixt those that serve him , and those that serve him not . for seeing his power and greatness render him a fit object of worship , and our dependance upon him as his creatures , makes homage due from us to him : and seeing by his infinite wisdom , he must needs be sensible how men carry themselves towards him ; it cannot consist with his justice to let those escape unpunished , who pay no observance to him ; nor stand with his goodness to suffer those to be unrewarded , that serve and honour him . indeed it must be acknowledged , that this consideration of those attributes will not amount to a proof of rewards in another world , because of that other attribute of his , viz. the divine liberty or freedom , upon account of which , he cannot be bound to exercise whatsoever act or instance either of justice or goodness is possible ; for that would make him a necessary agent ( an error which some men fall into unawares , whilest they are in pursuit of some extreams of opinions ) it may therefore be consistent enough with those attributes ( barely considered , and looking no further ) that he reward and punish only in this world : but that which follows inevitably , is , that some such thing as rewards and punishments there must be upon the account of mens carriage towards him , which is all i intend hitherto . but then i subjoin . 2. it is highly reasonable upon other accounts , to expect greater rewards of virtue and obedience , than what usually befall men in this world ; as also severer punishments of impiety and neglect of the divine majesty , partly because of the unequal distribution of things in this life , where the race is not always to the swift , nor the battel to the strong , &c. but good and bad events happen oftentimes alike to all ; wicked men are sometimes prosperous , and holy men unfortunate and miserable ; by which intricacy of divine providence , the wisdom of god seems to lead us into an expectation of another world , where amends shall be made for what is amiss here ; partly also because the life of men is so short , and they so quickly go off the stage of this world , that neither the rewards of virtue would be considerable , nor the punishments of impiety formidable enough , if they were no more than what men could receive or suffer in this short pilgrimage ; but principally because the good things of this world are so mean , and empty , and inconsiderable , that they afford no satisfaction to the great mind of a virtuous man. riches , and honour , and pleasure , may perhaps fill and swell up a narrow sensual soul , but a brave man can by no means be contented with them ; and therefore it is manifestly unworthy of the greatness and goodness of the divine majesty , to give no better rewards to those that love and honour him , than what they are capable of in this life . 3. there is no impossibility in the thing , that there should be another world besides this , and that we should live in it , either to reap the fruit of our serving of god , or to receive the just reward of our impiety ; all the reason of mankind , nay all the wit , scepticism and sophistry together , can find no repugnancy and contradiction in it ; and therefore the concern of religion is not inconsiderable . if there were any impossibility in it , it must lie in this , that men should live again after they are dead ; but this is so far from implying a contradiction , that it is not at all difficult to him that believes an almighty power , which every one must acknowledge that owns a god ; for why is it harder to restore a man to life again , than to make him at first out of nothing ? so that he relapses into flat atheism , that denies the possibility of that which we are now making way for the belief of . 4. nay , i adde further , this thing is so far from being impossible or incredible , that the consideration of the nature of our souls renders it very probable , and makes us capable of such a condition ; for it is plain , we have that in us which doth not altogether depend upon our bodies , but our bodies upon it ; that which gives life and motion to the body , but receives neither from it ; that which guides , governs , restrains and contradicts the body when it pleases , and which can act vigorously when the other is weak and languid , as we oftentimes observe the strange efforts of wit and reason , when the body is almost worn out and at its last gasp . this being of a spiritual nature hath no contrary principles in its constitution , by the conflict of which it should be brought to dissolution , as the other hath . in a word , the soul hath life in it self ( though not from it self ) and therefore cannot perish , unless either it should be supposed to desert it self , or else that god by his omnipotency should oppress and destroy it ; which last thing there is no reason to suspect , since from the beginning of the world till now , he hath not put out of being any thing that ever he made ; and we see in all the changes and revolutions of things , the least atom of matter is not lost : and can it then seem credible , that a vital spirit should utterly be extinct and perish when it leaves the body , or rather is deserted by it ? and this will be further confirmed if we adde 5. he that made us , hath implanted several things upon our natures which have relation to another life , and another world , and which make it reasonable for us to expect it accordingly ; such as not only a desire to live , which yet we know we cannot do long here below , but a sollicitude what shall come after , an inquisitiveness and continual thoughtfulness for the future , extending it self infinitely beyond the stage of this short life ; nay , some kind of obscure notion and anticipation of another world , which generally the best of men are most sensible of , and usually the more wise and holy any men are , the more they are under such apprehensions ; and sure it would not consist with the goodness of god to permit such men to be the most deluded , especially he himself would not be guilty of putting a cheat upon them , which notwithstanding must be , if there were nothing at all in it of truth ; forasmuch as this is not the peculiar phancy or opinion , either of the sanguine or of the melancholy constitution , but of all the bravest and worthiest men ; and this is that which principally bears them up in adversity , and fortifies them against death , and in the approaches of it , sometimes ravishes and transports them . above all , there is such a thing as conscience , which is common both to good and bad , and which chears and animates the one whensoever they do virtuously , though no humane eye be witness of the action , and when they expect no benefit of their performance in this world : and on the other side terrifies and affrights the other , viz. wicked men , though no man be privy to their misdeeds , and this as it were binds them over to answer for them another day ; now all these things being the hand-writing of our creator upon our souls , are more than probable arguments of another world. 6. god hath declared there shall be such a state . he that created mankind at first , hath assured them he will revive them after death , and reward and punish them in another world proportionably to their carriage towards himself in this . this comes home to the purpose , whereas all that which hath been said hitherto ( how reasonable soever ) depends upon the uncertain and fluctuating discourses of men , ( though it is very true , that wherever there hath been wisdom and virtue in conjunction , they have seldom failed to render this great point competently clear to those who had no other light . ) but some are more stagger'd with a trifling objection , than convinced by a demonstration , and others are not able to follow so long a train of consequences as is necessary to make out so great a question . but now we come into the day-light , and have divine revelation for our guide , and gods veracity for our assurance . i confess i might have fallen upon this way of proof at first , and so have saved all the labour of what i have been saying hitherto , but that i partly thought it useful to shew how far natural theology would go in this business , and principally i took this method to the intent that this great doctrine of christianity might not seem strange to any one , but might be the more readily entertained when it is prefaced to , and usher'd in with so much probability of humane reason . now , i say , god almighty hath himself assur'd us , that our labour shall not be in vain in the lord , that piety shall not go unrewarded in another world , nor impiety unpunished ; this he hath innumerable times expresly affirmed in the gospel , and with such circumstances , as may both best assure our judgments , and awaken our affections . he hath told us he will hold a solemn judgment at the end of the world , at which all men shall appear and receive their doom ; he hath declared who shall be the judge , and confirmed him to be so , by that wonderful instance of raising him from the dead . he hath foretold the circumstances , and the manner of proceeding at that great day , he hath described ( as well as words could admit it ) the joy and glory that holy and good men shall thenceforth be put into the everlasting possession of , and set out the torments and anguish that shall be inflicted upon the ungodly . i shall not need to go about to aggrandize these things , since they are so vastly great and concerning that there is no way to despise them but by disbelieving them . but what colour or pretence can there be for that , after god hath said it , and sent his son to declare this great news to the world ? will men be so wretchedly absurd as to say still , it is impossible that men should live again after they are once dead ? when there is plain matter of fact against this suggestion , which is beyond all the arguments in the world ; for was not our saviour most certainly put to death , and did he not also exhibit himself alive afterwards to the eyes and ears , and very feeling of his apostles and many others ? will men say , heaven is but a dream , or a romantick fancy ? when there were so many eye witnesses of our saviours ascension to heaven , and that he was alive and in power there ; there was that glorious proof , the descent of the holy ghost upon his apostles on the famous day of pentecost , according to his promise made whilst he was upon earth . will they say , god hath a mind to impose upon men ? when he hath no ends to serve by it , when he can compass his designs without it ; and when he hath it in his power to dissolve a world that would not comply with him , and make another in its stead . or , will they say , that men impose upon one another , and there was never any such matters of fact as we have here supposed ? but why do they not then disbelive all history , all antient records , give the lie to all great actions , and abrogate all faith amongst men ; yea , although there be never so plain , never so numerous , so concurrent , and so disinteressed testimonies ? all this , and more than this , they must do that deny the matters of fact we speak of ; and if they do not do so , they must of necessity believe another life , an hell and an heaven . and then , if those be believed , piety will be the best wisdom , and religion the greatest truth ; sin will then be the greatest folly , and trifling with god and religion the most dangerous thing imaginable ; but that we shall more particularly make out in the next chapter . chap. iv. of the great influence and mighty force of believing heaven and hell , or rewards and punishments in another world. there are a sort of men , who ( being too much in love with this world to have any great mind to the other ) will pretend that the grounds to believe these things are not sufficient , and that there are , as the case stands , neither incouragements enough to make a man religious , nor arguments powerful enough to restrain vice ; because we are only prest upon by hopes and fears of hereafter , but nothing befals presently . these men require , that for the countenance of religion , there should be a present discrimination between him that serves god , and him that despises him ; that the sinner should be taken and executed in the very fact , and the good man crowned upon the spot ; or at least they think it not an unreasonable demand , that if it be the will of god that evil men should be reprieved , and good men kept in suspence till another world ; yet he should give mankind a view of what shall befal hereafter , that they might have a sight of heaven and hell , and so dispose themselves accordingly . the former part of this phancy was taken notice of by solomon , eccles . 8. 11. because sentence against an evil work is not speedily executed , therefore the heart of man is fully set to do wickedly . the other part of it is much like that of the forlorn wretch in the gospel , luke 16. 30. who thought it reasonable to ask , that one might be sent from the dead to convince his relations of the reality of another world. but all these men , as they do too palpably betray they have no love to religion , nor no desire it should be true : so they evidently discover that they neither understand what satisfaction is fit for god to give in these matters , or for man to require ; nor do they consider what the nature of virtue and religion will admit of , no nor do they understand themselves so well as to know what motives will work upon men ; nor lastly , have they applied their minds to take a just estimate of the value and efficacy of these motives of hopes and fear which it pleases god to set before them . first , they do not consider what satisfaction in these matters it is fit for god to afford , or for men to require . it is not reasonable that the great god should gratify the humour and curiosity of his creatures , nor that they should peremptorily prescribe to him . it is fit indeed for his goodness to give us assurance in these important affairs ; but he thinks good to satisfy our reasons , and we will have our senses convinced , which is as much as to say , we will not believe god but our own eyes . secondly , they do not consider what evidence the nature of virtue and piety will admit of , that requires such inducements as may incourage good , and discourage evil , such as may provoke us to choose the one , and to avoid the other , not such as will over bear our choice and necessarily determine us . religion requires . such arguments as may improve humane nature , not supersede or destroy it ; and it is best promoted by such a state of things as wherein a man conflicts with some difficulties , exercises self-denial , modesty , humility , and trust in god. it consists in a prudent estimate of all circumstances , a discretion and judgment to value things in reversion , and is worth nothing if there be no such ingredients in it , as faith , and patience , and a virtuous choice ; all which there is no room for , if the rewards of it were wholly present , or exposed to our senses . thirdly , nor do the men that talk at this rate so much as understand themselves and their own hearts so well , as to know what would be sufficient to prevail with them . they phansy if they had the good luck to be spectators of a miracle actually wrought , it would unquestionably lead them to assent ; and yet we see those that were eye-witnesses of abundance of such , were never the better for them . they imagine that if they had seen the passages of our saviours life , death and resurrection , they should not have been incredulous ; yet there were multitudes that all those things wrought nothing upon . and assuredly as abraham told the rich man in the last mentioned passage of st. luke , if men hear not moses and the prophets , i. e. if they do not believe upon such satisfaction as god gives them , neither will they believe upon such other as their curiosity or capricious humour demands , no not if one rose from the dead ; for the same unwillingness which is in them to believe that evidence which they have , will follow them still , and the same captious temper will except against their own demands , and find evasions if their very eyes were gratified ; for faith cannot be extorted from men , nor can any thing make him believe that hath not a mind to it . lastly , nor do they understand the force and efficacy of these inducements of hope and fear which god hath set before us ; which is the thing i principally consider in this place . if indeed the objects of these passions , or the things expected in another world were mean and inconsiderable , there were then no reason to expect that they should have any great force upon the minds of men to prevail with them to despise a present world for the attainment of heaven . or ( supposing the objects as great as we can ) if the grounds of our hopes and fear were childish and vain , i. e. our fears were panick and unaccountable , and our hopes mere sanguine dreams , and romantick phancies ; then it were justly to be expected , that if almighty god would oblige us to religion , he should give us better evidence . but if both the things to be fear'd or expected in another world are vastly great and concerning , if they prove to be real , and also the evidence or assurance of their reality be reasonable too , then it is no less than madness , to run the hazard of them by neglect of religion , whilest we fondly cavil to have our humour satisfied . now that these hopes and fears of rewards and punishments in another world are just and reasonable , and indeed as well grounded as hopes and fears can or ought to be , i have shewed already , forasmuch as if there were more evidence than there is , they would cease to be hopes and fears , and would be the apprehensions of sense . and that the things thus hoped for , and feared , or expected , are of so unspeakable moment , as that if the evidence for them were less than it is , it would be all the wisdom in the world not to run the hazard of them , will easily appear by this short and faint representation . that which good men hope for , and that which god almighty promises them in the other world , is no less than to be raised up again from the dead , and to live for ever and ever , without any pain , sickness , want or infirmity of body ; with minds secure from danger , free from temptation , void of care , incapable of fear , errour or disorder , together with serenity of spirit , peace of conscience , unspeakable joy , in the presence of the divine majesty , and the blessed jesus , and in the society of glorious angels and good men made perfect , where also they shall partake of a felicity as great as divine goodness could design , as his wisdom could contrive , and his power effect for their entertainment . on the other side , that which god in the holy scripture gives wicked men ground to expect and fear , is , that they also shall be raised up again from the grave , and then be exposed openly before all the world , their hypocrisy , lewdness , folly and ingratitude being proved upon them ; and they thereupon be condemn'd to utter darkness , to be for ever abandoned of god and good men , and to become the company indeed , but the sport and triumph , of infernal spirits , who shall make them the subjects of their malice and tyranny , and there live under the perpetual anguish of their own consciences ; and in short , full of the wrath of the almighty , which like fire and brimstone shall prey upon them and burn them without remedy or remission of torment . who now can doubt whether these things are of mighty influence upon the hearts and consciences of men to incline them to religion ? for can any man be so void of all manly discretion , as to despise such an happiness as is promised to good men , or so destitute of all sense as to be content to dwell with everlasting burnings , which will be the portion of wicked men ? no wonder therefore if felix ( a loose and debauched man ) trembled when st. paul preached to him of righteousness , temperance and judgment to come , acts 24. 25. and it would be strange and prodigious fool-hardiness , if any man that lives without regard of god and religion , should at any time happen to consider these things , and should not find a convulsion within himself like that of belshazzar , dan. 5. 6. when he saw the fingers of an hand writing upon the wall against him , of whom the text tells us , that thereupon his countenance was changed , his thoughts troubled him , the joints of his loins were loosed , and his knees smote one against the other . for certainly the least impression , which the consideration of these things can make upon a man , is to render sin very uneasy to him , and to spoil his greatest jollities . forasmuch as every time he knowingly or willfully commits it , he not only judges himself unworthy of eternal life , but defies god almighty , and treasures up against himself wrath against the day of wrath . and the reflection on this must needs make the prospect of death very terrible to him , when these things shall come into plea , and when what before was only feared , must now be felt and undergone ; and without a perpetual debauch , it will be hardly possible for him to avoid thinking of this unpleasant subject , since while he hath his senses about him , he cannot but take notice how daily that unacceptable guest makes his approaches towards him . and if death be terrible to a man , it is certain thenceforward life cannot be very comfortable ; for every accident will discompose him , every disease is dreaded by him , as the harbinger of that king of terrors ; his spirits are convulsed , his joys are blasted , his diversions afford him no relief ; he sees reason to be afraid of every thing , and is tempted basely to flatter and humour every man , because every body hath it in his power to bring upon him the summ of all calamities , that is , to kill him . against all this there is no protection , no sanctuary but in religion ; if the sinner flee not to that , he perishes , and which is worse , feels himself tormented before the time : this therefore he is mightily prest to do , by the terrors of another world. and although it is true , that it is not in the nature of fear ( even of hell it self , ) to make a man generously good , because it only cramps his powers , and is not a principle of action , yet it is an instrument of caution , and if it be attended to , will make him less evil , wherein the first work of religion , namely reformation , begins . and then so long as there is hope also in the other scale , it may happily not end there . the apostle hath told us , the law ( which was a ministry of fear and death ) made nothing perfect , but the bringing in of a better hope did , by the which we draw nigh to god , hebr. 7. 19. for the hopes of that unspeakable felicity and glory , which , as i shew'd before , doth await all good men in another world , is able to make a man forget flesh and infirmity , to despise danger and difficulty , and to raise him above himself , 2 pet. 1. 4. those great and precious promises which are propounded to us by the gospel , do make a man partaker of a divine nature . for great hopes raise brave spirits , and effect wonders . the mere perswasion , that i have an immortal soul , is of mighty efficacy to make me value my self more , than to think my self made to eat and drink ; and will not permit me to drown this divine particle in drink and debauches , nor exert it only in folly and buffonry ; but will prompt me to cultivate this immortal part , to furnish it with wisdom and knowledge , that i may enjoy it the better in another world : to subdue my sensual inclinations , that i may learn betimes to live like an angel , and to castigate my anger and wrath , and fury and malice , those unsociable vices , that i may be fit for that peaceable conversation , and everlasting friendship in heaven . the thoughts of living for ever will not suffer a man to be fond of the present life , but will inable him to banish all servile fear , to defy danger , to flatter no bodies follies , to comply with no bodies vices , but to dare to be good in spight of an evil age , and bad examples . for what should cow him that hath this armour of proof , and is every way invulnerable ? the contemplation of those inestimable good things laid up for good men in heaven , is not only able to restrain sensuality , rapine , injustice , treachery ; but to make self-denial very easy , and to place a man so high above the vanities of this world , that he shall only look down upon the things themselves with contempt and scorn , and upon the men that dote upon them with wonder and pity . he that hath hopes given him of seeing and enjoying the blessed jesus in heaven , will according to the apostle s. john 1. epist . 3. 3. find himself powerfully obliged to purify himself as he is pure . and to say no more , he that believes that god is , and that he is such a rewarder of those that diligently seek him , must needs find great inducements to seek and serve him accordingly . chap. v. what particular religion we should apply our selves to . having in the premisses discovered the ground and foundation of religion in general , and thereby made it appear to be so highly reasonable , that it is every mans wisdom and interest to comply with it ; we now proceed to inquire , what mode or profession of religion in special , he ought to apply himself to , who is convinced of the necessity of it in the general . and this is the rather to be done , because some men make the variety of religions which they observe in the world , an argument against them all ; and because there are so many forms of it that they cannot easily resolve which to addict themselves to , these men ( as they think very wisely ) pitch upon none , but fairly stand neuters . now for prevention of this mischief , as well as to make way for the resolution of the great question before us , let us consider these two things . first , that it is not only an impious , but a very foolish and frantick resolution to stand off from all religion , upon pretence that there are differences and disputes about it . for 1. men will not be content to go by that rule in other cases , no man will conclude there is no such thing as meum and tuum , or right and wrong in their civil interests , because they observe lawyers to wrangle at the bar , or to give different opinions in particular cases ; nor because physicians often disagree in their judgments of diseases , will any discreet man refuse their assistance , and resolve to let his disease take its course : this objection therefore of sceptical men , is but a mere pretence made use of to countenance their aversation to religion , and not a real maxime of reason with them . 2. the ground of this objection is foolishly or maliciously represented ; for it is plain , that the main things of religion are very little or nothing in dispute , but are confessed and agreed in by all . or if there be some points of moment disputed , they are generally such as are speculative , not matters of practice . for who disputes whether god should be worshipped ? whether a man should live soberly , righteously , and godly in this present world ? in such things as these , all discreet and well disposed men agree . let the sceptical person therefore agree to these too , and practise them ; or else let him be so ingenuous as to acknowledge , it is only his unwillingness to comply with the rules of a good life , which makes him pretend to stumble at disputes . 3. it is to be considered , that even those who differ and dispute in several points , agree notwithstanding in this , that it is the wisest and safest course to come to a resolution in religion , forasmuch as particular disputes about it , prove undeniably this in the general , that by confession of all parties there is great moment in it ; because there could be no reason why either the one side or the other should trouble themselves , and raise such heats about it , but that both are satisfied of the great consequence of the subject of the question , and the consideration of that is it which makes them be so nice , curious and critical , about the very punctilioes of it . but , fourthly and lastly , it is especially to be considered , that he that stands neutral , and holds off from all religion upon pretence of the danger of mistake , upon account of the great variety of perswasions , runs into the most fatal mistake of all , and is of all men in the most desperate condition ; for whatsoever becomes of other men , under a mistaken zeal or a false opinion , he is certainly a lost man who hath no zeal or religion at all . for though it be certain , all perswasions cannot be right , and therefore some must miscarry ; yet so long as there is a real foundation for religion in general ( as we have seen ) it is evident the sceptist cannot be saved ( whoever be damned ) who entertains no perswasion at all . therefore as it is better uncertainly to erre , than certainly to perish ; so it must needs be a wiser course to determine our selves someway , notwithstanding the disputes , than gravely to doubt our selves into hell by a phantastical neutrality . but then secondly , as it is a very dangerous and absurd resolution to be of no religion , for fear we should mistake the right ; it is not much better on the other side , to be such latitudinarians , as to think it indifferent what religion a man be of , so long as he is zealous and devout in his way , unless we could be assured , that the broad way was the way to heaven , which is most certainly false . i confess it is a very bad religion indeed which is not better than none at all , as the faintest hopes are better than utter desperation . and it is undoubtedly true , that without fervour and devotion in the prosecution of a mans perswasion , no religion , be it never so good and orthodox , will signify any thing . it is true also , that a man of a devout temper hath the ground of piety , and a foundation for good institution to work upon ; yet notwithstanding religion speaks something more than to be in earnest , and piety requires more than a good intention . for unless that honest temper be cultivated and improved , it will bring forth nothing but wild fruit ; that zeal must be governed and conducted by good principles , or it will betray a man to presumption , to superstition , and to a thousand irregularities . we are set to run a race towards heaven , but in that case it is not only speed , but the keeping the exact course withal , that intitles to the reward . he that runs wrong , the more hast he makes , the worse is his speed ; for he hath the more to undo again . nor is this any reflection upon the divine majesty , who is infinitely good , and consequently very pitiful to the well-meant errors of mankind ; for it must be considered , that he is wise , and great , and just also , not so soft and fond as to be pleased with whatsoever is well meant towards him , or to be contented with whatever men phansy . no , he hath a mind and will of his own , and requires and expects those be complied withal by such as he rewards with eternal life . therefore the question which we are now upon is very serious and necessary , viz. how amidst such variety of perswasions or forms of religion as are in the world , a man may make a right choice , and know which of them in particular he ought to determine himself upon . but the assoiling of it cannot be difficult , forasmuch as if god will be served in his own way , it is evident , that he must have taken some course or other for the discovery and interpreting of his mind and will to the sons of men , to the intent that they may have a rule to govern their devotions by . now it is plain , beyond dispute , that there are three and but three things which can with any colour of probability pretend to give us aim in this case , viz. natural light , the spirit , or the holy scriptures ; and therefore all the difficulty comes to this point , which of these three we are to follow and govern our selves by . as for the first of the three , namely the light of nature , or natural reason ; it is true , that this is able in some measure to discover to us that there is a god , and to assure us also of some of his attributes and perfections , so as to lay a general foundation of religion ( as we have briefly shewed already ) but it can neither discover all the divine perfections , because he is infinite and beyond our comprehension , nor much less penetrate the depths of his counsels , or the secrets of his will and pleasure , because ( as we also noted before ) he is a free agent , and hath no necessary measures , but freely chuses as it pleases him . and therefore as no man knows the mind of a man but the spirit of a man which is in him , so much less can any man know the mind of god till he be pleased to reveal it . now the design of religion being to please and propitiate the divine majesty to us , it is impossible any man should pretend to know what will fully do that by natural reason . consequently not only the old philosophers but the modern theists , and that sect of men called quakers , who pretend to attain happiness by the natural notions of god , or the light within them ; must miserably be bewildered whilest they follow so imperfect and uncertain a guide . as for the second , namely a private spirit , there is no doubt but that the divine majesty could ( if he had pleased ) have conducted men by immediate revelation , and as it were led them by his own immediate hand from time to time , dictating his own will to their minds ; and there is as little reason to question , but that sometimes in extraordinary cases he hath done so in former times : but that this should be his ordinary and standing course , is not reasonable to think ; not only because we cannot now observe , that the best of men either have experience of , or so much as pretend to any such thing , but because in the first place it is evident that such immediate revelation could be of no further use than to that particular person to whom it was made , in regard it would be like the white stone , rev. 2. 17. which no man knows what is written upon it , but he that receives it ; and secondly , because the very person himself that should pretend to it could not secure himself from illusion , but might easily mistake the idols of his own phancy , or the very illusions of the devil , for the dictates of the divine spirit ( as we find by sad experience that many have done ) unless there were withal a constant succession of miracles to assure their minds that it was the divine impression : therefore , forasmuch as those who pretend to the spirit , can give no assurance of it , and natural reason cannot pretend to discover sufficiently the divine will ; it remains , that only the holy scripture is that which must be our guide in the way to please god , and attain the salvation expected in another world. the holy scripture then is that provision god hath thought fit to make for our weakness and ignorance . this is the transcript of the divine mind , a light that shineth in darkness , and by which divine wisdom designed to guide us through all the maze of disputes , and to resolve us of all the important questions that concern our eternal interest ; and this is that which he hath so fitted to our use , that whosoever consults it with a mind free from prejudices and anticipation , he shall not miss his way to heaven . nor shall such a man as is disposed to receive the kingdom of god as a little child , i. e. comes with a mind willing to learn and be convinced , and with that temper applies himself to the holy scripture , need either the pretended infallibility of a pope , or the authority of a church to interpret it to him : for it is certain god is as able to express his mind to us , as either of these are , whensoever he thought fit to do so ; and where he resolved to be obscure , it is not to any purpose to consult them in the case , who are no more privy to his secret counsels than we our selves are . and it is not consistent either with the goodness or wisdom of god , to order matters so , that he should be betray'd to any capital error ( so as to indanger his salvation ) who applies himself to the holy scripture , and comes qualified with an honest heart , and in the use of such ordinary means as are afforded for the understanding of them . it is indeed not impossible , but that such a man , notwithstanding both the perfection and perspicuity of his rule , may erre in some smaller matters ; but there is no reason to fear they should be either such as will abuse him in the great doctrines of faith , or the rules of a good life ; he can neither mistake the object of his worship , nor the manner of it , nor indanger the glory of god , or his own salvation . for this will direct him to a religion plain and easy , humble and peaceable , reasonable and hearty ; a religion that neither imposes an implicit faith , nor countenances a bold presumption , that will make men devout without superstition , and holy without arrogance or pretending to merit at gods hands ; in a word , the holy scripture impartially consulted , will bring us to a religion that shall neither consist of speculations , and be opinionative and fanatical on the one side , nor made up of external shew and pomp , as that of the church of rome on the other side , but such as that of the church of england , which manifestly avoids both extreams . chap. vi. more particular directions for the setling a mans mind in religion . although it be never so certain , that the holy scripture was both composed and preserved by the providence of god , for mens guidance in the way to heaven ; and notwithstanding its great perspicuity and sufficiency in that case ; yet ( as i intimated before ) prejudice of mind is able to defeat the ends of it : therefore for the removal of that , it will be of great use that the following particulars be considered . first , he that would make a right use of the holy scripture , and thereby discover the true lineaments of religion , let him make inquiry after the most antient and the most catholick religion , and not indulge his curiosity so as to be taken either with novelty , or singularity ; for each of those will lead him aside , both from the truth of religion in general , and from the christian religion in particular . as for the former of these notes of religion , viz. antiquity , the oldest religion must needs be as much the truer , as god is before the devil ; therefore the prophet jerem. 6. 16. directs the people to inquire for the good old way , and walk therein , and they should find rest to their souls ; and for christianity in particular , forasmuch as that depends upon divine revelation , it is impossible that after-ages should add any thing to it , or make improvement of it , without new revelation . whilst god is of the same mind , heaven of the same nature , and the gospel of the same tenor , there can be no new christianity . therefore let all new lights go for ignes fatui , and mere meteors , that serve to no purpose but to bewilder men ; he that seeks for true christianity , let him neither content himself to look back to 41 , or the last age , as some do ; nor 500. years backward to a dark age , as others ; but let him inquire for a religion as old as gospel , and observe in what rules it was delivered , and in what examples it first shew'd it self in the world. as for the other note of religion , viz. universality ; it is certain , the true religion is the most truly catholick . for it is evident , that our saviour intended but one church , and one religion in all the world ; and to that purpose he instituted christianity in such sort , that it should agree with all times and ages , fit all countries and climates , suit all constitutions and conditions of men , and subsist under whatsoever form of government , or civil polity it should meet with . those therefore who model religion according to the peculiar fashion of some one country , or frame a notion of it which requires a certain complexion and temper of body ; ( as for instance , that make some austerities essential to it , which all cannot comply with ) or that describe a religion for the cloyster , and not adequate to common life ; or that model it so , as that it must have the civil government submitted to it , or it cannot subsist ; or in a word , that confine it to narrow bounds , or canton it into separate parties : none of these understand the true genius of christianity , nor take the measures of religion from the holy scripture . secondly , he that would make a right choice of his religion , must not take it upon publick faith , or be determined by common fame , or so much as regard the loud shouts and acclamations of the vulgar . for they are generally sworn enemies to sober reason , as being moved more by heat than light , and governed by sense and phancy , and consequently cannot entertain any great esteem for a modest , sedate , manly and rational religion , but on the contrary infinitely dote upon all the tricks of superstition and enthusiasm ; and those two do so wholly govern them , that they receive no impression of religion where one or other of them doth not strike their imaginations . as for superstition , the wonderful efficacy of that upon common minds , is so notorious , that nothing can be more . if they see a man so extreamly scrupulous , that he finds ( as we say ) a knot in a bullrush ; so squeamish and strait-laced , that he becomes a burden to himself and all about him ; so infinitely full of doubts , and fears , and jealousies , that he scandalizes religion by his impertinency , and renders god almighty a very unbenign and severe majesty : such a man notwithstanding is apt to be cried up as a great saint , although in greater matters perhaps he gives himself more liberty than other men . or if they observe a man pretend to great austerity and mortification by the carelessness of his habit , dejectedness of his countenance , or other peculiarity of his garb , as wearing an hair shirt , or girt with a rope , especially if he also macerate himself with fasting , or whip himself till the blood comes , or use any such severity towards himself , they are strangely affected with this pageant of piety , and these things alone are security enough to them that he is an holy man , and of the best religion . thus no doubt the priests of baal , who ( as we read , 1 kings 18. 26. ) prayed from morning to mid-day , made horrible outcries , and used antick postures , and amongst the rest , in a blind zeal , cut themselves with knives and lancets , had a mighty veneration amongst the rabble of superstitious israelites , insomuch that the prophet elijah , with all the holiness of his life , and very great austerity of conversation too , was not able to bear up with them . and thus the scribes and pharisees in our saviours time , what by their demure and mortified looks , disfigured faces , and outward appearance of sanctimony ; what by their broad phylacteries , and fringes of their garments , beset with sharp thorns to prick and vex them ; what with long prayers and frequent fastings , and such other artifices , they so led the people by the nose , that all the wisdom , temper , goodness , nay miracles of our saviour were scarce sufficient to procure their attention to him . and thus it will be also with enthusiasm , that raises the admiration , and captivates the minds of the generality as much or more than superstition . if a man pretend to the spirit , and to extraordinary communications from the divine majesty ; if he now and then either feel or can counterfeit raptures and transports , so that by turns he shall be sometimes as it were snatcht up to the third heaven , and at another time be cast down to hell ; and if in these fits he can talk non-sense confidently , can make vehement harangues against pride , formality , or superstition ; if he make shew of extraordinary zeal and devotion , and have the pride or insolency to speak ill of his betters , to slight all ordinary forms and censure the government ; if he have either an horrible voice , or an oily melting tone , an artificial countenance , a peculiar motion of his eyes , or especially hath the trick to resemble an epilepsy in all this legerdemain , then when he speaks evil of dignities , he shall be thought to have the zeal and spirit of elias , but unquestionably the spirit of god is in him , and he is admired , if not adored , by inconsiderate people . when in the mean time , sound doctrine , sober reason , wise conversation , and grave piety , shall signify nothing but form and carnality with them . for ( as i intimated before ) such things as i last named , commend themselves only to a sedate mind , and a considerative temper ; but the other bear strongly upon the senses and the phancies of men , and so carry away the vulgar . he therefore that would not have his devout intention abused , must not suffer the multitude to chuse his religion for him , nor take it upon trust from publick fame and noise ; for if he decide this case by the poll , he shall be sure to have shadow for substance , and either imbrace a religion made up of paint and varnish , or else one animated only by a spirit of enthusiasm . thirdly , he that would make a right choice in religion , and is content to follow the measures of the holy scripture therein , must resolve with himself , not to seek for , or pitch upon such a way as will put him to the least pains , and give him the least trouble ; but be willing to deny himself , and to conflict with any difficulty that he may save his soul ; for pretended easy religions are like mountebanks cures , deceitful and palliative . some men have the folly to perswade themselves , that a religion consisting of mere faith , without the trouble of a good life will serve the turn ; nay , that to be of a peculiar party , sect or church will be sufficient ; but then it is strange our saviour should bid us strive to enter in at the strait gate : for it would be a wonder if any should miss of heaven upon these terms ; or if any be so sottish , they deserve to perish without pity . others there are that entertain a conceit of getting to heaven by the merits of other men , as by purchasing an indulgence , or by hiring a priest to say prayers for the man when he is dead , that would not be at the trouble to pray for himself whilst he was alive ; or by getting a plenary absolution of all his sins at the last gasp , or some other such voluptuous and compendious ways of salvation . he that seeks out such expedients as these , argues that he hath some little love to himself , so far as to be loth to be damned , but that he hath none at all towards god or virtue ; and indeed demonstrates , that he hath not so much as any worthy notion of god , or apprehension of the nature of the happiness of the other world. nay , he gives evidence , that he is as much in love with his sins as with himself , and would have both saved together . st. paul assures us 2 cor. 5. 10. that when we shall appear at the judgment-seat of christ , we shall receive our doom , according to the things done in the body , whether good or evil ; not according to what shall be done for us when we are out of the body , much less according to what others have either officiously or mercenarily performed for us . all such methods are cheats , the artifices of hypocrisy , and constitute only a religion for an epicure , but are as far , as hell is from heaven , from the institutions of the scripture . it is true our saviour saith , his yoke is easy , and his burthen light , but that is spoken either comparatively to the burden of the mosaick law , especially considered with the additional impositions of the scribes and pharisees , who as he tells us , laid heavy burdens upon others , but would not buckle under them themselves ; or with respect to the great assistance and mighty incouragement which those men shall meet with that apply themselves in earnest to christianity . for certainly , if there had been no considerable difficulty in the christian religion , the first lesson of it would not have been , that a man must deny himself . nor would our saviour have required us , that if our right eye or right hand offend us , we must pluck out the one , and cut off the other , that we may enter into life . chap. vii . cautions against some opinions which are hindrances both of an holy and of a comfortable life . when a man hath setled his principles , and made a good choice of his profession of religion , he is then in a fair way towards an holy and a comfortable life ; yet there are several vulgar opinions , which if they be not carefully avoided will have an unhappy influence upon both , and therefore it is expedient he should be cautioned against them ; especially such as those whereof i will here give a catalogue in the particulars following . to which i will premise this in the general , that although some of the opinions that shall be mentioned , may seem only mere speculations in the first view of them , and perhaps may go no further with some persons , whose singular probity and sincerity of heart may antidote them against the malignity of such tenets , yet in their own nature and the genuine consequences of them , they are very dangerous , as shall now be made appear in particular . 1. therefore let him that would make a due improvement of the principles of christianity , take care of allowing himself to pry too curiously into the secret counsels of god , or of marshalling too confidently the decrees of election and reprobation , and especially of arguing presumptuously concerning his own or other mens salvation or damnation from them . there is no question with me but that god almighty foreknew from all eternity whatsoever should come to pass in after times ; and let it be taken for granted also , that from the same eternity he decreed with himself whatsoever he would afterwards effect or permit ; nay let us moreover suppose he hath expresly determined with himself who shall be saved and who shall be damned , and that so peremptorily , that only they shall be saved whom he hath so decreed to save , and those shall certainly be damned whom he hath past such a decree upon . but what then ? the proper and only reasonable use we can make of these suppositions , is to admire the divine eternity , soveraignty , power and omniscience ; here is neither matter for our curiosity nor for our reason to descant upon : not for our curiosity , since it is plainly impossible to know , what the particular import of those decrees is , or whom they concern ; and less for our reason , since if we will argue any thing hence , it must be no better than deducing conclusions from unknown premisses . the very prying into these cabinet counsels ( besides the folly and immodesty of it ) tends to very ill purposes , for it certainly either blows men up with presumption , or casts them headlong into desperation . the sanguine , and confident , and self-applauding , are filled with vain hopes by these speculations ; and the modest , melancholy and despondent tempers , are inclined to despair by them . but the arguing and drawing consequences of salvation or damnation from thence , contradicts the design of the whole scripture , which charges us to work out our own salvation with fear and trembling , and to use diligence to make our calling and election sure ; nay it turns into ridicule all the exhortations , threatnings and promises of the gospel . for to what purpose doth god perswade us , when he hath irrevocably determined our fate with himself ? it discourages all use of means , and all comfort in so doing , since it will be labour in vain : it baffles conscience whensoever it either checks us for sin , or would comfort us for doing virtuously ; for what matter is it what conscience saith , when god hath decreed ? it renders the solemnity of the great day of judgment a mere piece of empty pomp and pageantry , seeing mens cases are all decided before-hand ; nay it makes the very coming of our saviour , his life , death , propitiation and intercession , to be illusory and insignificant things ; forasmuch as upon this supposition , men are saved or damned antecedently to his undertaking . now if after all this , any man will be so desperately absurd and fool-hardy , as to say nevertheless gods decrees are irrevocable , and therefore the matter of fact is true , that if i be decreed to salvation , i shall then be saved without more ado ; and if i be decreed to be damned , i must perish , and there will be no help for it ; it will be in vain to use means seeing i shall but strive against the stream ; my doom is past , and i may bewail my hard fortune , but cannot reverse it . i would only further ask such a man this plain question , viz. how he came to perswade himself that god almighty hath decreed to save and damn men right or wrong ( as we say ) i. e. whether they repent and believe in christ , jesus or no. forasmuch as it is evident , that he that harbours such an opinion of the divine majesty contradicts the very notion of a god , and represents him to be the worst and most hateful being imaginable ; a being that hath only power and will , but hath neither love nor hatred , neither wisdom , justice nor goodness in him at all ; that hath no esteem for faith , virtue or piety , no sense of gratitude and ingenuity , nor any aversation to baseness and villany ; but as if he were an unmoved , rigid idol , is inflexible by any repentance , prayers , tears , addresses and importunities , and insensible of , and unprovoked by all the affronts and insolencies that can be done to him : to be sure he that can think thus of god , will easily believe him to have set a mean value upon the blood of his only son ; forasmuch as he hath given him up to death to no purpose upon the aforesaid supposition . now unless all this be true ( which is impossible ) there can be no colour nor foundation for such an horrid and barbarous opinion . and if this be false , as most certainly it is , then we shall easily be led into this scriptural hypothesis of the divine decrees , viz. that as he decreed from all eternity to send his son to be the saviour of the world , so he then also determined that as many as should believe on him should be saved , and such as did not so , should be damned . and then , what if we find it to follow from the nature of gods omniscience , that he must foreknow the individual persons that shall be saved or damned , or from the nature of his determinations , that only such and no other can be saved , namely , those he hath decreed to it ; yet then it will be evidently to no purpose to gaze up to gods decrees : for then whatever hath been written in the archives of heaven , it is certain it cannot contradict this , that if i believe and repent , and become a good and holy man , i shall be saved , or otherwise i shall be damned ; and then all is plain before me : for in this case i have nothing further to do , but to make use of the means of grace which god affords me , and to look into my own heart and life for my evidences of heaven . thus as the wise persian , who sooner found the sun to be upon the horizon , by turning himself towards the western hills , than he that fixing his eyes upon the east , expected to see the sun it self : so we shall sooner find the beams of divine favour in the reverse and reflection of them upon our own souls , than by a presumptuous prying into his secret purposes . and the consideration of this truth will ingage men in all care and caution , in all diligence and humility , in the use of means , till they gradually improve into a state of holiness and comfort here , and to assurance of the kingdom of heaven hereafter . and this is the course which the apostle leads us to , 2 tim. 2. 19. the foundation of god standeth sure , having his seal , the lord knoweth who are his , and let him that nameth the name of christ depart from iniquity ; as if he had said , it is true indeed , god knows from eternity whom he intends to save , and all such shall eventually be saved and none else , but our hope and comfort cannot be built upon unknown principles , such as only are recorded in heaven , but upon the counterpart of an holy life , or a conformity to those conditions which god hath expressed in his gospel , as a copy from the original , kept in his own bosom . 2. the next dangerous mistake which we ought carefully to avoid , is , concerning the grace and holy spirit of god. when men unreasonably expect that god should do all for them in the business of their salvation , without their own indeavours , upon pretence that we can do nothing our selves , and therefore it is in vain to go about it ; our part is only to wait gods time of working , and when his holy spirit moves , the business will be done without more ado , but in the mean time all our diligence is discharged as impertinent , and even our prayers too ( if this doctrine be consistent with it self ) : for according to this opinion , if ever men come to heaven , they must be dragged thither by omnipotency , ( as the disciples of mahumet expect to be by the hair of their heads . ) now though it be undoubtedly true , that all the good that is in us , is owing to the father of lights from whom every good and perfect gift cometh , forasmuch as he worketh in us both to will and to do ; and therefore we can never magnify grace enough , nor attribute too much to the holy spirit ( without making machines of our selves , and nonsense of the gospel ) yet it is as sure on the other hand , that god needs not that we should tell a lie for him , nor would have us slander his creation for the honour of regeneration , since he doth not destroy the man when he makes a christian . so far from it , that ( as i have noted before ) he charges us to strive to enter in at the strait gate , and to use all our diligence to make our calling and election sure , which plainly implies , that he doth not intend to supersede our powers when he repairs our natures ; and that although he made us without our own activity , yet he will not save us without our own indeavours . and therefore the holy scripture always represents to us the way of gods working good in our souls , to be by exciting our spirits , by assisting and strengthening our faculties , and by cooperating with us , not by over-bearing our capacity , and doing all for us without us ; insomuch that that man who dreams of being carried to heaven by omnipotency , without his own concurrence , is so far from any incouragement from the scripture , to hope that ever he shall come there , that it is most certain he shall never see that happy estate , unless it please the divine mercy to make him so early sensible of this fatal errour , that he may timely repent and pursue the right way thither . for he that expects to attain the kingdom of heaven by miracle , it will be a miracle indeed if he come thither . and this fond opinion is as mischievous as it is unscriptural , not only as it apparently deprives a man of all the comfortable reflections of his own conscience upon whatsoever ( by the grace of god ) he hath obtained , forasmuch as it equals the condition and character of the most slothful epicure , with that of the most generous and industrious ; but especially as it disposes men to slight all the means of grace , and all the advantages of gods church , and that upon good reason : for if this opinion be true , they are all insignificant and collusory . it also tempts men to sin , and that without regret or remorse , under a pretence that they cannot help it ; and in short , it perfectly betrays them to their own lusts , and into the hands of the devil , making way for whatsoever temptation he will think fit to make use of . for the man of this perswasion ( that it is impossible to make resistance ) is bound by his own principles , and to save himself useless trouble , to strike sail and surrender upon the first assault or summons . 3. a third dangerous opinion , which it is necessary to be cautioned against , is a mistaken notion of sins of infirmity ; this at first mention of it may seem of kin to that which i last spoke of , but as i intend it , it is of a different nature , viz. when men do not altogether discourage their own indeavours upon the pretence of natural impotency in general , but yet perswade themselves that some certain sins in particular are so necessary to them , and unavoidable , that god will allow of them under the favourable notion of infirmities , and pardon them without repentance . it is very true , there are such things as pitiable infirmities , which the best of men cannot be altogether free from , and which infinite goodness therefore so far considers , as to make a vast difference between them and wilful or presumptuous sins ; pardoning the former upon a general repentance , whereas he requires a very particular repentance for , and reformation of the latter . but the mischief ( which i seek here to prevent ) is when men cheat themselves into a perswasion that some voluntary sin or other is necessary to them , and therefore must come under this estimate of infirmity , and consequently need neither be repented of nor forsaken ; from whence it comes to pass , that ordinarily the sin which hath been most customary and habitual to them , ( because it easily besets them , and they find it not easy or pleasant to them to forgoe it ) is therefore incouraged under the favourable name of infirmity . for thus they say , every man hath his infirmities , and this is mine ; and so the mouth of conscience is made up , as if a pardon of course were due to it , without the solemnity of reformation . they will allow such a case to be that which they must always complain of , but yet they never expect or desire to see it cured ; for these sins are thought to be only like the canaanites in the land , or some other remainder of those devoted and accursed nations , which must never be quite rooted out , but be always as thorns in the eyes , and goads in the sides of the true israelites , i. e. tolerated but not extirpated . but if this be not a very false notion , what was the meaning of our saviour when he requires us to cut off our right hand , and to pluck out our right eye , when either of them offend us ? that is , that if we will enter into life , we must part with the sin that is as pleasant to us as our eyes , as necessary or convenient to us as our right hand , and as painful to part withal as either of them . whereas if the aforesaid doctrine of infirmity take place with us , it will save all the pains and trouble of mortification , and keep the body of sin whole and intire , and yet put men in hopes they may go to heaven notwithstanding ; and no sin that we have a kindness to , but a man may enjoy it without danger . for thus , it shall be one mans infirmity to be drunk , another mans to swear , a third mans to be seditious or censorious ; and in short , by the benefit of a soft word or distinction ( together with a good opinion of a mans self ) he may reconcile god and mammon , christ and belial , hell and heaven . but this cheat is too palpable , for the plea of infirmity is only allowable in such cases as these following ; namely , when either ignorance or mis-information betrays a man into errour , or he fails in the manner of doing that which was otherwise good for the matter of it , or a great fear over-powers him , or the suddenness of a temptation surprizes him before he was so much aware as to collect himself ; or something of like nature to these , may be called sins of infirmity . but assuredly , that which a man knows to be a sin , and yet commits it , that which a man takes pleasure in , and lives in the habitual practice of , can never be esteemed a meer pitiable infirmity ; and therefore whosoever truly loves his own soul , and is in earnest for eternity , hath great reason to take care of this errour . 4. a fourth danger i would give warning against , is the mistaken opinion about conversion to god , which if it be rightly understood , is a great , solemn and divine thing , and whereever it is truly accomplisht , is the happiest passage of a mans whole life , and the very crisis of eternity , viz. when either a man who ( by unhappy education or otherwise ) was betray'd to evil and mischievous opinions , comes by the advantage of better information and the grace of god , to be otherwise instructed and set right in his principles , or especially when one who was formerly of a lewd and flagitious life , is by the grace of the gospel now brought to a sight of his sin , a sense of his danger , and thereupon changes his whole course and becomes a new and holy man : both these are ( as i said ) great , and solemn , and happy things , to be spoken of with all reverence , and considered with joy and admiration . but now there is a two fold mistake very common in this great affair , viz. when either such a conversion ( as we have now described ) is looked upon as universally necessary , and prescribed to all men , as the condition of their salvation , or else ( which is far worse ) when the whole nature of the thing is mistaken , and conversion from sin to god , is made to be a mere momentaneous act , a kind of qualm or fit of religion , and as such is relied upon , as sufficient to salvation , without an habitual course of holy life subsequent to it . both these last named are false and dangerous opinions , but the evil of the former of them lies in this , that it is apt to perplex the consciences , and disturb the peace of very good men , viz. when those who by the blessing of god have been trained up in good principles , and by his grace not only preserved from a loose and debauched life , but ingaged also in a holy and virtuous course all along , shall notwithstanding have it preached to them , and prest upon them , that they also must be converted and born again , or else they shall never see the kingdom of god. this indeed was necessary and proper doctrine from our saviour to nicodemus , and to the generality of the jews , as well as from the apostles to the pagan world , who had been nursed up in ignorance , superstition and idolatry : but it was not preached to john the baptist , nor to st. john the apostle , nor to timothy , who had known the holy scriptures from a child , 2 tim. 3. 15. and who had been early ingaged in an holy life , by the blessing of god upon the careful instructions of his grandmother lois and his mother eunice , 2 tim. 1. 5. not can such doctrine ( without equal indiscretion and danger ) be preached to several others now who are of that condition , that as our saviour saith , they need no repentance . but it is the latter of these opinions about conversion , which i intend in this place principally to give caution against , viz. when a man who hath been formerly either of a sottish and careless , or of a notoriously debaucht and profligate life , shall be incouraged to think his peace is made with god from such time as he hath had a qualm come over his conscience , and been put into a mood of seriousness and devotion , having been taught to date his regeneration from hence . the mischief of this mistake is very frequent and apparent , for that it tempts men to grow secure before they are safe , and it is very common and natural for such persons to grow careless of themselves upon a vain confidence in this kind of conversion , as if now their work were done , without the trouble of bringing forth fruits worthy of repentance and amendment of life . nay further , when perhaps such men have committed some such great sin , as ( that were it not for this unhappy errour ) would startle their consciences , they are hereby ( instead of applying themselves to god by hearty repentance ) inclined only fondly to look back , and to remember that such a time i was converted , and enter'd into a state of grace , and therefore all is well enough already ; and from hence it comes to pass also , that nothing is more frequent than such mens falling from grace in this sense , that is , to apostatize from such hopeful beginnings ; for indeed they were at most but beginnings , but being foolishly rested in , as if they had amounted to the whole attainment of christianity , they flatter men into security first , and betray them to shame afterwards . and the falsity of this conceit is evident in this , that whereas it makes the great business of eternity to lie in an instantaneous act , the transaction perhaps of a day or an hour , or a sermon , the holy scripture quite contrary-wise represents it as the business of a mans whole life , and requires , that men not only set out well , but that they make a daily and gradual progression towards heaven ; forasmuch as it tells us , that otherwise he who hath begun in the spirit may end in the flesh , and that a man may return with the dog to his vomit , &c. and then the latter end of such a man is worse than the beginning . 5. another mistake not inferiour to any of the former , either in respect of errour or danger , is about the power and authority of conscience , viz. when men perswade themselves that all is right and true , which they are satisfied of in their consciences , and that it is lawful for them to do whatsoever that dictates to them , or allows them in , as if conscience were not a thing to be ruled but to rule , and were invested with a kind of soveraignty , so that it were a law to it self , and to others also . if you reprove some mans opinion ( instead of arguments for it ) he tells you it is his conscience , and that 's enough ; or if you blame some action of his life , he regards not your reprehensions , for , saith he , my conscience smites me not for it , and therefore i am safe ; or if you forewarn him of some counsels or undertakings as tending to sedition and publick disturbance , it is no matter , it is his conscience , and he must pursue it . the mischief of this is very intolerable , for by this means the most foolish and extravagant actions are justified , and the malefactor rendered incorrigible , being both hardened in his sin and in his sufferings , for ( if it come to that ) you cannot convince such men , for they have a testimony within them which is infallible , and in confidence of that , whensoever you bring an argument which they cannot answer , they reject and defy it as a temptation of the devil . if you rebuke them , you blaspheme the holy spirit ; if you go about to restrain them , you violate the most sacred prerogative of conscience , and are gulty of the only sacriledge which ( in their opinion ) can be committed , and which is worst of all , thus god is intitled to the very passions and follies of such men , and to all the extravagancies in the world : for if it be their conscience , god must patronize it , and bear the blame of all . now one would justly wonder what these men think this thing called conscience to be , surely no less than some god almighty within them , and so indeed several expressions of them seem to intimate . but certainly , if they thought conscience to be nothing else but a mans own mind , or opinion , or perswasion , or practical judgment ( which certainly it is , and no more ) they could not either in reason or modesty think fit that this should have such a paramount authority as to bear all down before it , at least they could not imagine that their peculiar phancy or humour , their particular education or idiopathy , their ignorance or stubbornness , should be lawless and uncontroulable . for if mens opinions or perswasions are infallible , what is instruction for ? if the light within be sufficient , what is the light of holy scripture for ? if conscience be a guide to it self , to what purpose are spiritual guides provided by divine wisdom for our conduct ? and if that may not be restrained in its extravagancy , wherefore were laws made , and magistrates appointed ? so that either this wild notion of the power of conscience must be false , or else instruction and education are useless , magistracy and ministry impertinent , and both laws and scripture of no effect . and if notwithstanding this notion be imbraced , it is plainly impossible , that such men should live either holily or comfortably . not holily , because conscience thus left alone to it self , without guide or rule , will in all likelihood follow mens temper and inclination , and then a mans most beloved lusts shall be the dictate of his conscience . not comfortably , because he that is destitute of a law , and a guide to resolve him in difficulties , must needs ( if he consider and be sensible of any thing at all ) be perplexed with perpetual disputes , and endless scrupulosity upon every undertaking . but it will be pretended that there is no help for it , but when all is done , men must and will follow their own consciences ; forasmuch as discourse , or laws , or scripture , signify nothing till they are applied by conscience ; they indeed may give aim , or may be of the nature of evidence in a cause ; but it is conscience which collects the result , and he that complies not with that , is guilty of sin , whether the evidence was well summed up or no. to this purpose some passages of scripture are usually misapplied : e. g. let a man be perswaded in his own mind , rom. 14. 5. that which is not of faith is sin , rom. 14. 23. and he that doubteth is damn'd , &c. i do confess here is something of truth in this plea , but blended with a great deal of errour , and here i verily believe lies the rise or occasion of the perswasion of the extravagant authority of conscience . but when we consider wisely , the truth is no more but this , that a mans conscience ought to go along with him in the acts of his obedience to the law , or that he ought to be perswaded the thing is lawful to be done before he does it , otherwise he doth violence to himself , and condemns his own act . but it doth not follow , that therefore it is lawful to do whatsoever he is perswaded of in his conscience , or that it is not his duty to do any thing but what he is so perswaded of ; for this abrogates all the laws both of god and man , and makes their legislations to depend upon private consent . if therefore any man through ignorance or prejudice , or any such cause , shall have his conscience alienated from the law , or dictating otherwise to him ; this as it cannot make a law , so neither can it discharge him from the obligation of one . all that this works , is , that it puts a man into so sad a case that he may sin both ways , that is , both in obeying and in disobeying ; but because he is brought into this strait by his own default , it is evident this cannot acquit his conscience ; for one sin is no discharge for another . that therefore which he hath now to do , is first to inform his conscience better , and then to comply with the rule . and that this is the true state of this case , will appear ( beyond all exception ) by the resolution of our saviour himself in two passages of the gospel ; the former matt. 6. 23. if the light that is in thee be darkness , how great is that darkness ! where first he supposes that the principles of a mans mind or conscience may be very false and erroneous , and then pronounces , that he that is in such a case is in a very deplorable condition ; forasmuch as the errour of his conscience will be sure to run him upon miscarriages of life , and the priviledge of its being his conscience will not exempt him from the consequences of so doing . the other passage is joh. 16. 2. where he foretels his disciples that they should fall into so unhappy times , and lie under such prejudices & misprisons with the world , that those that killed them , should think they did god good service . now those that think they do good service , and perform a meritorious action in such a thing , most certainly follow their consciences in so doing , and yet it is as certain , that this did not justify the fact ; for then the persecutors of christianity and murderers of the apostles , must have been a very conscientious and commendable sort of men : wherefore it is evident , that conscience is no rule nor sufficient warranty for our actions . 6. in the sixth place let him who hath thoughts of attaining the happiness of the world to come , take care of entertaining an opinion of the impossibility of religion according to the measures of the holy scripture . this is a common prejudice upon the minds of ignorant or cowardly people , for they phansy that a life according to the laws of the gospel , is rather a fine speculation , or a philosophical hypothesis , than a necessary and practicable truth . they confess it would be a very good and commendable thing , if we could comply with the rules of our saviour , but they look upon it as impossible , and so of no indispensable obligation . for they say , our natures are so corrupted by our fall , and thereby our faculties are so weak and impaired , that we are indeed nothing but infirmity on the one side ; and on the other , we are so beset with temptations , and the world , the flesh and the devil , are so much too strong for us , that we must sin , there is no avoiding of it , and god must pardon , and there 's an end of the business . now if such an opinion as this possess a man , it will prove impossible that ever he should live holily . for if natural corruption have not infeebled us sufficiently , this cowardly conceit will be sure to do it effectually . for no man ( in this case especially ) is ever better than his design , nor rises higher than his aim or projection ( no more than water rises above its fountain ) nay , it is a thousand to one , but he that sets his mark low , will fall yet lower in his prosecution ; and he that is cowed and dejected in his own mind , so as to think he shall never overcome the difficulties before him , most certainly never will or can do it . he only is like to prove a good christian , that resolves with the true-hearted israelites to despise difficulty and danger , and to conquer the good land , whatsoever it cost him ; for such a man unites his strength , collects his forces , and disheartens his enemies as well as defies their opposition ; but the despondent cowardly person , both infeebles himself and incourages his enemies ; so that he can neither attempt , nor much less effect , any brave thing . and the same conceit of impossibility will as certainly render our spirits uncomfortable as remiss ; because after all the pretence a man can make for his cowardice and remissness , he cannot but observe the strain of the whole scripture to be against him ; and surely that man cannot enjoy himself very well under those attainments , which god and his own conscience condemn as mean and unworthy . but after all , the ground of this opinion is as false as it is mischievous ; for in the first place , the holy scripture assures us of some persons , and particularly of zachary and elizabeth , luk. 1. 6. that they walked in all the commandments of the lord blameless , and were both righteous before god , and yet they were the children of the same adam , and exposed to all the temptations , ill examples , and difficulties with other men . besides , the aforesaid opinion , under a pretence of modesty , and an humble acknowledgment of humane weakness , reflects very dishonourably both upon the wisdom and goodness of god , when it imputes to the great law-giver of the world , such over-sight and severity , as to prescribe such laws as were not fitted to the capacities of those that were to be subject to them , and to be judged by them ; unto which adde , that it puts an intolerable slight upon the power of faith , and ( which is more ) upon the very grace of god also , as if neither of them could carry us through all the difficulties we should be exposed to . upon all which considerations ( and several such other which need not here be mentioned ) this opinion of the impossibility of religion appears to be very bad , and such as ought by all means to be avoided by him that would lead an holy and comfortable life . 7. and yet there is another opinion , which is both as common and as dangerous as any of the former ; against which therefore i will give caution in the seventh and last place , viz. when though perhaps religion shall not be universally pronounced to be impossible , yet it shall be thought to be only the peculiar business , or especially to belong to some certain sorts or conditions of men , but not to be the general calling , the necessary and indispensable duty of all men . under this pretence , serious and constant devotion is looked upon as appropriate to the cloyster , where men live retired from the world , and are thought to have nothing else to do ; or to be the imployment of churchmen , whose peculiar profession it is ; or for old and bed-ridden persons , who are fit for nothing else , but a prayer-book ; or at least for men fallen into adversity , who have no other thing to retire to , and to suppor themselves withal , but the contemplations of another world. but for men of callings and business , or for those that are in the flower of youth , and warmth of blood , in health and prosperity , these are thought to have allowances due to them , at least for the present , and the more solemn consideration of religion must be adjourned to another time . if in the mean while such as these go to church , and perhaps now and then say their prayers , it is as much as is to be expected ; for their business is pretended to be too great , or their temptations and avocations too many , or at least their spirits are too light and brisk to permit them to be strictly devotional , or to make religion their business . thus men make vain apologies , but doth god almighty allow of them , hath he made any such exceptions or distinctions ? no certainly , he hath made religion every mans duty , and hath charged us first to seek the kingdom of god and his righteousness ; he hath equally imposed this task upon prince and peasant , clergy and laity , rich and poor , master and servant , young and old , the afflicted and the prosperous , the man of business as well as those of leisure and retirement . he that hath an absolute soveraignty over the world , that hath right to our homage and attendance , that hath laid infinite obligations upon us to love and obey him ; he that hath considered and forecast all our circumstances , businesses , difficulties , temptations and excuses ; he that observes our carriage and behaviour towards himself , he that cannot be deceived , will not be mocked , and is no accepter of persons : he , i say , hath made no such exceptions or exemptions in this great concern of religion ; and therefore they cannot be mentioned without great unreasonableness , nor relied upon without horrible danger . if indeed eternity were the peculiar concern of a certain sort and condition of men only ; or if old men only died , and none else ; or if rich men can be contented that only poor men shall go to heaven , then the other sorts of men may excuse themselves from devotion : but otherwise it is the greatest absurdity that can be to hope for the end without the means . what though old men must dy , yet will not young men quickly come to be , old men too , at least if they do not die first ? and what if men of retired lives have more leisure for devotion , and more time to spend in it , yet is any man so hard put to it , but that he may ( if he will ) spare some time for his soul and eternity ? what if it be acknowledged that churchmen have peculiar obligations upon them to recommend religion to others , yet it is certain , that the necessity of practising it , is common to others with themselves ; forasmuch as there is no duty of it peculiar to them , unless it be to be exemplary in all . it is true , poor men , and men in adversity , are justly accusable of intolerable sottishness , if they who are frown'd upon by the world , do not seek to repair their unhappiness by the favour of god and the hopes of another world. but it is as true , that rich men and those in prosperity , are as justly to be upbraided with disingenuity , and base ingratitude , if they be not devout towards him that hath dealt so bountifully with them . besides all this , there is no calling or condition of men , but under it they may ( if they have a heart to it ) very affectionately attend upon religion , consistently enough with all other lawful business or occasions . almighty wisdom hath not so ill contrived the state of this world , that there should be any necessity that business should supplant religion , or religion intrench upon business ; nor if things be rightly considered , are these two kind of affairs so contrary , or doth devotion take up so much time , or so much exhaust mens spirits , but with a good zeal and a little forecast , both may be carried on together . or if it were otherwise , and that the care of our souls would indeed weary our bodies , or the securing of heaven would disorder , and a little incommode our secular interests ; yet neither is life so certain , nor the present world so considerable , nor heaven so mean and contemptible an interest , as that a man should not be willing to put himself to some trouble for the latter as well as for the former . and as there wants not reason for this course , so neither are examples wanting in this kind , where men that might have made such excuses , as aforesaid ( as justly as any persons whatsoever ) have notwithstanding quitted and disdained them all , and applied themselves remarkably to the service of god and devotion . for if riches , and the variety of worldly cares and business which usually attend them , were a just excuse from attendance upon religion , then job might have claimed exemption , who was the richest man in all the east , and yet the devoutest too . his thousands of sheep , and oxen , and camels , his abundance of servants , his numerous family , and the care of all these , did not tempt him to the intermission of one dayes devotion . if either the temptations and pleasures of youth , or the voluptuousness of a court , or the multitude of examples of prophaneness , or the cares of a prime minister of state , or the jealousies of a favourite , could all together have amounted to a just dispensation from the strictness of religion : then daniel who was in all those circumstances might have pleaded it , and upon that account might have retrencht his conscience , and intermitted his praying three times a day , especially when he knew his enemies , watcht advantage against him in this particular . if the general licence of souldiers , the temptations such men are exposed to , the necessities they often are prest with , or the sudden avocations they must be subject to , could make a tolerable apology for profaneness , or an excuse for irreligion , then cornelius , acts 10. had been excused from praying to god continually , and serving the lord with all his house . nay , lastly , if either the state and grandeur , or the prerogative of a soveraign prince , if the impunity of a king , or the glory and affluence of a kingdom ; nay , if either interest of state , or weight of affairs , the cares and policies of government , had been all together sufficient to make a dispensation from the strict obligations of religion , then david might have pretended to it , in abatement of his duty to god , and of his constant and ardent devotions . but all these holy men considered , that god was a great majesty , not to be trifled with , and an impartial judge , without respect of persons , that eternity was of more consequence than the present life , and heaven better than this world ; and they were so far from thinking an eternal interest to be inconsistent with the management of temporal affairs , that contrarywise they believed there was no such effectual way to succeed in the latter as by a diligent prosecution of the former . but as for those who being convinced of the absolute necessity of religion , and of the inexcusableness of a total and final omission of it , would notwithstanding make it to be only the business of old age , or a sickbed ; these ( although by the folly and sloth of men , they have too many followers in their opinion , yet certainly ) are the most absurd and inexcusable of all . forasmuch as in order to the making such an hypothesis passable with their own consciences , they must not only suppose several very uncertain things , which no wise man can have the confidence or rather madness to presume upon ; but the very supposition it self implies divers other things so base and disingenuous , as no good man can be guilty of . first , they make very bold and desperate suppositions , as for example , that they shall live to old age , and die by a leisurely and lingring sickness . that god will then accept of mens return and repentance ( who never stopt in their carriere of sin and the world , till death arrested them . ) that god will give them repentance what time they prefix to him , or that they can repent when they will. that they shall be fit for the most weighty affairs when they are at the last gasp , and the most important of all business can be transacted when their strength and spirits are exhausted . and to say no more , that it is fit and tolerable for a man to leave that to be last discharged , which if any accident prevent him in , he is everlastingly ruined . all these things must be taken for granted by him that shall venture to put off the business of his soul to the last act of his life , every one of which are at the best uncertain , and for the most part false , and therefore to build upon them is extream presumption . secondly , if the foundation of such a course were not rotten and unsafe , yet that which is built upon it is base and dis-ingenuous ; for the man who upon any considerations whatsoever can content himself to put off the things wherein gods honour and his souls welfare are concerned to the very last , proclaims he hath an unreasonable love and admiration of this world , for the sake of which he postpones religion , and that he hath no real kindness for , or good opinion of the ways of god , in that he puts the care of that business as far off , as possibly he can ; and indeed that he would not mind god or his soul at all , if it were not for mere necessity and fear of damnation . now whether this then can be a reasonable course , or he be a candidate of the kingdom of heaven that governs himself by these measures , it is too easy to judge . wherefore let the man who hath entertained any principles of religion , and hath any value for his soul , and care of eternity , utterly abominate and avoid this last named , as well as all the forementioned prejudices or opinions . and having so done , let him then attend to the more positive and direct advices in the following chapter . chap. viii . directions for an effectual prosecution of religion . he that is resolved to be a christian in earnest , will find it necessary ( in the prosecution of his design ) to attend to the six following directions . 1. let such a man be sure always to keep himself strictly sober , by which i mean , not only that he avoid the extremity of a debauch , but that he indulge not himself so liberal an use of wine and strong drink , as that he shall come too near the confines of intemperance , especially in the general habit of his life ; or that he take care that through facility or carelesness he comply not with the too common practice in this particular . forasmuch as it is evident , that the approving a mans self to god , and the taking care of eternity , are such weighty and important affairs , that they must needs require the greatest composure of thoughts , and the utmost intention of our minds ; and can neither be worthily taken in hand , nor much less pursued as they ought , in such a light and jolly humour as the custom of tipling doth ordinarily put men into ; for that relaxes a mans thoughts , and fills his spirit with froth and levity ; it renders the mind of a man so airy and trifling , that he becomes transported with a jest , and diverted by every impertinence ; it banishes sollicitude , and puts him besides his guard of caution and circumspection ; a mans head in such a case is impatient of weighty considerations , incapable of grave deliberations ; his thoughts are fluctuating and uncertain , he comes to no stable resolution , nor can he make any constant progress ; and surely such a temper cannot make a fit soil for religion to take root in , or to thrive upon . besides , intemperance doth not only disturb the reason of the mind , but also weakens and depresses it , and exalts phancy in the room of it ; which fills a man with wild , loose , and incoherent ideas : and which is still worse , it raises the brutal passions also , both irascible and concupiscible , and thereby makes work for repentance and mortification ; which must needs become a very hard task to perform , when the same causes which have made it necessary , have therewithal impaired those powers that should accomplish it ; and therefore this course is utterly inconsistent with a design of religion . moreover , besides the evil of intemperance it self , it exposes a man to a thousand temptations , and puts him at the very mercy of the devil , forasmuch as he that is under the power of drink , is not only out of gods keeping , but out of his own also ; he hath quenched gods spirit whilest he inflamed his own , he hath deprived himself of gods providence by going out of his way , and he is not perfectly in possession of his own mind , and therefore surely is in a dangerous condition . to which adde , that whereas sobriety and watchfulness use always to be accounted inseparable companions ; it is apparent , that he who neglects the former , can never be able to maintain the latter ; and consequently the intemperate man cannot be fit for prayer and meditation , and other great exercises of piety . upon all which accounts our saviour s. luke 21. 34. charges those that will be his disciples to take heed to themselves , lest at any time their hearts be over-charged with surfeiting and drunkenness , &c. 2. in the second place , let the man who designs to prosecute religion effectually , take care of intemperance of mind , as well as of that of the body ; and with equal heed , avoid intoxication by wild opinions , as he would do a surfeit of meats and drinks . the prophet isaiah complains of the people of the jews , isai . 29. 9. that they were drunken but not with wine , they staggered but not with strong drink ; and the apostle exhorts men to be sober minded : so that it seems there is a kind of spiritual drunkenness , which disguises mens minds as much as the other brutal custom disorders their outward person . of this there are a great many instances , but two most remarkable , viz. opiniatre and scrupulosity : i mean by the former , when men have no setled judgment in religion , but allow themselves an endless inquisitiveness in matters of opinion , and are always hunting after novelty : by the other i understand a captious or squeamish humour of conscience , under which men perpetually vex both themselves and others with unreasonable fears and jealousies . as for the former of these , it is notoriously the humour of some men to be always doubting , disputing , and gazing after new light , as if all mankind had been imposed upon till now , and the old way were not the good way , but every new invention , or upstart notion contained some admirable mystery in it ; therefore they think it necessary to try all things before they can hold fast that which is best , and indeed surfeit on the forbidden fruit of the tree of knowledge of good and evil , as if it were the same with the tree of life . and if perhaps they fall not into any of those dangerous opinions which i gave caution against in the former chapter , yet it is by chance if they do not ; for they having no judgment of discern the difference of things , no ballast to poise and settle them , are driven up and down with every wind of doctrine ; they are of the opinion of the last book they read , or the last man they discoursed with , for always the newest and freshest opinion is the best ; and so ( as they say of the chameleon ) they take their colour from the next object . this temper is a mighty disparagement to divine truth , for it looks as if there were no certain way of satisfaction to the minds of men , but that they must always seek and never find , and endlesly dispute but could never come to a resolution : and it is so intolerable an impediment of the life and practice of religion , that it is many times more harmless to be setled in some bad opinions , than to be thus unsetled , and to dispute every thing . for besides that this course draws off the spirits of men , and spends their best heat upon unprofitable notions , and so takes them off from studying their own hearts , examining their consciences , and diligent attendance to their ways and actions ; it raises passion , nourishes pride , foments divisions , and in a word , turns christianity into vain janglings . whereas a truly sober christian is readier to believe than to dispute in divine things , and more careful to practise old rules than to devise new models ; he studies the scripture sincerely , not for objections but for resolution ; he lives up to what he knows , and prays god to direct him where he is uncertain ; and so is led by the divine grace in a plain path towards heaven . the novellist or great disputer contrariwise , being unresolved of his way , makes no hast in his journey , and cannot very earnestly practise any thing to day , because he cannot tell what opinion he shall be of to morrow . and then for the other instance of intemperance of mind , namely scrupulosity . when men have such headstrong and ungovernable , or such shy and squeamish consciences , that they boggle at every thing which doth not just fit their peculiar phancy and humour , though they can give no reasonable account of their jealousy or aversation , but only they dislike and are offended with such and such ( indifferent ) things , they know not why , their conscience takes check at them , and there is no more to be said in the case . now such as these can by no means be reputed sober men , who ( like as we say of drunkards ) see double , and consequently fear where no fear is , or who are terrified by their own idle phancies , their brains being clouded and darkened by the crude steams of riot and excess . this temper however in some cases it may be pitiable , is notwithstanding very mischievous , not only as it disturbs the peace of the church and of mankind , by rendering those who are under the power of it , busy and pragmatical , censorious and uncharitable towards all that are not just of their own mode and size , but ( which is far worse ) it misrepresents the divine majesty , as if he were a captious deity , who watched mens haltings , to take advantage against them , as having more mind to damn than to save them . by which means it discourages men from religion , as if it were the most anxious and uncomfortable thing in the world ; and consequently of all this , it extreamly hinders proficiency in virtue ; for he that is always jealous of his way , will often make halts , or have a very uncomfortable progress . on the other side , he that is likely to make a good christian , satisfies himself of the divine goodness and candour in interpreting the actions of his creatures , and being conscious of his own sincerity , in following closely the rule of the scripture , where it is plain , thinks himself at liberty where that is silent , and takes the direction of his spiritual guides where it is obscure , and then goes chearfully and vigorously on his way towards heaven . 3. next to regard of sobriety both of body and mind , let the man who designs the other world , take heed that the present world grow not too much upon him , and distract or over-burden him in his journey towards heaven : and the diligence and circumspection in this point ought to be the greater , in regard this world is placed near us , and therefore is apt to seem great to our sight , and the other ( though incomparably greater ) being at a distance from us , is apt to seem little and contemptible . besides , it is the chief aim of the devil to make the present world seem much more beautiful and valuable than it is , that by its blandishments he may soften us , by its allurements debauch us , or at least by the care and concerns of it distract us and take off our edge to better things . it is certain also , that he whose affections are eagerly ingaged upon secular interests , can never be ingenuous and free enough to have a right understanding of the true and real difference of things , nor conscientious enough to stand by that truth which he understands ; for he can never be steady in any principles , but must turn with every tide , and sail with every wind , as it shall make for his purpose : besides , it is plain , that our souls are too narrow to hold much of this world , and yet to afford room for any great share of heaven together with it . therefore our saviour hath said , ye cannot serve god and mammon , and accordingly in his first sermon on the mount , matt. 6. 24 , 25 , 26. to the intent that his doctrine of the kingdom of heaven might take place in the hearts of his disciples and hearers , he very emphatically and largely cautions them against admiration of the world , and too eager pursuit of it . and in the aforementioned passage , luk. 21. v. 34. to his admonition against over-charging themselves with surfeiting and drunkenness , he subjoins the cares of this life , intimating , that those two kinds of vices ( as opposite as they may seem to each other ) agree in their malignant influence upon religion : neither indeed are they so contrary in their natures as they seem to be ; for as drunkenness is nothing but a liquid covetousness , so on the other side , covetousness is a kind of dry thirst or drunken insatiable humour ; and it is so much the more dangerous and incurable than the other , as it is the less infamous , merely because it doth not presently discover it self by such odd and ridiculous symptomes as the other doth . to avoid this therefore , let the man we speak of , consider constantly with himself the shortness and uncertainty of the present life , by which he will easily be apprehensive of how much more consequence it is to provide for eternity , than for that little abode we are to make in that state wherein the things of this world are of any use to us . let him also observe the success of things , and he will easily conclude , that much more of our prosperity is owing to the providence of god , than to our own forecast and indeavours ; and consequently , that it is a better provision for our children and posterity , to leave them under the blessing of god , than in great possessions . and in consequence of these perswasions , he will not be tempted to grasp too much business , so as to hinder him in devotion , but will rather consider his own strength , viz. how much care and labour he can undergo , without depression of his spirit , or debasing his mind ; and will weigh the dangers and temptations of the world against the pleasures and all urements of riches . this will also incline him prudently to methodize his affairs , and to put that business which seems necessary , into the best order , that so it may take its due place in subordination to his greater concerns , and not supplant or interfere with them . to which purpose also , if he have any considerable matters to dispose of , he will think it convenient to set his house in order as well as his business , and have always his will made , not only , that thereby he may be the more effectually admonished of his mortality , and be provided against the surprizal of death , but that in the mean time he may have the less sollicitude upon his spirit , and may the more singly and undistractedly apply himself to his main business . and then 4. in the fourth place let him attend to the counsel of jesus the son of syrach , ecclus. 2. 1. my son , if thou come to serve the lord , prepare thy soul for temptation , that is , as if he had said , whensoever thou undertakest a course of religion , be not so fond as to imagine thou shalt be able to accomplish it without sweat and difficulty , or so secure as to think of obtaining the crown without a conflict , but expect to meet with temptations of several kinds , and arm thy self accordingly ; especially in thy first entrance on such a course , thou must look for the sharpest encounters , for thy enemies are not so soon vanquisht as defied , nor are they either so fair and civil as to give thee scope to harden and fortify thy self in thy enterprize , or so imprudent as to slip the opportunity of thy weakness and security together . beginnings in all such cases are attended with the greatest hazards and difficulties . the devil rages most at first , out of indignation to suffer the prey to be taken out of his mouth , whereas when he is past hopes of recovering it , he hath more wit than to labour in vain , and will not so much trouble himself to tempt when he sees no likelihood of success , but he is more resolute than quickly to despair or give over his siege upon the first denial of his summons . no he will storm and batter thee night and day , and cast in all his bombs and fiery darts to affright and compel thee to a surrender . and for the flesh it is certain , that the first checks which are given to sensual inclinations , are harshest , and go most against the grain , because they have used to take their full scope and swinge ; indeed when a man hath accustomed them to denial in their importunities , they by degrees and in time grow tame , and submit to the yoke of reason , as fire is extinguish'd by being supprest , or as a violent torrent that is turned into a new chanel , and restrained its antient course , at first rages , and foams and swells against those new banks , though at length it ceases its tumult , and runs along quietly within its boundaries . it is not one overthrow will dishearten the old man , he must be baffled and vanquisht over and over before he will cease to rebel , nor must you think to find virtue easy till you have accustomed your self to it ; for nothing but custom can intirely subdue custom , wherefore ( till that is introduced ) you must never be secure but always upon your guard . and then as for the world , the first rejection of that out of a mans heart is performed with as great difficulty as any of the former ; when a man hath once cast over-board that luggage which otherwise was likely to have sunk him , it 's possible he may be glad of the exchange , and despise what before he admired ; but it is a great matter to be convinced of the necessity of unburdening the vessel , and a long dispute before men are willing to lose any thing for heaven . it requires a great sagacity to see the empty pageantry of the world , so as to slight fame , applause , riches , ease and pleasure ; a hard piece of self-denial to abridge himself of the liberty other men take ; a great mastery of a mans self to be deaf to all the charms , and insensible of all the caresses of the world , and in a word , to keep a mans eyes and thoughts steadily fixed upon another life . therefore there is great reason that a man should count upon difficulty in the undertaking of religion , lest when it comes upon him unforeseen , he turn recreant , and come off with shame and loss . besides all this there is something more which ( i apprehend ) the wise man intended in the aforesaid advice , namely , that he that resolves to be a virtuous man , must fortify his mind , as well against the perswasions , examples , and discouragements of his less considerate friends and acquaintance , as against the bitter scoffs and reproaches of his enemies , that neither the insensible insinuations of the one dissolve him into lukewarmness and remissness , nor the rough attacks of the other sink his spirits , and shake his resolution . opposition from each of these he must expect to meet with : from the former , out of folly , or else in their own defence , that such a man's zeal may not reproach their negligence ; from the other , out of malice and as assailants , that they may reak their spight upon god and his holy ways ; and therefore he ought to be provided for both . against the soft insinuations of injudicious persons , he must be provided , by being girt about with truth , and have on the breastplate of righteousness , as the apostle advises , eph. 6. 14. that is , he must establish his heart in an undoubted belief of the truth on his side , by considering the authority of god , the example of our saviour , and other holy men , and hence be able to render a reason of the hope that is in him with meekness and fear ; and if this do not ease him of their fond importunities , he must then put on some degree of morosity , and resolve with david , 2 sam. 6. 22. that if this be to be vile , he will yet be more vile . against the rude treatments of lewd and malicious men , he must as the same apostle advises , eph. 6. 16 , 17. take the shield of faith , whereby he shall repel all the fiery darts of the wicked , and for an helmet the hope of salvation ; and in contemplation of the objects of both those , he will be able generously to contemn all obloquy and reproach , as disdaining to be hectored out of salvation . in a word , for altogether he must always remember , that self-denial is the first lesson of christianity , and that he that hath not so learnt it , as to take up his cross and follow christ , cannot be his disciple . 5. in the fifth place , let the candidate of the kingdom of heaven take care that he do not precipitate himself into temptation ; for as on the one side we ought to behave our selves stoutly and bravely , when it pleases god to lay it upon us , so on the other side , ought we to be as cautious and timorous of drawing it upon our selves ; the first of which is seldom separate from the last ; for he that knows how to encounter a danger , will not ordinarily thrust himself into it ; and usually those who are so stupid and fool-hardy , as to run themselves into difficulties , shew as little courage and conduct in conflicting with them , as they did discretion in the adventure upon them ; and no wonder , seeing in such a case they put themselves out of gods protection , trusting to themselves , and then they cannot in reason expect other than to be deserted by his grace in such unwarrantalbe enterprizes . let the piously disposed man therefore not be so fond as to try experiments upon himself , lest he buy his knowledge of his own weakness at the cost of too great an hazard . let him not go too near sin , in confidence that he can divide by an hair , and come off clever enough . for instance , let him not nibble at an oath , nor mince the matter of profaneness , nor drink to the highest pitch of sobriety , nor go to the utmost extremity of justice in his dealings ; for he knows not the deceitfulness of his own heart , nor considers the slippery ground he stands upon , that will thus venture to the very brink of his liberty . nor let him provoke enemies to himself by intemperate zeal , as if a good man should not meet with opposition enough without his own procuring , nor the world had malice enough unless he inflamed and exasperated it ; especially , let him not thrust himself into lewd company , in confidence of his own integrity and stability : for he hath no sufficient apprehension of the power and malice of the devil , who by any of the aforesaid imprudences tempts him to tempt himself ; nay , nor doth he seem to hate and abominate sin so absolutely as he ought to do , that loves the vicinage and neighbourhood of it . what the wise man therefore advises , prov. 5. 8. concerning the whorish woman , is very applicable to this case , remove thy way far from her , and come not near the door of her house ; and so also he saith of flagitious men , chap. 4. 14 , 15. enter not into the path of the wicked , and go not in the way of evil men , avoid it , pass not by it , turn from it , and pass away ; for he that goes ordinarily to the brink of a precipice , is in great danger sometime or other to fall in , and he that nibbles at the bait , will one time or other be taken with the hook . 6. sixthly and lastly , as a discreet man , and concerned for eternal life , ought not to be over-daring and confident in his approaches towards sin and danger , so neither ought he on the other hand to be timorous and strait-laced in things eminently and unquestionably good ; whether it be in instances of devotion towards god , or of self-denial and mortification of himself , or in acts of charity towards others ; for in all these , there is such a scope and latitude , as that a brave and noble spirit of christianity , may and will distinguish it self from a narrow and stingy temper in the discharge of them . for example , such a man as we speak of , neither will nor ought to confine his devotions to such strict and precise measures , as that he that falls short of them will be guilty of an omission of his duty ; but will contrarywise find in his heart to spend something more than ordinary of his time in prayers and meditation , and such other acts of immediate worship . he will not stick to apply somewhat more than the just tenth or tythe of his increase , to the incouragement of religion ; nor will he grudge to deny himself , upon weighty occasions , some of that pleasure which at other times he can allow himself without sin : or if occasion be , he will give alms , not only out of the superfluity of his estate , but to the utmost of his ability , perhaps beyond his convenience ; for these things though ( generally considered ) they are not matters of express duty , yet do they not cease to be good , merely because they are not commanded , so long as the species and kind of them is commanded ; and besides , such extraordinary expressions of obedience to a general command , are very fit to demonstrate our love to god , our gratitude for his unspeakable bounty towards us , and our value of the kingdom of heaven , seeing that by such instances especially , we shew , that we love the lord our god with all our heart , and soul , and strength ; and that we think nothing too dear for the assuring our selves of eternal life . and though it would not be expresly a sin to omit any one of the instances of the several kinds aforesaid , yet it must be a palpable argument of a narrow heart towards god , to yield no such instances at all , and cannot but proceed from very culpable superstition to be afraid of so doing ; nay more , for a man to be barren of such fruits , and careless of such performances , is a great point of folly and imprudence towards our selves , in respect of the comfort which our hearts might receive by such generosity ; for although by no after act of ours ( how excellent soever ) it be possible for us , to make any proper amends to the divine majesty , for our former offences and omissions , yet by such expressions as these ( we speak of ) we shew our selves sensible of those miscarriages , and that we are under remorse for them , and we give proof , that we truly love god , though we have offended him , and desire to obtain his favour by the most costly oblations . upon all which accounts it seems very adviseable , that he who sets his face towards heaven , should indeavour to open and inlarge his heart this way , and not suffer himself to be cramped and contracted by any odd opinions to the contrary . whereas therefore some men seem to fansie a frugal way of religion , and accordingly inquire for the minimum quod sic ( as we say ) or the lowest degree of saving grace , as if heaven and hell were divided by an hair , and they would be at the trouble of no more piety than would just carry them out of danger ; they are to be admonished that they seek after impossibilities and contradictions ; for it is in truth as if they should say , they would have fire without heat , religion without devotion , piety without affection , holiness without zeal , or that they desire to fear god , but have no inclination to love him . to speak plainly , the lowest degree of goodness is never sought after but in an ill temper of mind , and by a cowardly and hypocritical heart , nor can it be found with comfort ; for the essence of grace is no more discoverable without the fruits , than a body without its accidents ; and therefore there are but two ways of obtaining true comfort in our souls , viz. either by our daily proficiency , or by our extraordinary fervency . first , by daily proficiency we discover the life of grace in our hearts , as we discern a plant to be alive because we see it grows . secondly , by extraordinary fervency , as when perhaps a man hath not had time to give proof of himself by a long course of growing daily better and better , he may yet demonstrate a vital principle of good in his soul , by such generous efforts of zeal as we have been speaking of ; in consideration of which , it is therefore not only sordid and ingrateful towards god , but very uncomfortable to our selves to inquire for the mere essence of grace , and to stand upon strict and precise terms of duty . but perhaps these men think a pretence of modesty will countenance them against any imputation of cowardize or hypocrisy , for they will say they are contented with the lowest seat in heaven , and so they may arrive at that state , they are ambitious of no more . silly men ! as if it were a culpable ambition to indeavour to be very good ! as if supreme happiness could be modestly or remisly desired ! or that he either understood or truly desir'd heaven , who would modestly complement , others to enter before him ! no , no ; the chiefest good is desirable for it self , and the natural manner of desiring it , is to do it without measure and bounds , and it is impossible it should be otherwise ; he therefore that hath these modest desires of heaven , is either a stark hypocrite , or hath no true notion of that state at all . besides , if it were or could be possible for a man to be modest and good in this sense , i mean to love heaven but moderately , and yet to comethere , notwithstanding it could not be without great folly and danger , for a man to set himself too low a mark in so high a concern ; for ( as i observed before ) we see it is almost constant with men to shoot below their aim , and nothing more ordinary than for their practice to fall short of their speculations ; and therefore every man that would not miscarry in his design , takes care to direct himself high enough ; accordingly in this great affair of religion , he that yields to such a faint-hearted temper , under the notion of modesty , will not only never be very good , but scarcely ever be tolerable or good at all ; for if his projections be mean , his performances will be worse , in regard the deceitfulness of his own heart , the reluctancy of the flesh , and the temptations of the devil , will be sure to get some ground upon him ; and when abatements are made for all such disadvantages , what a pittiful dwarfish sanctity will this over modesty arrive to at last ? but yet after all this , some perhaps will be found so silly as to think , or so disingenuous as to pretend to a suspicion , at least , that such extraordinary works as we have been now recommending , may savour of merit or supererogation ; very likely , if any man could be so absurd as to attribute any such thing to them ; but surely he that takes his measures of things from the holy scripture , will be in little danger of such a gross mistake , especially whilest we are expresly told by our saviour , that when we have done all that we can , we are still but unprofitable servants ; for can a mortal man oblige his maker ? can infinite perfection become a debtor to dust and ashes ? but forasmuch as god requires and deserves that we should love him with all our soul , and heart , and strength ; it is impossible we should love him too much , but great danger we should love him too little : it cannot therefore choose but be the wisest and safest course to incline to the side of god almighty , and to favour his interest against the sensuality , deadness and deceitfulness of our own hearts . o but ( may some man say ) will it not at least be will-worship to affect uncommanded instances of love to god and zeal of his glory ? i answer , it is possible that such a thing may be , if these things be done with neglect of those expressions of love and zeal which god hath particularly appointed ; for this looks as if a man pretended to be wiser than god himself , and so would undertake to choose for him , what he should be pleased with . but now , if neither his appointments in special be superseded by these voluntary performances , nor these voluntary performances be unagreeable to those standing and general rules he hath given us , there can be no danger that divine goodness should ill interpret them , especially since there can be no imaginable reason why he that was pleased with a free-will-offering under the law , should be offended with the like under the gospel ; where above all things he requires a free , chearful , generous and reasonable service . wherefore let the man who really believes there will be rewards of well-doing in another world , and is resolved to obtain them , be always ready to every good work , and chearfully imbrace the opportunity wherein he may perform a costly or a difficult service ; and let him take care that no tradition of men , nor superstitious conceit of his own head , neither the example of other mens careless lives , nor the too natural remissness of his own heart , prevail upon him to neglect such instances , whereby the glory of god may be most advanced , and his own comfort assured . part ii. the practice of holy and comfortable living . jer. 6. 16. thus saith the lord , stand ye in the ways , and see , and ask for the old paths , where is the good way , and walk therein , and ye shall find rest for your souls . the practice of holy and comfortable living . chap. i. of secret devotion , between god and a man 's own soul , and particularly of prayer . hitherto in the former part of this little book , we principally designed these four things , first , to discover the foundations of religion in general , and from thence to demonstrate the reality , importance and necessity of it . secondly , to settle mens judgments and determine them in the choice of their profession of religion in particular . thirdly , to give caution against certain common but dangerous mistakes , which might otherwise undermine and disappoint the ends and purposes of religion . fourthly and lastly , to lay down some general directions necessary to be premised in order to the effectual prosecution of a religious design , and all this we comprized under the title of an introduction . but now we come to build upon those foundations , and more particularly and plainly to draw out the lines of an holy and comfortable life . here therefore it may seem expedient that we should in the first place consider the extent and whole compass of religion , to the intent that it may not be taken for such a narrow and stingy thing as the generality of men represent it , namely to shew , that it is not a mere scuffle about opinion , nor a canting with peculiar phrases , neither a clubbing into a distinct party under the notion of a church or select society , nor yet the formal acting of a part with the observance of abundance of nice rites , ceremonies and punctilio's ; that it is not a thing which looks beautifully , and promises fairly in publick , but is forgotten or laid aside at home , nor is it immured in a closet , and never sufferd to take the air in conversation ; to say no more , that it is not mere morality , nor mere devotion , but both these in conjunction , together with all that is brave and noble , and wise and good ; all that can better the minds and tempers , and lives of men , and all that can improve the state of the world ; all this is within the verge of religion , especially the christian religion . for so the apostle intimates , phil. 4. 8. finally brethren , whatsoever things are true , whatsoever things are honest , ( or grave ) , whatsoever things are just , whatsoever things are pure , whatsoever things are lovely ( or friendly ) , whatsoever things are of good report , if there be any virtue , and if there be any praise , think of these things , i. e. count them branches of christianity , for true religion is nothing less , nothing , i mean of no narrower extent than a wise and worthy conduct and manage of a mans self in all those relations we stand in , namely towards god , our neighbour , and our selves . this i take to be the true notion and the just province of religion , but i can neither think it possible to handle all the parts of so vast a subject in this short treatise , nor indeed do i apprehend the discoursing of them all to be equally necessary to those for whose use i principally intend these papers . therefore omitting ( but not excluding ) all other branches of religion , i will here only speak of these three things . first , of secret devotion , or those acts of piety which are transacted only between almighty god and a mans own soul. secondly , of private piety , or the exercises of religion in every particular family . thirdly , of the more publick acts of religion , and concerning a mans governing himself so as to consult the honour and service of god in the parish wherein he lives . i begin with the first , viz. of secret or closet devotion . that this is an essential branch of true religion , and a necessary and universal duty , appears by the command of our saviour , mat. 6. 6. when thou prayest , enter into thy closet , and when thou hast shut the door , pray to thy father who is in secret , &c. in which words it is not our saviours meaning to forbid or put a slight upon all but closet devotion ; for he himself frequently prayed publickly and taught his disciples so to do ; nor though he speak of a closet , doth he intend to confine this duty to the strict formalities of a closet , but that it may be done in the fields , or in any recess or place of secrecy whatsoever , as he himself practised ; nor lastly , though he use the word prayer only , doth he make that strictly taken to be the whole office of secret piety ; for it is usual in the scripture , and in common speech also , to express all the acts of immediate worship by the name of prayer , whether they be praises , or adorations , or confessions , or thanksgiving , or meditation or self-examination ; all therefore which our saviour here intended , was to represent the necessity of secret devotion as well as publick , and to press that upon his disciples which the hypocrisy and ostentation of the pharisees had laid aside , because in truth they sought not gods glory but their own . and this is further recommended to us by the universal practice of all good men in all ages and countries of the world , and of whatsoever opinion or perswasion otherwise . there have perhaps been those who under some pretence or other have neglected family worship , and those also who have been abased by some scruples into an omission of publick worship ; but i verily think that none but flat atheists , or gross hypocrites ( which are much the same thing ) could ever dispense with themselves in the common and habitual neglect of secret worship ; for a man cannot believe there is a god , or much less have any worthy apprehensions of him , but it naturally puts him upon some act or other of adoration towards him . acts of publick worship are to the soul as exercise is to the body , it may live and subsist , though not long and healthfully without it ; but secret devotion is like the motion of the heart and lungs , without which a man is presently choaked up and destroy'd ; if his heart do not move towards god , and as it were by circulation return in praises , all those benefits which it continually receives from him , it is stifled by repletion ; and if by prayer he do not breathe out his griefs , and as it were ventilate his spirits , he is strangled by his own melancholy : for the publick performance of religious offices cannot make a supply in these cases , because every man hath his secret sins to confess to god , which it is ordinarily unsafe to make other men privy to , and his peculiar infirmities and temptations , his griefs and burdens , which it is in vain to lay open to men , seeing only god can relieve them ; and every man hath received sundry personal mercies and savours from the hands of god , in answer of his prayers , which require a personal acknowledgment to the divine goodness . and the opening of a mans heart in any of these cases is commonly attended with such affections and passionate expressions , as would be indecent to the eyes of men , though they are very becoming towards god , in respect of which last thing , we find , 1 sam. 1. 13. hannah was thought to be drunk , by the holy and wise man eli the priest , when yet , as the truth appear'd afterwards , he saw in her only the devout symptoms of a sorrowful spirit . besides , these acts of secret worship are very necessary in order to publick worship , both as they dispose and fit a mans heart for it before he enters upon it , by composing the thoughts and raising the affections ; and as they make application of it afterwards , pressing home upon the conscience , the instructions there received , and improving and confirming into a stable resolution , those good affections and inclinations which were stirred up by it ; insomuch , that that man will either have no mind to gods publick service , or no suitable temper in it , or be little the better after it , that hath not first fitted and prepared his heart for it by secret devotion . and herein lies the true reason , as well of the lamentable unprofitableness as of the common irreverence of publick performances ; because men rush into gods house without the due preface of secret preparation , and they turn their backs upon god when they depart from the church , never attending to , or improving those good motions which the spirit of god had kindled in them . moreover , these devout offices of religion , though they are by no means to supplant and supersede the publick ( as we have intimated already , and shall demonstrate at large by and by ) yet in some respects they are more acceptable to god than the other ; forasmuch as they are founded upon an acknowledgment of his omniscience , and demonstrate the great and intimate sense we have of the divine majesty , and consequently of this they give the greatest assurance to our own hearts , of our sincerity , and so are the most comfortable : for publick devotion may possibly have a great alloy of secular interest , and may owe it self in a great measure to the authority of laws , or to publick fame and reputation ; but he that worships god in secret , where and when no eye is privy but only that of god almighty , is secure to himself , that he can have no mean or sinister end in so doing , nothing can move him to this but the mere reverence of god , and therefore our saviour in the forementioned passage , mat. 6. 6. lays an emphasis upon those words , thy father which is in secret , and adds this incouragement of such addresses to god , thy father which seeth in secret will reward thee openly . upon all which considerations let the man who either values gods glory , or his own improvement , peace and comfort , or indeed who makes any pretence to religion , strictly make conscience of , and constantly practise secret devotion . the nature , extent , manner , instances and circumstances whereof , i am now further to explain in the following particulars . 1. and i begin with that which is so universally acknowledged , and so principal a part of divine worship , that ( as i noted before ) it is ordinarily put for the whole , i mean prayer to god , touching the secret exercise whereof , let the good christian take these following directions . first , let him not fail night and morning ( at least ) solemnly and devoutly to pray to god : divers holy men we read of , who according to the greatness of their zeal , or urgency of the occasion for it , have prescribed to themselves stricter measures than this ; particularly , david saith he would worship god seven times in a day , and daniels custom was to do it three times a day , dan. 6. 10. as seems also to have been that of the primitive christians ; but less than twice a day i cannot find to agree with the practice of any good men , unless either sickness disabled them , or some very extraordinary occasion diverted them : and it is wondrously fit and decorous , that we , who owe our whole time to god , should pay him the tribute of devoting those critical periods of it ( i mean evening and morning ) to him , especially in consideration of the peculiar circumstances these two points of time are attended with , namely in the evening , having finished the course of that day , and reflecting upon our infirmities in it , we cannot but observe by how many failings we have justly incurred gods displeasure , if he should severely animadvert upon us ; and therefore have great cause to deprecate his anger , and to make our peace with him : and we must needs also be sensible both how many dangers we have escaped , by his providence , and how many instances of blessing we have received from his goodness , and therefore have reason to praise and magnify his name ; nd especially being then also to betake our selves to sleep , when above all times we are out of our own keeping , and are exposed to a thousand dangers from thieves , from malicious men , from violent elements of wind , fire and water , from the enterprizes of evil spirits , and frightful dreams , and our own foolish imaginations , in which and sundry other respects , no man knows what a night may bring forth , and in consideration of which , he is a stupidly secure , and fool-hardy person , that doth not think it highly to be his interest , by peculiar addresses , to recommend himself and all his concerns to the watchful eye of providence , which neither slumbers nor sleeps . and in the morning , having not only by the guard of holy angels been preserved from all those dangers which might have surprized us in the dark , and when our senses were so lockt up that we could not help our selves , but refreshed and recruited in all our powers by that admirable divine opiate , sleep ; nothing less can become us than to consecrate anew all these restored powers to our creator and preserver , by hearty adorations . besides this , we are then sensible that we are now entring upon a new scene of business , where we shall be exposed to innumerable accidents , dangers , difficulties , and temptations , none of which we are match for without divine assistance , and have therefore need to implore his grace and good providence before we encounter them , so that it is not timidity or superstitious fear , but just wisdom not to dare either to go to bed , or to set our foot out of doors , till we have recommended our selves to almighty god by prayer . and by so doing ( as aforesaid ) we maintain the juge sacrificium , and ( in gods gracious interpretation are said to ) pray continually , and to consecrate our whole time to him ; and besides , we keep up a lively and constant sense of him upon our hearts . secondly , let him be sure that these duties be done fervently as well as constantly and frequently , not formally and customarily , without life and feeling of what a man is about , or with wandring thoughts and distracted affections , but with the greatest vigour and intention of mind that is possible ; for if a mans heart be flat and remiss in these special approaches to god , he will be sure to be much worse , and even loose and atheistical upon other occasions ; for these secret duties are the special instruments and exercises of raising our hearts towards heaven , and as it were the nicking up of our watch to that cue in which we would have it go . in the more publick offices of religion the credit and reputation of it is principally concerned , and therefore they ought to be performed with all gravity and solemnity , but the very life and soul of piety lies in these secret duties , and therefore they ought to be discharged with the quickest sense and most inflamed affections ; insomuch that a man must not think he hath acquitted himself when he hath repeated such , or so many prayers , until he find also his heart warmed , and his temper of mind raised and improved by them ; to this purpose therefore , let him in the entrance upon these retirements place himself under the eye of god , and be apprehensive of the immediate presence of the divine majesty , that this may give check to all levity of spirit and wandering of thoughts , and make him grave and reverential ; let him also all along be sensible of the great value and necessity of those things which he either begs of god , or returns thanks for ; that this may render him ardent in his desires , and affectionate in his praises , and whilest he perseveres in these duties , let him join with them , reading and meditation , not only to fix his mind , but to prevent barrenness , and to impreganate and inrich his souls with divine notions and affections . to this end , thirdly , let him take care that he tempt not himself to flatness by an affected length of these holy duties ; for though it be a sign of an indevout temper to be too compendious and concise in them , as if we grudged the time spent in gods service ; and although it be also irreverent towards god to be so short and abrupt , as if we briefly dictated to him what we would have done ; yet it is to be guilty of the same fault , to be impertinently tedious with him , as if he could not understand us without many words , or would be wrought upon by tedious importunity . besides all this , it is to be considered , that often , when the spirit is willing , the flesh is weak , and that our bodies cannot always correspond with our minds : now in such a case to affect the prolonging of our devotions , is to lose in the intention what we get in the extension of them ; for it will be sure either to make us go unwillingly to our duty , or to perform it very superficially ; in either of which circumstances it is not likely we should be pleasing to god , or be able to make any comfortable reflections afterwards upon such performance . the measures of devotion therefore are not expresly prescribed by god , but are to be determined by a prudent respect to the peculiar constitution of the person , the condition of his affairs , and the extraordinariness of the occasion ; and to go about to exceed these bounds , is an argument of intemperate zeal , which is never acceptable to god , and is so far injurious to a mans self , that it manifestly hinders what it pretends to promote . to these i add , fourthly , let not the devout man be very curious or sollicitious about the from or expressions of his secret duties ; i mean , whether his prayers be read out of a book , or be the present conceptions of his own mind , so long as they are offered up from an understanding soul , and an humble and affectionate heart , for these are all the things that god looks at , and wherein his honour is directly concerned ; and therefore as he hath no value for eloquence of speech on the one hand , so neither hath he for strength of memory , or for pregnancy and variety of phancy on the other ; but only ( as i said ) that we worship him with our understanding , and do not like parrots , utter words whereof we have no sense or notion ; that we bring an humble and contrite spirit , as sensible of the infinite distance between him and us , and an heart seriously affected with his presence and the nature and value of the things we are conversant about . it is true , that a composed form is most sutable to publick worship , where ( as i noted before ) the dignity and credit of religion is concern'd , and that perhaps in private duties , our present conceptions may most please and affect our selves ; but our acceptance with god ( especially in these secret duties ) depends neither upon the one nor the other , but upon those inward dispositions of the soul aforesaid . wherefore let no man cheat himself into an opinion that those heats of phancy or transports of affection which sometimes happen in conceived prayer , are instances of real and extraordinary devotion ; or that because the use of a form or book may perhaps be destitute of such flights , therefore those duties are dead and formal : forasmuch as those services may be most acceptable to god which are less pleasant to our selves ; since it is not those sudden flashes but a constant and even servour of piety which he hath regard to . and this leads me to another advice , namely , fifthly , let the pious man think himself obliged to pray without ceasing , and that he is never to lay aside or intermit the regular course of a daily devotion upon any pretence whatsoever , but especially not upon the absurd pretext of awaiting the motion of the spirit ; for although it be true , that the spirit of god ceases not to move men to their duty , the way of the spirit of god is not to move sensibly , and to make violent impressions upon us ; and therefore he that suspends the performance of his duty till he is so jogged and stirred up to it , will never pray at all : and indeed what reason can there be to expect such a thing , or what need of it in the case of a known duty ? if it were the will of god to put us upon some extraordinary service , then it were reasonable to expect some special mandate or impulse upon our spirits from him , which might both warrant the enterprize , and quicken us in the prosecution ; but in ordinary duties , the motion of the holy spirit in the scripture , is and ought to be sufficient , and he that will not be stirred up by that , doth but pretend to wait for a spirit in excuse of his own atheism , unbelief , or intolerable slothfulness ; and in so doing lays himself open to an evil spirit , whose design it is to check and withdraw men from religion , and this is matter of sad and common experience , that from waiting for the motion of the spirit , men very usually grow first to frequent omissions , then to carelessness of their duty , and at last to a total neglect of it . therefore let not any man slight a regular and methodical devotion , as a meer formal and customary thing , since this is the very attainment of piety , when that which is matter of duty becomes also in a good sense customary and habitual ; and he that out of such a temper performs the duties of religion constantly and reverently , gives far greater proof of sincere christianity , than he that seems to himself to do them with greater heat and transport , but needs from time to time to be jogged and provoked to the performance . sixthly , to all these i adde in the last place , that it is very advisable , though not absolutely necessary , that in these secret devotions , a man should ( where it may be done with privacy , and without oftentation or such other impediment ) pray vocally and audibly ; for although god knows our hearts , and observes all our thoughts , and the motions of our affections before we express them , and therefore needs not that we should interpret our minds to him by words , yet it is fit we should imploy all the powers and capacities we have in his service ; our bodies as well as our souls , and our lips as well as our hearts . besides , though we cannot affect god with the tone and accents of our speech , yet we often times affect our own hearts the more , and raise them a note higher in concord with the elevation of our voices : but that which i principally intend is this , viz. by the harmony of our tongue and voice , our hearts are as it were charmed into the greater composure and intention upon that we are about . and so whereas it is the usual complaint , especially of melancholy and thoughtful persons , that their hearts are apt to rove and wander in these secret duties of religion , by this means we have it very much in our power to keep them from extravagancy , and at once to make our devotions the less tedious to our selves , and the more acceptable to god. chap. ii. of several other instances of secret devotion . though prayer be the most general duty of religion , the common instrument of all piety , and the most immediate address to god ; yet it is a great mistake to make it the only instance of secret devotion , for there are several others of great moment , amongst which i reckon in the next place , 2. study and meditation ; not only to direct and assist our prayers ( of which i said something before ) but especially to cultivate and improve our own minds , that we may be wiser , and consequently both more capable of doing god better service in this world , and also fitter for the society of angels and the conversation of the spirits of just men made perfect in the other world. for we are to consider , that god almighty hath set a mighty value upon our souls , in redeeming them by no less a price than the blood of his only son ; and therefore we should be intolerably ingrateful towards him , if we bestow no cost upon them , but live as if we were mere matter and body , and take care only to please and gratify our senses , and in the mean time abandon our minds to folly and ignorance , to sloth and superstition . we are to consider also , that the same infinite goodness hath by the same purchace deliver'd us from the fear of eternal death , which otherwise would have kept us in perpetual bondage , and so have contracted our spirits , and rendered our very selves so inconsiderable to our selves , that no man could have had the heart to take any care of himself , but would be tempted to have lived like a beast because he expected to die like one , or worse ; but now that we are made to hope for immortality , and to live for ever and ever , there is great reason a man should spare no cost , no labour and pains about himself , since he may reap the fruit and enjoy the comfort of so doing in the better enjoyment of himself a thousand ages hence , and to all eternity . moreover the same divine goodness hath designed us to a glorious estate of happiness in his own kingdom of heaven , a state of intellectual pleasure , and the most sublimed ingredients of felicity , which a dull , sottish , and sensual soul can never be capable of perceiving , if he were placed in the midst of them , and therefore he is more than brutish that doth not dispose himself so , that he may be meet , to partake of that inheritance with the saints in light . to all this we are to consider , that the general apostafy of mankind hath weaken'd our natures , clouded our understanding , and disorder'd all our powers ; and together herewith the foolish opinions and traditions of the world have abused and deceived us yet more and more , so that we must be most silly and unhappy creatures , if we do not indeavour to deliver and disingage our selves from both these calamities . and the case is not totally irreparable in respect of either of these mischiefs , if we be not wanting to our selves ; for to the intent that we might in some measure recover our selves , it hath pleased god to give us time to consider in privacy and retirement from the noise of the world , that we may recollect our selves ; he hath set before us his works and providence to meditate upon , we have his holy scriptures to inlighten our minds , and guide us out of the perplexed state of things we enjoy , the publick ministry and abundance of good books to help us to understand those scriptures , and above all we are assured of the assistances of his holy spirit against the weakness and confusion of our own understandings . so that as there is great reason and great necessity that we should apply our selves to study and meditation ; so we have as great incouragement to hope for success in so doing : for by application of our selves to the means aforesaid , we may not only rid our selves of that wildness and ferity which is ordinarily upon our natures , but outgrow vulgar opinion and tradition , and come to be able to make a true estimate of things set before us ; we may greaten our spirits so as to despise those little things which silly men dote upon ; we may free our minds of childish fears and unaccountable superstitions ; we may understand the true reason of religion , the loveliness of virtue , and in a word , have worthier notions of god , and clearer apprehensions of the world to come . and although it be acknowledged that all men are not alike capable of these improvements , either by reason of the weakness of their minds , or the unhappy constitution of their bodies , or the perplexed condition of their outward affairs ; yet certainly god almighty hath by the means aforesaid put it into every mans power to be wiser than he is if he would but apply himself to the use of them , and therefore let the devout man be sure to make the experiment . to further him the more wherein , let him to all the considerations foregoing adde these two following . first , that forasmuch as he was made in gods image , it is no less than a contempt of the divine majesty to have no regard to the cultivating and adorning that part of himself wherein he especially resembles his maker ; and consequently it will appear to him to be a very fit and proper instance of worship towards god to improve his own soul ; and therefore it is here justly placed amongst the expressions of devotion . secondly , let him consider , that the great game of eternity is but once to be plaid , and that there is no retrieving of our neglects and carelessness afterwards ; therefore there is all the reason in the world that we should play it intently and warily : my meaning is , that therefore we ought to redeem time from folly and sensuality , and apply it to the advantage of our souls ; and he that doth so , and begs gods blessing upon it , will undoubtedly find his mind inlarged , his life more regular , and his spirit more comfortable , which are all the chief ends of devotion . 3. the next instance of secret devotion ( for i am not curious in what order i place them ) shall be the exercise of faith in god and dependance upon him , in pursuance of an acknowledgment that he alone governs the world , and the framing a mans heart to take notice of him , to have recourse to him , and stay it self upon him in all exigencies , and accidents and passages whatsoever , that he may impute nothing to chance , fate or the stars , but possess himself with a deep and setled apprehension of the great interest of god in all revolutions or occurrences . this is a point of great and real honour to the divine majesty , as it sets god always before us , and places him continually in our eye , as it brings us to an intire resignation of our selves to his dispose and puts us into a constant gravity and a reverence towards him , as it provokes us to address our selves to him upon all occasions , to pray to him , to trust in him , to walk humbly and thankfully before him . and it is of mighty advantage to our selves , as it strengthens and fortifies our weak spirits by the contemplation of that mighty providence we are under , and that we are protected by a wise , and good , and powerful being , whom nothing can be too hard for , and who is liable to no surprize or mistake , as it assures us , that nothing befals without him , and therefore every thing is ordained for wise ends , and shall be turned to good in the conclusion ; this also inables us to be contented in every condition , secure against all fears , and to arrive at such an evenness of spirit , that we shall not be tost with every accident , hurried by every emergency , but possess our selves in patience and tranquility . and consequently this must needs be a very worthy entertainment of our retirements , and such as deserves and requires the application of our minds to it , that we may be under the power of this perswasion , and be able to answer to our selves the atheistical objections against it , to give some account of the intricacy and obscure passages of providence , without ( some skill in ) which it will be very difficult , if not impossible , to walk either piously or comfortably ; but by this exercise we hold continual conversation with god , we live and walk with him , he is always at hand to us , to awe us , to support and comfort us , and our hearts become not only a temple where we solemnly offer up our services at set times to him , but an altar where the holy fire never goes out , but sends up constantly the sweet odours of prayers and praises to him . 4. another exercise of secret devotion is to premeditate our conversation , and so to forecast the occurrences of life , that we may conduct our selves both with safety to our souls , and to the best advantage of our spiritual interests ; forasmuch as he that lives ex tempore ( as we say ) and unpremeditately , will neither be able to avoid the dangers which will be sure to encounter him , nor to improve the opportunities which may offer themselves to him . in our converse in this world we must expect temptations from the devil , allurements from sensual objects , provocations from the folly or malice of evil men , vexations by unhappy accidents , and above all abundance of evil examples to debauch and corrupt us ; and that man will most certainly be surprized by some or all of these , that doth not forecast them : and arm himself against them , and therefore a wise man will not adventure to go abroad and take in the infectious air of the world , till he hath antidoted himself against the danger , by the advantages of retirement , and the secret exercises of devotion . to this purpose he will before he goes out of his closet , not only consider the common calamities of the world , the reigning sins of the age , but the especial difficulties of his calling and profession , and the peculiar infirmities of his own temper ; and withal will forethink and prepare himself against such efforts as by reason of any of these may be made upon him . if he can foresee that he shall unavoidably fall into evil company , he will first indeavour to warm and affect his heart with the quicker sense of religion , that he may not only take no hurt himself , but ( if it be possible ) imprint some sense of good upon those he converses with . if any thing be likely to happen that will strike him with melancholy , he will first go to god by prayer for strength and constancy of mind , and indeavour to fix his heart so intently upon another world , as that the occurrences of this may not discompose him . if he be likely to meet with that which may provoke him to anger , he will compose himself to as great a coolness as possibly he can , that no passage may inflame him . if any allurement to sensuality present it self , he will consider how he may retreat into grave company , or earnest business , that so he may decline that which is not easily to be withstood . and on the other side concerning opportunities of doing or receiving good ; forasmuch as every wise man is sensible that the seasons of things are no more in his power than the time of his life is , that no enterprize succeeds well which is not nicked with a fit season , and that it is impossible to recal it when it is slipped by ; therefore the pious man will forethink what may offer themselves probably in such circumstances as he stands in , lest he should overlook them when they present , and so he lose an advantage of doing glory to god , or good to men , and of promoting the interest of his own soul , and accordingly will dispose his heart in secret to apprehend them , and to improve them ; he examines his capacity , and stirs up his attention , and projects the means , either how he may reap some benefit by good and wise company , or how he may seasonably interpose a word on gods behalf in common conversation , or how he may do some good thing that will turn to account another day . 5. but if either by the neglect of such opportunities as aforesaid , the pious man omit the doing of some good he might have done , or by security of conversation he fall into any of those dangers he ought to have watcht against , then there is a fifth great work for private devotion , for in this case there lies a double care upon him ; first , that he slight not his danger , and secondly , that he despair not of remedy , but be both deeply sensible of his miscarriage , and also rise again with indignation and resolution . first , that he slight not his fault ( as generally men do by the plea of example , or the pretence of humane infirmity ) and so harden himself in his sin , but feel a deep remorse , and conceive a mighty displeasure against himself for it . secondly , that on the other side he aggravate not his guilt to such a degree as to preclude repentance by despairing of the divine mercy , but presently flee to the grace of the gospel , and implore gods pardon , with setled purposes never to offend in the like kind again . now neither of these are done as they ought to be , but in retirement , viz. when a man hath opportunity of dealing impartially between god and his own soul , and therefore ( especially because the occasions of them often happen ) are justly reckonable as a part of closet devotion , and accordingly they are represented by the holy psalmist , psal . 4. 4. stand in awe and sin not , commune with your own hearts in your chamber , and be still , &c. wherefore let every man that hath any sense of god upon him be throughly perswaded to set some time apart for this purpose , that he may romage his own heart , and find out all the evils of his life ; and when he hath discovered any particular guilt upon his soul , let him not forsake his closet , and depart out of gods presence till he have affected himself with deep sorrow and contrition for his sin , and prostrated himself at the throne of grace with strong and earnest cries for pardon , and until he have confirmed his heart in a resolution of watchfulness and more strict obedience for the time to come . and let him do this often , that he may not run up too big a score , and so either his heart become hardened through the deceitfulness of sin , or his conscience be so affrighted with the greatness of his guilt , that like a bankrupt he be tempted to decline looking into his accounts , because he can have no comfortable prospect of them , or run away from god in a fit of desperation , instead of running to him by repentance . let him , i say , do this often , not by chance or unwillingly , but frequently and periodically ( set times being appointed for it ) and though i would be loth to impose a burden upon the consciences of men , yet i think it ordinarily very adviseable , that this be done once a month , viz. whilest a man hath his past actions and carriage in remembrance , and can take a just account of himself ; but especially it is very fit to do it against the time of the administration of the holy sacrament , and then would be extraordinarily proper and seasonable : for these two things , self-examination and partaking of the lords supper , do marvellously suit and answer to each other ; the former preparing a mans heart for that sacred solemnity , and that holy solemnity sealing to him the pardon of those sins he hath discovered and repented of in secret . but whether this work of self-reflection and ransacking a mans own heart in secret be absolutely necessary to be done at certain times and periods , it is wonderfully useful , that it be seriously and conscientiously practised some time or other ; forasmuch as on the one side it is not conceivable how a man should be able to maintain an holy and comfortable life without it ; so on the other hand it seems equally impossible that he should continue to be an evil man who habitually and sincerely practises it : for as there is no way so effectual to preserve an estate from being squandred away extravagantly , as the keeping constant and strict accounts of receits and expences , so there is no method more powerful to restrain sin than this of self-examination ; the very searching into our hearts jogs and awakens conscience , and that being rowsed , will be a faithful monitor of all that was done amiss , the mere prospect of which will make a man very uneasy , by the fears and horrors that attend it ; the consideration of the silly motives upon which a man was induced to sin , will fill him with ingenuous shame and indignation , and the easiness ( which he cannot but find ) of withstanding such motions , by the grace of god will provoke him to a resolution of amendment ; in a word , the sight and knowledge of the disease is a great step to the cure , and an heart well searched is half healed . but this leads me to another instance of great affinity with what we have now been speaking of , and which shall be the last excercise of secret devotion which i will here make mention of , viz. 6. trial of our proficiency and growth in grace , this is of great importance ; forasmuch as ( we have seen before ) the truth of grace is scarcely any otherway discernible but by its progress , and in that it makes men daily better and better , for the essences of things are indiscernible , and a man may endlesly dispute with himself whether such or such a thing be a sign of grace , and of spiritual life in him , till he puts all out of controversy by the fruits and improvement of such a vital principle ; and therefore it is extreamly necessary , if we will arrive at spiritual comfort , that we make experiment of our selves in this particular , which can no otherwise be done than by retirement into the cabinet of our hearts , and the diligent comparing our selves both with our selves and with the rules of the gospel . the common estimation of the world is a very fallacious and improper measure of divine life , and as the apostle tells us , it is a small thing to be judged of men one way or other , but if our hearts condemn us not , then have we confidence towards god ; for they being privy to our ends and designs and to all our circumstances as well as to matter of fact , cannot nor will not deceive us , if they be secretly examined , and therefore must be impartially consulted , if we would indeed know our selves , and be able to prejudge our own condition . now the testimony which our hearts can give us of our spiritual improvement , is not to be grounded upon the increased length of our prayers , nor merely from the passion and earnestness of them ; for the former of these may be the effect of hypocrisy , and the latter may proceed from some peculiar temper of body or outward accident ; nor upon our affectionate hearing of sermons , for the stony ground received the seed with joy as well as the good ground ; nor yet upon a more than ordinary scrupulosity of conscience ( especially in smaller matters ) for this may proceed from ignorance , superstition or hypocrisy . but the safest decision of this great case , whether we grow in grace or no , is to be made by examining our hearts in such points as these following , viz. whether we be more constant in all the duties of religion than formerly ? whether we be more exact and regular in our lives daily ? whether our hearts be more in heaven than they were wont , and that we have arrived at a greater contempt of the world ? whether we are more dead to temptation , especially in the case of such sins as agree with our constitution and circumstances ? whether affliction be more easy than it used to be , and we can better submit to the yoke of christ ? whether we are more conscientious of secret sins , and such as no eye of man can take notice of and upbraid us for ? whether we are more sagacious in apprehending , and more careful of improving opportunities of doing good than heretofore ? in a word , whether we are grown more meek , more humble and obedient to our superiours , &c. if upon due inquiry , oru hearts can answer affirmatively for us in such points as these , then we may comfortably conclude , that we have not received the grace of god in vain , which being of unspeakable consequence to us to be substantially resolved of , self-examination in the aforesaid particulars ( as the only way to arrive at it ) ought to have its share in our closet devotions . chap. iii. of family-piety in general . though the consideration of gods almighty power , wisdom , goodness , and his other perfections , together with our dependance upon him , and obnoxiousness to him , be the first reason and ground of religion ( as we have already shewed ) and so the divine majesty is the immediate and principal object of it ; yet notwithstanding this is not so to be understood , as if the obligations of religion extended no further than to acts of worship or address to god : for it is as much our duty to manage our selves well towards others for gods sake , as towards him for his own sake . and therefore ( as hath been intimated heretofore ) true piety in its just dimensions comprizes no less than a worthy discharge of our selves in all those relations divine providence hath placed us in . now next to our obligations to our creator and preserver , and next to our concern for the better part of our selves , our own souls , a man stands related to his family so nearly , that he is wanting in both the former that is negligent of this . almighty wisdom and goodness pronounced it not fit for man to be alone , and therefore the first provision he made against the uncomfortable state of solitude , was to enter him into the society of a family ; partly , that in so near a station , they might mutually relieve and help one another in difficulties , entertain one another by discourse , and improve one anothers reason ; partly , that in this conjunction they might fortify one anothers spirits against all ill accidents , or the enterprizes of wicked and malicious spirits more powerful than themselves ; but principally , that they might mutually provoke and inflame one anothers hearts to admiration , love and reverence of their great creator . and this end is so great and the injunction of it so strict , that every man in this society stands charged with the soul of another , and is accountable for it , at least so far , that he cannot be excusable that doth not indeavour to bring those with whom he so intimately converses , and upon whom he hath so many opportunities , to a sense and regard of god and religion . and this especially concerns those that are heads of families ; forasmuch as by virtue of their place they have always been accounted , not only kings and governours , but also prophets and priests within their peculiar sphere and province . accordingly we find it to have been the constant care and practice of all good men in all ages , to train up those of their families in the knowledge of the true god , and the exercises of true religion : particularly god himself testifies of abraham , gen. 18 — 19. that he knew he would command his children and his houshold after him that they keep the way of the lord , &c. and job 1. 5. we find it to have been the continual care of that holy man to sanctify his children and family , and daily to intercede with god for them by sacrifice . deut. 6. 6. it is an express injunction upon the children of israel , that they not only keep the laws of god in their own hearts , but that they should teach them diligently to their children , and talk of them when they sate in their houses , and when they walked by the way , &c. that is , that they should convey and imprint a sense of god and his religion upon the minds of those they familiarly conversed with . and so great is the authority and influence of governours of families , and so powerful is good example in this particular , that josh . 24. 15. joshua undertakes for his family , that they should serve the lord , whether other people would do so or no. david often declares his zeal for the maintenance of religion in his family , so far , that he resolves those persons should be excluded his house that made no conscience of god , and most remarkably , 1 chr. 28. 9. he gives this solemn charge to his son solomon , thou solomon my son , know thou the god of thy father , and serve him with a perfect heart , and with a willing mind ; for the lord searcheth all hearts , and understandeth all the imagination of the thoughts : if thou seek him he will be found of thee , but if thou forsake him he will cast thee off for ever . and for the times of the new testament there is abundant evidence , that it was the constant practice of all those who had a sense of religion in their hearts , to set it up in their families also , of which the testimonies are so many , and so ready at hand , that it is needless here to recite them ; and the success was commonly answerable to the indeavour : from whence it comes to pass that acts 10. 2. it is said of cornelius , that he was not only a devout man and prayed to god always , but that he feared the lord with all his house , i. e. his example , prayers and instruction prevailed upon all those that were under the influence of them , to bring them to ( at least ) a profession of piety also ; upon which account it is further observable , that generally when any governour of a family imbraced the christian faith , and was converted to that religion , it is said that such an one believed and all his house , or he and all his house were baptized , namely , because truly good men did not fail by their example and endeavours to bring those over to the same religion which themselves were heartily perswaded of , and accordingly we see it often come to pass in these times wherein we live , that several persons very heartily bless god that his providence disposed them into such or such pious families wherein the foundation of their eternal happiness hath been laid , by the means of the instructive and exemplary devotion which they have there been under the advantages of ; upon consideration of all which reasons , examples and incouragements , and several others which might with great ease have been added , let no good christian be of so monastick a spirit as to extend his care no farther than his own cell , and to think he hath acquitted himself well enough when he hath discharged the offices of his closet , and hath kept religion glowing in his own heart ; but think it his duty to take care that his light shine quite through his house , and that his zeal warm all his family . in order to which we will here consider these three things . first , of the several members which usually a family consists of , and which are concern'd in its discipline . secondly , the several duties of piety which especially become and concern a family . and thirdly , by what means the members of a family may be brought to comply with all those duties . 1. first , the ordinary relations of a family ( especially as it signifies those which dwell or converse together under the same roof ) are husband and wife , parent and children , master and servant , friend and friend ; and all these i take to be comprized in those several passages of the acts of the apostles , where it is said , that such a man and all his house were converted or baptized , for there are great interests of religion which intercede between every of these ; as for the relation of husband and wife , as it is the nearest and strictest that can be , so consequently it is of mighty importance to their mutual comfort , and a wonderful indearment of affections , when both the relatives are animated with the same spirit of religion , and promote the eternal interest of one another : as it is vastly mischievous and unhappy when those who are inseparably yoked together , draw divers ways , one towards heaven , and the other towards hell ; in respect of which danger the apostle advises those who are free not to be unequally yoked with unbelievers , 2 cor. 6. 14. for saith he , what fellowship hath righteousness with unrighteousness ? what communion hath light with darkness ? what concord hath christ with belial ? and what part hath he that believeth , with an infidel ? yet because it is possible , that light may prevail against darkness , therefore when such an unequal society is contracted , he doth not think it a sufficient ground for separation ; for saith he , 1 cor. 7. 16. what knowest thou , o wife , but thou maist save thy husband ? or what knowest thou , o man , whether thou shalt save thy wife ? especially since by the piety of one of the parents , the children are sanctified and placed under the advantages of the covenant of grace , as he there adds , v. 14. and seeing it is possible for one of these relatives to be so great a blessing to the other , there is mighty reason they both should endeavour it , out of self-love as well as charity and conjugal affection , since it is both very difficult to go to heaven alone , and also equally easy and comfortable , when those in this relation join hearts and hands in the way thither . as for the relation of parents and children , that is also very near and intimate , and consequently their interest and happiness is bound up together ; for as it is a mighty advantage to have holy parents , in regard the posterity of such persons ordinarily fare the better to many generations , as is assured in the second commandment , and therefore there is a double obligation upon parents to be good and virtuous , not only for the sake of their own souls , but also for the sake of their children ; so on the other hand , it is no less glory and comfort to parents to have good and pious children , and therefore they are strictly charged to bring them up in the nurture and admonition of the lord ; and indeed he is worse than an infidel , nay worse than a brute , that can be content to bring them up to hell and the devil ; for they are part of our selves , and a man that considers any thing , can as well be willing to be damned himself , as that they should be so if he can help it . now that there is much in their power this way , appears by that charge of the apostle last named , as also by the observation of solomon , prov. 22. 6. train up a child in the way he should go , and when he is old he will not depart from it ; for children in their young and tender years are like wax , yielding and pliable to whatsoever form we will put them into , but if we miss this opportunity it will be no easy matter to recover them to good afterwards , when they are debauched by evil principles , confident of their own opinions , headstrong by the uncontrouled use of liberty , and hardened by the custom of sinning . and therefore it is observable , that far the most part of good men and women are such as had the foundations of piety laid in their youth , and very few are to be found who were effectually reclaimed afterwards . but whilest children wholly depend upon their parents , and their natures are soft and pliant , when as yet they have not the hardiness to rebel , nor the confidence to dispute the commands of their fathers ; so long they may by the grace of god easily be wrought upon to good , and which is very remarkable , the influence of the mother is especially considerable in this case : for so we find not only that king lemuel , prov. 31. 1. remembred the lessons which his mother taught him , but as i have noted before , timothy was seasoned with grace , by the instructions of his mother eunice , and his grandmother lois , 2 tim. 1. 5. and many other instances there are of the successfulness of the mothers pious indeavours . but where parents neglect their duty , usually the children perish , and their blood will be required at the hands of careless parents : and which is more , there is commonly this dreadful token of divine vengeance in this world , that those who are careless of their duty both towards god , and towards their children in this particular , feel the sad effects of it in the undutifulness , contumacy , and rebellion of those children against themselves afterwards , as if god permitted them to revenge his quarrel . in the next place , as for the relation of master and servants , it is a mighty mistake to think they are meerly our slaves to do our will , and that nothing is due from us to them but what is expresly bargain'd for , since they are or ought to be gods servants as well as ours , and must do him service as well as us , and they are put under our protection , and placed in our families , that they may be instructed in his pleasure , and have the liberty to serve him , of whom the whole family of heaven and earth is called . so that properly speaking , we and they are common servants to one great master , only in different ranks , as the one part ( after the manner of stewards ) is allowed to have servants under them , and the other must do the inferiour business , but still they are gods servants more properly than ours , and must therefore have not only ( as i said ) liberty and leisure to serve our common master , but also instructions from us and incouragement so to do : and he that denies them any of these , might as justly deny them their . bread or their wages ; nay more , he that forgets to pray for them too , remembers himself but by halves , forasmuch as his interest is concerned , not only in their health and prosperity , but in their virtue and piety ; for it is evident , that the better men they are , the better servants they will prove . so st. paul tells philemon in his epistle to him , that he would be a gainer by onesimus's conversion , for that he would be so much a more profitable servant henceforth as he was now become a better man , such persons being not only the most faithful and trusty , but by so much the more industrious as they are the more conscientious : besides , that it is well known that divine providence often blesses a family for the sake of a pious servant , as god blessed labans substance for the sake of jacob , and the house and all the affairs of potiphar for the piety of joseph . so that in short , he loves himself as little as he loves god , who doth not indeavour that his servants should be sincerely religious . and though it 's true , it is not altogether in his power to make them so , or to put grace into their hearts , yet by virtue of his place and authority , he hath mighty advantages of doing them good , and will be sure to be called to account how he hath improved his stewardship in this particular . lastly , in a family there are commonly some who under the general relation of friends or acquaintance , are either resident in it , or at least hospitably entertained by it ; now as this lays an obligation upon the persons treated , so it gives some authority to him who treats them : and consequently as such a master of a family is in some measure answerable towards men for the scandals and misdemeanours of his guests ; so is he much more responsible to god for any profaneness they shall be guilty of towards his divine majesty . for ( as i said before ) every man being king in his own family may give laws to it , and oblige those who are under his protection to pay him allegiance , and to serve and worship god with him , especially he ought to do this , because the fourth commandment requires at our hands that we use this authority , not only over our sons and daughters , our man-servants and maid-servants , but over all those that are within our gates . but so much in the general , let us now consider in the second place the particular duties of religion in a family ; of which in the next chapter . chap. iv. of family duties in special . in the first place i look upon it as the duty of every family , that ( besides closet-devotions , of which i have spoken before ; and besides publick worship , of which i shall speak anon ) once a day at the least they join together in prayers to god. i say once a day at the least , in favour of mens occasions , and the peculiar circumstances of some families , were it not for which , it would be very fit that there should be prayers morning and evening , as is the general practice of most pious families ; but certainly it is wonderfully decent , that all the members of every family should once in the day meet together , and with one heart and one mouth glorify god and pay their homage to the great master of the whole family of heaven and earth ; and it is very strange , if any excuse should be pleaded or admitted in this case . for as i said before , every several family is a peculiar body or society , which hath its distinct circumstances , effects and consideration ; it hath its respective needs to be supplied , and therefore hath occasion to make proper and peculiar requests to god , as that he will be pleased to continue it in health , to settle concord and unity amongst the several members of it , that the whole may enjoy prosperity and safety from thieves , from fire and other dangers . and every such society hath also proper and peculiar mercies to give thanks to god for , as namely for success in affairs , for quiet habitation , that they are not molested with ill neighbours , nor vexed with law-suits , for hopeful children , faithful servants , &c. for in several of these respects a man may be well and comfortable in his own person , and yet be unhappy in the society ; and contrarywise the society or family may be happy in the general , and yet a particular person may be in ill circumstances : and therefore there is just reason of addresses and acknowledgments to god in relation to the family , and by the whole family in conjunction , as well as by every single person apart , and in his closet . and though perhaps there may be some family wherein there is no person who can aptly and properly represent the peculiar concerns of it to the almighty , and it may be also there is no form of prayer at hand that will express all the respective circumstances of such a society ; yet they may lift up their hearts and voices together in a general form , and supply with their thoughts and affections whatsoever is wanting in the expressions . and as there is just ground and reason for such family worship , so there is good cause to expect it will be singularly successful , when the whole community joins together , and present themselves and their tribute of praise before the lord : no question but the very manner of doing it , as well as the matter , will be highly acceptable to him ; and when with prostrate bodies , devout hearts and hands , and eyes lift up to heaven , they combine together to importune , and as it were , besiege the almighty , they cannot fail of a blessing ; or however it is a mighty satisfaction to the minds of all such persons , and a great security to them that they have thus jointly and solemnly commended themselves to the divine protection . besides , that this course is an effectual means to conciliate peace and love and kindness , between all the members of this body , and to knit their hearts to one another , when they are thus accustomed to unite their hearts and join their hands in gods service , and conspire to pray with and for each other , which is the greatest indearment of affection . perhaps some man will now say , there is no express scripture which requires of men this daily office of family prayer : to which i answer , first , what if it were so , yet nevertheless it is a duty , seeing there is so apparent reason for it . for god who considered , that he gave laws to reasonable men , did not think himself bound to prescribe every thing in particular , especially in natural worship , where the reason of man might supply him with direction what was fit to be done in such a case . besides , secondly , ( as i discoursed in the former part of this treatise ) it is a stingy and narrow-soul'd trick , and an argument of no true love to god and goodness , to stand upon so strict terms in our piety , as to require an express command in particular , for that which is admirably good in the general , and hath also been the general practice of all good men , as this hath been . but after all , i would in the last place crave leave to ask those men a plain question , who insist upon more express proof of family prayers , and it is no more but this , whether they think there is any such thing as publick worship required of men ? if they do , then let them remember there was a time when there was no more publick society than that of families , namely at the first planting of the world , and then either publick worship must be this of families or none at all ; and to inlighten them in this case , let them consider that passage , gen. 4. 26. when seth had enos born to him , it is said , then began men to call upon the name of the lord , that is , so soon as there began to be a family in the pious line of seth , then presently they set up gods worship in it . now this was not the beginning of secret worship , for no doubt but seth was careful of that before enos was born ; nor was it properly publick or ecclesiastick worship , for in that minority of the world , there neither was nor as yet could be any church established in such a sense : therefore it must follow that family worship is as antient as the being of families themselves . or let pious and ingenious persons consider of that passage of the gospel , luke 11. 1. where in the first place we find our saviour was at prayers ; and that it was not secret prayer but with his disciples , is more than probable , since they were present at them : and accordingly , when he had concluded , one of them asks him to instruct them how to pray . now if this be acknowledged , then here is our saviours example for what we are discoursing of , forasmuch as the disciples with whom he was at prayer , were his family . but that which i observe further is , they ask him to teach them to pray , as john taught his disciples , that is , to prescribe them a form wherein they ( who were his family ) might join together , as the family or disciples of john did ; or not only to pray severally or secretly , but in conjunction and society : and this our saviour gratifies them in , by prescribing to them the well-known and admirable form : in which these two things are further remarkable to this purpose ; first , that the prayer is in the plural number , which renders it far more probable , that it was intended for a social office . for though some other account may be given of his using that number , yet nothing is so natural as this reason which i have intimated . secondly , the very petitions themselves ( if they be considered ) will incline a man to think , that though the prayer was contrived with infinite wisdom to fit other purposes , yet it was primarily intended for the use of a family or society , especially such an one as this of our saviours disciples was ; but so much for that . 2. the next instance of family duty is the sanctification of the lords day , and other days and times set apart for his service . as for the lords day , though it be undoubtedly true , that as the jewish sabbath ( which is our saturday ) is not obliging to christians at all ; so neither are we bound to observe any day with that sabbatical nicety and strictness , which ( for special reasons ) was required of that people : yet that the first day of the week , or the lords day , be observed piously and devoutly , is recommended to us by the constant practice of the christian church . and the sanctification of it principally consists in this , that we make it a day peculiar for the offices of piety and devotion , as other days are for common and secular affairs ; for though the business of religion must be carried on every day of our lives , and that be a profane day indeed in which god hath not some share allowed for his service , yet as god hath not required that it be the whole work of those days , but after a little of the time be consecrated to him , the residue be applied to the common affairs of life ; so on the lords day we are allowed to consult our infirmity , to provide for necessity , and to do works of humanity or mercy : but the proper business of the day is religion , and to that the main of it must be applied . and there is great reason for this , namely by this interruption of the course of worldly affairs , in some measure to take our hearts off from them ; for we should hardly avoid sinking absolutely into the cares and business of this life , if we went on in a continual course , and were not obliged at certain intervals of time to retreat from them , and betake our selves to things of another nature , by which means also , we begin to practise an heavenly sabbatism , and inure our selves by degrees to those spiritual imployments which we are to enter upon , and be everlastingly performing in another world. let therefore the pious man thus sanctify the lords day by applying it to holy uses , that is ( besides publick worship ) to reading , meditation , singing of psalms , and grave discourses of religion , and let him according as he hath warrant from the fourth commandment oblige all those within his gates to do so too , and not only restrain his family from common labours , but from lightness and folly , tipling and gossipping , idle visits and impertinent talking of news ; and use his indeavour to ingage them to be as much in earnest about the service of god and their souls on that day , as they are about their business or pleasure on other days . as for other holy days set apart by the appointment of the church , there is very good use to be made of them too : for besides , that the great festivals are the ignorant mans gospel , and bring to his mind all the great passages of our saviour and his apostles , it is certain also , that god hath not so strictly tasked us to the labour of six days , as that he will not be better pleased if we now and then apply some of them to his honour , and make a sally towards heaven ; but then the observation of these days is not to be made merely a relaxation from servile work , nor much less a dispensation for looseness and profaneness , but god must be served on them with greater diligence than can be ordinarily expected on other days . and this is another branch of the pious mans duty in his family . 3. there is another thing i would mention in the third place , amongst family exercises , which i do not call a necessary duty , but would offer it to consideration , whether it be not adviseable in some cases for the promotion of family piety , that in every family , where it can be done , some persons should be incouraged to take notes of the sermons which are preached in the church , and repeat them at home ; forasmuch as this course would not only afford a very seasonable and excellent entertainment for the family in the intervals of publick worship on the lords day , but would also be very advantagious , both to minister and people . for the minister , it would incourage him to study and to deliver weighty things , when he saw his words were not likely to perish in the hearing , and be lost in the air , but be reviewed and considered of ; by which means one sermon would be as good as two , and might serve accordingly . for the people , it would put the most ordinary sort of them upon considering and indeavouring to remember and make something of that which is delivered to them , when they observe , that some of the ablest of the congregation think it worth their pains to take so exact notice of it as to write it down ; at least they would be ashamed to snore and yawn , when others are so intent and serious . and as for the family in which the repetition is made , they would have further occasion to observe , with what clearness and evidence the doctrine was inferred from the text , opportunity to weigh the arguments used to inforce it , and be put upon making application of all to their own consciences . but i foresee several objections ( such as they are ) will be made against this ; it will be said , this course is unfashionable and puritanical , that experience hath discovered that writing after sermons hath taught men to be conceited and captious , and presently sets up men for lay-preachers ; and in a word , that repeating sermons raised the rebellion . but in answer to the first of these , i observe , that it is neither unusual nor under any ill character in courts of judicature , for men to take notes of the reasonings , determinations , and even the opinions of the judges ; and surely religion is of as much moment as the municipal laws ; and cases of conscience are of as great consequence as meum and tuum : but if the discourses of preachers be not so considerate , their reasonings not so close and weighty , nor their determinations so well grounded as to be worth noting , the more is the pity , to say no more . as for the second objection , i answer , that if the preacher handle only the indisputable doctrines of christianity , and press them home and close upon the consciences of men , these will afford little scope for conceitedness or captiousness ; but some men that are of such an humour will be pragmatical and profane , whether they write after sermons or no , and therefore let us lay this blame where it is due . to the third objection it is answered , that though writing after sermons might perhaps furnish men with materials for lay-preaching ; yet it was impudence which disposed men to it , and the dissolution of government which gave opportunity for it : and if the last of these three things be taken care of , the second will be curbed , and the first harmless and innocent . but lastly , whereas it is objected that writing and repeating of sermons was accessary to the late rebellion : i answer , that it is evident , it could be neither the writing nor the repeating , but the seditious matter of the sermons that was in the fault ; for it is certain , that good and pious sermons are the most effectual way to prevent all mischief of that kind , tending to make good subjects as well as good christians , and the writing and repeating of such sermons is a means to settle such doctrine the deeper in the hearts of men , and therefore i see not but that it would be good prudence to apply that to a good end which hath been abused to a bad one , unless we will countenance the humour of some late reformers , whose method was to abolish things for the abuse of them . upon the whole matter , i see no just discouragement from this instance of family-devotion ; however i will say no more of it , but proceed to such as are unexceptionable . 4. it is certainly a family duty to instruct all the young and ignorant persons in it , in the substantial doctrines of religion , and rules of good life . the obligation to , and the advantages of this office , have been sufficiently represented before in the foregoing chapter ; now therefore only to speak briefly and plainly of the manner of discharging it , it comprises these following particulars . first , that care be taken betimes to subdue the unruly wills and passions of children ; which is ordinarily not very hard to do if it be minded time enough , whilest they are tender and pliable , but the defect herein ( like an errour in the first concoction ) is hardly remediable afterwards : accordingly the wise man adviseth , prov. 19. 18. chasten thy son whilest there is hope , and let not thy soul spare for his crying : by breaking his stomach now , we prevent the breaking of our own hearts hereafter ; for by this means with the blessing of god upon it , we shall have comfort in a child , and the state and publick society , a governable subject ; whereas contrariwise stubborness and malapertness in youth grows to contemptuousness of parents , & to faction and sedition in the state , in age . in pursuance of this , secondly , let them learn and be accustomed humbly to beg the blessing of their parents and progenitors ; this ( as meanly as some inconsiderate people think of it ) is of mighty use : for it not only teaches children to reverence their parents , but wonderfully provokes and inflames the affections of parents towards them ; and besides this , it is the usual method of conveying the blessings of god upon them : for though it be only god that bestows the blessing , yet his way is to use the intervention and designation of parents , and generally those whom they bless ( in this case ) are blessed , and those whom they curse are cursed . thirdly , then let them learn to read , to pray , and especially to say their catechise ; for though these things are not throughly understood by them now , yet they will stick by them , and be remembred when they are more capable of improving them : insomuch that it will be uneasy to one that hath been well principled in his minority , to be impious and profane hereafter ; or if he should prove so , there will yet be some hopes of reclaiming him , because these things will some time or other revive and awaken his conscience . fourthly , after this , let them be brought to the bishop , that he may lay his hands upon them , pray over them , bless and confirm them . for if the fervent prayer of every righteous man avail much , as st. james tells us , undoubtedly the solemn prayer and benediction of christs immediate substitute , and the prime officer of his church is not inconsiderable . besides , when men have understandingly and solemnly addicted themselves to the christian religion , and made it their own act by a voluntary and publick choice , it will ordinarily have a great influence upon them in modesty , honour and reputation as well as conscience , that they shall not easily go back from it , and renounce it : and though it is too true , that many have miscarried afterwards in point of practice , yet it is very observable in experience , that few or none who have been confirmed as aforesaid , have apostatized from the profession of christianity . fifthly and lastly , after such foundations are laid , it is no time yet to be secure , but these beginnings must be followed with further instructions , that such persons may be brought to a savoury sense of piety , and to understand the reasons of the religion which they have imbraced , and so neither be debauched with examples , nor tossed to and fro by every wind of new doctrine ; nay further , these young persons ought to be put upon all the ingenuous learning they are capable of receiving , and we are able to afford them , for the improvement of their minds , that they be the more serviceable to god both in church and state , by the intent prosecution of which , they will not only be kept out of the dangers which rash and unimployed youth is ready to run upon , but become an ornament to themselves and to their relations ; and which is more , be able to imploy and enjoy themselves in elder years , without the usual diversions of drinking and gaming , which commonly are the silly resorts and refuges of those who wanted education in their youth . 5. there is a principal branch of family discipline yet remains to be taken notice of , and that is the curbing and restraining first of all profaneness and contempt of things sacred , whether it be by cursing , swearing , blaspheming , or any other impudent scurrility ; and then in the next place , of all intemperance , drunkenness and debauchery ; for such things as these do not only bring a stain and blemish , but a curse upon the family , and to be sure the allowance of them is utterly inconsistent with any pretence to piety . and the care and concern for the suppressing these vices , extends not only so far as to the restraining of it in all the constant and setled members of the family , but also to the discountenancing of it in those that are only occasionally as guests in it . for how can any man that loves god , indure to see him abused before his face , and not interpose for him , especially where he hath authority , namely , within his own gates ? shall a man pretend piety , and make his table become a snare to his own soul , and his house a sanctuary and priviledged place for prophaneness ? nor let any man think it becomes him in gentility and complaisance to take no notice of the one , or out of hospitality to indulge the other ; for he that loves god as he ought to do , and hath any measure of manly courage , will not be so sheepish , but that he will at least discountenance such indecencies within his jurisdiction . but as for those that are setled members of the family , as servants and relations ; if any of them be guilty of such lewdness , i do not say , that they must presently be banished the society : for it may be divine providence sent them thither on purpose for their cure , and that we might have the glory of performing so worthy a work , and those sinners the happiness of meeting with the means of reformation ; and therefore we must when it happens so , look upon it as our duty to apply our selves in good earnest to recover them : but if after all good means used , there appear no hopes of reformation , it is certainly a good mans duty to dismiss such persons , both to avoid the scandal and the infection of them . and he that is truly conscientious of gods honour and the spiritual interest of his family , will not stick to sacrifice the petty interests of an useful servant , or a beneficial relation , thereupon . chap. v. family discipline , or by what means the several members of a family may be brought to conform to the aforesaid duties . he that resolves to maintain piety in his family , must do it by such a method as this . first , let him be sure to keep up the authority which god hath given him , and not through carelessness , facility or sheepishness , level himself with those he is to govern , and suffer every body to do what is right in their own eyes ; for then no wonder if piety and all things else be out of order . he that abjects himself shall be a meer cypher , and signify nothing in his own house ; but it is very much in a mans own power whether he will be despised or no : for he that values himself upon the dignity of his place , and asserts his own just authority , shall find divine providence standing by him therein , and striking an awe upon the spirits of those that ought to be governed , and so he will be able to do good service , not only in his closet , but within the whole sphere of his family . to this end let him observe , that as in the fourth command god requires and expects , that every master of a family be responsible for all those that are within his gates ; so accordingly in the fifth commandment he hath invested him with honour under the title of father and mother , and both commanded and promised to reward obedience to him : and let not any one think that god will desert his own institution , so as to permit the authority he hath here invested parents with , to be either trampled upon by others , or prostituted by themselves , without severe animadversion . let him consider also the great interest that lies in the conserving of paternal authority , in which the foundation is laid , both of civil and ecclesiastical government ; forasmuch as accordingly as people are inured to order , and to be in subjection in private families , such will be their behaviour afterwards in church or state : for he that suffers his children and servants to be contumacious towards himself , trains them up for instruments of schism and rebellion ; and he that on the other side countenances faction and disobedience to publick authority , makes a leading case for rebellion and confusion in his own family ; but he that accustoms those which belong to him , to obedience at home , makes his house a seminary of good subjects , and of good christians , and will feel the comfort , and reap the blessing of both . above all let him consider the nearness and naturalness of the principles of religion to the minds of men ; insomuch that there are hardly any but are convinced of the necessity and obligation of it in their own consciences ; in other things inferiours may perhaps dispute the wisdom of their governours , and so be tempted to disobey their commands ; but plain matters of devotion admit of no dispute , they are imposed by divine authority , written upon the hearts of men , and inacted and proclaimed within their consciences , and therefore people may with the greater readiness be brought to the observance of them , if we do but stir up and awaken , or at most second conscience by our authority . but then secondly , this authority ought to be tempered with sweetness and benignity in the exercise of it ; for a man is not to be a tyrant but a father in his family , he must not superciliously command , and imperiously will and require , but incline and perswade by the use of all motives and incouragements , and by all the arts of indearment oblige men to their duty . a mans family is his own body , and may be called himself , considered at large and in all his capacities , therefore unnecessary harshness and severity is as indecent in this society , as cruelty to his own flesh is unnatural . and it is commonly as insuccessful as it is indecent ; for power without goodness is a weapon without edge , which will go no further than mere force carries it . when men only fear , they will hate too , and be sure to obey no more than needs must . therefore the apostle eph. 6. 4. advises , fathers provoke not your children to wrath , and v. 9. forbids masters to use threatnings towards servants , but especially col. 3. 19. all bitterness towards wives is prohibited ; for these courses ( in such near relations ) ordinarily make them worse instead of mending them , and stir up all the mud and dirt of their temper . besides , it is to be considered , that the interest of making men good is very great and valuable , and he doth a very acceptable service to god who obliges his family to serve and honour him ; for by so doing a man promotes the salvation of his own soul , and he will have great allowances made for his personal infirmities at the day of judgment , who in his more publick capacity hath advanced gods glory in the salvation of others . therefore it is exceedingly worth the while , that we should deny our selves , and condescend to any honest art and method of ingaging men in religion . especially this is to be considered , that the instances of piety and devotion are above all things to be voluntary , free and chearful , or they are nothing worth ; and therefore harshness and severity are the most improper instruments for such an effect ; consequently it must be wise discourses , obliging carriage , sweetness of temper , kindness and benignity , that are the most likely methods of prevailing in such a case ; and ordinarily to gain this point , no more is requisite , than that a man discriminate between the good and the bad , that he favour the one and discountenance the other ; and this alone will in time make a strange change in a family . especially thirdly , if in the third place the governour of a family be a great example of piety himself : rules without examples are neither understood nor considered by those to whom they are propounded ; and he that goes about to over-rule his family to piety without making conscience of it in his own practice , nay , who doth not make his own life a great pattern of what he perswades to , undermines his own indeavours , and shall not only fail of success , but be ridiculous for his pains ; for every body is aware of this , that if devotion be necessary to one , it is so to another ; if the servant ought to pray to god , so ought the master ; if one ought to be zealous , certainly the other ought not to be careless or profane ; or if one may be excused the trouble of religion , so may the other also . and indeed it is hardly possible for a man in these matters to have the confidence earnestly to press the observation of that upon those under him , which is not conspicuous in his own practice ; or at least , if he have the forehead to do it , and can so well act the part of the hypocritical pharisee , as to lay heavy burdens upon others , which he himself will not touch with one of his fingers ; yet as he cannot do it heartily , so he must be very vain if he thinks men will not be able to see through the disguise , and very sottish if he can expect that such commands of his should carry any authority with them . but there is a majesty in holy example , it not only commands but charms men into compliance ; there is life and spirit in it , insomuch , that it animates and inflames all about a man ; it makes piety to become visible , and not only shews it to be necessary , but represents it with all its advantages of goodness , beauty and ornament ; it confutes mens mistakes of it , answers their objections against it , removes their suspicions , shames their cowardice and lukewarmness : in a word , it doth ( after the manner of all great engines ) work powerfully , though almost insensibly . we find by common experience , that men are sooner made wise and fit for great actions by the reading of history than by studying of politicks ; because matter of fact strikes us more powerfully , and the circumstances of things as they are done , instruct us more effectually than all dry rules and speculations can do : to which purpose it is to be remarked , that the way of the holy scripture is rather to teach men by examples than by rules ; and accordingly the whole sacred writ consists principally of the history of the lives of holy men , almighty wisdom thinking that way the fittest , not only to express the laws of virtue , but to make impression of them upon the spirits of men ; and indeed ( which is further remarkable ) there are some of the more curious and excellent lines of piety , which can hardly be exprest by words , but are easily legible in the lives of holy men . therefore let him who would ingage his family to devotion , give them a fair copy of it in his own example , and then he shall not fail of the honour and comfort to see it transcribed and imitated by those about him . 4. but that he may with the more certainty and expedition attain this desireable effect , it is very necessary , that he neither make the lives of those he would gain upon , burdensome to them , and exhaust their spirits by too great and constant drudgery about the affairs of the world , nor that he make the business of religion irksome and unpleasant to them by unnecessary length and tediousness of family-devotion ▪ for the former of these will take off their edge , and leave them with no heart to religion ; and the latter will beget an utter aversation to it . as for the former , our saviour hath told us , we cannot serve god and mammon , and that no man can serve two masters ; i. e. either one of them must be neglected , or both served very remisly : for it 's certain , when men are harassed with secular business , they cannot have spirits enough to attend religion with any vigour . and for the other , if the duties of religion be drawn out phantastically to a tedious length , it will be impossible ( whilest men are men ) that they should either be inclined to go to them with such chearfulness , or persevere in them with such delight and fervour as is requisite . therefore let the world be so moderately pursued , as that time , and strength and room , may be left for devotion ; and let the duties of religion be so contrived , that they may be pleasant and easy , and then ( besides that devotions so performed are most acceptable to god ) it will be no hard matter to bring our families to comply with them . especially 5. if in the fifth place the governours of families take care to order and methodize affairs so , that these different things intrench not upon each other , neither the world incroach upon religion , nor religion shut out and exclude the common affairs of life ; but both may take their places in a just subordination . we commonly observe , that things in an heap , and which are not digested into any order , look vast and numerous , so as to amuse our minds in the contemplation of them , insomuch that we neither apprehend any of them distinctly , nor comprehend them all together ; and in a crowd of business , we are either so confounded with the multiplicity , or distracted with the variety of things before us , that we apply our selves to nothing at all effectually ; for one hinders and supplants the other . so it is here in the case between the affairs of the two worlds , if both lie in gross before men , and no distinct place be assigned to each of them ; the effect is , that both together being an intolerable burden , one of the two must necessarily be neglected , and that commonly falls to be the lot of religion : or if it happen that these offices are not totally omitted , they will be sure to be superficially performed ; the minds of men neither being sufficiently prepared for them , nor united enough to attend them without distraction and wanderings . therefore as the wise man tells us , there is a time for every thing ; so let every man , who would promote religion in his family , appoint set hours for prayer , and all the offices of devotion , and then it will neither be difficult to obtain the constant observance of them , nor so ordinary to perform them carelesly and formally . 6. sixthly and lastly , it will be the wisdom of every master of a family who would bring those which are under his care and tuition to an uniformity in religion and the worship of god , and to seriousness and heartiness therein , that he express all tender affection to them and regard of them , when any of them happen to be sick , or under any adversity , and by that means make to himself an opportunity of obliging them to take his counsel , and follow his direction in all other cases . we use to say , he that will gain an interest in any man , so that he may be useful to him , or compliant with him in his prosperity , must lay the foundation of his friendship in that mans adversity . for no man knows who are his friends till he hath occasion to make experiment of them , which cannot be done but in adversity ; for every man is a friend to him that hath no need to him , but he that like the good samaritan , deserts us not in our greatest difficulties , him we have just grounds to value and confide in . now above all kindnesses men are most sensible of those which are done to their bodies , and they commonly take the measures of all friendship and sincerity from thence , and therefore he that will win upon the minds of men , must first oblige them in their bodily interests . besides , as we observe , that all inferiour creatures are most tractable and docible at such times as wherein they are lowest and can least help themselves ; so mankind is most disposed to take advice , and most obedient to counsel when he is at a non-plus in his affairs , and especially when the vanities of this world , which dazled his eyes before , begin to vanish , and there seems to be but one way left with him ( that is , to prepare for another life ) he will then freely admit of discourse of the other world , and be glad to comply with all serious advice in order thereunto . these seasons of adversity therefore are by no means to be let slip by him who is tender of the souls of those who are under his charge . to which add , that forasmuch as it is the constant method of all the zealots and emissaries of false religions to insinuate themselves into sick and calamitous persons , to the end that by such an opportunity they may gain disciples to their party , and they too frequently find this subtilty successful : the consideration hereof ought to awaken the diligence , and incourage the hopes and indeavours of all those that sincerely desire to save their own souls , and those that are imbarqued with them , to apprehend and improve such opportunities to better purposes ; especially seeing that in such seasons men are as capable of good principles as of bad , if there be not as much shameful and supine carelessness on the one side , as there is commonly vigilance and application on the other . and so much for family-piety . chap. vi. of publick piety , and particularly of governing a mans self in relation to the church and publick assembly of christians . as it is certain we were not born for our selves , so neither is it a sufficient discharge of our duty , that we be useful in our private family , or amongst our kindred and relations only , but that we express a zeal of gods glory and the good of mankind , answerable to the full extent of our capacity , and let our light so shine out before men , that we may provoke , as many as are within our reach , to glorify our father which is in heaven . now every private man is in some measure concerned in the neighbourhood and parish wherein he dwells , and whereto he belongs ; and therefore should so far at least dispense the influence of his zeal for god and religion : for almighty god , who hath appointed the bounds of mens habitation , having thus setled every man in his station , expects that he should look upon this as his proper sphere , and adorn it as his peculiar province . no private man hath any just reason ordinarily to prompt him to go beyond this , forasmuch as if every good man would do his part within these bounds , the whole world would be amended , and he that is remiss and negligent in this , cannot easily satisfy himself that he hath demonstrated such love to god as becomes him , nor can he expect to reap all those comforts and benefits which otherwise by a conscientious discharge of himself in this particular might redound to him . now that which we mean by the relation to a neighbourhood or a parish hath a double consideration . first , as every parish is or ought to be a branch or member of the church . secondly , as it is a branch or member of the commonwealth . accordingly there is a double obligation lies upon every man that is within the bounds of it , and from thence arise duties of a different nature : for brevity and perspicuity , i will distinguish them by the names of ecclesiastical and civil piety , and then shew what each of them comprehends , beginning with that which i call ecclesiastical piety , or the discharge of such publick duties as especially concern the society of a church . and this consists in these few following particulars . 1. that a man join himself to , and carry himself as a member of the church , and not out of pride , phantastry or contempt separate himself from it , or schismatically set up factions and conventicles against it . it is evident , that our lord jesus christ established the society of a church ; that is , appointed that all those who would be his disciples , should not content themselves singly and particularly to believe on him , but should all be obliged to associate themselves , and make up a body or spiritual corporation wherein they were to hold communion with each other , as members , as well as with him their head . the ends and uses of this institution were very many and great ; for besides that by this means order and unity is promoted , which is very beautiful in the eyes of god himself , our lord hereby provided that the truth of christianity might be jointly held up in the world , and the several members of this society become mutually more helpful and comfortable to each other , and also that by a constant method of christian intercourse here , they may be fitted for eternal friendship and society in heaven . in subserviency to all these ends , publick officers were appointed in the church to govern and to instruct the several members of it , which it were plainly impossible for them to do ( unless their numbers were almost infinite and equal to that of the people ) if it had not been that the people were to join together , and become a common flock for those officers to govern and instruct . moreover it was also the intention of our saviour , that this church of his should be but one , and catholick , imbracing all the true believers all the world over , and therefore it is called his body and his spouse : from whence it follows that every man who will partake of the benefits which flow from him , must be a part of this body , and thereby hold communion with him by conjunction with that , which is otherwise impossible to be done , than by joining with that part of the catholick church where it hath pleased the divine providence to settle our abode and habitation , that is , in the parish and neighbourhood where we dwell ; for without this , though it 's possible we may retain the fame faith in our hearts with the catholick church , yet we cannot perform the offices of members , nor serve the ends of such a society . the result is therefore , that it is ordinarily every christians duty to communicate in all the offices of christianity , to submit to the officers , to be subject to the censures , ahd to comply with the orders of that part of the church amongst which the divine providence hath placed him . i say ordinarily , because it may happen that the society of christians amongst whom a man lives may be heretical in their doctrine , or idolatrous in their worship , and then it will not be his sin but his duty to separate from them ; but bating that case , and where the doctrine is sound , and the worship free from idolatry , i see not what else can acquit him of schism that separates , or what can be sufficient to dissolve the obligation of joining with the catholick church by conjunction with that particular society , or member of it , where he is placed . therefore let not the good christian without flat necessity , suffer himself to be alienated from the particular church , lest by so doing he lose the comforts and benefits of the catholick church ; but let it be his care and indeavour ( so far as it is in his power ) that there may be but one church in the world , as was the intention of our saviour : to this purpose let him not hearken to the fond pretences of purer ordinances and double refined worship , or to the vain boasts of greater edification in other assemblies ; for besides that a man may justly expect most of gods blessing upon those means which are most his duty to apply himself unto ; it is also evident , that if such suggestions be attended to , it will be flatly impossible that there should ever be such a thing as unity or order in the christian church ; nay these conceits will not only distract and confound the order of the church , but they serve to fill mens heads with endless disputes , and their hearts with perpetual scruples about purity of administrations , so that they shall rest no where , but under pretence of soaring higher and higher , shall ramble from one church to another , till at last they cast off all ordinances as the highest attainment of spirituality . nor let him give ear to any peevish insinuations against the church and publick worship , upon account that there are some rites or ceremonies made use of which are only of humane institution ; for it is not only reasonable to hope that god will be well pleased with humility , peaceableness and obedience to humane laws , but certain , that there is no church in the world , that is or can be without some observances , that have no higher original than humane institution . but against these , and all other such like principles of separation , let him indeavour to secure himself ; first , by dismissing the prejudices of education , and the unnecessary scrupulosities of a melancholy temper , and above all , acquit himself of pride and pragmaticalness , and then he will easily and comfortably comply with any sound part of the christian church . in pursuance whereof 2. he must diligently frequent all the publick offices of religion in that society , whether it be prayers , preaching or reading the word of god , or administration of the sacraments , &c. for it is a mighty shame that a man should pretend to be of the church , who cares not how little or how seldom he comes at it , and who slights the advantages of its communion . for such a man , however he may hector and swagger for the notion of a church , manifestly betrays that all is but humour or interest , and no true principle of christianity at the bottom ; and really , he doth more dishonour to that society , than the professed schismatick doth or can do . for besides that he incourages them in their contempt of it , and discourages good men in their zeal for it ; he foments the suspicion of atheistical men , that religion is but a politick trick to catch silly persons with , whilest those that are privy to the plot , keep out of the bondage of it : i need not adde , that he defeats the institution of our saviour , that he baulks his own conscience ( if he have any ) and aggravates his own damnation , which are all very sad things . on the other side , the blessings and comforts of frequenting the offices of the church are so many and great , that it is not imaginable how any man who is convinced of the duty of communion in general , should be able to neglect the particular instances of it . for besides that the church is gods house , where he is especially present , and where we meet him , and place our selves under his eye and observation , and from whence he usually dispenses his favours ; it is a great furtherance of our zeal and piety , to be in the presence of one another , where the example of holy fervour and devotion in one , powerfully strikes and affects others . there is also an extraordinary majesty in the word of god , when it is not only fitted to our peculiar condition , but authoritatively pronounced , and applied to our conscience by gods messenger . above all , in prayers , when our petitions and requests are not only put up to almighty god , by his own minister appointed for this purpose ; but our weakness is relieved , our spirits incouraged , and we are inabled ( notwithstanding our private meanness or guilt ) to hope for acceptance and success in our desires , by the concurrent devotions of so many holy men as there join with us in the same suit , and in the same words , and whose united importunity besieges heaven , and prevails with almighty goodness for a blessing . wherefore let no man permit the private exercises of piety it self , such as prayer , reading , or meditation , to supersede or hinder his attendance upon the publick offices of the church , seeing that as these yield more publick honour to the divine majesty , so they are more effectual for our own benefit ; much less let sloth or too great eagerness upon the affairs of the world , make us forget or neglect them ; but least of all let any lukewarm indifferency or atheistical carelessness seise upon any man in this particular ; but let the man who glories to be of the christian church , be sure to be found there in the assemblies of gods servants . 3. and more particularly , let him not neglect the opportunities of receiving the sacrament of the lords supper , as often as they are presented to him , unless some weighty occasion hinder or disable him . it is well known to have been the use of the primitive church to administer this holy sacrament as often as it held any solemn assembly for divine worship , and the christians then as duly received it as they came to church ; nor did the frequency of it abate their reverence to it , but highly increased it rather . and this office they therefore called the communion , because it was the symbol of a compleat member of the church , and the fullest instance of that society . to have been kept from it by any accident , was then looked upon as a great calamity ; but to be debarred from it by the censure of the church , was as dreadful to them as the sentence of death . they sought to be restored to it with tears , with prostrations in sackcloth and ashes , with all the intercession of their friends , and all the interests they could make . there was no need in those times to use arguments to convince men of the duty , or repeated exhortations to press them to the performance of it ; the ministers of the church had no trouble in answering objections against it , or removing impertinent scruples about it , much less was there any occasion to urge the observance of it by humane laws ; for they remembred it was instituted by their saviour on the same night in which he was betrayed , for the commemoration of his passion , and recommended to their observance by the most obliging circumstances ; they found the constant solemnity of it setled in all churches by the apostles , and they were well aware of the unspeakable comforts of it . now the reason of all these things holds as much in these times as then ( saving that men are not so conscientious and devout as they were ) : for in the first place , it hath been the custom of the church in all times since , to make this sacrament the badge and cognizance of her members , until of late those have pretended to be churches where there was neither order nor unity , neither sacraments administred nor indeed persons qualified to administer them ; and it 's great pity and shame that such an unhappy novelty should prescribe against all antiquity . and then secondly , as for the institution of this sacrament by our saviour , it is manifest , that he did not deliver himself by way of counsel and advice , so as to leave it to our discretion or courtesy to observe this sacrament or omit it , but by express and positive command , do this in remembrance of me ; and therefore there is no room for the cavil against mixt communion , as if we were excused from celebrating the lord's supper , because others do it unworthily ; which is as much as to say , because some do it as they should not , i may chuse whether i will do it at all . but ( as i said ) here is an express command that we do it , and therefore we have no liberty to omit it upon any such pretence . and upon the same account it will be in vain to pretend i am not prepared for it , and therefore must be excused ; for when our lord hath made it our duty to do it , it is our duty also to do it as we should do , and the neglect of one duty will not excuse another , i. e. our sin of unpreparedness will be no apology for our sin in total omission of the sacrament . the whole truth is , here are two things required of us , one expressed and the other implied ; the express duty is ; that we celebrate the memorial of our saviours passion ; the implied duty is , that this be done with such preparation as agrees with so sacred a mystery ; both these therefore are to be performed : for as my coming to the sacrament will not excuse my coming unpreparedly , so much less will my unpreparedness excuse my not coming at all . but of the two , it seems far the more pardonable to come , though somewhat unpreparedly , than not to come because of unpreparedness ; for that is neither to come nor prepare neither . i say , though neither ought to be done , yet it is plainly better to offend in the point of an implied duty , than of an express one ; but especially , it is more tolerable to commit one sin than both , as he that comes not to the lords supper at all , notoriously doth . but then thirdly , for the comforts of this holy sacrament , those are so vastly great , that the man is as well insensible of his own good as of the honour of christ jesus , who willfully neglects the lords supper . for in the first place , by commemorating the passion of our lord in that holy feast , we not only perform an office of obedience and gratitude to our saviour , but we strengthen our faith in the efficacy of his death and sacrifice for the expiation of sin , which affords the greatest relief to our guilty consciences that can be . and together herewith we melt our own hearts into contrition , fears and sorrow for those sins of ours which required such an atonement . for who can consider what his saviour suffered , and look upon him whom we have pierced , and not mourn heartily for his sin and his danger ? again , by eating and drinking at the lords table we are made sensible of the happy estate of friendship with god , which we are now restored to by the intercession of our lord jesus . moreover by commemorating his death , and the ends and effects of it , we fortify our own minds against the fear of death , and by feeding upon his body and blood we have the pledges of our own resurrection and immortality , and to say no more ( though in so copious and comfortable a subject ) by partaking of his body and blood we become united to him , and partake of the same spirit that was in him . and now after all this , who will make that an excuse for omitting the sacrament , that they do not find or observe , that either themselves or others profit by it ? what , is it no profit that we have done our duty and exprest our gratitude to so great a benefactor ? is it no profit to see christ crucified before our eyes , and to see him pour out his heart blood for sinners ? is it no profit to be made ingenuously to weep over our own sins ? is it no priviledge , no comfort to be admitted to the lords table , in token of friendship and reconciliation with him ? certainly there is no body but profits something more or less by these things ; and if there be any man who doth not profit greatly by them , he must needs have a very naughty heart indeed , and had need to prepare himself , and go often to the sacrament that it may be mended . but however let the good christian gladly imbrace all opportunities of this holy solemnity , and not doubt to find comfort by it . 4. as for the other offices of the church , such as prayers especially , let him remember to frequent them constantly and intirely . by constancy of attendance upon publick worship , i mean , that he should not only apply himself to it on the sundays or lords days , but every day of the week if there be opportunity : and by intireness of gods service , i understand it to be his duty both to go at the beginning , and to join in it both morning and evening , that by all together he may not only sure himself and his own conscience of his heartiness and sincerity , but demonstrate to all about him the great sense he hath of the moment of religion , and that he looks upon the serving of god as of greater consequence than all other interests whatsoever . as for the first of these , viz. the frequenting the publick prayers every day ( where they are to be had ) it is observable in the character of cornelius , acts 10. 2. that amongst other instances of devotion it is said of him that he prayed to god always , which cannot well be understood of any thing else but his daily frequenting the publick prayers , because his private prayers could not be so well known as to make his character . but most expresly it is said of all that believed , acts 2. 46. that they continued daily with one accord in the temple , which must needs principally have reference to this duty of publick prayer ; and it is very hard if any man be so put to it , that he cannot spare one hour in a day to do publick honour to the divine majesty , or rather it is a great sign of unbelief in his providence as well as want of love to him , if a man cannot trust god so far as to hope that such a time spent in his service shall be recompensed by his blessing upon the residue of the day ; or however , a good christian will be well contented , and gladly sacrifice so much of his secular interests ( as this comes to ) to the divine majesty . as for the second point , viz. going at the beginning of prayers , it is a shameful neglect which several persons are guilty of , who will not altogether be absent from the church , but yet will come commonly so late , that they not only lose part of the prayers , but enter very abruptly and irreverently upon that which they partake of . it is possible a man may sometimes be surprized by the time , or diverted from his intention by some emergency ; but to be frequently tardy is an argument that he loves something better than god and his worship . for doubtless a good christian would ordinarily choose rather to stay for the minister , than that the publick office should stay for him , and thinks it fitter to spend a little time in preparing and disposing his heart for the duties of religion , than either to enter into the divine presence rudely , or to serve him only by halves . and as for the third branch of this instance of devotion , viz. the resorting both to morning and evening service , it is observable acts 3. 1. that the apostles were at the temple at the hour of prayer , being the ninth hour , which is both a proof of their frequenting the evening service as well as that of the morning , and also an example of observing the just and stated times of publick worship ; and surely it will become every good christian to be lead by such a precedent , especially seeing the gospel worship which we resort to is so much more excellent and comfortable than the jewish was ( which those holy men thus carefully frequented ) as we shall see by and by . 5. in the next place it is to be minded , that in all these publick approaches to gods house , we are to express a great reverence towards the divine majesty : by which i do not only mean that we ought in our hearts to think worthily of him , and prostrate all the inward powers of our souls to him , but that in our outward man , in our carriage and bodily deportment we express an awful regard to him , by all such gestures and signs , as according to the common opinion of men , are taken to betoken the highest reverence and observance , such as standing , kneeling , bowing , and prostrations of our selves before him . for though the heart be that which god principally looks at , yet forasmuch as he made our bodies as well as our souls , and we hope he will save both , he therefore expects we should glorify him , both with our souls and with our bodies which are his , and which he hath bought with a price , 1 cor. 6. 20. and indeed there is such a nearness and sympathy between our bodies and spirits , that they ordinarily move by consent , and draw one another into compliance . insomuch , that he who truly bows his soul to god , can scarcely forbear at the same time to bow his knees to him also ; and he on the other side that bows his knee to him , is by that very motion of his body in some measure put in mind to entertain reverential thoughts and affections towards him . and this care of bodily worship is the more important in publick service , and especially in gods house , because ( as i noted before ) then and there his honour and grandeur is concerned , and any indecent carriage in such a case , is an affront to him , and exposes him to contempt in the eyes of men , and therefore that carriage which in secret worship might admit of excuse , will in publick be intolerable profaneness . wherefore let not the pious man be affrighted by any one out of the expressions of bodily reverence , under the notion of superstition , which is become a bugbear , by which weak men are made afraid of every instance of a decorous or generous devotion . there can be no culpable superstition in our worship , so long as we have the true object for it , and whilest we use not such expressions of our devotion as he hath forbidden ; but this of bodily reverence is so far from being forbidden , that it is expresly required in the holy scripture , and hath been constantly practised by all holy men . nor let the phancy of a spiritual worship , required under the gospel , beguile any man into a contempt or neglect of bodily reverence ; for it is plain , that although the christian religion raises mens inward devotion higher , yet it abates nothing of outward adoration ; but rather when it requires the former should be more intense and affectionate , it supposes the other should be answerable , because it is natural so to be ; for this being the accessory cannot but follow the principal . it is true , there is a possibility that more stress may be laid upon the shadow than the substance , and some men may hope to complement god almighty out of his right to their hearts , by the addresses of their bodies : but the fault in this case is not , that there is too much of the latter , but too little of the former ; and the good christian therefore will be sure to join both together ; and as he will come to gods house with the most elevated affections , so he will express his apprehensions of the infinite distance between him and the divine majesty by the lowliest postures of his body . 6. next to this let the pious man think it his duty to pay some measure of reverence to gods minister as well as to the divine majesty , and for his sake . in the old testament , god took special care of the respect and dignity of his ministers as well as of their maintenance ; for indeed all contumely towards them redounds upon himself : and the new testament is very full and express in this particular , they are those that watch for our souls , and must give account for them , they are gods embassadors , and workers together with him , those by whose hands he pardons and blesses his people , and therefore he holds them as the stars in his right hand , and those who slight them that speak in his name on earth affront him that speaketh from heaven , but amongst the many passages in the new testament to this purpose , that of the apostle to the thessal . 1. ep. 5. 13. is very considerable , the words are these , we beseech you brethren to know those who labour amongst you , and are over you in the lord , and to esteem them very highly in love for their works sake . the last words are so emphatical they cannot be expressed in english , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to give them greater esteem than otherwise is due to them for their work and office sake , i. e. to value them above their parts and merits and quality in other respects , for the sake of that relation they stand in to god , and for their office and usefulness towards our souls . and indeed touching that last particular , it is evident in experience , that all those who have any regard to their own souls , are such as indeavour to raise in their hearts an esteem for their minister ; not only that they may incourage his studies and sweeten his labours to him , but that they may render themselves the more capable of following his counsels and receiving benefit by his instructions : and on the other side , those that slight and vilify the persons of such , neither do nor possibly can ( ordinarily ) receive any benefit by their ministry , and therefore the prophet hosea 4. 4. speaking of a profligate and hopeless sort of people , useth this expression , this people are as those that strive with the priest , q. d. they are not only horribly vicious and profane , but they are incorrigible too . therefore the piously disposed man will be sure to reverence gods ministers , both for gods sake and his own too , and this leads me to another duty of kind to the former , viz. 7. that the good christian account it an office of publick piety as well as of common justice , to pay truly and faithfully his tithes and church dues to the minister : this the apostle intimates by the expression of double honour , 1 tim. 5. 17. natural reason and the common sense of mankind requires that they which serve at the altar should live upon the altar . and in the old testament when god himself setled the provision for his ministers , he did it most amply and honourably ; and under the gospel pious antiquity took care that the christian church and ministry thereof should be liberally indowed , till the envy and rapacity of after-times deprived it of a great part of its rights ; but now after those depredations it would be an horrible sin and shame to rob the church of any part of that remainder , or fraudulently to diminish or impair it . for it is evident , that no man can pretend any right to it , as having neither purchased it nor hired it , nor had it descend upon him by inheritance ; the churches due being a reserved estate , or a rent-charge upon every private estate . and it is notorious that it is what pious ancestry consecrated to this use , and therefore no part of it can be invaded , intercepted or incroached upon without sacriledge and the curse of god. and for proof of this , we need no more than to observe the common success of such men as purloin from the church , and ( as their own phrase is ) are always pinching on the parsons side . they are generally a querulous , uneasy , lean , hungry and unthrifty sort of people , god almighty blowing upon and blasting their other labours for the sake of this accursed thing in their tents ; or if any of them thrive for the present , yet , one time or other , a coal from the altar will take hold of , and fire their nests . whereas on the other side , those that are just to god in this particular , ordinarily find the benefit of it in the success of their affairs , and they are commonly chearful in their spirits and prosperous in the world. but the good christian will not need these arguments , for he loves god and his service , and his ministers , and thinks it fit that he that reaps spiritual things ought liberally to sow temporal things , at least he will rather abridge himself than wrong the church , although it may be never so cleverly done , under the countenance of a corrupt custom or prescription . so far from it , that 8. in the eighth place he will be an example of pious munificence , and put himself to some voluntary cost for the ornaments of religion and the house of god , and that his publick service may be performed with gravity , decency and solemnity . for he thinks it very fit that the great majesty of heaven and earth should not only be worshipped with sincerity and devotion , but with grandeur and magnificence . he will not therefore humour the profaneness of degenerate times so much as to forswear building of churches , if it be in his power , nor much less will be backward or stingy in repairing of them when there is occasion ; for he cannot find in his heart to let gods house lie waste when he builds his own , nor frame his mind to think that is good enough for the uses of religion which he could not be contented with for his private accommodation , if better were in his power , and therefore will in all parish-meetings about these matters vote for god against his own purse , for he is of davids mind , who had no fancy for a cheap religion , nor would serve god with that which cost him nothing , 1 chron. 21. 24. and as he psal . 84. verses 5 , 6 , 7. blesses those that took pains to repair the ways , and to make the passage easy towards god house at jerusalem ; so the pious christian will indeavour by his counsel and example , that the whole external face of religion may be lightsome , beautiful and decorous in the place where he dwells , to the end that not only his animal spirits may the more chearfully comply with the devotion of his mind , but that those also may be invited to frequent gods house and worship , who have not yet experimented the spiritual ravishments of it . in further pursuance whereof 9. the pious man ( we speak of ) will together with all the aforesaid allurements , use also his utmost indeavours by perswasions , incouragements , and all other fit means to prevail with the whole neighbourhood or parish to frequent the church . for as he would not go to heaven alone , nay knows assuredly he shall not come there , if he do not indeavour to carry others along with him ; so neither is he contented to feed upon the fatness of gods house alone , but would have others partake with him . he hath a holy indignation to observe theaters to be filled , exchanges and markets thronged , and gods house unfurnished with guests . he wonders at the inconsiderateness of men who incur such a guilt by the contempt of religion , and pitties their folly that deny themselves so many comforts and advantages as gods house affords above any other place of resort whatsoever . besides , he considers , that not only god is more honour'd by a general confluence to his service , but that his own heart is more inlarged and chearful , and his affections more raised ( as it were moving in consort ) when there is a brave concourse in divine offices . psal . 122. 1 , 2. i rejoiced ( saith the holy man ) when they said , come , let us go up to the house of the lord , our feet shall stand within thy gates o jerusalem . well-disposed persons ( it seems ) then were wont to call upon and provoke one another , and to flock together in companies towards the temple , and it was a pleasant spectacle to the psalmist to behold it . and let good christians be ashamed to be outdone in any thing of this kind , since our church and worship is so incomparably more excellent than theirs . what was it that a zealous jew could provoke his neighbours to go up to the temple for ? to see a beast slain and a smoke made with the fat and entrails , or to muse upon the obscure hieroglyphicks in the fabrick , the utensils , the ornaments and service of that house ? but a christian goes to the church to hear the lively oracles of god , to see heaven opened in all its glories , and to be shewed the way thither . therefore he that is sensible of the great odds on the side of the christian worship , and who hath so much prudence and charity as to render him serviceable amongst his neighbours to such a purpose , will jog and awaken them out of their sloth and negligence of going to the church , by wise and manly discourses , and friendly and familiar exhortations , from the considerations of the scandal to religion , and discouragement to the minister by the peoples remissness , and of the duty and benefit of diligent attendance , and he will with the same zeal and care indeavour to answer their objections , and remove their scruples about it ; and especially considering , that this is commonly better taken , and sinks deeper into such men as need it , when it is done ( not only by the minister , who is presumed by these incogitant persons to do it for his interest or the reputation of his person or profession , but ) by those who are upon the same terms with themselves . to all this , the pious man aforesaid will wisely improve the interest of his charity to oblige the poorer sort to their duty , dispensing most liberally to them who are most inclinable to follow his counsel in this particular ; and for the middle sort of men , he will trade and buy and sell upon choice with those that are best affected to the church and religion . but if all this should not do , and that he cannot prevail upon all , yet 10. in the last place , he will not fail at least to over-rule his own family , that they shall universally and constantly frequent the church , and so be an example to the neighbourhood . this i have shewed before , every governour of a family hath authority from god to do , and the holy scripture affords us several instances of the efficacy and success of making use of it to this purpose ; amongst the rest , by virtue hereof , joshua undertook for his house , that they should serve the lord ; and cornelius prevailed upon those under him so , that he is said to fear the lord with all his house . and indeed a master of a family will be able to give a very sorry account of his family , if he cannot oblige them to go to church with him ; for we find by woful experience , that where under pretence of scruples about the publick worship , inferiours have claimed the priviledge of exemption , and been permitted to resort to conventicles , the effect hath been , that such persons have not only grown captious and insolent , and by degrees to despise their superiours , but having by this means gotten from under the eye of their governours have made no scruple to run into debauchery . therefore let the pious man strictly charge himself thus far , and look upon himself as very insignificant in his place , if he do not so much publick honour to god and religion , as to bring his family to the house of god. chap. vii . of civil piety , or , how a good man may carry himself so , as to promote gods honour , and the publick good , together with his own peace and comfort , in the parish , considered only as a civil society or neighbourhood . when our blessed saviour , mat. 5. 13. saith to his disciples , ye are the salt of the earth , he did not direct himself only to his apostles , or to them and their successors , the pastors of his church ( as some have imagined ) but to all his disciples in general . for besides that the beatitudes which he pronounces in the former part of the chapter , and his other discourse ( pursuant of them ) which immediately precedes these words , apparently concern all christians , so far as they are qualified for them ; it is evident also by s. luke , chap. 14. comparing the 25 verse with the 32. that it was his intention to apply this title of being the salt of the earth , to the whole body of true christians . and then the importance of that expression will be this , that the true spirit of christianity is and ought to be a principle of activity ; and the professors of this religion are not to content themselves with passive innocency , and that they escape the contagion of evil example , nor be corrupted and debauched by the temptations or customs of the world : but that they must look upon it as their duty to better and improve the state of mankind , to influence upon it , to season and preserve others from corruption as well as themselves . nor is this activity of true christianity to be strictly confined within the limits of the church , or to display it self merely in the great duties of religion properly considered . for as our saviour designed not only to shew men a way to another world above , but also to amend the condition of this present world below , and to make it a more quiet and comfortable habitation : so doubtless when he calls his disciples the salt of the whole earth , he intended to require , that every good man should ( within his whole sphere ) indeavour to promote humanity , morality , and the civil and political happiness of mankind . the discharge of which is that which i call civil piety , and the measures whereof ( at least so far as concerns the purpose in hand ) are briefly described in the following particulars . 1. the first office of civil piety is to maintain government and order , to keep up the honour and dignity of the prince , to preserve the reverence of magistracy and the laws of a mans country . for the doing of this , we have as express and urgent commands of god as any are to be found in the whole scripture ; and therefore the conscientious discharge hereof is as acceptable to him as any act of immediate worship . for god almighty needs nothing at our hands for himself , or for his own use and advantage , but makes the publick good of his creatures the matter and reason of his laws : now publick peace and tranquillity ( which are only to be preserved by laws and magistracy ) are of mighty concernment to mankind , as well as beautiful in the eyes of him that calleth himself a god of order . for without government we could have no quiet in our habitations , no security of our persons , no propriety in our estates , no defence against foreign invasion , nor any refuge from the inraged multitude or combined force of evil men ; but the weak would be a prey to the strong , the slothful would eat the labours of the industrious , the world would be filled with murders , rapine and violence , and become an hell upon earth ; and therefore it is not only worthy of a wise mans care to uphold government , but must be his important duty to indeavour it . and the being instrumental herein , is not only very honourable to religion , and consequently procures the benign aspect of princes towards it , and provokes them to become nursing fathers of it , but is peculiarly commodious to all the offices and exercises thereof . therefore it is observable , that the apostles generally in all their writings , immediately after they have discoursed of the peculiar duties of christianity , subjoin earnest exhortations to obedience to humane laws and civil powers ; and the primitive christians were so infinitely tender herein , as if they thought that god could not have his honour , and glory , and service rightly performed to him , unless peace and order were preserved in the world. now forasmuch as the greatest kingdoms consist of so many several lesser bodies , as the integral parts thereof ; and those again of so many parishes : and forasmuch as it is impossible there should be peace and good order in the whole , if the particular parts or members be out of order : therefore it must not only be the duty , but be within the power of every private person to contribute something towards the great ends aforesaid ; first by disposing himself , secondly by principling his family , and thirdly , by perswading and inclining his neighbours to favour and assist the government towards the attainment of the design of humane society . and this the good christian ought at this time especially to set himself about with the greater zeal , because the looseness herein seems to be one of the peculiar evils of the present age we live in , and that which not only makes an ill reflection upon religion , but indangers the state of it . in order therefore to the upholding of government , let the good man indeavour in converse with his neighbours to possess them with an apprehension of the necessity of submitting private interests to common utility , and particular opinion to publick discretion , and so bring them into a good opinion of the reasonableness of the laws , and of the wisdom of their governours . let him labour to remove peoples discontents , to confute their jealousies , and to make them chearful and well-pleased with the state of the world , which god hath ordered . let him discountenance all seditious libels and news , not permit in his company any pragmatical censuring of the laws or publick counsels ; no traducing the persons or exposing the infirmities of governours ; nor no repining at , and envying the glory and splendour of those that are preferred above themselves . that he may be successful in all this , let him be careful to preserve and keep up the distinct ranks , orders and degrees of men , and that those differences which it hath pleased the divine providence to make in the fortunes and conditions of men be observed , i mean in respect of age and youth , riches and poverty , honour and obscruity ; the neglect of which is not only a malapert quakerly humour , but a principle of sedition and confusion in the world. for as it is evident , that there can be no peace and quiet in the world , if there be no government ; so it is as certain , there can be no government where there is no order , nor the different degrees amongst men observed : and therefore he that would either level the condition of all men , or ( which is the same things in effect ) would destroy that reverence which keeps up that distinction and diversity of condition , dissolves the very sinews of humane society . god almighty indeed could easily have levelled the condition of all men , and taken away or prevented the differences of rich and poor , honourable and ignoble ; and of old and young too , if he had so pleased . but then , it is not imaginable how there could have been any society amongst men , at least , unless he had also by his omnipotency made them all to be wise and good too : but forasmuch as he resolved to have order and government amongst men , and yet would not effect it by violence ; he therefore resolved by means of those different conditions aforesaid , to subordinate them one to another , and to unite them together in the bonds of mutual usefulness and dependance . so he ordered that some should be poor to ease the rich of labour and drudgery , and others rich to imploy and incourage their industry ; that the one might have superfluity to relieve the others want , and the other be obliged by their bounty : the same providence ordered that there should be some men in power and dignity , and others in privacy and obscurity ; that the man of honour standing by and countenancing the ignoble as his client , he on the other side should observe and acknowledge him as his patron , and so harmony arises out of this discord . again , he ordered the world so , that all should not be of a stature and capacity of body or mind , but that there should be old men able to counsel and advise others , but not of strength to execute ; and young men of spirit and vigour for execution , but destitute of counsel and wisdom : that the former by their experience and observation instructing the latter , and the latter by their strength and courage assisting the former ; they might be mutually indeared to each other as members of the same body . he therefore who incourages or suffers ( if he can help it ) the poor to be surly and insolent towards the rich , or the private person to be contumacious towards those in dignity , or the young to be rude and malapert towards the aged , opposes himself to divine providence , and is the author of dissolution of government and confusion in the world. but he that perswades the poor to be modest , as well as the rich to be charitable ; that puts private persons in mind of subjection , as well as great men of generosity and mildness ; that disposes young men to reverence the gray hairs of the aged , as well as them to do worthily of their respect and gravity , subserves the divine providence in his wise method of preserving peace and order , and lays the first foundation of good government . for the foundation of all laws and magistracy is to be laid in the hearts and principles of men ; and unless a modest reverence of superiority be first setled there , the exercise of mere power and authority will be very difficult and insuccessful . so that it is in the power of private persons to promote publick government , and the office of virtuous men to do so . 2. the second office of a christian in his parish is to promote justice and honesty amongst the neighbourhood in all their dealings and transactions one with another . it is commonly and truly said , that justice is the pillar of the world , and therefore it is observable , that the great creator and governour of the world usually interposes by a visible providence , more in behalf of this virtue than of any other ; insomuch , that oppression , and those secret instances of injustice , which cannot ordinarily be discerned and punished by the hand of the magistrate , seldom escape a curse and divine vengeance in this life . for besides the mischief that such sins do to humane society , they are arguments of great infidelity and atheism ; forasmuch as it plainly betrays that man to have no perswasion of a world to come , who can be tempted for the sake of the present world to do such base and ununworthy actions ; and therefore it is as well an act of piety towards god , and of charity to men , as of advantage to the state of civil society , to use all indeavours to prevent such kind of transgressions . but it is not only strict justice which i here intend , but my meaning is to take it in the full latitude , so as to comprise truth , and faithfulness , and equity also ; that men be true in their assertions , faithful and steady in their promises , and equitable and candid in all their dealings , and so far from doing violence to each other , that they do not enterprize to out-wit , surprize , or over reach one another , but that they use a humane temper , and express a publick spirit ; and in a word , that they govern themselves by that golden rule of doing to others as they would be content to be done unto , every man making the case of his neighbour to be his own . and this i the rather represent to the good christians care , because this kind of injustice is become another very common and epidemical sin of the age , and men seem to applaud themselves in being able to cheat beyond the cognizance of humane laws , and to play upon and abuse the simplicity , credulity , or inadvertency one of another . for prevention and remedy of which , the person we speak of , must in the first place render himself a great example of integrity and equity , especially because the measures of these virtues cannot be so well delivered by the prescription of any laws whatsoever , as they may be exprest in the life , and observed in the conversation of good men . and in the next place he ought to endeavour by discourse to make those he converses with , sensible of the baseness and villany of injustice , by representing the sordid love of the world from which it proceeds , the distrust in gods providence with which it is accompanied , or rather the utter unbelief of a god by which it is incouraged . how treacherous and cowardly a thing it is to work upon other mens necessity or facility : how selfish and un-neighbourly a thing to have no respect to any thing but our own private interest : how little is commonly gotten at last by such kind of courses : and to how little purpose , since a man cannot but expect the curse of god upon his honest endeavours ( otherwise ) for the sake of his unjust acquisitions . 3. the third office of good neighbourhood is to indeavour to bring into fashion again that almost antiquated virtue of simplicity and plain-heartedness in our discourses and communications ; that men , especially neighbours , should ordinarily be free and open and plain to one another without cunning and scrupulous reservation , than which nothing is more suitable to the relation of neighbours , nothing more friendly and obliging ; for it makes conversation safe and easy when men express a moderate confidence one in another : and although this like some of the lesser stars , make no great shew in the world ; yet is it of very great influence to sweeten the tempers of men , and improve the comforts of society . besides , it is an argument of sincerity of heart , of competent assurance of a mans own judgment , and a real instance of true greatness of mind ; whereas little artifices of concealment are justly looked upon as the disguises of weakness , or the prefaces to fraud , and consequently render a man either dangerous or contemptible to those he converses with . some men indeed please themselves much in closeness and caution , and count it not only a point of prudence , but a piece of state and greatness to live in the dark to all about them ; but it is easy to observe , that if any men admire such persons for their depth , they withal suspect them for their designs , and to be sure do not love them . i acknowledge there is such a thing as a prudent and virtuous secrecy and taciturnity , which is very commendable and necessary in some cases ; for no man values him that labours under a looseness of tongue , and an incontinency of mind , so that he cannot keep his own counsel : and who shall trust him with their secrets who is a blab of his own ? and it is well enough said , that nakedness of mind is as undecent as that of the body . but then on the other side , must a man be accounted naked unless he cloath himself in armour ? to be always upon the ward , and to stand continually upon our guard , as if we were in an enemies country , is at least un-neighbourly and disobliging . for besides that such an artificial conversation is very troublesome to both parties , in regard on the one hand it is very difficult to the reserved man always to stand bent , so as never to betray himself , and then he spoils all his design : and on the other hand , it puts other men upon their guard too ; for men are naturally shy of those whom they observe to be constantly and rigidly close , and so conversation is interrupted ; whereas nothing unlocks other mens hearts , like the opening of our own to them . again too great reservedness as it is always entertained with jealousy and suspicion for the present , so it commonly breeds disputes and contests in the conclusion ; whereas plain-heartedness hath no rubs nor difficulties in its way , nor no after-game to play : for every man believes and trusts such a man as plays upon the square , and such a conversation is pleasant and acceptable . moreover cunning is always lookt upon as an argument of a little mind and of a cowardly temper ; for what should tempt a man to dissemble and work under-ground , but mistrust of his own abilities or consciousness of evil designs ; and this is so far from affording a man any security , that it provokes other men , first to pry the more curiously into him , and then to countermine him , and at last to expose him . to all which add , that if this reservedness we speak of proceeds from insincerity and design , it betrays great unbelief of god and of providence ; for the clear apprehensions of those great points will incourage a man to be open , and plain and confident : but if it proceed from temper and constitution only , yet even then it doth far more harm than good , and particularly ( as i said before ) it makes life and conversation very uncomfortable , and good neighbourhood plainly impossible ; and therefore it is well worthy of the care and indeavours of a good man to reduce and recover the antient sincerity and simplicity , instead of that hollow complemental hypocrisy which hath of late supplanted and excluded it . 4. but yet care is to be taken withal , that this plainness and simplicity degenerate not into rudeness , or frothy and foolish conversation , and therefore it is the fourth office of a virtuous man amongst his neighbours , to indeavour to render conversation favoury , and manly and profitable as well as sincere ; that is , that it be neither trifled away with flat , inspid and gossiping impertinence , nor misimployed in light and idle drollery , nor turned into an occasion of tipling and sensuality , much less debauched by profaneness and malapert reflections on things sacred , but that it be applied to the furtherance of real business , to the bettering of mens understandings , to virtuous purposes , and especially to the advantage of religion . these last things are useful to the world , and worthy of men ; but the other are a mis-expence of time , a degrading of our selves , a reproach to our reason , and the bane of conversation . with a peculiar respect to such things as these it is that christians are called the salt of the earth ( as i observed before ) because they are not only to prevent the rottenness and putrefaction , but also the flatness and insipidity of conversation . and as for that which i intimated in the last place , namely , the consulting the advantage of religion , i must now say further , that although it be true that that is not the only subject of good discourse , forasmuch as god allows us both the refreshment of our spirits , and a moderate concern about the affairs of this life ; and therefore consequently the affair of another world ought not to be importunely thrust in upon all occasions to the exclusion of other entertainments : yet most certainly it ought to have its place and share in our friendly communications , as being the most weighty and important subject , and if it be dexterously managed , the most gentile and obliging . neither will it be so very difficult as is commonly imagined , to turn the stream of neighbourly discourse this way , if men would be perswaded to try , and apply themselves seriously to it : and surely he that hopes to attain the joys of heaven himself , cannot but wish his neighbours in the way thither also ; nor can he whose heart is throughly affected with the apprehensions of it , omit now and then to let fall something or other that way tending ; at least every good man owes so much to god and religion , as to interpose a good word sometimes in their behalf , which besides that it gives some countenance to piety for the present , may by the blessing of god make a greater impression than we are aware of , and redound to his own comfortable account another day . but 5. it is unquestionably the duty of every christian to labour to the utmost of his power to make and preserve peace amongst his neighbours . to this purpose it is very observable , that our saviour , mark 9. 50. joins these two things together , have salt in your selves , and have peace one with another ; as if he had said , though you are the salt of the earth , yet you must take care you be not too sharp and acrimonious . you must indeed preserve the world from corruption , but yet you must not exasperate it into passion and disorder ; for you must compose men to peace and quietness , and quench their combustions as well as inflame their zeal and devotion . and indeed the latter of these can never successfully be undertaken , unless at the same time , the former be provided for ; for religion never takes place in mens hearts , nor brings forth fruits in their lives , when the spirits of men are imbroiled with heats and animosities . men are not fit to consider of the counsels of the gospel , nor to estimate the reason and importance of them , when their minds are in a flame , and their thoughts in an hurry . nor if they were already perswaded of them , could they be in a temper to comply with them , or to make any fit expression of love and service towards god , whilst they are at variance with their brethren , and therefore the apostle tells us , the fruits of righteousness are sowen in peace , james 3. 18. and as peace is very advantagious to gods service , so the making and procuring it is very honourable and comfortable to them that are imployed about it . they are under one of our saviours beatitudes , and he intitles them the children of god in a peculiar manner , mat. 5. 9. viz. as being those who especially imitate and resemble him . and one instance of the blessedness of such men is this , that they which make peace , commonly reap the fruits of it , both in the benign and kindly chearfulness of their own spirits , and in the fair and courteous usage they generally meet with from other men , as well as in the repose and quiet they enjoy when all the world is peaceable and still round about them ; whereas makebates and incendiaries torment themselves first before they torture other men , and besides , bring the fire home to their own houses when they have inflamed other mens . the good christian therefore is not only peaceable himself , but a peacemaker in his parish , to which end he will in the first place discountenance all whisperers , eves-droppers and tale-bearers as the pest of society ; for these are the bellows that blow up a spark into a flame . he will indeavour to prevent and take up law-suits , which commonly begin in passion and end in malice : for the decision of them rather immortalizes the quarrel than finishes the dispute ; and he that overcomes , very often like the bee , destroys himself whilst he fastens his sting upon another . he sets a mark upon them that single themselves from the rest of their neighbours , and divide into parties as men of a great deal of pride , but of little wit ; for a great and generous mind would be easily able to animate such a society as a parish , and render himself considerable in the whole without tearing it in pieces that he may lead a faction . he detests and abhors all affected singularity , though the instance of it be in it self unblameable ( so long as it is not absolutely necessary ) because he considers such things first raise jealousy , then provoke emulation ; and at last end in alienation of affections . he indeavours that no new opinions in religion may be broached amongst the neighbourhood , as knowing well there can be no new gospel , or new way to heaven , and he hath learnt by experience , that whilst men stand gazing after new lights they make halt in the race of virtue , and lose the way of peace , without which they shall never come at heaven . he indeavours therefore to keep up the antient landmarks , both in spiritual and temporal affairs ; but if any disputes be raised , he will presently bring water to quench the fire in the beginning , and by discreet and temperate discourses incline both parties to coolness and moderation , by representing the littleness of the matter in controversy between them , the great benefit of unity and concord amongst neighbours , and especially by putting them in mind of the approaches of death , which will very shortly take away the subject of the question , and the disputants too . 6. sixthly , next to this and to the intent that his indeavours of making peace may be the more successful , he will contrive to render his person acceptable and fit to be interposed in quarrels , by making himself remarkable for all other offices of charity and beneficence , such as relieving of the poor to the very utmost of his ability , and by sympathizing with those he cannot help , by visiting the sick , counselling the weak and injudicious , comforting the disconsolate , vindicating the injured , rescuing the oppressed , and taking the part of the widow and fatherless ; by all which and several other good offices he will become a common father and friend to the whole neighbourhood . most of these things may be performed without much cost or trouble , or if they be chargeable either way , the expence will be abundantly recompensed by the delight that attends the discharge of them : for they are commonly as comfortable in the doing to those that undertake them , as they are beneficial to those for whose sake they are undertaken . thus at a cheap rate a man becomes a benefactor and a blessing to the times and places where he lives , and besides , doth a singular service to god , vindicating his providence in the inequal distribution of his temporal blessings , and he renders religion lovely in the eyes of all the world , and he very effectually consults the comfort of his own soul , giving proof to himself , that he loves god whom he hath not seen , because he loves his brother whom he hath seen . 7. seventhly and lastly , ( and to speak summarily ) it is the duty and the practice of a good christian by all the means he can devise , to promote the welfare and prosperity of his parish and neighbourhood , not only because it is far more comfortable living amongst those who are in a prosperous condition ( as to their outward affairs ) in regard that moderate prosperity sweetens mens spirits and betters their temper , as much as pinching want and necessity , soures and disorders them : but also because generally god is better loved and served by men whose hearts are chearful and easy , than by the querulous and unhappy . in order therefore to the wealth and prosperity of the place where he dwells , the good christian will in the first place take care to prevent the idleness of the inhabitants by bringing in some manufacture or other ( if it be possible ) that so all hands may be set on work in some honest way of living ; for idleness , besides that it makes a very ugly figure , clothing the slothful persons with rags , it commonly inclines people to be great eaters , having nothing else to do but to mind their bellies , and so they become a sort of caterpillars which devour other mens labours ; it also tempts them by their necessity to pilfer , cheat , lie and steal , and do any base action imaginable ; and moreover such people are generally envious , malicious , busy bodies , medlers in other mens matters , and in a word , being desperate in their fortunes , they are past fear and shame . whereas on the other side , honest industry , besides that it is attended with the blessing of god , renders people modest , quiet , governable , chearful , good natured , and publick spirited . in the next place , and in pursuance of the same ends , the pious parishioner will , as far as he is able , prevent tipling and drunkenness amongst his neighbours , which is well known to be the common cause of want amongst the inferiour sort of people ; for this beastly way they will swill down presently that which might go a great way in the maintenance of their families , besides , that the custom of it loses their time , softens and relaxes their nerves , and makes them impatient of labour ; it raises their passions , and abates their discretion , and so disposes them to be quarrelsome with their families when they come home ; and which is worst of all , renders them proud , insolent and ungovernable . furthermore , the good man will indeavour ( if it be wanting , and the place be capable of it ) to get a good school setled in the parish , which besides the great advantage of it , for the education of youth , doth generally inrich the place , and is more beneficial than a manufacture ; for this affords some imployment for those poor that are there already , and makes no more , nor draws other such to the place as manufacture usually doth . and lastly , to all this , a good neighbour will indeavour to bring all vicious and incorrigible people to shame and punishment , than which nothing conduces more to the honour of religion , to the peace of the inhabitants , or the felicity of the place . there are notwithstanding some fond and incogitant people who think this course quite contrary to good neighbourhood , and look upon those as the best townsmen that will connive at mens vices , and let every body do what they list : but with their leave , as it is the greatest kindness toward such vicious persons , to make use of the provision which the wisdom of laws hath made for their amendment , so he is the best christian that discriminates between good and bad men , as well as the best townsman who will not permit virtue and industry to be discouraged by the impudence and impunity of some lewd persons ; but so much for that . these things which i have now treated of in this chapter , are a certain kind of lesser morals , and the peculiar instances of that which i called civil piety ; but if the good christian will ( as he ought ) take care of them , he will do at least a collateral service to almighty god , by being a benefactor to the world ; he will render the attendance upon religion more easy , and make his own passage through the world towards heaven the more quiet and comfortable , which is the thing aimed at all along in these papers . the end . the maxims of the saints explained, concerning the interiour life by the lord arch-bishop of cambray &c. ; to which are added, thirty-four articles by the lord arch-bishop of paris, the bishops of meaux and chartres, (that occasioned this book), also their declaration upon it ; together with the french-king's and the arch-bishop of cambray's letters to the pope upon the same subject. explication des maximes des saints sur la vie interieure. english fénelon, françois de salignac de la mothe-, 1651-1715. 1698 approx. 330 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 134 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a41099 wing f675 estc r6318 11795849 ocm 11795849 49309 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a41099) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 49309) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 492:6) the maxims of the saints explained, concerning the interiour life by the lord arch-bishop of cambray &c. ; to which are added, thirty-four articles by the lord arch-bishop of paris, the bishops of meaux and chartres, (that occasioned this book), also their declaration upon it ; together with the french-king's and the arch-bishop of cambray's letters to the pope upon the same subject. explication des maximes des saints sur la vie interieure. english fénelon, françois de salignac de la mothe-, 1651-1715. fénelon, françois de salignac de la mothe-, 1651-1715. correspondence. louis xiv, king of france, 1638-1715. correspondence. noailles, louis-antoine de, 1651-1729. godet des marais, paul, 1647-1709. bossuet, jacques bénigne, 1627-1704. instruction sur les estats d'oraison, où sont exposées les erreurs des faux mystiques de nos jours. [24], 228, [9] p. printed for h. rhodes, london : 1698. translation of explication des maximes des saints sur la vie interieure. 1697. the declaration of the bishops (p.166-215) has english and latin texts on opposite pages. the thirty-four articles, included in this work, are taken from the bishop of meaux' work, instructions concerning the nature of prayer. reproduction of original in bristol public library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) 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as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng quietism. love -early works to 1800. religion -early works to 1800. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 john latta sampled and proofread 2008-03 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the maxims of the saints explained , concerning the interiour life . by the lord arch-bishop of cambray , &c. to which are added , thirty-four articles , by the lord arch-bishop of paris , the bishops of meaux , and chartres , ( that occasioned this book , ) also their declaration upon it . together with the french-king's and the arch-bishop of cambray's letters to the pope upon the same subject . london , printed for h. rhodes , at the star , the corner of bride-lane in fleet-street , 1698. the preface . i always was of opinion , men ought both to speak and write concerning the internal life , with all the moderation imaginable , and though the same includes nothing but what is clearly conformable to the immutable rule of faith and evangelick obedience ; yet to me it appears very manifest , that this matter requires a kind of secret and wary management : the generality of readers are not at all prepared for such strong sort of readings : it s the way to expose the most pure and sublime part of religion to the derision of of prophane spirits , in whose sight the mystery of christ crucified , is no other than a stumbling-block of offence , and meer folly : this is to commit the ineffable secrets of god in the heart , to the hands of the most unthankful and most unexperienced men , who are not capable of any benefit or edification thereby : on the other hand , 't is to lay snares for all those that are uncredulous and discretionless , in order to fall to illusion ; for they presently imagine themselves to be in all those states that books represent unto them , and from thence become visionaries and unteachable ; whereas , if they should be kept in ignorance of all those states which are above theirs , they could not fall upon those ways of disinterested love and contemplation , but by the sole attraction of grace , without their imaginations , heated with reading , having any share therein . hence it is , that i am perswaded men should be as silent as possible in this matter , for fear of overexciting the curiosity of the generality of mankind , who have neither experience nor a sufficient light of grace to examine the works of the saints ; for the carnal man can neither discern nor taste of the things of god , such as are the internal ways spoken of . but seeing this part of curiosity for some time past is become in a manner universal ; i think it will be as necessary to speak , as it might have been wished men would have held their tongues . my design in this treatise , is to explain the experiences and expressions of the saints , in order to prevent their being exposed to the scorn and derision of wicked men ; but at the same time i would lay open to mystical men , the real meaning of these holy authors , to the end , the true value of their expressions may be made known unto them . when i speak of holy authors , my meaning is , to confine my self to those that are canonized , or whose memories have a sweet smelling savour in all the church , and whose writings have been so solemnly approved of without any contradiction : i speak of no other than those saints who have been canonized or admired by the whole church , for having themselves practised , and caused their neighbour to practise a kind of spirituality , that is scattered up and down through the body of their writings . it s undoubtedly unlawful for us to reject such authors , or to accuse them of innovating any thing against the course of tradition . i am about to shew how far these holy authors have been from injuring the rule of faith , and favouring illusion ; i shall make appear to our mystical men that i shall detract in nothing from all that which is authorized by the maxims and experiences of those authors who are our pattern : i shall engage them into a belief of what i say , when i shew unto them the exact bounds these same saints have set us , and beyond which it is not allowable for us to go . the mystical men of whom i am speaking , are neither those fanaticks nor hypocrites , who conceal the mystery of iniquity under the notion of perfection : god forbid , that i should direct the word of truth to those men who do not carry the mystery of faith in a pure conscience , they deserve no other then indignation and horror : i speak to the plain , open-hearted , and teachable mysticks ; they ought to know that illusion continually follows the most perfect ways . those execrable men the false gnosticks , from the very beginning of christianity , had a mind to mix themselves with the true gnosticks , who were contemplative men , and the most perfect among the christians : the begardians , have in a false disguise imitated the contemplative of these last ages , such as st. bernard , richard and hugh de st. victor . it s an observation of bellarmine , that the expressions of mystick authors have been often critisiced upon , after an equivocal manner . it frequently happens , ( says he , ) in his book , de script . eccles . that the expressions of those who have written of mystick theology , have been condemned by some , and practised by others ; because they are not taken by every body in the same sence . cardinal bona , in his compendium , says also , that those who are taken up with pas sive contemplation are less able to expres themselves , but more excellent in matters of practice and experience : in short , there is nothing so hard as to give a right understanding of those states which consist in such simple and nice operations , that are so far abstracted from sence , and to set always in the right place all the correctives that are necessary to prevent illusion and to explain strictly the true system of theology . this is that which has given offence to some readers of mystical men's books , and hath drawn divers others of those readers into illusion ; while spain in the last age was full of so many saints endued with wonderful grace ; the illuminates were discovered in andalouzia , who brought the greatest saints to be suspected of unsincerity . then it was , st. theresa , balthazar alvarez , and the blessed john de la croix , took upon them to justifie their conduct and innocency . rusbrok whom bellarmine calls a great contemplative and taulere that apostolick man so famous throughout germany , have been vindicated , the one by st. dennis le chartreaux , and the other by blosius . neither has st francis de sales , been free from being contradicted , the criticks having been unable to discern how to joyn exact and strict theology with that light of grace that is most eminent : so it is , that the chaff oftentimes hides the good corn , and the purest authors concerning the internal life , stand in need of an explanation , ●●●st some expressions taken in a wrong sence should alter the purity of the doctrine . these examples should make mystical men sober and wary , if they are humble and teachable , they should leave not only doctrinals to the entire decision of the pastors of the church , but also the choise of all those terms that are proper to express them by : st. paul would rather never eat meat than offend the least of his brethren , for whom christ died . how can we then be tied to any expression that gives offence to a weak soul ? mystical men therefore should take away all equivocal terms , when they know the same are abused , in order to corrupt the soundest doctrine . let those who have spoken after an improper and exaggerated manner , and without precaution , explain their meaning , and suffer nothing to be wanting for the edification of the church ; let those who have been erroneous as to main doctrinals not content themselves with condemning the errors ▪ but let them confess they have believed them , and give the glory to god ; let them not be ashamed that they have erred , as being what is natural to the race of mankind ; but let them humbly confess their errors , since they remain to be no longer theirs , after they have made an humble confession of them . it s in order to distinguish truth from falshood in so nice and important a matter , that two great prelates have published thirty-four articles , that in substance contain all the doctrine of the internal life ; and i have no other design in this undertaking , than to give a larger explanation of the same . all these internal ways have a tendency to pure or disinterested love. this pure love is the highest degree of christian perfection : it is the end or boundary of all the ways known unto the saints . whoever allows of nothing beyond that , contains himself within the bounds of tradition . whoever exceeds this bound is already out of the way . if any one should doubt of the truth and perfection of this love , i make an offer of shewing an universal and clear tradition for it , from the times of the apostles to that of st. francis de sales without any interruption ; and i will thereupon publish , when i am desired to do it , a collection of all passages out of the fathers , school-men , and holy mysticks , who unanimously speak of it . it will appear from this collection , that the ancient fathers spoke as vigorously to the matter as st. francis de sales , and that they for the disinterest of love , have made the same suppositions concerning ▪ salvation , that our disdainful criticks so much laugh at , when they meet with them in the writings of the saints of the last age : even s. augustine himself , whom some have taken to be an opposer of this doctrine , hath taught it as much as any other . it 's true , indeed , the main thing is to explain this pure love aright , and to mark out the exact bounds , beyond which its disinterest could never go : the disinterest thereof , can never exclude the will from loving god without bounds , neither in regard to the degree , nor the duration of that love ; this can never exclude a conformity in us to the good pleasure of god , who not only wills our salvation , but would have us will it with him for his glory . this disinterested love , is always tied to the written law , performs entirely the same acts , and exercises the same distinct vertues , as interested love does , with this only difference , that it doth exercise the same in a simple and peaceable manner , and such as is disengaged from every motive of self-interest . this holy indifference that is so much praised by st. francis de sales , is nothing else but the disinterest of this love , which is always indifferent , and without any interested will for itself ; but the same is always determined to , and positively wills all that god would have us do , according to his written law , and that by the attraction of his grace . in order to the attaining to this state , our love must be purified , and all our internal trials , are but the purification of it ; even contemplation itself , that is of a most passive nature , is nothing else but the peaceable and uniform exercise of this pure love ; we cannot insensibly pass from meditation , wherein we perform methodical and discursive acts , into contemplation , whose acts are simple and direct , but in proportion to our passing from interested to disinterested love. this passive state , and transformation , together with the spiritual marriages , and essential or immediate vnion , are no other than the entire purity of this love ; the habit whereof , without being ever either invariable , or exempted from venial sins , very few souls are endued with . i do not speak of all these different degrees , that are so little known to the generality of the faithful , but because they are consecrated to us , by being made use of by a great many saints whom the church hath approved off , and have in these terms explained their experiences ; neither do i relate them for any other end , than to explain them with the strictest precaution . finally , all these internal ways tend to pure love , as to their end ; an habitual state whereof , is the highest degree attainable in the pilgrimage of this life ; it 's the foundation , and the top stone of the whole building : nothing can be rasher , than to oppose the purity of this love , that is so worthy of the perfection of our god , to whom all is due , and of his jealousie , which is a consuming fire . but again , there is nothing can be so rash , as to go about to take away from this love , the reality of its acts , in the practice of distinct vertues , by a chymerical refining of it . lastly , it will be no less dangerous , to place the perfection of the internal life , in some mysterious state , beyond the bound fixed to it of an habitual state of pure love. it 's in order to prevent all these inconveniences , that i have taken upon me to treat of the whole matter in the following articles , that are digested according to the various degrees that have been remarked unto us , by mystical men , in the spirittal life . every article will consist of two parts , the first will be the true one , which i shall approve of , and which shall contain all that is authorized by the experiences of the saints , and pursuant to the sound doctrine of pure love. the second shall be the false part , where i shall exactly explain the very place where the danger of illusion lies ; and as i shall give an account also of what is exorbitant in every article , i shall qualisie the same , and censure it according to the strict rules of theology . and thus the first part of my articles will be a collection of exact definitions of the saints expressions , in order to reduce them all to an uncontestable meaning , that can neither be liable to any equivocation , nor alarm the most timorous souls . it will be a kind of dictionary for definitions , in order to know the exact meaning of every term : these definitions together , will make up a plain and compleat system of all the internal ways , including a perfect vnity , seeing the whole thereof will be clearly reduced to the exercise of pure love , that has been as vigorously taught by all the fathers , as by the more modern saints . but on the other hand , the second part of my articles will shew all the consequence of false principles , that tend to create the most dangerous illusion , against the rule of faith and good manners , and that under a shew of perfection . i shall endeavour in each article , to point at the place where the equivocation begins , and to censure all that is ill , without in the least diminishing the authority of the saints experiences . if our mystical men would give me ear without prejudice , they would quickly apprehend what my meaning is , and that i take their expressions in a just extent of the true sence of them : i 'll even refer it to their own judgment , if i do not explain their maxims , with much more exactness than most of them have hitherto done ; because i have made it my principal business to give their expressions clear and exact ideas , and such as are authorised by tradition , without weakning the foundations of the things themselves : all good mystical men , who love nothing but truth , and the edification of the church , ought to be satisfied with this plan : i could have added hereunto a great many formal passages out of the ancient fathers , as well as school-doctors , and mystical saints ; but this vndertaking would engage me into such lengths , and innumerable repetitions as frightned me from it , for the reader 's sake : this is that which hath caused me to suppress the collection of those passages , which i had already digested and set in order . i do suppose , without any more ado , this tradition to be constant and decisive ; and i have confined my self to set forth here a clear system , and such as is agreeable to theological definitions : tho' the driness of this method looks like a great inconvenience , yet it is less than that of a tiresome length . i have no more to do , than to practise this plan , that i have given an explanation of : i look up unto god , and not my self , for strength to do it , who is pleased to make use of the vilest and unworthiest instruments : my doctrine ought not to be mine , but that of christ , who sends forth pastors ; be it far from me , to say any thing of my self ; may i not prosper , if while i am engaged in instructing others . i be not my self the most teachable , and most submissive child of the catholick , apostolick , and roman church . i shall begin my work , with making a plain exposition of the different sences that may be given to that we call , the love of god ; in order to give a clear and distinct vnderstanding of the state of the questions belonging to this matter ; then will the reader meet with my articles , which approves of what is true , and condemns every thing that is false , in each particular relating to the internal life . the introduction . when i consider the many differences that have hapned from time to time , between not only particular persons of the roman communion , but even whole societies ; particucularly between the dominicans and franciscans , and the jesuites , and almost all others , about matters of faith , and other religious tenets , i cannot but admire at the boldness of some of those gentlemen , who make their unity to be a token of their infallibility , and the divided opinions of the protestants , an evident mark of the falsity of their belief : but surely , it is now high time they should give over that fantastick argument , since these sort of dissentions are more rife among themselves , than any other community in the world ; and they may have work enough to do , to turn their pens that way , especially since quietism , and some other opinions , in consequence of it , hath taken such root amongst them , that even some of those who are reckon'd the pillars of the church , seem to be as good as open favourers of it , and would draw , if it were possible , his holiness himself , to be of the same sentiments , and so to turn all at once heretick . but among all those who have more openly espoused these new opinions , is the lord arch-bishop of cambray , a person of that learning and consideration in his countrey as to have been intrusted by the french king his master , with the education of the young princes , the dauphine's sons . but how this eminent person came thus to expose himself will be somewhat worthy of our enquiry , before we proceed to give an account of the opposition he hath met with , and other consequences that have attended the publishing of his book , which is now presented to the english readers view , that he may pass his censure also thereupon . there are but a few people that have not heard of molinos , and his doctrine of quietism , some years since broached at rome , and what industry was used by the holy fathers inquisitors , to ruine both him and it ; but how rigorous soever they shewed themselves against the author , they have not yet been able to suppress his opinions , which not only have still a being and considerable fautors amongst them in italy , but the same or something very like it , which we may call semi-quietism , upon the same account as some ancient hereticks were distinguished with the name of semipelagians , hath been able to make its way through the snowy alps , and enter into the kingdom of france , and agreed so well since with the soyl of that countrey , that it will not be quickly rooted out . the rulers of the gallican church began to be sensible pretty early , of this supposed growing evil ; but the occasion of their taking a more publick notice of it , was , a certain womans putting out a pamphlet , called a short method , &c. and dispersing some other papers , savouring very much of quietism , whom to reclaim from her error , they took care to appoint three counsellours to admonish and instruct her , and to them the arch-bishop of cambray was added for a fourth : but which way things came to pass , and what success soever the first three might think they had upon the woman , its likely she brought over the fourth to the opinion , ( or somewhat that was near it , if he were not so before ) she was accused of being guilty of ; but this did not appear at present . however , some of the clergy thought it high time to bestir themselves in the matter ; and particularly the arch-bishop of paris , the bishops of meaux and chartres , did believe the foundation of their church to have been so far struck at by such proceedings that they framed thirty four articles , on the 16th and 26th of april , 1695. wherein they set forth what every christian ought to believe and act , and what to reject , as erroneous and noxious to the souls of men ; hereupon , the arch-bishop of cambray , led by what fate i know not , took upon him to compile this work , entituled , the maxims of the saints explained , and therein to give a more full explication of the said thirty four articles , but did it in such a manner , as allarmed the whole body of the french clergy , but more particularly , the authors of the said articles , who with divers others failed not to make complaints thereof to the king , and at the same time to importune him to commit the said work to examination . the arch-bishops of rheims and paris with the bishop of meaux , an implacable enemy to cambray , were the persons appointed for it , the effect whereof was the putting out of their declaration , upon the same subject wherein they fully set forth their sentiments in relation to it . and as these prelates distinguished their zeal in this manner , against this semi-quietism ; the bishop of noyon , about the same time , in his pastoral letter , written in the form of a preservative , to keep the clergy , and faithful of his diocess , in the holy exercise of a solid and real piety , against the pernicions maxims of quietism , sets himself against quietism , in all the branches of it : but tho' he would have the quietism he darts his thunder at , to be not that of molinos , but this new sort of semi-quietism ; yet when he comes to a kind of an explanation of it , he confounds the new quietism with the old , seeing that in respect to the opinions , which he looks upon to be most monstrous , he imputes what molinos taught , to those against whom he writes ; of which take this one tast , what an abomination is it ( says the bishop ) to set up vices in the place of vertues , and to pretend , that shameful falls are the steps by which to ascend to the glory of a perfect union with god. now this is molinos himself , that has occasioned this exclamation , who says in direct terms , that we ought not to afflict , or disturb our selves , when we fall into any defect ; but to rise up and go on , and set our selves to exercises of piety , as if we had never fallen : would you not take him to be a fool , says he , who contending for the prize of a race , and hapning to stumble in the midst of his carier , should lie upon the ground , to no other end , than to bewail his fall ? you would rather say to him , rise , friend , and without loss of time , set thy self a running again ; for he that gets up quickly , and pursues his race , is like one that never fell : so that it 's manifest from hence , in short , that the french prelates do not well understand what they write against ; but that there is something in it tending to invalidate penances , and put auricular confessions out of fashion , which has brought so much grist to the romish mill , is what they seem to be very apprehensive of . but the clergy , notwithstanding all their ' fore-mention'd endeavours for the suppression of this new doctrine , finding it to spread itself more and more , among all ranks and orders of men , as well ecclesiasticks as laicks , they thought it high time to transfer the accusation to the court of rome , with all the aggravation of the arch-bishop's of cambray's crime , and heresie , imaginable ; and because they would not fail to make sure work of it , they engag'd the french king so far on their side also , as to get him to write to the pope , to induce him in confirmation of the censures of the clergy of france , to condemn the arch-bishop's book ; who , on his own part also , being not ignorant of these proceedings against him , and not to be wanting to his own defence , thought it no less proper to write to his holiness upon the same subject : but tho' the bishop has used as much caution as submission in that he wrote to the pope , yet you will find in another of his letters to a friend , that he is the same man still . but how violent soever the arch-bishops accusers appear'd against him , both in france and rome , the pope kept a soft pace , till such time as having received the arch-bishops said letter , he was pleased to appoint seven commissioners to examine his book , viz. the master of the sacred pallace , his holiness his confessor , and a jaccbin ; father marsouiller , a french-man of the same order , the proctor-general of st. augustine-friars , father gabriel , of the mendicant order ; father miri , a benedictine ; father grenelli , a franciscan ; and father alfaro , jesuit . these were to make their report to the congregation of the holy office , in order to their farther proceedings thereupon : but whither it were that these gentlemen could not understand the bishops gallimaufry of notional speculations , or what shall i call it , or what ever else was in the wind , they did nothing in it , and the matter at last came before old infallibility himself , and his sacred college of cardinals : but after all this , and the continual sollicitations of the jesuits and some great prelates , there are some months now elapsed and nothing done in it ; and by any thing that hitherto has appear'd to the contrary , they are so far from coming to a final decision either in favour or against the said book , as when they first began . to enter upon an inquiry into the doctrine and notions contained in this treatise , will not be proper for me in this place , that being entirely left to the judgment of every one that has an inclination to peruse it : it remains for me therefore to say ; that as it as stirred up the curiosity of all sorts of persons abroad to make an inspection into these tenets , so it has done mine , to engage me in a more particular inquiry into the rise , and progress , as well as the dislike of , and opposition made against them . an explanation of the diverse loves which may be had for god. 1. we may love god not for the sake of himself , but for some other good things depending on his almighty power , which we hope to obtain from him . such love as this had the carnal jews , who observed the law in hopes only of being recompenc'd with the dew of heaven and the fertility of the earth . this love is neither chast nor filial , but meerly servile ; or rather , to speak properly , who loveth so , does not love god but his own dear self , and seeks entirely for himself , not god , but what comes from him . 2. we may have faith and not one degree of charity with it . we know god to be our only happiness , that is to say , the only object , the sight whereof can render us happy . now should we in this slate love god as the only instrument to be made use of for to work our happiness , and because we are not able to find our happiness in any other object : should we look upon god as a means of felicity , and refer it purely to our selves as to its ultimate end , this would be rather a self-love than a love of god ; at least , it would be contrary to order , as respecting god as an object or instrument of our felicity , both to our selves and our own happiness . and though by this love we should seek for no other reward but god alone , yet would it prove wholly mercenary and of meer concupiscency . that soul ( as saith s. francis of sales in his book of the love of god , lib. 2. c. 17. ) which should love god only out of love to her self , by establishing the end of that love she bears to god in her own conveniency , alas ! would be guilty of an extream sacriledge ........ that soul which loveth god only for her own sake , loveth her self as she ought to love god , and loveth god as she ought to love her self : which is as much as if one should say , the love i bear to my self is the end for which i love god ; so that the love to god be depending , subordinate , and inferiour to self-love .... which is an unparallell'd impiety . 3. we may love god with a love of hope , which love is not intirely selfish , for it is mixt with a beginning of love to god for himself , only our own interest is the chief and predominant motive . s. francis of sales ( love of god , lib. 2. c. 17. ) speaks thus of this love . i don't say however that it returns so fully upon us as to make us to love god only for our sakes ..... there is a great deal of difference between saying ; i love god for the good things i expect from him : and this expression , i love god only for the good things i expect from him . this love of god is so call'd because the motive of self-interest is yet predominant in it : 't is a beginning of conversion to god ; but not yet the true righteousness of this hopeful love . s. francis of sales ( love of god , lib. 2. c. 17. ) spoke thus , sovereign love is only in charity ; but in hope love is imperfect , as not tending into the infinite goodness as it is such to us .... though in truth none by that love alone can either observe the commandments of god , or have eternal life . 4. there is a love of charity which is yet allayed with some mixture of self-interest , but is the true justifying love ; because the disinteressed motive is over-ruling in it : to which s. francis of sales speaks in the last cited place . sovereign love is only in charity . this love seeks after god for himself , and prefers him before anything whatsoever without exception . by reason only of that preference 〈…〉 capable to justifie us : and it prefe 〈…〉 less god and his glory , both to us and our interests than to all other creatures besides . the reason why is this : because we are no less vile creatures and unworthy to compare our selves with god than the rest of created beings . god who did not make us for the other creatures , hath not likewise made us for our selves , but for himself alone . he is no less jealous of us than of the other external objects which we may love . to speak properly , the only thing he is jealous of in us is our selves ; for he clearly sees that it is our selves , whom we are tempted to love in the enjoyments of all external objects . he is not liable to mistakes in his jealousie , and the love of our selves is the centre of all our affections . whatsoever does not proceed from the principle of charity , ( as s. austin so often saith , ) is of cupidity . and it is the destruction of that very love , the root of all vices , which is precisely the aim of god's jealousie . while we have yet but a love of hope whereby self-love does preponde are against the glory of god , the soul is not satisfied yet . but when disinteressed love or of charity begins to turn the scale and to prevail against self-interest , then a soul that loves god is truly beloved of him . nevertheless , this true charity is not yet entirely pure that is without any mixture : but the love of charity prevailing over the interessed motive of hope , that state is termed a state of charity . the soul then doth love god for the sake of him and for her self , but so as to love chiefly the glory of god , not seeking her own happiness , but as a means by her related and subordinated to the ultimate end , namely , the glory of her maker . nor is it necessary that this prefering of god and of his glory to us and our interests , be always explicite in the righteous soul. we are assured by faith that the glory of god and our felicity are inseparable one from another , 't is enough if this so just and necessary preference be real , but implicite in the occurrences of life . there is no need of its becoming explicite but in the extraordinary occasions of trial from god in order to purifie us from our dross . but then he would give us both light and courage proportionate to the trial , to carry us through it , and to make us sensible in our hearts of that preference . now to dive for it scrupulously at another time , in the bottom of our hearts would rather prove prejudicial and dangerous . 5. we may love god with a love of pure charity , and without any mixture of the motive of self-interest , then it is that we love god in the midst of troubles and adversities , so that we should not love him more even when he fills our souls with comforts . neither fear of punishments , nor desire of rewards have any share in this love ; god is no more beloved either in regard of the merit or perfection , or for the happiness which is found in loving him . we would love him as much , though by an impossible supposition he should know nothing of his being beloved , or would render eternally unhappy those who had loved him . nevertheless , we do love him as the supream and infallible happiness of those who are faithful to him ; we love him as our personal good , as our promised reward , as our all ; but no more with that precise motive of our own happiness and recompence . thus much did s. francis of sales , with the most exactness express ( love of god , lib. 2. c. 17. ) in these words : 't is a very different thing to say , i love god for my self ; and saying , i love god for the sake of my self ..... for the one is a holy affection of the bride ... and the other a downright impiety , &c. he speaks again thus in another place : the purity of love consists in not willing any thing for ones self , in looking on nothing but the good pleasure of god , for which one would be ready to prefer eternal torments to glory . the soul disinteressed in pure charity expects , desireth , hopeth in god as her good , her recompence , as that which is promised her and is entirely for her self . she will have him for her self , but not for the love of her self . she will have him for her self that she may conform with the good pleasure of god who will have it so for her self . but she will not have him for the love of her self , because she is no more acted by her own interest . this is pure and perfect love , which works the same acts as mixt love in all the same virtues ; with this one difference only , that it driveth out fear with all vexatious troubles , and is even free of all the solicitude of interessed love . now , i declare that to avoid all sort of equivocation , in a matter where it is so dangerous to make any , and so difficult not to mistake ; i shall always exactly observe the same names which i will assign to these five kinds of love for a better distinction . 1. the love of the carnal jews , for the gifts of god distinguished from him and not for himself , may be called meerly servile love . but because we shall have no need to speak of it , i shall say nothing of it in this work . 2. that love wherewith god is beloved as the means and only instrument of felicity , which is referr'd absolutely to ones self as to the ultimate end , may be termed meer concupiscential love . 3. that love in which the motive of our own happiness prevails yet over that of god's glory , is called love of hope or hopeful love . 4. that love in which charity is yet mixt with a motive of self-interest , related and subordinate to the principal motive , and to the ultimate end which is the pure glory of god , should be called love of charity mixt . but because we shall have occasion to oppose very often this love to that which is called pure or wholly interessed , i shall be oblig'd to give to this mixt love the name of interessed love ; as being indeed yet allayed with a remnant of selfish interest , though it be a love of preference of god to ones self . 5. the love to god alone , considered in it self , and without any the least mixture of an interessed motive either of fear , or of hope , is the pure love or perfect charity . articles . 1. article , true. meer concupiscential or wholly mercenary love , whereby nothing should be desired but god ; god , i say , for the only interest of ones own happiness , and because we should think to find in him the sole instrument of our felicity , would be a love unworthy of god. for one would then love him as a miser doth love his money , or as a voluptuous man his pleasure : so that one would referr only god to ones self as a means to its end . this overturning of order would be according to s. francis of sales ( love of god , lib. 2. c. 17. ) a sacrilegious love , and an unparallell'd impiety . but this meer concupiscential or wholly mercenary love ought never to be confounded with that love , which by divines is called of preference , which is a love of god mixt with ourself-interest , and in which the love of our selves is found always subordinate to the principal end , which is the glory of god. love meerly mercenary is rather a love of ones self than of god. it may indeed prepare one for righteousness in this , that it counterpoises our passions , and renders us prudent in discerning where our true good does lie : but it is against the essential order of a creature , and cannot be a real beginning of true internal justice . on the contrary , preferential love though selfish , may justifie a soul , if so be that our own interest be referr'd to it , and subordinate to the predominant love of god , and provided his glory be the principal end thereof , so that we do not prefer with less sincerity god to our selves , as to all other creatures . this preference ought not however to be always explicite , provided it be real : for god who knows the clay whereof we are formed , and pitieth his own children , does not require at their hand a distinct and unfolded preference , but in those cases wherein he giveth them by his grace the courage to go through those trials in which this preference must needs be explicite . speaking thus we recede in nothing from the doctrine of the holy council of t●ent , which hath declared against the protestants , that preferential love , in which the glory of god is the principal motive , to which that of our own interest is referr'd and subordinate , is not a sin. it condemns ( sess . 6. chap. 11. ) those who affirm , that just men do sin in all their works , if besides their principal desire that god be glorified , they cast one eye also upon the eternal reward to spur their laziness and incourage themselves in running the race . this is to speak as s. francis of sales , and the whole school of mystical men. i. article . false . all interessed love or mixt with any self-interest concerning our eternal happiness , though referr'd and subordinate to the principal motive of the glory of god , is a love unworthy of him , whereof the soul ought to be purified as of a true spot or sin . it is not even lawful to make use of meer concupiscential love or meerly mercenary to prepare sinful souls to their conversion , suspending thereby their passions and ill habits , in order to put them in a condition to hearken peaceably to the words of faith . to speak after that rate is to contradict the formal decision of the holy council of trent , declaring that mixt love wherein the glory of god is the predominant motive is no sin . this moreover is to contradict the experience of all holy pastors , who see often solid conversions prepared by a concupiscential love and a fear meerly servile . ii. article . true. there are three different degrees , or three habitual states of just men upon the earth . the first have a preferential love for god , since they are just , but this love though principal and predominant , is yet mixt with fear for their self-interest . the second are much more in a love of preference : but this love , though chief and over-ruling is yet mixt with hope for their interest , as it is their own . therefore s. francis of sales saith , ( love of god , lib. 9. ) that holy resignation hath yet selfish desires , but subordinate . these two loves are included in the fourth which i have called ( v. pag. 10. ) an interessed love in my definitions . the third incomparably more perfect than the two other sorts of just men , have a fully disinteressed love , which hath been termed pure , thereby to intimate , that it is without mixture of any other motive than that of loving only in himself and for himself , the sovereign beauty of god. this all the ancients have expressed , by saying that there are three states : the first of just men , whom fear acted yet by a remnant of a slavish mind . the second is of those who hope yet for their own interest by a mixture of a mercenary spirit . the third is of those who deserve to be called sons , because they love the father without any self-ended motive , either of hope or of fear . this the writers of the last ages have precisely express'd the very same under other equivalent names . they have divided them into three states . the first whereof is purgative life , in which we do combat vices with a love mixt with a motive interessed with fear of eternal torments . the second is illuminative life , wherein we do acquire fervency of virtues by a love yet mixt with a motive interessed for coelestial happiness . finally , the third is contemplative or unitive life , in which , we do remain united with god by the peaceable exercise of pure love ; in which last state one never loseth filial fear , nor the hope of the children of god , though he hath parted with all interessed motives of hope and fear . fear is brought to perfection by purifying it self ; it becomes a delicacy of love , and a filial reverence in peace . and it is then that chast fear which remains for ever and ever . likewise hope far from being lost , is perfected by the purity of love , and then it is a real desire , and a sincere expectation of the fulfilling of the promises , not only in general and in an absolute manner , but also of the accomplishment of the promises in us and for us according to the good pleasure and will of god : nay , by the only motive of his good pleasure , without any intermixture of our own interest . this pure love is not yet satisfied with desiring no other recompence but god himself . a slave entirely mercenary , who should have a distinct faith of revealed truths , might be willing to have no other reward but god alone , because he would know him clearly as an infinite good , and as being himself his true recompence , or the only instrument of his felicity . this mercenary man in the life to come would have nothing but god alone , but he would have god as beatitude objective , or the object of his beatitude , to refer it to his formal beatitude , namely , to himself , whom he would make happy , and constitute himself as his ultimate end . on the contrary , whosoever loveth with a pure love , without any mixture of self-interest , is acted no more by the motive of his interest . he wishes beatitude to himself , only because he knows that god will have it so , and will have every one of us to desire it for his own glory . if by an impossible supposition , by reason of the promises which are meerly free , god would annihilate the souls of just men at the moment of their separation from the body , or deprive them of the fruition of himself , and keep them eternally under the temptations and miseries of this life , as s. austin supposes it ; or even make them to suffer far from him , all the pains of hell during all eternity , as it is suppos'd by s. chrysostom , after s. clement , the souls of this third state of pure love , would not love or serve him with less fidelity . once more 't is true , that this supposition is impossible , upon the account of the promises , because god hath given himself to us as a rewarder : we cannot any more separate our happiness from god , beloved with final perseverance : but those things which cannot be separated in respect of the object , may happen really to be so in respect of the motives . god cannot fail of being the felicity of the faithful soul ; but she may love him with so much impartiality , that the enjoyment of a beatifying god increaseth not in the least the love she hath sor him without minding her self , and that she would love as much though he were never to be the cause of her happiness . now to say that this abstraction of motives is but a vain subtilty , is to be ignorant both of god's jealousie , and of that of the saints against themselves : it is to give the name of subtilty to the nicety and perfection of pure love , which the tradition of all ages , hath put in this abstraction of the motives . this way of speaking is precisely conformable to the whole general tradition of christianity , from the most ancient fathers to s. bernard , to all the most famous scholastick doctors , from s. thomas to those of our age ; lastly , to all those mystical men who have been canoniz'd or approved by the whole church in spight of all the contradictions they have suffered . nothing in the church is more evident than this tradition , and nothing would be more rash than to oppose it , or to endeavour to shift it off . this supposition of the impossible case here mentioned , far from being an indiscreet and dangerous supposition of the mysticks , is on the contrary formally in s. clement of alexandria , in cassian , in s. chrysostom , in s. gregory of nazianzen , in s. anselm , and in s. austin , who have been followed by a great number of saints . ii. false . there is a love so pure that it rejects that recompence which is god himself , so that a man will not have it any more in himself and for himself , though we are taught by faith that god will have it in us and for us , and commands us to will it as he doth for his own glory . this love doth carry its impartiality so far even as to consent to hate god eternally , or to cease from loving of him ; or else it tends to the destruction of filial fear , which is nothing else but the niceness and delicacy of a jealous love ; or it aims to the exstinguishing in us all hope , forasmuch as the purest hope is a peaceable desire to receive in us and for us the effect of the promises in conformity to the good pleasure of god , and for his pure glory , without any mixture of self-interest ; or else it tends to the hating of our selves , with a real hatred , so that we cease from loving in our selves , for god's sake , his worth , and his image , as we love it out of charity in our neighbour . the speaking at this rate is to give with a horrid blasphemy , the name of pure love to a brutish and impious despair , and to the hatred of the work of our creator . it is by a monstrous extravagance to affirm that the principle of conformity with god makes us contrary to himself . it is a going about by a chimerical love to destroy love it self . it is to put christianity out of the hearts of men. iii. article . true. souls must be left in the exercise of love , that ( 4. love , see pag. 8. ) which is yet mixt with the motive of interest as long as the power of grace shall leave them in it . one ought also to reverence these motives scattered through all the books of holy scripture , in all the most precious monuments of tradition ; and in all the prayers of the church . we ought to make use of these motives to repress passions , to consolidate virtues , and to disintangle our souls from all things of this present life . however this love though less perfect than that which is fully disinteress'd hath nursed up in all ages a great number of saints , and greatest part of holy souls do never attain in this life the perfect impartiality of love ; you disturb and cast them into temptation if you take from them the motives of self-interest , which being subordinate to love , serve to hold them up , and to animate them in dangerous occasions . it would be to no purpose , and indiscretion to propose them a more elevated love , which is out of their reach , as having neither internal light nor the power of grace for it . nay , those who begin to have some knowledge and foretaste of it , are yet very far from having the reality of it . finally , those who have attained its imperfect reality , are very far yet from having the uniform exercise of it turned into an habitual state . what is essential in the direction is to follow only grace step by step , with extream patience , precaution , and niceness . we ought to confine our selves to god's working , and never speak of pure love but when god by internal unction begins to open the heart to that word , so hard to souls , yet selfish , and so apt to scandalize them or to cast them into trouble . nay more than that , we ought never to substract from a soul the support of interessed motives , when they begin with the power of grace to instruct her in pure love . 't will be enough if upon certain occasions we shew her how amiable god is in himself , but never to disswade her from taking hold on the support of mixt love . to speak thus , is to speak as the spirit of grace and the experience of internal ways will always make one speak ; 't is to caution souls against illusion . iii. false . interessed love ( see pag. 8. ) is mean , gross , unworthy of god , which generous souls ought to scorn and despise . hast must be made to put them out of conceit with it , that they may aspire from the beginning to an intirely disinteressed love. the motives of the fear of death , of god's judgments , and of hell belonging only to slaves , ought immediately to be banished . we ought to take from them the desire of their heavenly countrey , and to cut off from them all the interessed motives of hope . after having made them to relish the fully disinteressed love , we ought to suppose that they have attraction and grace for it ; they ought to be removed from all practices which are not in the whole perfection of that love entirely pure . to speak at this rate , is to be ignorant of the ways of god and of the operations of his grace . they will have the spirit to blow where they list , whereas , it blows where it listeth . they confound the degrees of interiour life . they inspire souls with that ambition and spiritual avarice spoken of by the blessed john of the cross . they remove them from the true simplicity of pure love limited to follow grace , and never offering to prevent it . they turn to slight the foundations of christian justice , i mean that fear which is the beginning of wisdom , and that hope whereby we are saved . iv. article . true. hope in the habitual state of purest love , far from being lost , is perfected and keeps its distinction from charity . 1. the habit thereof infuses into the soul , and is conformable there to the producible acts of that virtue . 2. the exercise of that virtue remains always distinguish'd from that of charity : the reason of which is this . it is not the diversity of ends that causeth the diversity or specification of virtues . all virtues ought to have but one end , though they be one from the other distinguished by a true specification . s. austin ( de moribus eccl. l. 1. ) assureth , that charity it self is the active principle of all virtues , and takes diverse denominations suitable to the objects it is applied to . s. thomas saith , that charity is the form of all virtues , because it exerciseth and refers them all to its end , which is the glory of god. s. francis of sales , who hath excluded so formally , and with so many repetitions all interessed motives , from all the virtues of perfect souls , hath followed precisely the steps both of s. austin , and of s. thomas , whom he cites . they have all followed the universal tradition which constitutes a third degree of just men , who do exclude all interessed motives from the purity of their love . 't is then certain that one ought not any more to seek in that state for hope exercised by an interessed motive : otherwise this would be a pulling down with one hand what hath been raised with the other ; a making ones sport with so holy a tradition ; an affirming and denying at the same time one and the same thing ; and a seeking for the motive of self-interest in an intirely disinteressed love . we ought then to remember well that it is not the diversity of the ends or of the motives which makes the distinction or specification of virtues . what causeth this distinction is the diversity of formal objects . to the end that hope may remain truly distinguished from charity , 't is not necessary they should have different ends : on the contrary , for to be good , they ought to refer to one and the same end . 't is enough if only the formal object of hope be not the formal object of charity . now so it is , that in the habitual state of the most disinteressed love , the two formal objects of these two virtues are very different ; therefore these two virtues do conserve in that state a distinction and true specification in the strictest scholastical sense . the formal object of charity is the goodness or beauty of god taken simply and absolutely in it self , without any idea relative to us . the formal object of hope is the goodness of god as it is good for us and of a difficult acquisition : now it evidently appears , that these two objects taken in the most abstracted sense and formal conception are very different . therefore the difference of the objects conserve the specifick distinction of these two virtues . 't is certain that god as he is perfect in himself , and without any respect to me ; and god as he is my happiness which i endeavour to acquire , are two formal objects very different . there is no confusion on the part of the object which specifies these virtues ; but only on the part of the end , and that confusion ought to be there : and it alters in nothing the specification of virtues . the only difficulty remaining now is to explain how a fully disinteressed soul can will god as it is her good . is not this , will they say , a falling from the perfection of ones disinteressment , a going back in the way of god , a coming again to the motive of self-interest , contrary to all that tradition of the saints of all ages , who do exclude from the third state of just men all interessed motives ? it is an easie matter to answer , that pure love never hindreth us to will , and causeth us even to will positively all that god is willing that we should will. god will have me to will god , as he is my happiness and reward . i will him formally under this notion : but i will him not by that precise motive that he is my good . the object and the motive are different ; the object is my interest ; but the motive is not interessed , since it regards nothing but the good pleasure of god. i will that formal object , and in this reduplication , as speak the school : but i will it by pure conformity to the will of god , who makes me to will it . the formal object is that of the common hope of all just men , and it is the formal object by which virtues are specified . the end is the same with that of charity ; but we have seen that the unity of end never confoundeth the virtues . i may without doubt desire my supream good , as it is my reward , and not that of another , and desire it in conformity to god who will have me to desire it . then i desire that which is really , and which i know is the greatest of all my interests , without being determined to it by any interested motive . in this state , hope remains distinguished from charity , and does not alter or diminish the purity or impartiality of her state . this is by s. francis of sales explained , in these words , according to theological strictness : ( love of god , lib. 2. c. 17. ) it is a very different thing to say , i love god for my self ; and to say , i love god for the sake of my self — the one is a holy affection of the bride — the other is an impiety that hath not the like , &c. to speak so , is to conserve the distinction of theological virtues in the most perfect estates of the inward life , and consequently to depart in nothing from the doctrine of the holy council of trent . 't is to explain at the same time the tradition of the fathers , of the doctors of the school , and of mystick saints , who have supposed a third degree of just men , who are in an habitual state of pure love without any motive of interest . iv. false . in this third degree of perfection , a soul wills not any longer her salvation as her salvation , nor god as her supream good , nor reward as reward , though god will have her to have this will. whence it is , that in this state one is not any more able to do any act of true hope distinguished from charity ; that 's to say , that one cannot any more desire nor expect the effect of the promises in and for himself , even for the glory of god. to speak at that rate , is to place our perfection in a formal resistance of the will of god , who wills our salvation , and will have us to will the same as our own recompence . and this is at the same time to confound the exercise of theological virtues against the decision of the council of trent . v. article , true. there be two different states of righteous souls . the first is that of holy resignation . the resigned soul will , or at least would have several things for her self , by the motive of her own interest . s. francis of sales saith , ( love of god , lib. 9. ) that she hath yet selfish desires , but that they are subjected . she submits and subordinates her interessed desires to the will of god , which she prefers before her interest . thereby this resignation is good and meritorious . the second state is that of holy indifference . an indifferent soul wills not any longer any thing for her self-interest . she hath no interested desires to submit , because she hath no more interrested desire . 't is true , that there remains in her still some inclinations and unvoluntary repugnances which she submitteth ; but she hath no longer any voluntary and deliberate desires for her own interest , except in those occasions wherein she does not faithfully cooperate to the fulness of her grace . this indifferent soul , when she fulfilleth her grace wills not any thing more but as god makes her to will it by his attractive power . she loves it is true , several things besides god , but she loves them only for the sole love of god , and with the love of god himself ; for it is god that she loves , in all whatsoever he causeth her to love . holy indifference is nothing but the impartiality or disinterest of love , as holy resignation is nothing but interessed love , which submitteth self-interest to the glory of god. indifference reacheth as far and never farther than the perfect disinterest of love . as that indifference is love it self , it is a very real and positive principle . it is a positive and formal will , which causeth us to will or desire really all the will of god known to us . it is not a dull unsensibleness , an internal unaction or non-willing , a general suspension , or a perpetual equilibrium of the soul. on the contrary , it is a positive and constant determination to will and not to will any thing , as cardinal bona does express it . one wills nothing for himself , but every thing for god : we desire nothing in order to be perfect or happy , for our own interest , but we will all perfection and blessedness as far as it pleaseth god to make us , desire these things by the impression of his grace , according to the written law , which is always our inviolable rule . in this state we desire no longer salvation as our own salvation , as an eternal deliverance , as a reward of our merits , or as the greatest of our interests : but we will it with a full will , as the glory and good pleasure of god , as a thing which he wills , and will have us to will for his sake . 't would be a manifest extravagancy to refuse out of a pure love , to desire that good which god will do to us , and commands us to desire . the most disinterested love ought to will what god wills for us , as that which he wills for others . the absolute determination to will nothing would be no longer a disinterest , but the extinction of love which is a desire and true will : it would be no longer holy indifference ; for indifference is the state of a soul , equally ready to will or will not , to will for god all that he wills , and never to will for ones self , what god does not declare that he wills : whereas , that nonsensical determination not to will any thing , is an impious reluctancy to all the known will of god , and to all the impressions of his grace . this equivocation in saying , that one does not desire his salvation , is easie to be resolv'd . we do desire it fully as the will of god. to reject it in this sense would be a horrid blasphemy , and we ought always thereupon to speak with a great deal of precaution . it is true , only as we do not will it as it is our recompence , our good and our interest . in this sense , s. francis os sales hath said , ( second conversation ) that if there was a little more of god's good pleasure in hell , the saints would exchange paradise for it . and in other places too , ( conv. p. 182. ) the desire of eternal life is good , but he makes us to desire nothing else but god's will. ( conv. 368. ) could we serve god without merit , we should desire to do it . he saith elsewhere , ( love of god , lib. 9. c. 11. ) indifference is above resignation , for it loves nothing but for the will of god : so that nothing moves an indifferent heart in presence of god's will. — an indifferent heart is as a wax-ball in the hands of his god , in order to receive in like manner all the impressions of his eternal good pleasure . 't is a heart without choice , equally dispos'd to every thing , without any other object of his will but the will of his god ; who does not set his love upon the things which god wills , but in the will of god who wideth them . in another place he saith , speaking of s. paul , and of s. martin , ( ibid. ) they see paradise open for them ; they see a thousand miseries and labours upon the earth ; the one and the other is indifferent to their choice , and nothing but the will of god can give the counterpoise to their hearts . he saith afterwards , ( ibid. ) should he know that his damnation were a little more pleasing to god , than his salvation , he would leave his salvation and run to his damnation . he speaks also thus , in another place ; ( 3 discourse , ) it is not only requisite that we should relie upon divine providence concerning temporal things , but much more for what belongs to our spiritual life and perfection . he saith elsewhere , whither it be in interiour or exteriour things you ought to will nothing but what god shall will for you . lastly , he saith in another place . i have almost no desires , but if i was to be born again , i would have none at all . if god should come to me , i should go to him also : if he would not come to me , i should hold still and not go to him . the other saints of the last ages who are authoriz'd by the whole church , are full of such and the like expressions , which are all reduced to this saying , that one hath no longer any self and interested desire , neither about merit , perfection , nor eternal happiness . thus to speak , is to leave no equivocation in so nice a matter , where none ought to be suffered ; 't is to prevent all the abuse which can be made of the most precious and most holy thing which is upon the earth , i mean pure love ; 't is to speak as all the fathers , all the chiefest doctors of the schools and all mystical saints do . v. false . holy indifference is an absolute suspension of the will , an entire non-willing an exclusion even of all disinterested desire . it goes beyond the perfect disinterest of love . it does not desire for us those eternal goods , which by the written law we are taught god will give us , and which he wills we should wish to receive in us and for us , by the motive of his glory . all even the most disinterested desire is imperfect . perfection does consist in not willing any thing more whatsoever , in not desiring any more , not only god's gifts but also god himself , and in leaving him to do in us what he pleases , by not intermixing on our side any real or positive will. to speak at this rate , is to confound all ideas of humane reason ; it is to put a chimerical perfection in an absolute extinction of christianity , and even of humanity . one cannot find terms odious enough to qualifie so monstruous an extravagance . vi. article . true. holy indifference , which is nothing else but the disinterest of love , is so far from excluding disinterested desires , that it is the real and positive principle of all those disinterested desires which the written law commands us , and also of all those grace does inspire us with : after this manner did the psalmist express himself to god ; all my desires are set before thine eyes . the indifferent soul not only desires fully her salvation , as it is the good pleasure of god ; but more than that , perseverance , the amendment of her faults , the increase of love by the means of grace , and generally without exception all spiritual and even temporal good , that is within the order of providence , a preparation of means both for ours and our neighbours salvation . holy indifference admits , not only distinct desires and express demands , for the accomplishment of all the will of god known to us ; but also general desires for all the will of god which we do not know . to speak thus , is to speak conformable to the true principles of holy indifference , and to the sentiment of saints , all which expressions , if well examin'd , both by what precede and what followeth , are reduced without ▪ difficulty to this explication that is pure and sound according to the faith . vi. false . holy indifference , admits of no distinct desire , nor of any formal request , for any good either spiritual or temporal , what relation soever it hath either to ours or our neighbour's salvation . we ought never to admit of any of those pious and edifying desires which may inwardly work upon us . to speak at this rate , is to oppose god's will , under thepretence of purer conformity to it ; it is to violate the written law , which commandeth us to desire , though it does not command us to form our desires in an interested , unquiet manner , or such as is always distinct . 't is to extinguish true love by a nonsensical resinement ; 't is to condemn with blasphemy both the words of scripture and the prayers of the church , that are full of requests and of desires . 't is an excommunicating ones self , and putting himself out of a condition of being ever able to pray , both with heart and mouth in the congregation of the faithful . vii . article . true. there is never a state of indifference , or of any other perfection known in the church , that gives to souls a miraculous or extraordinary inspiration . the perfection of interiour ways does consist only in one way of pure love , whereby god is beloved without any interest , and of pure faith , where one walks only in darkness , and without other light but that of faith it self , which is common to all christians . this obscurity of pure faith admits of extraordinary light . 't is not but god , who is the master of his gifts , may give raptures , visions , revelations , and internal communications . but they do not belong to that way of pure faith , and we are taught by the saints , that then we ought not to stop willfully in those extraordinary lights , but to pass them over , as saith the blessed john of the cross , and dwell in the most naked and dark faith. much more ought we to take heed not to suppose in the ways we have spoken of , any miraculous or extraordinary inspiration which indifferent souls do guide themselves by . they have for their rule nothing but the precepts and counsels of the written law , and the actual grace which is ever conformable to the law. as to the precepts , they ought always to presuppose without wavering or reasoning , that god never forsakes any unless forsaken first ; and consequently , that grace always preventing does inspire them continually to the accomplishment of the precept when it ought to be accomplish'd . so it is their work to cooperate with all the power and strength of their will , that they may not come short of grace by a transgression of the precept . as for those cases in which counsels are not turned into precepts , they ought without doing violence to themselves to produce acts either of love in general , or of certain distinct virtues in particular , according as the internal attraction of grace inclines them to some rather than to others , as occasion requires . what is very certain , is that grace prevents them in respect to every deliberate action ; that this grace which is the internal breathing of the spirit of god , does inspire them thus upon every occasion ; that this inspiration is nothing but that which is common to all just souls , and which never exempts them in the least from the whole extent of the written law ; that this inspiration is only stronger and more special in souls elevated to pure love , than in those who are acted only by interested love ; because god communicates himself more to the perfect than to the imperfect . so when some mystical saints have admitted into holy indifference inspired desires , and rejected the others ; we must take heed not to think that they would exclude the desires and the other acts commanded by the written law , and admit none but those that are extraordinarily inspired . this would be a blasphemy against the law , and raise above it a phantastical inspiration . the desires and other inspired acts mentioned by those mysticks , are either those commanded by the law , or those approved by the counsels , and which are formed in an indifferent and disinterested soul , by the inspiration of ever preventing grace , without the mixture of any interested eagerness to prevent grace . so that all is reduced to the letter of the law , and to the preventing grace of pure love , to which the soul does co-operate without preventing it . to speak thus , is to explain the true sense of good mystical persons ; 't is to take away all equivocations which may seduce the one and offend the other ; 't is to precaution souls against whatsoever is suspected to be illusive ; it is to keep up the form of sound words , as s. paul does recommend it , ( 2 tim. c. i. v. 13. ) vii . false . souls dwelling in an holy indifference have no regard for any , though a disinterested desire , which the written law obliges them to form . they ought to desire nothing more but those things which a miraculous or extraordinary inspiration moveth them to wish without any dependency from the law ; they are acted and moved by god , and taught by him in every thing , so that god alone desireth in them and for them , and they are in no need to co-operate with it by their free will. their holy indifference eminently containing all desires dispenseth with them from forming ever any . their inspiration is their only rule . to speak at this rate , is to elude all counsels under pretence of fulfilling them in a most eminent manner ; it is to establish in the church a sect of impious fanaticks ; 't is to forget that christ jesus came upon the earth , not to dispense with the law or to lessen the authority of it , but on the contrary , to fullfill and perfect it : so that heaven and earth shall pass away before the words of our saviour , pronounced for the confirmation of the law shall pass . finally , it is to contradict grosly all the best mystical writers , and pull down from top to bottom their whole system of pure faith , manifestly incompatible with all miraculous or extraordinary inspiration , which a soul would voluntarily follow as her rule and support for dispensing with the fulfilling the law. viii . article . true. holy indifference which is never any other but the disinterest of love , becometh in the most extream tryals what the holy misticks have called abandoning or giving one self up ; that is to say , that the disinterested soul gives her self up totally and without any the least reserve to god in all her own interest ; but she never renounceth either love nor any of those things wherein the glory and good pleasure of her beloved are concern'd . this abandoning is nothing else , but that abnegation or renounciation of ones self , which jesus christ requires of us in the gospel ; after we have forsaken all outward things . this abnegation of our selves is only pointed against our self-interest , and ought never to hinder that disinterested love , which we owe in our selves as to our neighbour , for god's sake . the extream tryals wherein this abandoning is to be exercis'd , are the temptations whereby our jealous god will purify love in hiding from it all hope for its interest even eternal . these tryals are represented by a very great number of saints , as a terrible purgatory , which may exempt from the purgatory of the other world , those souls who suffer it with entire fidelity . only mad and wicked men saith cardinal bona , will deny their belief of those sublime and secret things , and despise them as false , though not clear , when they are attested by men of a most venerable virtue , who speak by their own experience of god's operations in their hearts . these tryals are but for a while , and the more true souls are in them to grace by leaving themselves to be purify'd from all self-interest by jealous love , so much the shorter are these tryals . 't is ordinarily the secret resistance of the souls to grace under specious pretences ; 't is their interested and eager endeavour for retaining these sensible supports wherefrom god is willing to deprive them , which render their tryals both so long and so painful : for god never makes his creature suffer , to make him suffer without fruit . it is with a design only to purifie the soul , and to overcome her resistances . those temptations whereby love is purify'd from all self-interest , are in nothing like to other common temptations . experienced directors can discern them by certain tokens , but nothing is more dangerous , than to take the common temptations of beginners for trials , tending to the entire purification of love in the most eminent souls . this is the source of all illusion : this causeth deceived souls to fall into hideous and dreadful vices . these bitter trials are not to be suppos'd to be but in a very small number of pure and mortified souls , in whom flesh hath been a long while already entirely brought under the spirit , and who have solidly practised all the evangelical virtues . they ought to be docile , so as never willfully to strain at any of those hard and abject things which may be commanded them . they ought not to fall in love with any comfort or freedom ; they should be taken off from all things whatsoever , and also from the way that teacheth them this freedom ; they should be ready for all the practises that are laid upon them ; they are to stick neither to their kind of prayer , nor to their experiences , nor to their readings , nor to those persons they have consulted formerly with trust and reliance . one ought to have had the experiment that their temptations are of a different nature from the common temptations in this , that the true means to still them , is , not to be willing to find a known prop to self-interest . to speak thus , is word for word , to repeat the experiences of saints , as they have related them themselves . 't is , at the same time , to prevent those very dangerous inconveniences , one might fall into by credulity , should one admit , too easily , in matter of practice , these tryals , which happen but very seldom ; by reason that few souls have attained that perfection , where nothing remains to be purified , but some remnants of interest , mixed with divine love. viii . false . internal tryals take away , for ever , both sensible , and visible graces : they suppress , for ever , the distinct acts , both of love and vertue ; they put a soul into a real and absolute impotency , to discover herself to her superiors , or to obey them in the essential practice of the gospel ; they cannot be discern'd from common temptations : 't is lawful , in that state , to abscond from superiors , to substract one's self from the yoke of obedience , and to seek , both by books , and persons , of no authority , the helps , and lights , one stands in needs of ; even , notwithstanding , the prohibition of our superiors . a director may suppose one to be in these tryals , without having tried before , the bottom of the soul , upon her sincerity , docility , mortifications and humility : he may immediately put that soul upon purging her love from all dross of interest , in the temptation , without causing her to do any interested act , to resist the vehemency of pressing temptation . to speak at this rate , is to poyson our souls ; it is to take from them the arms of faith , necessary to resist the enemy of our salvation ; 't is to confound all the ways of god ; 't is to teach rebellion , and hypocrisie , to the children of the church . ix . article true. a soul , who in these extream tryals , gives herself up to god , is never forsaken by him : when she asks in the transport of her grief , to be delivered , god does not deny to hear her ; but because he is willing to perfect her strength in infirmity , and that his grace is sufficient to her for it : she loseth in that state , neither the real and compleat power , within the line of power , for to fulfil really the precepts , nor that of following the most perfect counsels , according to her calling , and present degree of perfection , nor the real and internal acts of her free-will , for that accomplishment : she looseth neither preventing grace , nor explicite faith , nor hope , as it is a disinterested desire of the promises ; nor the love of god , nor the infinite hatred of sin , not so much as venial , nor that inward and momentous certainty , that is necessary for the rectitude of the conscience : she loseth nothing but the sensible relish of good , but the comfortable and affecting fervency , but the eager and interested acts of vertues , but the after-certainty , that comes by an interested reflection , bearing to itself a comfortable witness of its fidelity : these direct acts , and such as escape the reflections of the soul , but which are yet very real , and do conserve in her all the vertues without spot , are , as i have already said , that operation called by s. francis of sales , the edge of the spirit , or the top of the soul : this state of trouble , and gloominess , which is only for a while , is not even in its own duration , without peaceable intervals , in which some glimpses of very sensible graces , appear like lightning in a dark stormy night , which leave no sign of themselves behind . to speak thus , is to speak equally conformable , both to the catholick doctrine , and to the experiences of mystical saints . ix . false . in these extream tryals , a soul without having been before unfaithful to grace , loseth the true and full power of persevering in her state : she falls into a real impotency , to fulfil the precepts in those cases , where precepts are urging . she ceaseth to have an explicite faith , in cases where faith ought to act explicitely : she ceaseth to hope , that 's to say , to expect , and to desire , even in a disinterested manner , the effect of the promises in herself : she hath no longer the love of god , perceptible , or imperceptible : she hath no more a hatred to sin : she loseth not only the sensible and reflective horror of it , but also the most direct and intimate horror of the same . she hath no more that intimate and momentous certainty , which can preserve the rectitude of her conscience , in the very moment of her action . all the acts of those vertues essential to the internal life ceases , even in their most direct , and less reflected operation , which is according to the language of mystical saints , the edge of the spirit , and the top of the soul. to speak at this rate , is to annihilate christian piety , under pretence of perfecting it . it is to make the tryals designed to purifie love , an universal shipwreck of faith , and of all christian vertues : 't is to say , that the faithful nourished with the words of faith , ought never to hear , without stopping their ears . x. article true. the promises of eternal life , are meerly free : grace is never due to us ; or else it would not be grace . god never oweth to us , in a strick sence , either perseverance to the death , nor eternal life after the death of the body : he is not so much as indebted to our soul , to give her existence after this life ; he might let her drop into her nothing again , as it were , by her own weight : otherwise he should not be free in respect to the duration of his creature , and it would become a necessary being . but altho' god never owes any thing to us , in a strict sence , he hath been pleased to give us rights grounded on his promises , meerly free : by his promises he hath given himself , as a supream blessedness , to a soul faithful to him , and persevere to be so . it is then true in this sense , that any supposition tending to the believing ones being excluded from eternal life by loving god , is impossible , because god is faithful in his promises : he wills not the death of the sinner , but rather that he may live and be converted . thereby it is certain that all the sacrifices which the most disinterested souls make usually concerning their eternal blessedness are conditional . they say : my god , if by an impossibility thou wouldst condemn me to the eternal torments of hell without losing thy love , i should not love thee the less for it . but this sacrifice cannot be absolute in an ordinary state . in no other case but of the last trials , this sacrifice becometh in a manner absolute . then a soul may be invincibly perswaded with a reflex perswasion , and which is not the intimate bottom of conscience , that she is justly reprobated by god. in this state did s. francis of sales find himself in the church of of s. stephen des grez . a soul in this trouble finds herself contrary to god , in respect to her former infidelities , and by her present obduration . she takes her bad inclinations for a deliberate will , and sees not the real acts of her love and of her virtues , which by reason of their simplicity do escape her reflections . she becomes in her own eyes covered with the leprōsie of sin , though it is only in appearance and not real . she can not bear with her self . she is offended with those who are willing to quiet her and take away from her that kind of perswasion . it matters nothing to tell her of the precise doctrine of faith , in regard to the will of god of saving all men , and the belief we ought to have , that he is willing to save every one of us in particular . this soul does not doubt of the good will of god , but believeth her own bad , because she sees nothing in her self by reflection but the apparent evil which is external and sensible , and that the good which is always real and intimate , is by god's jealousie continually taken from before her eyes nothing in this involuntary and invincible trouble can recover her , nor reveal to her in the bottom of her self what god is pleased to conceal to her . she sees god's anger swoll'n and hanging over her head as the billows of the sea , ready to drown her ; then it is that the soul is divided from her self , she expires with christ upon the cross : saying , my god , my god , why hast thou forsaken me ? in that unvoluntary impression of despair , she makes an absolute sacrifice of her concern for eternity , because the impossible case in the trouble and darkness she is in , seems to her possible and actually real . once more it would profit nothing to argue with her , for she is wholly incapable of reasoning , all the business lies in a conviction which is not intimate , but seeming and invincible . a soul in this condition , looseth all hope of things for her own interest , but she never looseth in the superiour part of her self , that 's to say , in her direct and intimate acts , that perfect hope which is the disinterested desire of the promises . she loves god more purely than ever , and is so far from consenting positively to hate him , that she does not so much as indirectly consent to cease for one instant from loving him , nor to diminish in the least her love , nor to put ever to the increase of that love any voluntary bounds , nor to commit any fault , though never so venial . a director may therefore leave this soul to make a simple condescention to the loss of her own interest , and to the just condemnation she thinks to be under from god , which serveth ordinarily but to quiet her , and to becalm the temptation designed only for that effect ; i mean for the purification of love : but he ought never either to advise or to permit her positively to believe by a free and willful perswasion , that she is reprobated and ought no longer to desire the promises by a disinterested motive : he ought yet much less to consent she should hate god , or cease from loving him , or transgress his law even by the most venial faults . to speak thus , is to speak according to the experience of saints , with all the precaution necessary for the conservation of the doctrine of faith , and never to lay open souls to any illusion . x. false . a soul in tryals may believe , with an intimate , free , and voluntary perswasion , against the doctrine of faith , that god hath forsaken her , tho' she had not forsaken him ; or , that there is no more mercy for her , tho' she does sincerely desire it ; or , that she may consent to hate god , because god will have her to hate him ; or , that she may consent never more to love god , because he will no more be beloved by her ; or , that she can voluntarily confine her love , because god will have her to limit it ; or , that she may violate god's law , because god will have her to transgress it . in this state , a soul hath no longer any faith , or hope , or disinterested desire of the promises , nor any real and intimate love of god , nor any , even implicite hatred of evil , which is sin , nor any real co-operation with grace : but she is without any action , without any will , without any more interest for god , than for herself , without either reflex , or direct acts of vertues . to speak at this rate , is to blaspheme against what one is ignorant of , and to corrupt one's self in what one knows ; 't is to make souls to be overcome by temptation , under pretence of purifying them ; 't is to reduce all christendom to an impious and dull despair ; 't is even grosly to contradict all good mystical persons , who do assert , that souls in that state , shew a very lively love for god , by their sorrow for having lost him , and an infinite abhorrency of evil , by their impatience oftentimes towards those who offer both to comfort , and reassure them of their good state. xi . article . true. god never forsakes the just , unless he be forsaken by him : he is the infinite good , who seeks for nothing , but to communicate himself : the more one receiveth him , the more he gives of himself : our resistance only is that which restrains , or retards his gifts . the essential difference between the new law , and the old , is , that the latter did not lead man to any thing that was perfect ; that it shewed what was good , but gave not a power wherewithal to do it , and evil , without affording means to avoid it ; whereas the new is the law of grace , which gives both the will and the deed , and which commands only , because it gives the true power to fulfil . as the observers of the old law were assured , that they should never see the diminution of their temporal goods : inquirentes autem dominum non minuentur omni bono . souls that are true to their grace , shall likewise never suffer any dimunition in their grace , which is always preventing , and the real good of the christian law : thus each soul , that she may be fully true to god , can do nothing solid and meritorious , but to follow grace , without need of preventing it . to be willing to prevent it , is to be willing to give to one's self , what it does not give yet ; 't is to expect something of himself , and his own endeavour , or industry ; 't is a subtile , and unperceptible remainder of a semi-pelagian zeal , at the very time when we long yet for more grace . one ought , 't is true , to prepare himself , for to receive and invite grace to himself ; but this ought not to be done , without the co-operation of grace it self . a faithful co-operation with grace , in the present moment , is a most effectual preparation for receiving , and attracting of grace the next moment . if the thing be narrowly pried into , 't is then evident , that all is reduc'd to a faithful co operation of a full will , and of all the forces of the soul , with the grace of every moment's presenting . if all that could be added to this co-operation , were rightly taken in its full extent , it would be nothing but a rash and over-hasty zeal , an eager and unquiet endeavour , of a self-interested soul ; an unseasonable motion that would discompose , weaken , and retard the operation of grace , instead of making it both more easie and perfect : 't is even , as if one who is led by another , whose impulses he ought to follow , should incessantly prevent his motions , and at every minute turn himself back , to measure that space he had already run : this unquiet , and ill concerted motion , with the man that principally moves , would only cumber , and retard the course of them both : 't is even so with a just man in the hand of god , who moveth him without discontinuation with his grace . all hasty and unquiet excitation fore-running grace , for fear of not acting enough ; all eager excitation , except in case of command , for to give to one's self , by an excess of interested precaution , those dispositions , which grace does not inspire with in those moments , because it inspires with others less comfortable , and perceptible ; all hasty and unquiet exciting , for to give to one self , by observable excitation , a more perceptible motion , and whereof one may be able to bear to himself immediately a more interested witness , are defective motions , for souls called to a peaceable disinterest of perfect love. this unquiet , and fore-running acting , is what good mysticks have called activity , which hath nothing in common with the action , and real , but peaceable acts , that are essential to co-operate with grace . when they say , that one ought no more to excite himself , nor strive , they mean only to remove that unquiet and hasty excitation , whereby one would go before grace , or recal the sensible impressions of it , after they are past , or co-operate with it , in a more sensible and noted manner than is required of us . in this sence , excitation or activity , ought effectually to be cut off : but if by excitation should be meant , a co-operation of the full will , and of all the powers of the soul , to the grace of each moment ; it ought to be concluded , that it is by way of faith , that one ought to excite himself every moment , to fill up all his grace . this co-operation is no less sincere for being disinterested ; and for being peaceable , it is no less efficacious , and the product of the entire will : for being without precipitation , it is no less painful , in relation to concupisence , which it overcomes . it is not an activity , but an action , which consists in very real and meritorious acts. thus it is , that souls called to pure love , resist the temptations of the greatest trials : they fight , even to the blood , against sin ; but it is a peaceable combat , because the spirit of the lord savors of peace : they resist in the presence of god , who is their strength . they resist in a state of faith and love , which is a state of prayer . those who have yet need of the interested motives of fear and hope , ought to take hold of them , even with a natural eagerness , rather than to expose themselves to be overcome . those who find by a repeated experience , and known to good directors , that their strength lies in an amorous silence , and their peace in the greatest bitterness , may continue thus to overcome temptation ; and they must not be disturb'd , for they are pained already enough another way : but should these souls by a secret infidelity , come secretly to fall from their state , they should be oblig'd to have their recourse to the most interested motives , rather than expose themselves to violate the law , in the excess of temptation . to speak thus , is to speak in conformity to the evangelical rule , without weakning in the least , either the experiences , or the maxims of all good mystical persons . xi . false . that activity which saints will have us to cut off , is the action itself of the will : she ought not to produce any further act ; she hath no longer need to co-operate with grace with all her power , nor positively and fully to resist concupiscence , nor to work any internal , or external action , that is troublesome to her ▪ it sufficeth her , to let god work in her , those that flow as from the spring , and for which she hath not so much as a natural repugnancy . she hath no further need to prepare herself , by the good use of one grace for a greater that should follow , and which is , as it were , linked to this first : she needs only let herself loose , without examination , to all the propensions she finds in herself , without assuming them : she needs no more any toil , or labour , any violence , any restraint of nature . let her but remain without will , and neuter between good and evil , even in the most extream temptations . to speak at this rate , is to speak the language of the tempter : 't is to teach souls to lay snares for themselves ; 't is to inspire them with indolency in evil , which is the height of hypocrisie ; 't is to engage them into a consent to all vices , which is no less real for its being indirect and tacite . xii . article . true. souls attracted to pure love may be as disinterested in respect to themselves as to their neighbours , because they never see or desire more in themselves than in the most unknown neighbour , but the glory of god , his good pleasure , and the fulfilling of his promises . in this sense , these souls are as it were strangers to themselves ; and they love themselves no farther , but as they do the rest of other creatures within the order of pure charity . after this wise , would innocent adam have loved himself only for god's sake . self abnegation , and the hating of our souls recommended in the gospel , are not an absolute hatred of our souls , which are god's image : for the work of god is good , and we ought to love it for his sake : but we do spoil that work by sin , and we ought to hate our selves in our corruption . the perfection of pure love consisteth then in not loving our selves any further , but for god alone . the vigilancy of the most disinterested souls ought never to be regulated according to their disinterest : god who calls them to be as freed from themselves as from their neighbour , will have them at the same time more watchful over themselves whom they are intrusted with , and for whom they are responsible , than over their neighbour whom god hath committed to their charge . they ought even to watch over what they do every day to their neighbour , whom providence hath intrusted to their direction and conduct . a good pastor watcheth over the soul of his neighbour without any interest . he loves in him nothing but god : he hath him never out of sight : he comforteth , correcteth , and supports him . thus ought we to bear up our selves without flattery , and correct our selves without discouragement . we ought to converse charitably with our selves as with another , and not to forget our selves but by cutting off the ticklishness and niceness of self-love ; not to forget ones self at all , but in pulling down all unquiet and interested reflections when we are intirely in the grace of pure love . but it is never lawful to forget ones self so as to cease watching over our selves , after the same manner we would watch over our neighbour if we were pastors . we ought even to add this further , that one is not so strictly charged with the care of his neighbour as with himself , because it is not in our power to regulate the internal wills of others as 't is of our own . whence it follows , that one ought always to watch , incomparably more over himself than the best pastor can over his flock . we ought never to forget our selves by abolishing the reflections that are even most interested , when we are yet in the way of interested love. lastly , we ought not to forget our selves so as to reject all sorts of reflections as imperfect things : for reflections have nothing imperfect in themselves , and don 't become so often hurtful to so many souls , but because souls sick of self-love turn very seldom an eye upon themselves , but they do grow impatient and are softened at that sight . moreover , god inspires often by his grace the most improved souls with reflections very profitable either in respect to his designs in them , or upon his former mercies which he makes them to celebrate , or their dispositions whereof they are to give an account to their director . but finally , disinterested love watcheth acts , and resists temptation more yet than interested love doth . the only difference is , that the watchfulness of pure love is simple and peaceable , whereas that of interested love , which is less perfect , keeps still some remains of eagerness and trouble , because nothing but perfect love driveth out fear with its attendance . to speak thus , is to speak in a very correct manner , which ought to be suspected by no body , and is conformable to the language of saints . xii . false . a soul fully disinterested in her self , does not love her self even for god's sake . she hateth her self with an absolute hatred , as supposing the work of the creator not to be good , and she carries thus far her abnegation and renounciation , enlarging the hatred to her self , even so far as to will deliberately her loss , and eternal reprobation . she rejects grace and mercy ; wills nothing but justice and vengeance . she becometh so great a stranger to her self , that she ceaseth to take any further concern either for the good that is to be done , or the evil to be eschewed . all her desire is to forget her self in every thing , and loose continually the sight of her self . she is not satisfied to forget her self in respect to her own interest : she is willing moreover to forget her self , in relation to the amendment of her defects , and to the fulfilling of the law of god , for the interest of his pure glory . she reckons no longer upon her being entrusted with her self , nor upon watching even with a simple , peaceable , and disinterested vigilancy over her own will. she rejecteth all reflection as imperfect , because nothing but meerly direct and not reflex sights are worthy of god. to speak at this rate , is to oppose the experiences of saints , whose most internal life hath been fill'd with very profitable reflections made by the impression of grace ; since they have afterward come to know the graces past , and the miseries from which god hath delivered them , that at length they have given an account of a very great number of things that had happened in them . this is to turn the abnegation of ones self into an impious hatred of our soul , which supposes her to be bad by nature , according to the principle of the manicheans , or which overturns the order , in hating what is good , and what god loves as being his image . this is to annihilate all watchfulness , all fidelity to grace , all attention to make god reign in us , all good usage of our liberty . in a word , it is the height of all impiety and irreligion . xiii . article . true. there is a great deal of difference between simple and direct acts , and reflex acts . whensoever we act with a right conscience , there is in us an inward certainty that we go right ; or else we should act in a doubt , whither we do well or ill , and so should not practise a downright dealing . but this inward certainty consists often in acts so simple , so direct , so rapid , so momentanous , so free from all reflection , that the soul who knows well that she makes them in that moment that she makes them , does not find afterwards any distinct , and durable sign of them . hence it comes that when she will return by reflection to what she hath done , she doth not think she hath done what she ought , she disturbs her self by scruples , and is even offended at the indulgence of her superiours , when they go about to quiet her in respect to what is past : so god giveth her at the instant of the action , by direct acts , all the necessary certainty for the rectitude of her conscience ; and he takes away from her in his jealousie the facility of finding again by way of reflection , and an after-blow that certainty and rectitude : so that she cannot enjoy it to her comfort , nor justifie her self in her own eyes . as for reflex acts , they leave behind them a lasting and steady foot-step , which is found again when we please , and this is the reason why souls yet interested for themselves be willing incessantly to form acts that are strongly imprinted and reflected , to make themselves sure of their operation , and bear witness of it to themselves : whereas , disinterested souls are of themselves indifferent to perform acts distinct or indistinct , direct or reflex : they make reflex ones whenever either any precept may require it , or the power of grace carries them to it ; but they don't look for reflex acts with preference to others by a trouble arising from a concern for their own security . commonly in the extremity of tryals , god leaves nothing to them but direct acts , of which afterwards they cannot perceive any foot-step ; and this causeth the martyrdom of souls , while any motive of self-interest remaineth yet in them . these direct and intimate acts without reflection imprinting any sensible foot-step , are that which s. francis of sales hath called the top of the soul or edge of the spirit . in these acts it was that s. anthony did repose the most perfect prayer , when he said , prayer is not yet perfect , when the solitary knows that be makes a prayer , ( cassian . conf . 9. ) to speak thus , is to speak conformable to the experience of saints , without exceeding the strictness of catholick doctrine . it is also to speak of the operations of the soul , in conformity to the ideas of all good philosophers . xiii . false . there are no true acts besides the reflex ones , which are either felt or perceived , as soon as we have ceased to perform any act of that kind , we may say truly , that we perform not one more that is real . whosoever hath not upon these acts a reflex and durable certitude , hath had no certainty in the action ; from whence it follows , that the souls who are during their tryals in an apparent despair , are there in a true despair ; and that the doubt wherein they are after having acted , shews that they have lost in the action the inward testimony of conscience . to speak at this rate , is to overturn all ideas of good philosophy ; 't is to destroy the testimony of the spirit of god in us for our filiation ; 't is to annihilate all the internal life , and all rectitude of souls . xiv . article . true. in the last tryals for the purification of love , a separation is made of the superior part of the soul from the inferiour ; in that the senses and imagination have no part of the peace and of the communications of grace , which god makes often enough both to the understanding and to the will , in a simple and direct manner , which escapeth all reflection . after this manner , christ jesus our perfect pattern , hath been happy upon the cross , so that in the superior part of his soul he enjoyed coelestial glory , while in the inferiour , he was actually a man of grief , with a sensible impression upon him of his being forsaken by his father . the inferiour part did not impart to the superiour her involuntary trouble , nor her painful swoundings . the superiour communicated to the inferiour neither her peace nor her blessedness . this separation is made by the difference of the real , but simple and direct acts of the understanding and of the will , who leaving behind them no sensible sign , and of the reflex acts , which leaving a sensible mark behind them , are communicated to the imagination and to the senses , which are called the inferiour part , for to distinguish them from that direct and intimate operation of the understanding and of the will , called the superiour part . the acts of the inferiour part in this separation , consist of an entirely blind and unvoluntary trouble , because all that is intellectual and voluntary belongs to the superiour part . but although this separation taken in this sense cannot be absolutely denied , the directors nevertheless ought to take great care never to suffer in the inferiour part , any of those disorders , which are in a natural course to be always deemed voluntary , and for which the superiour part ought consequently to be accountable . this precaution ought always to be found in the way of pure faith , which is the only one we can speak of , and in which nothing contrary to the order of nature is admitted . 't is needless , for this reason , to speak here of diabolical possessions , obsessions , or other extraordinary things : one cannot absolutely reject them , since both the scripture and the church have acknowledged them : but in particular cases , the greatest caution ought to be used for to avoid being deceived . moreover , this matter that is common to all internal ways , hath no particular difficulty to be cleared in it by the way of pure faith and of pure love. on the contrary , it may be asserted , that this way of pure love and of pure faith , is that wherein fewer of these extraordinary things are to be seen : nothing diminisheth them so much , as not minding them , and carrying always the souls to a conduct that is simple in the disinterest of love , and in the obscurity of faith. to speak so , is to speak in conformity to christian doctrine , and to give the greatest preservatives against illusion . xiv . false . in tryals , a total separation is made of the superiour from the inferiour part : the superiour is united to god by an union , whereof no sensible and distinct sign appears at any time , either for faith , hope , love , or any other virtues : the inferiour part becometh in that separation wholly animal , and whatever passeth in it against the rule of manners is deemed neither voluntary , nor demeritorious , nor contrary to the purity of the superiour part . to speak at this rate , is to annihilate the law and the prophets : it is to speak the language of the devils . xv. article . true. the persons who are in those rigorous tryals ought never to neglect that universal sobriety , so often spoken of by the apostles , and which consists in a sober use of all the things that are round about us . this sobriety reacheth to all the operations of sense , of the imagination , and even of the spirit : it makes our wisdom sober and temperate : it reduceth all to a simple use of necessary things . this sobriety implies a continual privation of all the enjoyments that are only for satisfaction and pleasure . this mortification , or rather this death , tends to cut off not only all the voluntary motions of nature , corrupted and revolted through the voluptuousness of the flesh , and the pride of the spirit ; but also all the most innocent consolations , which interested love does seek with so much eagerness . this mortification is practised with peace and simplicity , without discomposure of mind and sourness against ones self , without method suitable to ones occasions and needs , but in a real manner , and without intermission . 't is true , that some persons oppressed by excessive tryals , are ordinarily oblig'd by their obedience to an experienced director , to forbear or lessen certain corporal austerities they have been much addicted to . this temperature is necessary for the relief of their body , sinking under the rigor of internal pains , which is the most terrible of all penances . it happens also , often , that these souls have been too much in love with these austerities ; and the repugnancy they felt at first to obey , in leaving them off in this state of oppression , shews , that they stuck a little too fast to them : but it is their personal imperfection , and not that of the austerities , that deserves the blame : austerities answerable to their institution , are profitable , and often necessary : christ hath given us the pattern of them , which all saints have followed : they bring our revolted flesh under ; they tend to the amendment of committed faults , and do preserve from temptations : 't is true indeed , that they don't serve to destroy the bottom of self-love , or cupidity , but by so much as they are animated by the spirit of recollection , love , and prayer : for want of which they would quench the grosser passions , and contrary to their institution , make a man full of himself ; this would be nothing else , but a justifying of the flesh . it is moreover to be observed , that the persons that are in this state , being deprived of all sensible graces , and from the fervent exercise of all discernible vertues , have no longer any relish , nor sensible fervency , nor noted attraction , for all the austerities they had practised before , with so much ardor . then it is , that their penance is reduc'd to bear , in a very bitter peace , the anger of god , which they look for every moment , and their manifest despair . there is no austerity , or torment , which they would not suffer with joy , and ease , in the room of this inward pain ; all their inmost attractiveness is to bear their agony , in which they say upon the cross , with christ , my god , my god , why hast thou forsaken me . to speak thus , is to acknowledge the perpetual necessity of mortification : it is to authorise corporal austerities , which by their institution are very wholesome : 't is to be willing , that the most perfect souls should do penance , proportionable to the strength , graces , and tryals of their state. xv. false . corporal austerities serve for nothing , but to provoke concupiscence , and inspire the practiser of them , with a pharisaical complacency ; they are not necessary either to prevent , or to appease temptations . quiet prayer is always sufficient for to bring the flesh under the spirit . one may wilfully leave off these practices , as gross , imperfect , and not convenient for beginners . to speak at this rate , is to speak as an enemy of the cross of christ ; 't is to blaspheme against his example , and against all tradition ; it is to oppose the son of god , who saith , since the days of john , the kingdom of heaven suffereth violence , and the violent take it by force . xvi . article true. there are two kinds of proprieties : the first is a sin for all christians : the second is not so much as a venial sin ; but only an imperfection , in comparison with fomething that is more perfect ; nay , it is not even an imperfection , but for those souls that are actually attracted by grace , to the perfect disinterest of love. the first property is pride : it is a love of self-excellency , as 't is one 's own , and without any subordination to our essential end , which is the glory of god : this property was the sin of the first angel , who rested in himself , as saith s. augustine , instead of referring himself to god , and by that simple appropriation of himself , he did not remain in the truth : this property is in us a sin , lesser , or greater , according as it is less , or more voluntary . the second property , which we ought never to confound with the first , is a love of our own excellency , as it is our own , but with subordination to our essential end , the glory of god. we desire to havenone but the most excellent vertues ; we will have them chiefly for the glory of god , but we will have them also for our merit , and for the reward that does attend them . moreover , we desire them for the very comfort of becoming perfect : it is a resignation , which , as s. francis of sales saith , hath yet self-desires , but they are subjected . those vertues that are interested for our perfection , and happiness , are good , because they refer themselves to god , as our principal end : but they are inferiour , in perfection , to the vertues exercis'd by holy indifference , and for the glory of god alone in us , without any motive of self-interest , either for our merit , or for our perfection , or for our eternal reward . this motive of spiritual interest , which remains always in the vertues , while the soul remains possessed with interested love , is that which mystical writers have called propriety . it is that which the blessed john of the cross calls avarice , and spiritual pride . the soul , whom they call the proprietary one , refers her vertues to god , by holy resignation , and in this is less perfect , than the disinterested soul , which refers her to god , by holy indifference . this property which is not a sin , is nevertheless , by mystical men , called an impurity ; not as if it were a spot in the soul , but to express that it is a mixture of divers motives , hindring love from being pure , or without mixture . they often say , that they find this impurity , or mixture of interested motives , in their prayer , and most holy exercises : but we ought to take heed , least we think that they mean then to speak of any vicious impurity . when it is clearly understood , what mystical men mean by property , 't is no hard matter to understand what is meant by disappropriation , 't is the operation of grace , purifying love , and making it disinterested in the practice of all vertues . 't is by means of trials , this disappropriation is made ; it loseth therein , as mystical persons do say , all vertues : but this loss is but seemingly so , and for a limited time . the foundations of vertues are so far from being really lost , that they are rather purified by pure love ; the soul is there stript from all sensible graces , from all relishes , from all easiness , and from all fervency , which might both comfort and hearten her ; she loseth those methodical acts , and such as are excited with eagerness , for to render to herself an interested testimony , concerning her perfection ; but she loseth neither the direct acts of love , nor the exercise of distinct vertues , in case of a command , nor the near hatred of evil , nor the momentaneous certainty of evil , necessary for the rectitude of conscience , nor the disinterested desire of the effect of the promises in her : the appearance alone of her demerit , is enough to take from her all discernable support , and to leave no other shift for self-interest : why then should any real evil be added to it , as if god could not make his creature perfect , but by a real sin ? on the contrary , the soul , if so be she is faithful in those trials called loss and disappropriation , suffereth no real diminution of her perfection , but groweth still more and more in the inward life ; in fine , asoul who purifies herself in the experience of her daily faults , by hating her imperfection , because contrary to god , loves nevertheless the abjection coming to her by it ; because this abjection is so far from being a sin , that it is , on the contrary , that humiliation which is the penance and remedy of sin itself : she hates sincerely all her faults , by how much she loves god in the utmost perfection ; but she makes use of her faults to humble herself peaceably , and thereby her faults become the windows of the soul , through which god's light doth enter ; according to the expression of balthazar alvarez . ( in his life , c. 13. ) to speak thus , is to unfold the true sence of the best mystical men ; it is to follow a plain system , which is reduced only to the disinterest of love , which is authorised by the tradition of all ages . xvi . false . the mystical property , which is interested love , is a real impurity ; it is a contamination of the soul : the vertues of this state are not meritorious ; one must really lose the very depths of his vertues ; one must cease to produce even the most intimate and direct acts of them ; one must really lose the hatred of sin , the love of god , the distinct vertues of his state , in the case of a command ; one ought to lose really the momentaneous certainty that is necessary for the rectitude of conscience ; nay , also the disinterested desire of the effect of the promises in us . we ought to love our abjection in such a manner , that we may love truly our very sin , because it renders us abjects , and contrary to god. finally , one ought in order , to be entirely pure , to strip oneself of all his vertues , and and make to god a disinterested sacrifice of them , by voluntary actions , transgressing the written law , and incompatible with these vertues . to speak at this rate , is to make a sin of interested love , against the formal decision of the council of trent : it is at the same time , to strip the souls of their robes of . innocency , and to quench all graces in them , under the pretence of a disappropriation of them : 't is to authorise the mystery of iniquity , and renew the impiety of the false gnosticks , who went about to purifie themselves by the practice of impurity itself , as we learn it from s. clement of alexandria . xvii . article . true. there is but a small number of souls , who are in these last trials , wherein they make an end of purifying themselves from all self-interest . all other souls , without undergoing these trials , do yet arrive at several degrees of holiness , that is very real , and pleasing to god : otherwise one would reduce interested love to a judaical worship , or such as is unsufficient to eternal life , against the decision of the holy council of trent . the director ought not to be easily induced to suppose , that those temptations in which he finds the soul to be , are extraordinary temptations . one cannot be too mistrustful , of an heated imagination , and that exaggerates all that she feels , or thinks to feel . one ought to distrust a subtile , and almost unperceptible pride , which tends always to flatter one self , with being a soul extraordinarily led . lastly , we ought to distrust illusion , which creeps in and makes one that after having begun by the spirit with a sincere fervency , to end in the flesh : his chief concern therefore should be , to suppose at the very first , that the temptations of a soul are nothing else but common temptations , the remedy whereof is both internal and external mortification , with all the acts of fear , and the practising of all interested love. one ought even to stand fast in admitting nothing beyond this , without an entire conviction , that these remedies are absolutely unprofitable , and that the sole exercise both simple and peaceable of pure love does better quell the temptation : upon this occasion it is that illusion and the danger of wandrings are in the extream . when an unexperienced or too credulous director supposeth a common temptation , to be an extraordinary one , for the purifying of love , he is the ruine of a soul , he fills her with her self , and casteth her into an incurable and unavoidable indolency of vice. to leave inrerested motives when we have need of them , it is to take from a child the milk of his nurse , and to deprive him cruelly of his life , by weaning him out of season . souls who are very imperfect yet and full of themselves , do often fancy upon indiscreet readings , and such as are disagreeable to their circumstances , that they are in the most rigorous tryals of pure love , while they are yet only in such temptations as are very natural , which they draw on themselves by a lazy wandering and sensual life . the tryals we speak of here , are only the portion of souls already perfected , both in outward and inward mortification , who have learn'd nothing by premature readings , but by the sole experience of gods conduct towards them , who breath nothing but candor and docility , who are always ready to think that they are deceived ; and ought to enter upon the common way again : these souls do not recover their peace in the midst of their temptations , by any of the ordinary helps , at least while they are held with the grace of pure love. nothing but a faithful co-operation with the grace of this pure love can becalm their temptations , and thereby their tryals are distinguished from the common ones : the souls that are not in this state , shall infallibly fall into horrid excesses , if you go about to blame them contrary to their necessities in the simple acts of pure love , and those who were under the attractive power of pure love , shall never be pacified by the ordinary practices of interested love. whoever resisted god and had peace ? but to make a true judgment of souls that are so nice , and under such important circumstances , spirits ought to be tried to know whither they come from god or no. to speak thus , is to speak with all the necessary precaution in a matter where our care cannot be too great , and it is at the same time to admit all the maxims of the saints . xvii . false . the simple , peaceable , and uniform exercise of pure love is the only remedy that one ought to employ against the temptations incident to every condition . one may suppose , that all tryals do tend to the same end , and have need of the same remedy . all the practices of interested love , and all the acts excited by this motive are good for nothing but to fill man with self-love , and to add to the temptation . to speak at this rate , is to confound all that which the saints have so carefully separated : it is to love seduction and run after it ; it is to jogg souls into a precipice , by taking from them all the springs of their present grace . xviii . article . true. the will of god is always our only rule , and love is wholly reduced to a will , willing of nothing else but what god himself wills , and makes the soul to will. but there are several sorts of wills in god , viz. his positive and written will , which commands what is good , and prohibits what is evil . this is the only invariable rule of our wills , and of all our voluntary actions . there is the will of god which is manifested to us by the inspiration or attraction of that grace which is in all just men. this will of god must always be suppos'd to be entirely conformable to the written will , and it is not lawful to believe , that it can exact of us any other thing but the faithful accomplishing of the precepts and counsels comprehended in the law. the third will of god , is , a will of simple permission , and is that which suffers sin without approving of it . the same will which permitteth it , condemns it : it does not positively permit it ▪ but only by giving way to the commission of it , and not hindring it : this permissive will is never our rule . it would be an impiety to will our sin , under pretence that god willeth it permissively . 1. it is false that god willeth it . 't is true , only that he hath not a positive will to hinder it . 2. at the same time that he hath not a positive will to hinder it , he hath an actual and positive will to condemn and to punish it , as being essentially contrary to his immutable holiness to which he oweth all . 3. one ought never to suppose god's allowance of sin , but that after it is unfortunately committed , and when it cannot be help'd , that what is done should be not done : then we ought to conform our selves at one and the same time to the two wills of god : according to the one , we are to condemn and punish that which he condemns and would punish , and according to the other , we ought to will the confusion and abjection of our selves , which is not a sin , but rather a penance and remedy of sin it self ; because this wholsome confusion , and this abjection which carries in it self all the bitterness of a potion , is a real good which god hath been positively willing to draw from sin , though he never positively willeth sin it self . this is to love the remedy that is drawn from poyson , without loving poyson . xviii . false . we ought to conform our selves to all the wills of god , and to his permissions as to all his other wills : we ought therefore to permit sin in our selves , when we know god is about to permit it . we ought to love our sin though contrary to god , by reason of its abjection , which purifies our love , and takes from us all pretence and desert of a reward . lastly , the attraction or inspiration of grace , requires from souls , in order to render them more disinterested for the eternal reward , the breaking of the written law. to speak at this rate , is to teach apostacy , and to put the abomination of desolation in the most holy place ; it is not the voice of the lamb , but of the dragon . xix . article . true. vocal , without mental prayer , that 's to say , without the attention of the mind , and the affection of the heart , is a superstitious worship , which honoureth god with the lips while the heart is far from him . vocal prayer , is not good and meritorious , but in as much as it is directed and animated by that of the heart : it is much better to recite but a few words , with great recollection and love , than long prayers , with little or no recollection , when they are not commanded . to pray both without attention and love , is to pray as the heathens did , who thought to be heard for the multitude of their words . one prays no further than one desires , and one doth not desire but by how much one loveth at least with an interested love. nevertheless , vocal prayer ought to be respected and consulted , as being good to awake the thoughts and the affections which it expresses , as having been taught by the son of god to his apostles , and practised by the whole church in all ages . to make light of this sacrifice of praises , this fruit of the lips that does confess the name of the lord , would be an impiety . vocal prayer may be troublesome for a while , to those contemplative souls who are yet in the imperfect beginnings of their contemplation , because their contemplation is more sensible and affecting than pure and quiet . it may be also burthensome to souls who are in the last tryals , because every thing in that state disturbs them : but one ought never to give them for a rule , to forsake without the permission of the church , and without a true impotency known to be so by their superiours , any vocal prayer which is obligatory . vocal prayer taken with simplicity , and without scruple , when it is according to the command , may well be troublesome to a soul , in relation to those things we have already noted : but it is never contrary to the highest contemplation . experience even shews that the most eminent souls in the midst of their most sublime communications , have familiar communications with god , and that they read or recite with a loud voice , and in a kind of transport , some inflamed words of the apostles and prophets . to speak so , is to explain the soundest doctrine with the most correct words . xix . false . vocal prayer , is nothing but the gross and imperfect doctrine of beginners : it is intirely unprofitable to contemplative souls : they are by the eminency of their state dispensed with , as to the reciting of vocal prayers commanded them by the church , because their contemplation eminently comprehends what is more edifying in the different parts of divine worship . to speak at this rate , is to despise the reading of the scriptures ; it is to forget that christ hath taught us vocal prayer , which contains the perfection of the highest contemplation : it is to be ignorant , that pure contemplation is never perpetual in this life , and that in its intervals , one may and ought to recite faithfully the office which is commanded , and which of it self is so apt to nourish in our souls the spirit of contemplation . xx. article . true. reading ought not to be done either out of curiosity , or desire of judging of our state , or deciding it according to what we read , nor out of a certain relish of what we call witty and sublime . we ought not to read the most holy books , nor even the scriptures , but with dependency upon the pastors and directors , who are in their stead . 't is they who are to judge whither each faithful christian is prepared enough , if his heart is sufficiently purified and docible for each different reading : they ought to distinguish the food that is agreeable to every one of us in particular . nothing causeth so much illusion in the interiour life , as the indiscreet choosing of books . 't is best to read little , and make long interruptions by way of recollection , that we may let love more deeply to imprint in us the christian truths . when recollection causeth our book to drop out of our hands , we must let it fall without scruple : we shall take it up again time enough afterwards , to renew in its turn our recollection . love teaching by its unction , surpasses all the rational discourse we can make upon books . the most powerful of all perswasions is that of love : nevertheless , we must take in hand again the outward book , when the inward book ceaseth to be open : otherwise the empty spirit would fall into a rambling and imaginary prayer , which would be a real and pernicious idleness . this would bring a man to neglect his own instruction about necessary truths , and forsake the word of god , and never to lay solid foundations both of the exact understanding of the law , and of revealed mysteries . to speak thus , is to speak according to tradition , and to the experience of holy souls . xx. false . the reading of the most holy books is unprofitable to those whom god teacheth entirely and immediately by himself . 't is not necessary that such persons as these should have laid the foundation of common instruction : they need only to wait for all the light of truth that doth arise from their prayer . as for their readings , when they are moved to any , they may choose without consulting with their superiours , such books which speak of the most advanced states . they may read the books that are suspected or censured by their pastors . to speak at this rate , is to destroy instruction which is the food of faith : it is to substitute instead of the pure word of god , an interiour fanatical inspiration . on the other side , it is to permit souls to poyson themselves with contagious readings , or at least such as are disproportionate to their true needs : it is to teach them dissimulation and disobedience . xxi . article . true. we ought to distinguish between meditation and contemplation : meditation , consists in discursive acts that can be easily distinguished , the one from the other ; because they are distinguished by a kind of a noted motion ; because they are varied by the diversity of objects they are applied to ; because they draw a conviction concerning the truth of the conviction of another truth already known ; because they draw an affection from several motives methodically assembled : lastly , because they are done and reiterated with a reflection , that leaves behind it distinct footsteps in the brain . this composition of discursive and reflex acts , is proper for the exercise of interested love , by reason that this imperfect love which does not drive out fear , hath need of two things : one is to recall often all the interested motives of fear and hope : the other , to make ones self sure of its operation , by acts well marked and well reflected : so discursive meditation is an exercise agreeable to this love , that is mixt with interest . fearful and interested love could never be satisfied with forming simple acts in prayer , without any variety of interested motives : it could never be satisfied with doing acts whereof it should never render any witness to it self . on the contrary , contemplation is according to all the most celebrated divines , and the most experienced contemplative saints , the exercise of perfect love : it consists in acts so simple , so direct , so peaceable , so uniform , that they have no characters whereby a soul may distinguish them . it is the perfect prayer whereof s. anthony spoke , and which is not perceived by the solitary himself who makes it . contemplation , is equally authoriz'd by the ancient fathers , the school doctors , and by holy mystical men : it is termed a simple and amorous sight , to distinguish it from meditation , which is full of methodical and discursive acts. when the habit of faith is strong , when it is perfected by pure love , the soul who does love god no more , but for himself , hath no further need to seek for , nor to gather interested motives upon each vertue , for her own interest : rational discourse , instead of helping her , is but trouble and labour to her ; she is all for love , and finds the motive of all vertues in it , there being no more for her to do , but one necessary thing : 't is in this pure contemplation that one may say with s. francis of sales : love must needs be very powerful , since it stands by itself , without the support of any pleasure , or of any pretension . ( love of god , l. 9. c. 21. ) affecting and discursive meditation , tho' less perfect , than pure and direct contemplation , is nevertheless an exercise very acceptable to god , and very necessary to the greatest part of good souls : it is the ordinary foundation of the interior life , and the exercise of love for all just men , who are not arrived yet , at what we call perfect disinterest . it hath made , at all times , a great number of saints : 't would be a scandalous rashness , to take souls off from it , under pretence of introducing them into contemplation . there is even often in the most discursive meditation , and much more in affectionate prayer , certain peaceable and direct acts , which are a mixture of imperfect contemplation . to speak so , is to speak conformable to the spirit of tradition , and to the maxims of saints , that are most free from innovation and illusion . xxi . false . meditation is but a dry and barren study ; its discursive and reflex acts are but a labour in vain , which tires the soul , instead of nourishing it ; it s interested motives bring forth nothing but an exercise of self-love : there is no going forward that way ; good souls , with all speed , must be taken off from it , to make them pass into contemplation , where acts are quite out of season . to speak at this rate , is to discourage souls from god's gift ; 't is to turn into a slight the very foundations of the inward life ; 't is to go about to take away what god gives , and to persuade one to reckon rashly upon that which he is not pleased to give ; 't is to snatch away the suckling child from the breast , before he can digest solid food . xxii . article , true. a soul may leave discursive meditation , and enter into contemplation , when she hath the three following marks : 1. when she draws no longer from the meditation , that interiour food which she found in it before ; but on the contrary , a meer distraction , driness , and languor , in her attraction . 2. when she finds no facility , no occupation , and inward nourishment , but in a simple and purely amorous presence of god , whereby she is renewed in all the vertues agreeable to her state. 3. when she hath neither relish , nor inclination , but for recollection ; so that her director , who makes a trial of her , finds her humble , sincere , teachable , taken off from the whole world , and from herself . a soul may by obedience , that is endued with these three marks of vocation , enter into a contemplative prayer , without tempting god. to speak so , is to follow the ancient fathers , such as be s. clement of alexandria , s. gregory nazianzen , s. augustine , pope s. gregory , cassian , and all the ascets ; s. bernard , s. thomas , and all the school-men : 't is to speak as the most holy mystical men have done , who are most opposite to illusion . xxii . false . one may lead a soul into contemplation , without these three foregoing marks : 't is enough that contemplation is perfecter than meditation , to prefer it before the other . 't is to amuse souls , and to make them languish in an unfruitful method , if you don't put them at the very first , into the liberty of pure love. to speak at this rate , is to overturn the church-discipline ; 't is to slight the spirituality of the holy fathers ; 't is to give the lye to all the maxims of most mystical saints ; 't is to precipitate souls into error . xxiii . article true. discursive meditation is not convenient for those souls whom god draws actually into contemplation , by the three tokens above related , and who would not return to the discursive acts , but out of a scrupulous temper , and with a desire to seek their own interest , against the actual attraction of their grace . to speak thus , is to speak as the blessed john of the cross , ( in the lively flame of love , cant. 3. ) who only in these strict circumstances calls meditation , a low means , and dirty means : 't is to speak , as all mystical saints have done , that have been canonis'd , or approved by the whole church , after the most rigorous examination . xxiii . false . as soon as one hath begun contemplation , he ought never more to return to meditation : this would be a falling back , and to decay . 't is better to expose one self to all sorts of temptations , and to interior idleness , than to re-assume discursive acts again . to speak at this rate , is to be ignorant that the passage from meditation to contemplation , is that of interested love , to pure love ; that this passage is ordinarily long , unperceptible , and mix'd with these two states ; as the shades in matter of colours are an insensible passage from one colour to another , in which both of them are mix'd : 't is to contradict all good mystical men , who say with father balthazar alvarez , that one ought to take the oar of meditation , when the wind of contemplation does not strike into the sails ; 't is often to deprive souls from the only food god leaves them . xxiv . article , true. there is a state of contemplation so high , and so perfect , that it becomes habitual , insomuch , that at any time when a soul puts herself to actual prayer , her prayer is contemplative , and not discursive : then she hath no need to return to meditation , nor to her methodical acts. nevertheless , if it should happen against both the ordinary course of grace , and the common experience of saints , that this habitual contemplation should absolutely cease , one ought always to supply the deficiency of it , by the acts of discursive meditation , because a christian soul ought never to remain really in emptiness and idleness . one ought even to suppose , that a soul that should fall from so high a contemplation , could not do so , but by some secret infidelity : for the gifts of god , on his part , are never repented of ; he forsakes none but those by whom he is forsaken , and never diminishes his graces , but to those who diminish their co-operation : 't is our only business , to perswade that soul , that it is not god who fails her , but that it must needs be she herself that hath fail'd god. a soul of this rank might also be put again into meditation by the order of a director , who was minded to try her ; but then she ought by the rule both of holy indifferencè , and of obedience , to be as contented to mediate , as beginners do , as to contemplate with the cherubims . to speak so , is to follow the spirit of the church , and to prevent all dangers of illusion . 't is to speak as the greatest saints , whose books have been , i may say so , as well canonised as their persons . xxiv . false . 't is better to remain in an absolute unaction , than to take that which is less perfect , for that which is more perfect : the habitual state of contemplation is so invariable , that it ought never to be supposed , that one can fall from it by a secret infidelity . to speak at this rate , is to inspire men with a rash assurance ; it is to cast souls into a manifest danger of going astray . xxv . article . true. there is in this life an habitual state , but not wholly invariable , in which the most perfect souls do all their free actions in the presence god , and for his sake , according to the words of the apostle , let all your works be done in charity . and again , whether you eat or drink , or do any thing else , let it be done for the glory of god. this referring all our free actions , to our only end , is that perpetual prayer recommended by christ , when he will have our prayer to be without ceasing ; and by s. paul , when he saith , pray without intermission : but this prayer ought never to be confounded with pure and direct contemplation ; or taken , as s. thomas speaks , in the most perfect acts. that prayer which consists in a referring to god all our actions , may be perpetual in one sence ; that 's to say , it may last as long as our free acts. in this case it is never interrupted , but by sleep , and the other deficiencies of nature , which make all free and meritorious acts to cease . but pure and direct contemplation hath not even this kind of perpetuity ; because it is often interrupted by the acts of distinct vertues necessary to all christians , and which are not acts of pure and direct contemplation . to speak so , is to take off all equivocation , in a matter where it is so dangerous to make any ; 't is to hinder mystical people , not well instructed in the doctrine of faith , from representing their state , as if they were no more in the pilgrimage of this life . finally , it is to speak as cassian , who saith in his first conference , that pure contemplation is never absolutely perpetual in this life . xxv . false . pure and direct contemplation , is in some souls absolutely perpetual ; sleep itself does not interrupt it ; it consisteth in a simple and singular act , which is permanent , which hath no need of ever being reiterated , and subsists always by itself , unless recalled by a contrary act. to speak at this rate , is to deny the pilgrimage of this life , the natural swoundings of the soul , and the state of sleep , wherein the acts are no longer , either free or meritorious : 't is at the same time to give way to a contemplative soul , to dispense with those necessary vertues of her state , which are not acts of pure and direct contemplation : it is to be ignorant , that every act , both of the understanding , and of the will , is essentially transitory ; this is to oblige men in loving god , during ten moments , to make ten successive acts of love , one of which is not the other ; one whereof should never follow the other ; one of which is so past , that nothing remains of it , when the other that was not , begins to be . lastly , it is to speak after a manner as extravagant , according to the first principles of philosophy , as monstruous according to the rules of religion . xxvi . article . true. during the intervals which interrupt pure and direct contemplation , a very perfect soul may exercise distinct vertues , in all her free acts , with the same peace and purity , or disinterest of love , whereby she contemplates , while the attraction of contemplation is actual . the same exercise of love , which is called contemplation , or quietness , where it remains in its general scope , and is not applied to any particular function , becometh each distinct vertue , according as it is applied to particular occasions : for it is the object , as s. thomas speaks , which specifieth all vertues : but pure and peaceable love , remains always the same , as to the motive in all these different specifications . to speak thus , is to speak as the most exact and cautious schools have done . xxiv . false . pure and direct contemplation is without any interruption , so that it leaves no interval in the exercise of those distinct vertues that are necessary to all states . all the free acts of the life of a contemplative person , are concerned in divine things , which are the exact object of pure contemplation ; and this state does not admit on the side of the objects to whom love is applied , any distinction , or specification of vertues . to speak at this rate , is to destroy all the most interiour vertues ; it is to contradict , not only all the tradition of holy doctors , but also the most experienced mystical men ; it is to oppose s. bernard , s. theresa , and the blessed john of the cross , who by their particular experiences , do limit pure contemplation to half an hour , thereby giving us to understand , that it is confin'd to some bounds . xxvii . article . true. pure and direct contemplation is negative , because it is never voluntarily conversant about any sensible image , any distinct and namable idea , as s. dionisius speaks ; that 's to say , about any particular and limited idea , relating to the divine nature ; but that it passeth over all that is sensible and distinct ; that 's to say , comprehensible , and limited , to stop only in the idea that is purely intellectual , and abstracted from the being which is without limits and restriction . this idea , tho' very different , from all that can be imagined and comprehended , is , however , very positive and real . the simplicity of this purely immaterial idea , and which hath not passed through the senses , and by the imagination , does not hinder , but contemplation may have for distinct objects , all the attributes of god ; for the essence , without the attributes , would be no longer the essence it self , and the idea of an infinitely perfect being , essentially comprehends in its simplicity , the infinite perfections of that being . this simplicity , does not hinder the contemplative soul to contemplate even distinctly the three divine persons , because an idea let it be never so simple , can nevertheless , represent divers objects really distinguished one from the others . finally , this simplicity does not exclude the distinct sight of the humanity of jesus christ , and of all his mysteries , because pure contemplation admits of other ideas with that of the divinity : it admits of all the objects which pure faith can set before us : it excludes nothing in divine things but sensible images and discursive operations . though the acts tending directly and immediately to god alone , be more perfect , being taken on the part of the object , and in a philosophical strictness ; they are nevertheless as perfect on the part of the pinciple , that 's to say , as pure , and as meritorious , when they have for objects the objects offered by god himself , and wherewith one is conversant , only by the impression of his grace . a soul in this state , considereth no longer the mysteries of jesus christ , by a methodical and sensible working of the imagination , to imprint signs of it upon the brains , and to be comfortably softened by them : she is no longer conversant about it , by a discursive operation , and successive reasoning , to draw conclusions from each mystery : but she sees with a simple and amorous sight , all the diverse objects as certified and made present by pure faith. thus the soul can exercise in the highest contemplation acts of the most explicite faith. the contemplation of the blessed in heaven being purely intellectual , hath for distinct objects all these mysteries of the humanity of our saviour , whose graces and victories they do sing . so much the more reason there is that the most imperfect contemplation of the pilgrimage of this life can never be altered by the distinct sight of all these objects . to speak thus , is to speak according to all tradition , and as all good mystical men have been pleased to speak . xxvii . false . pure contemplation excludeth all image , that 's to say , all that idea which is even meerly intellectual . a contemplative soul , admits of no real and positive idea of god , that distinguisheth him from all other beings . she ought to see neither the divine attributes which do distinguish him from all creatures , nor the three divine persons , for fear of altering the simplicity of her sight . she ought yet less to imploy her self about the humanity of jesus christ , since that is not the divine nature ; nor about his mysteries , because they would multiply too much contemplation . the souls that are in this state , have no further need to think on jesus christ , who is but the way to come to god his father , because they are already arrived at the end . to speak at this rate , is to be ignorant of all that good , mystical men themselves have been pleased to say , of the purest contemplation : it is to annihilate faith , without which , contemplation it self is annihilated : 't is to make a chimerical contemplation , which hath no real object , and cannot distinguish god from nothing : it is to destroy christianity , instead of purifying it : it is to make a kind of deism , which next moment terminates into a kind of atheism , whereby all real idea of god as distinguished from his creatures is rejected . finally , it is to set up two impious opinions : the first is , to suppose , that there is upon the earth some contemplative person , who is no longer a sojourner , and who hath no further need of the way , because he is arrived at the end . the second is to be ignorant that christ who is the way , is no less the truth and the life ; that he is as much the finisher as the author of our salvation . finally , that the angels themselves in their most sublime contemplation have desired to see his mysteries , and that the blessed sing incessantly , the song of the lamb before him . xxviii . article . true. contemplative souls are deprived of the distinct sensible and reflected sight of jesus christ , at two different times ; but they are never deprived for ever in this life of the simple and distinct sight of jesus christ : first , in the prime fervour of their contemplation , this exercise is yet very imperfect , not representing god but in a very confused manner . the soul being as it were swelled up with the sensible pleasure of her recollection , cannot yet be conversant about distinct sights . these distinct sights would cause in her a kind of distraction in her weakness , and cast her again into the reasoning of meditation , out of which , she is scarcely departed . this impotency of seeing distinctly jesus christ , is not the perfection , but rather the imperfection of this exercise , for it is then more sensible than pure . secondly , a soul looseth the sight of christ in the last tryals , because god at that time takes away from the soul the possession and reflected knowledge of all that is good in her , to purifie her from all self-interest . in this state of unvoluntary darkness and trouble , the soul looses no more the sight of christ than of god. but all these losses are but in appearance and transient ; after which , christ is no less restored to the soul than god himself . besides these two cases , the most elevated soul may in the actual contemplation be possest of christ , made present to her by faith ; and in the intervals where pure contemplation ceaseth , she is yet possessed of jesus christ . it will be found by experience , that these souls which are most eminent in contemplation , are those that are most possessed of him : they speak with him every hour , as the bride with her bridegroom : they often see nothing but him in themselves : they bear successively deep impressions of all his mysteries , and of all the states of this mortal life . true it is , that he becomes something so intimate in their heart , that they use themselves to look on him less as a foreign and external object , than as the internal principle of their life . to speak thus , is to repress the most damnable errors : 't is clearly to explain the experiences and expressions of saints , which souls given over to illusion might abuse . xxviii . false . contemplative souls have no more any need to see distinctly the humanity of jesus christ , because they are arrived at the end . the flesh of christ is no more an object worthy of them , and they know him no more in the flesh , even as made present by pure faith : they are no more possessed of him out of actual contemplation , than in pure contemplation it self . god whom they in supream simplicity do possess is enough for them . they ought not to concern themselves either about the divine persons , or the attributes of the divine nature . to speak at this rate , is to take away the corner stone : it is to snatch from the faithful eternal life , which consists wholly in knowing the only true god and jesus christ his son , whom he hath sent . 't is to be that antichrist who rejects the word made flesh : it is to deserve the anathema pronounced by the apostle against those who shall not love the lord jesus . xxix . article . true. it may be said that positive contemplation is infused , because it prevents the souls with a sweetness and peace greater yet than do the other graces which prevent the common sort of just men. it is a grace more freely given than all the others given for merit , because it worketh in souls the most pure and perfect love. but passive contemplation is neither purely infused , since it is free and meritorious , nor meerly free , since the soul co-operates with grace in it : it is not miraculous , since according to the testimony of all the saints it consists only in an amorous knowledge , and that grace without a miracle is sufficient for the most lively faith , and the most purified love. lastly , this contemplation cannot be miraculous , since it is supposed to consist in a state of pure and dark faith , in which the faithful is not led by any other light but that of simple revelation , and of the authority of the church common to all just men. 't is true , that several mystical writers have supposed this contemplation to be miraculous , because in it is contemplated a truth , that hath not been received in by the senses and through the imagination . this true also , that these writers have acknowledged a bottom of the soul which did work in this contemplation , without any distinct operation of the faculties . but these two things had only their origin from scholastick philosophy , whereof these mystical men were preconceited . all this great mystery vanisheth away , assoon as one supposes with s. augustine , that we have without miracle , intellectual ideas which have not passed through the senses , and when it is supposed on the other side , that the bottom of the soul is not really distinguished from her powers . then all passive contemplation is reduced to some thing very simple and which hath nothing miraculous : 't is a chain-work of acts of faith and of love , so simple , so direct , so peaceable , and so uniform , that they don't seem to do more than one only act , or even that they don't seem to do any act at all , but a repose of pure union . this is the reason why s. francis of sales won't have it called union , for fear of expressing a motion or action towards uniting , but a simple and pure unity . hence it comes , that some as s. francis of assisium in his great song , have said , that they were able no longer to perform any acts ; and that others as gregory lopez , have said that they did a continual act during their whole life . both the one and the other by expressions seemingly opposite mean the same thing . they do no more any eager acts and marked by an unquiet motion . they produce acts so peaceable and so uniform , that these acts though very successive and even interrupted , do seem to them one only act without interruption , or a continual rest . hence it is , that this contemplation hath been call'd silent or quiet prayer . hence it is finally , that it hath been called passive : god forbid ! it should ever be called so , to exclude from it the real , positive , and meritorious action of the free-will , or the real and successive acts which ought to be reiterated every moment . it is called passive only to exclude the activity or interested eagerness of souls , when they will yet agitate themselves in order to feel and see their operation , which should be less mark'd were it both more simple and more united . passive contemplation is nothing else but pure contemplation : the active is that which is mixt with forward and discursive acts. so when contemplation hath yet a mixture of interested forwardness , which is called activity , it is yet active ▪ when it hath further remains of this activity , it is entirely passive , that 's to say , peaceable and uninterested in its acts. in fine , the more the soul is passive towards god , the more active is she in that which she ought to do : that is to say , that the more she is supple and pliant to the divine impulse , the more efficatious is her motion , though without self agitation : for it is always equally true , that the more the soul receiveth from god the more ought she to restore to him of what she hath from him . this ebbing and flowing makes up all the order of grace and all the fidelity of the creature . to speak so , is to prevent all illusion ; 't is to explain the bottom of passive contemplation , which cannot be denied without a notorious rashness , and cannot be carried further without extremity of danger : 't is to disintricate whatever the saints have said in terms , which by the subtilty of some divines have been somewhat darkned . xxix . false . passive contemplation is purely passive , so that the free-will co-operates no more therein , with grace by any real and transient act. it is purely infused and entirely a free gift , and without merit on the part of the soul. it is miraculous , and draws while it lasts a soul from the state of pure and dark faith. it is a possession and a supernatural rapture which prevents the soul. it is an extraordinary inspiration that puts the soul out of the common rules . it is an absolute binding or evacuation of the powers , so that both the understanding and the will are then in an absolute impotency to any thing , which without doubt is a miraculous and extatick suspension . to speak at this rate , is to overturn the system of pure faith , which is that of all good mystical men , and especially of the blessed john of the cross : 't is to confound passive contemplation , which is free and meritorious , with gifts meerly free and extraordinary , and which as we are advised by the saints , ought never voluntarily to possess us . it is to contradict all authors , who place this contemplation in a free , amorous , and meritorious look ; and consequently in the real but simple acts of these two powers : 't is to contradict s. theresa herself , who assures us , that the seventh mansion hath none of the raptures , which do suspend against the order of nature , the operations of the understanding and of the will. 't is to oppose all the eminent spiritual persons , who have said that these suspensions of natural operations are so far from being a perfect state , that on the contrary , they are a sign that nature is not yet enough purified , and that such effects as these do cease , by how much the more the soul is purified and grown more familiar with god , in the state of pure faith. it is to confound the trouble which a pure soul should be at in making unquiet and reflected acts for her self-interest , against the actual attraction of grace , with an absolute impotency of performing acts even by a natural endeavour . a mistake in this matter may be in some an inexaustible source of illusion , and in others an ill grounded occasion of offence . xxx . article , true. the passive state , whereof mystical saints have so often spoken , is passive only so far as contemplation is passive , that 's to say , that it excludeth not peaceable and disinterested acts , but only the activity , or the acts that are unquiet and froward for our self-interest . a passive state is that wherein a soul loving no more with a mixt love , makes all her acts with a full and efficacious , but peaceable and uninterested will. sometimes she makes simple and indistinct acts , which are call'd quietude and contemplation , and some other times she makes distinct acts of virtues agreeable to her state . but she makes the one and the other no way equally passive , that 's to say , peaceable and uninterested . this state is habitual , but not wholly invariable . for besides that the soul may fall absolutely from it , moreover , she committeth venial faults in it . this passive state supposes no extraordinary inspiration : it includes nothing but a peace and infinite pliantness of the soul to all the impressions of grace . a dry and very light feather , ( as cassian saith ; ) is carried away without resistance , by the least breath of wind , and this breathing carrieth it all sorts of ways with celerity ; whereas , if it was wet and heavy , it would be by its weight less apt to be moved and carried about . the soul in interested love which is the less perfect , hath yet a remnant of interested fear which makes her less light , less pliant and moveable , when the breath of the interiour spirit carries her : a troubled water can't be clear , nor receive the image of the nearest objects ; but that which is untroubled , becomes as a real looking-glass ; it receives without alteration , all the images of diverse objects , and yet retains none . a pure and peaceable soul , is the same ; god imprints in her his image , and that of all the objects he is minded to imprint in her . all is imprinted , and all blotted out : this soul hath not any proper form , but hath equally all those which grace gives to her ; nothing remains in her , but all vanisheth away , as in water , as soon as god will make new impressions : nothing but pure love gives this peace and perfect docility . this passive state is not a continual actual contemplation : contemplation , which lasts only for some limited time , makes only part of this habitual state. uninterested love , ought not to be less uninterested , nor consequently less peaceable , in the acts that are distincts from vertues , than in the indistinct acts of pure contemplation . to speak so , is to take away all equivocation , and to admit a state which is nothing else but the exercise of pure love , so authorised by all tradition . xxx . false . a passive state consisteth in passive contemplation , which is perpetual , and this passive contemplation , is a kind of a continual extasies , or miraculous binding of the powers , which puts them under a real impotency of free operation . to speak at this rate , is to confound the passive state , with passive contemplation : it is to suppose a state of miraculous and perpetual extasies , excluding all ways of faith , all freedom , all merit , and demerit ; nay , incompatible with the pilgrimage of this life : it is to be ignorant of the experiences of the saints , and to pervert all their ideas . xxxi . article . true. there is in the passive state , a simplicity and childhood noted by the saints ; but the children of god , who are simple in things that are good , are always prudent against any thing that is evil : they are sincere , ingenuous , peaceable , and without designs : they don't reject wisdom , but only the propriety of wisdom : they disappropriate their wisdom from themselves , as they do all their other vertues : they make a faithful use every moment , of all the natural light of reason , and of all the supernatural light of actual grace , to guide themselves according to the written law , and a true decorum . a soul in this state , is wise , neither by a forward seeking after wisdom , nor by an interested reflection upon herself , in order to assure herself that she is wise , and to enjoy her wisdom as her own : but without minding to be wise in herself , she is so in god , by admitting wilfully none of the froward and irregular passions , either of humour , or of self-love ; and by making use , without property , as well of the natural , as of the supernatural light of the present moment . this present moment hath a kind of a moral extension , wherein ought to be included all those things which have a natural and near relation to the thing , which is actually in hand . thus sufficient to the day , is the evil thereof , and the soul leaves to morrow , to take care of itself , because that to morrow , which is not yet hers , shall bring with it , if it comes , its grace and light , which is the daily bread. such souls as these do deserve and draw on themselves a special care of providence , under whose care they live , without a far extended and unquiet forecast , as little children in the bosome of their mother . they do not possess themselves as those who are wise in themselves , against the prohibition of the apostle : but they let themselves to be possessed , instructed , and moved , upon every occasion , by the actual grace of god. these souls do not think themselves extraordinarily inspired ; they think on the contrary , that they may deceive themselves by mistakes , which to avoid , they judge almost of nothing ; they willingly receive correction , and have neither sence nor will : these are the children whom christ will have let to come near him : they have with the simplicity of the dove , all the prudence of the serpent ; but a borrowed prudence , which they do no more own , than i do appropriate the beams of the sun to my self , when i walk in its light : these are the poor in spirit , whom christ jesus hath declared blessed , and who are as much taken off from their perfections , as all christians ought to be from their temporal possessions . these are the little ones to whom god is well pleased , to reveal his mysteries , while he hides them from the wise and prudent . to speak so , is to speak in conformity to the spirit of the gospel , and of all tradition . xxxi . false . reason is a false ; we ought to act , and never to consult it ; we ought to trample under foot all decency , follow without hesitation all first motions , and suppose them divine : we ought to cut off , not only unquiet reflections , but also generally all reflections ; not only forward and remote forecasts , but also all foresights . it is not enough , not to be wise in one self , one ought to abandon one self so far , as never to watch over one self with a simple and peaceable vigilancy , and not to let fall the eager motions of nature , to receive only those of grace . to speak at this rate , is to believe that reason , which is the first of god's gifts , in the order of nature , is an evil , and consequently to renew the foolish impious error of the manicheans ; it is to be willing to change perfection into a continual fanaticism , and to tempt god every minute of one's life . xxxii . article . true. there is in the passive state , a liberty of the children of god , which hath no relation to the unbridled license of the children of this world : these simple souls are no more tormented , by the scruples of those who fear and hope for their own interest . pure love gives them a respectful familiarity with god , as that of a bride with the bridegroom ; they have a peace and joy full of innocency ; they take with simplicity , and without hesitation , the needful refreshments of mind and body , as they would perswade their neighbours to the same ; they speak of themselves without any positive judgment , but out of meer obedience , and real necessity , as things appear to them at that moment ; they speak then of them , either as good or bad as they would speak of another , without any headiness in what they think , or any love for the good opinion which their most simple and modest words might create in them of themselves ; and acknowledging always , with an humble joy , that if there is any good in them , it comes from god alone . to speak thus , is to relate the experiences of saints , without offending the rule of evangelical manners . xxxii . false . the liberty of passive souls is grounded upon an innocency of disappropriation , which makes pure in them whatsoever they are prompted to do , tho' never so irregular and inexcusable in others : they have no longer any law , because the law is not established for the righteous , provided he does appropriate nothing to himself , and acts nothing for himself . to speak at this rate , is to forget that it is said , that if the written law is not for the righteous , it is because an inward law of love prevents always the outward precept , and that the great commandment of love containeth all the others : 't is to turn christianity into an abomination , and to make the gentiles to blaspheme the name of god ; 't is to give up souls to a spirit of falshood and of giddiness . xxxiii . article . true. there is in the passive state , a re-union of all the vertues in love , which never excludeth the distinct exercise of each vertue : 't is charity , as saith s. thomas , after s. augustine , which is the form and principle of all vertues : that which distinguisheth or specifieth them , is the particular object which love does embrace . the love which abstains from impure pleasures is chastity , and this very same love , when it bears evils , takes the name of patience : this love without going out of its simplicity , becometh , by turns , all different vertues ; but it admits of none as being a vertue ; that 's to say , either fortitude , greatness , beauty , regularity , or perfection . a disinterested soul , as s. francis of sales , ( 12. discourse of simplicity ) hath observed it , loves no longer the vertues , either because they are handsome and pure , nor because they are worthy to be beloved , or as beautifying , and perfecting those that do practise them ; or because they are meritorious , and prepare men for an eternal reward ; but only because they are the will of god : a disinterested soul , as this great saint said of mother chantal ( life of mad. of chantal , p. 246. ) does not wash away her faults , for to be pure ; and does not adorn herself with vertues , for to be beautiful ; but for to please her spouse , to whom if ugliness had been as acceptable , she would have loved it as much as beauty . then it is , that we do practise all distinct vertues , without thinking that they are vertues ; then we think on nothing every moment , but to do the will of god , and jealous love causeth , at the same time , that we desire no more to be vertuous , seeing that we are never more vertuous , than when we are no more pleased to be so . it may be said in this sence , that passive and uninterested love , will no more , even love itself , as being her perfection and happiness , but only as it is that which god does require of us . therefore s. francis of sales saith , that we return into our selves , loving that love instead of the well beloved . ( love of god , l. 9. c. 9. ) this saint in another place saith , that we ought not so much as to desire the love of god , as it is our good . lastly , to give to this truth all the strictness that is necessary , this saint saith , that we ought to endeavour to seek in god nothing but the love of his beauty , and not the pleasure which is felt in the beauty of his love. this distinction will appear subtile to those whom unction hath not yet taught ; but it is confirmed by the tradition of all saints from the beginning of christianity , and it ought not to be despised without making light of the saints , who have placed the perfection of a soul in this so nice a jealousie of love. to speak thus , is to repeat what holy mystical men have said , after both s. clement and the ascetes upon the cessation of virtues , and which ought to be explained with infinite precaution . xxxiii . false . in the passive slate , the distinct practice of virtues is out of season , because pure love , which contains them all in its quietude dispenseth absolutely with souls in this exercise . to speak at this rate , is to contradict the gospel : it is to lay a stone of scandal in the way of the children of the church : it is to give them the name of the living while they are dead . xxxiv . article . true. spiritual death , whereof so many mystical saints have spoken after the apostle , ( who saith to the faithful , ye are dead , ) is nothing but the entire purification and disinterest of love ; so that the unquietness and frowardness which do proceed from an interested motive do not weaken the operation of grace , and that grace doth work in a manner entirely free : spiritual resurrection is nothing else but the habitual state of pure love , which we do ordinarily attain to after the tryals designed for its purification . to speak so , is to speak as the greatest saints and most cautious mystical men have done . xxxiv . false . spiritual death , is an entire extinguishing of the old-man , and of the last sparks of concupiscency : then one hath no more need even of the peaceable and disinterested resistency to natural motions , nor of co-operation to any medicinal grace of jesus christ . spiritual resurrection is the entire consummation of the new-man in the age and plenitude of the perfect man as in heaven . to speak at this rate , is to fall into an heresie and impiety , which is to the ruine of all christian manners . xxxv . article true. the state of transformation whereof so many both ancient and modern saints have so often spoken , is nothing but the most passive state , that 's to say , the most free of all activity or interested unquietness . the soul being peaceable and equally pliant to all the subtilest impulses of grace , is like a globe upon a ground-plot , that hath no more any proper and natural situation , but goes equally all sorts of ways , and the most insensible impulses is enough for to move it . in this state a soul hath but one only love , and knows nothing else but to love. love is her life , it is as it were her being and substance , for it is the sole principle of all her affections . as this soul gives to her self not any froward motion , does nothing unseasonably in the hand of god her own disposer ; so she feels no more but one motion , viz. that which is imprinted in her , even so as a man carried by another feels no other impulse but this , if so be that he does not discompose it by a contrary agitation : then the soul saith with s. paul ; i live , but it is not i , but christ jesus , who lives in me . christ does manifest himself in his mortal flesh , as the apostle will have him to manifest himself in us all . then the image of god darkned and almost blotted out in us by sin , is imprinted again and yields a new similitude which is called transformation . then when this soul speaks of herself by a simple conscience , she saith with s. catherine of genoa : i find no more of my self ; there is no other self in me but god. if on the contrary , she seeks herself by reflection , she hateth herself as being something without god ; that 's to say , she condemns the my self , as it is separated from the pure impression of the spirit of grace , as this same saintess did with horror . this state is neither fixed nor invariable . 't is true only , that one ought not to believe that the soul does fall from it , without any infidelity , because the gifts of god are without repentance , and souls faithful to their grace shall suffer no diminution of them . but in short , the least hesitation or the most subtile complaisance may render a soul unworthy of so eminent a grace . to speak so , is to admit of the terms consecrated both by scripture and tradition : 't is to follow divers ancient fathers , who have said , that the soul was transformed and deified . it is to explain the expressions of ▪ the most authorized saints . it is to keep up the doctrine of faith in its integrity . xxxv . false . transformation , is a deification of the soul , real , and by nature , or an hypostatick union , or a conformity unto god , which is unalterable , and dispenses with the soul from watching over herself , under pretence that there is no more in her of any other self but god. to speak at this rate , is to utter horrid blasphemies ; 't is to be willing to transform satan into an angel of light . xxxvi . article . true. transformed souls have ordinarily no need of certain orderly dispositions either for times or for places , nor express forms , nor methodically set practices for their interiour exercises . the great habit of their familiar union with god gives them an easiness and simplicity of amorous union , which is incomprehensible to the souls of an inferiour state , and this example would be very pernicious to all the other less advanced soul , which have need yet of regular practices to support themselves . transformed souls ought always , though without any troublesome rule , one while produce with simplicity indistinct acts of quietude or pure contemplation , and another while distinct , but peaceable and disinterested acts of all virtues suitable to their state . to speak so , is correctly to explain the expressions of good mystical men. xxxvi . false . transformed souls have no more need to exercise virtues in the abstracted cases , either of precept or of counsel , except at those times they may be in an absolute emptiness and internal unaction . they need only follow their palate , their inclinations , and first natural motions . concupiscency is extinguished in them , or in a suspension so insensible , that we ought not to think any more that it may ever be awakened on a sudden . to speak at this rate , is to lead souls into temptation ; 't is to fill them with a fatal pride ; 't is to teach the doctrine of devils ; 't is to forget that concupiscence is always either acting , or relented , or suspended , but ready to awake on a sudden in our body , which is that of sin. xxxvii . article . true. the most transformed souls have still their free will , whereby they are in a capacity of committing sin , as well as the first angel , or the first man. moreover , they have the bottom of their concupiscence , tho' the sensible effects thereof may remain relented , or suspended , by medicinal grace . these souls may sin mortally , and go astray in a terrible manner : they commit even venial sins , for which they say unanimously with the whole church : forgive us our trespasses , &c. the least hesitation in faith , or the least interested return upon themselves , might drain up their grace : they ought , in answer to the jealousie of pure love , to shun the smallest faults , as all just men usually do avoid the greatest sins : their vigilancy , tho' simple and peaceable , ought to be by so much the more piercing , as pure love , in its jealousie , is more clear-sighted , than interested love , with all its commotions and troubles : these souls ought never either to judge , or to excuse themselves , unless it be out of obedience , and to remove some scandal , nor justifie themselves by a deliberated and reflected testimony , tho' the intimate bottom of their conscience , reproaches them with nothing : they ought to be contented to be judged by their superiours , and obey blindly in every point . to speak so , is to speak according to the true principles of all mystical saints , and without offence to tradition . xxxvii . false . transformed souls are not any more free for to sin ; they have no more any concupiscence , all that in them is , is motion of grace , and extraordinary inspiration : they can no more pray with the church , saying every day : forgive us our offences , &c. to speak at this rate , is to fall into the error of the false gnosticks , renewed by the beggards , condemned at the council of vienna , and by the illuminated of andalousia , condemned in the last age. xxxviii . article , true. transformed souls may profitably , and ought even in the present discipline , to confess the venial faults they are aware of in themselves : they ought in confession to detest their faults , condemn themselves , and desire the remission of their sins , not for their own cleansing , and deliverance , but as a thing which god does will , and which he will have us to will for his glory : tho' a disinterested soul does not wash her self from her faults , now for to be pure , as we have seen it in s. francis of sales ; but that she would love impurity , as much as beauty , if it were as acceptable to her spouse ; she knows nevertheless , that purity and beauty are the delight of her spouse ; therefore she only loves for his good pleasure , purity and beauty , and rejects with horror the ugliness he rejects . when a soul is truly , and actually in pure love , there is no fear but in the actual confession of her sin , she is in the actual condemnation of what she hath committed against the well-beloved , and consequently in the most formal , most pure , and most efficacious contrition , tho' she produces not always sensible acts of it , in an express'd and reflected form. if venial faults are blotted out in an instant , by the simple reciting of the lord's prayer , as s. austine assureth us in general of just men , tho' imperfect : so much the more are they blotted out likewise , in the transformed souls by the exercise of the most pure love : 't is true , that one is not oblig'd to make equally always frequent confessions , when the enlightned director hath reason to fear , least they should cast one into despair , or be turned into a meer habit , or should become an unlading of the heart , and an ease for self-love , more afflicted for not seeing himself entirely perfect , than faithful , in being willing to do violence to himself for his amendment ; or because these frequent confessions disturb too much some souls , and employ them too much about their state , in some transient pains ; or because they don't see in themselves any voluntary fault committed since their last confession , which may appear to the confessor a sufficient matter of sacramental absolution , after they have cast themselves at his feet , for to lay their submission in the power and judgment of the church . to speak so , is to speak a language conform to the experiences of saints , and to the needs of several souls , without offending the principles of tradition . xxxviii . false . confession is a remedy belonging only to imperfect souls , and which advanced souls ought not to make use of , but for outward appearance , and for fear of offending the publick ; either they never commit any faults which deserve absolution ; or they ought not to be watchful with the peaceable and uninterested vigilancy of pure and jealous love , to perceive whatever in them may grieve the holy spirit ; neither are they any more oblig'd to contrition , which is nothing else but jealous love hating with a perfect hatred , whatsoever is contrary to the good pleasure of the well-beloved ; nor should they think themselves guilty of an infidelity , against the disinterest of love , and perfect abnegation , should they ask both with heart and mouth , the remission of their sins , which god , however , will have them to desire . to speak at this rate , is to take off from these souls the true exercise of that pure love of the supreme good , which ought to be on this occasion the actual condemnation of evil itself ; it is to remove souls , both from the sacraments , and church-discipline , by a rash and scandalous presumption : 't is to inspire them with pharisaical pride ; 't is , at least , to teach them to make their confessions , without vigilancy , attention , and sincerity of heart , when they ask with the words of their mouths , the remission of their faults : 't is to introduce into the church , an hypocrisie , which makes any illusion uncurable . xxxix . article . true. souls in the first sensible attraction which makes them pass to contemplation , have sometimes a prayet which seems to bear no proportion with some gross faults that remain yet in them , and this disproportion makes some directors to judge , that they have not got experience enough , that their prayer is false and full of illusion , as s. theresa saith it hapned to her . the souls exercised by extraordinary trials , shew sometimes there upon transient occasions , an irregular spirit , weakned by the excess of pain , and a patience almost exhausted , as job did appear imperfect and impatient in the eyes of his friends : god leaves often to even transformed souls , notwithstanding the purity of their love , certain imperfections , which proceed more from a natural infirmity , than from the will , and which are according to the thought of pope s. gregory , the contrapoise of their contemplation , as the pricks of the flesh were in the apostle the messenger of satan to hinder him from growing proud of the greatness of his revelations . lastly , these imperfections which are not any violation of the law , are left in a soul , to the end , that one may see in her the tokens of the great work which grace hath of necessity made in her . these infirmities serve to depress her in her own eyes , and to keep the gifts of god under a veil of infirmity , which exerciseth the faith of that soul , and of the just persons that know her . sometimes also they serve to draw on her contempt and crosses , or to make her more docile to her superiors , or to take from her the comfort of being approved and assured in her way as it happened to the blessed theresa , with incredible pains ; finally , to keep the secret of the bride and of the bridegroom , hidden from the wise and prudent of this world. to speak so , is to speak conformable to the experiences of saints without any offence to the evangelical rule , because the directors who have experience , and the spirit of grace are not without ability to judge of the tree by the fruits , which are sincerity , teachableness , and freedom of the soul , upon the chiefest occasions . moreover , there will be still other tokens , which the unction of god's spirit shall give sufficiently to be felt , if the state of each soul be patiently lookt into . xxxix . false . one may reckon a soul as contemplative , and even as transformed , though she is found for some considerable time , negligent of her instruction concerning the principles of religion , careless of her duty , wandring and unmortified , always quick in excusing her own faults , unteachable , haughty , or cunning . to speak after this rate , is to authorize in the most perfect state the most dangerous imperfections : 't is to cover under the cloak of an extraordinary state , defects that are most incompatible with true piety : 't is to approve the grossest illusions : 't is to invert the rules whereby spirits ought to be tried , to know whither they come from god or no : 't is to call evil good , and draw upon ones self the woes of scripture . xl. article . true. a transformed soul is united to god , without the interposition of any medium , three sorts of ways . 1. when she loves god for himself , without any medium of interested motive . 2. when she contemplates him without any sensible image , or discursive operation . 3. when she fulfills his precepts and counsels , without any set order of forms , whereby to give to her self an interested witness . to speak thus , is to express what holy mystical men would say , by excluding from this state the practices of virtue ; and this explication is nothing offensive to universal tradition . xl. false . a transformed soul is united to god without any medium , either by the veil of faith , or the infirmity of the flesh since the fall of adam , nor by the medicinal grace of jesus christ , by whom alone one may in every state go to the father . to speak at this rate , is to renew the heresie of the beggards condemned by the council of vienna . xli . article . true. the spiritual wedding uniteth immediately the bride to the bridegroom , essence to essence , substance to substance , that 's to say , will to will , by that entirely pure love so often mentioned . then god and the soul make no more but one and the same spirit ; as the bride and the bridegroom in marriage are made but one flesh . he who adheres to god , is made one and the same spirit with him , by an intire conformity of the will which is the work of grace . the soul is then fully satiated and in a joy of the holy ghost , which is the bud of coelestial happiness . she is in an entire purity , that 's to say , without any defilement of sin ( except those daily sins which the exercise of love can immediately blot out ) and consequently she may without purgatory , be admitted into heaven , which no unclean thing can enter into ; for concupiscence which remains always in this life , is not incompatible with this entire purity , since it is neither sin nor a spot in the soul : but this soul hath not her original integrity , being not exempt either from daily faults or from concupiscency which are incompatible with their integrity . to speak so , is to speak with the salt of wisdom , wherewith all our words ought to be seasoned . xli . false . the soul in this state hath her original integrity ; she sees god face to face , she does enjoy him as fully as the blessed . to speak at this rate , is , to fall into the heresie of the beggards . xlii . article . true. the union called by mystical men essential and substantial , consisteth in a simple and disinterested love , which fills all the affections of the whole soul , and which is exercised by acts so peaceable and so uniform , that they seem to be but one , though they be several really distinguished acts. several mystical writers have termed these acts essential or substantial , to distinguish them from acts that are froward , unequal , and made as it were by the out-goings of a love which is yet mixt and interested . to speak so , is to explain the true sense of mystical writers . xlii . false . this union becomes really essential , between god and the soul , so that nothing is capable either to break or to alter it any more . this substantial act is permanent and indivisible as the substance of the soul it self . to speak at this rate , is to teach an extravagancy as much contrary to all philosophy , as to faith , and to the true practice of piety . xliii . article . true. god who conceals himself from the wise and great ones , reveals and communicates himself to the little ones , and to the simple . the transformed soul is the spiritual man s. paul speaks of , that 's to say , a man acted and led by the spirit of grace in the way of pure faith. this soul hath often both by grace and by experience for all things of simple practise in the tryals and exercise of pure love , a knowledge , which the learned who have more science and humane wisdom than experience and pure grace , have not . she ought nevertheless to submit with heart as well as mouth , not only to all the decisions of the church , but also to the conduct of her pastors , as having a special grace without exception to lead the sheep of the flock . xliii . false . the transformed soul is the spiritual man of s. paul , so that she may judge of all the truths of religion , and be judged by no body . she is the seed of god that cannot sin. unction teacheth her all ; so that she hath no need of being instructed by any body , nor to submit to superiours . to speak at this rate , is to abuse the passages of scripture and turn them to ones ruine . 't is to be ignorant , that unction which teacheth all , teacheth nothing so much as obedience , and suggesteth all truth of faith and of practice , only by inspiring the ministers of the church with an humble docility . in a word , 't is to establish in the midst of the church a damnable sect of fanaticks and independents . xliv . article . true. the pastors and saints of all ages have used a kind of an oeconomy and secret in not speaking of the rigorous trials , and of the most sublime exercise of pure love , but to those souls to whom god had given already both attraction and light to it . though this doctrine was the pure and simple perfection of the gospel , noted throughout the whole body of tradition , the ancient pastors proposed usually to the generality of just men , no other than the practise of interested love , in proportion to their grace , and thus gave milk to infants , while they distributed bread to strong souls . to speak thus , is to say what s. clement , cassian , and divers other , holy authors , both ancient and modern , do constantly affirm . xliv . false . there has been in all ages , among those that live contemplative lives , a secret tradition , and such as has been unknown , even to the body of the church her self . this tradition , would include secret opinions , beyond the truths of universal tradition ; or these opinions at least would be contrary to those of the common faith , and would exempt souls from exercising all those acts of an explicite faith and dislimited vertue , which are no less essential to the ways of pure love , than to that which is interested . to speak thus , is to annihilate tradition , instead of multiplying it . it is the way to make a sect of secret hypocrites in the bosome of the church , without her being ever able to discover them , or to free her self from them . hereby the impious secret of the gnosticks and manicheans will be revived , and all the traditions of our faith and morals undermined . art . xlv . true. all the internal ways that are most eminent , are so far from being above an habitual state of pure love , that they are but the way to arrive at that bound of all perfection ; all inferiour degrees do not come up to this true estate . the last degree which mystick writers call by the name of transformation , or essential union , without any medium , is no more than a simple reality of this love without a peculiar interest . this when true , is the most safe state , because it is the most voluntary and meritorious of all the states of christian justice ; and because 't is that which referrs all to god , and leaves nothing to the creature . but on the contrary , when 't is false and imaginary , it is the heighth of illusion . the traveller after many fatigues , dangers , and sufferings , arriving at length upon the top of a mountain , from thence discerns at a distance his native city , and the end of his journey , and all his toils , he is presently overjoy'd at it , believes himself to be already at the very gates of that city , and that there is nothing now remaining but a little way , and that very good for him ; but as he moves forwards , the lengths and difficulties which he had not foreseen at first sight , do proportionably increase , he must be obliged to descend by precipices into deep vallies , where he loses the sight of that city , which he thought he could almost touch . he must be forc'd oftentimes to creep up over sharp rocks , and 't is not without great trouble and dangers that he arrives at last at that city , which he thought at first to have been so near him , and so easie to come at . it 's the very same thing with that love which is entirely disinterested ; the first cast of the eye discovers it in a wonderful perspective ; one thinks he has hold of it , he supposes with himself that he is already confirmed therein , or at least that there is between him and it but a short and even space ; but the more he advances towards it , the more tedious and painful he finds the way . there is nothing so dangerous for a man as to flatter himself with this pretty idea or conceit , and to believe that he lives in the practice of the same , when it is not really so . he that makes this love to be speculative , would fret himself to a skeleton , if god should put him to prove how this love doth purifie and realize it self in the soul. in short , he must have a care of believing that he hath the same in reality , when he only has a view of it , and is charmed with it . that soul which dares presume by a decisive reflection that he is arrived to it , shews by his presumption how remote he is from it ; the small number of those that have reached it , do not know whether they are really so ; and as often as they do reflect upon themselves in relation to it , they are ready to believe it is not so with them , when their superiours declare the same unto them : they speak of themselves as of another person , in a dis-interested manner , and without reflection , and act with simplicity , by a pure obedience , according to true necessity , without ever voluntarily judging or reasoning concerning their state . in short , tho' it be true to say , that no man can set exact bounds to the operations of god in the soul , and that there is none but the spirit of god that can sound the depths of this same spirit ; yet it is also true to say , that no internal perfection can allow a christian to dispence with those real acts that are essential to the accomplishment of the whole law ; and that all perfection reduces it self to this habitual state of sole and pure love , which effects in these souls , with a dis-interested peace , all that which a mixt love does in others , with some remains of an interested eagerness . in a word , there is nothing but a peculiar interest that cannot , and which ought not at all to be found in the exercise of dis-interested love ; but all the rest is there still in a more abundant manner than ordinarily in just persons . for us to speak with this precaution , is to confine our selves within the bounds set us by our fathers ; this is a religious observance of tradition , and hereby is a relation given , without any mixture of innovation , of the experiences of the saints , and the language they have used in speaking sometimes of themselves , with simplicity and pure obedience . xlv . false . transformed souls are capable of judging themselves and others , or to be assured of their internal gifts , without any dependance upon the ministers of the church , or else direct themselves without any character , without an extraordinary call , and even with marks of an extraordinary vocation against the express authority of pastors . to talk in this manner , is to teach an innovated doctrine full of prophaneness , and to attack one of the most essential articles of the catholick faith , which is that of an entire subordination of believers to the body of pastors , to whom jesus christ said he that heareth you , heareth me . the conclusion of all these articles . holy indifference is nothing else but disinterested love ; tryals are nothing else but the purification of it ; the abandoning of the same is but its exercise in tryals . the disappropriating of vertue , is nothing , besides the laying aside of all complaisance , all consolation , and all self-interest in the exercise of vertue by pure love. the retrenching of all activity , implies no more than the retrenching of all inquietude and interested eagerness for pure love. contemplation is but the plain exercise of this love reduced to one simple motive . passive contemplation is but pure contemplation without activity or eagerness . a passive state , whether it be in a time bounded with pure and decent contemplation , or in those intervals wherein a man does not at all contemplate , doth exclude neither the real action , nor the successive acts of the will , nor the specifick distinction of vertue , as they relate to their proper subjects , but only simple activity , or interested inquietude ; it 's a peaceable exercise of prayer and vertue by pure love. transformation and the most essential or immediate union , is nothing but the habit of that pure love , which , of it self , makes up all the internal life , and then becomes the only principle and motive of all the deliberate a●● meritorious acts ; but this habitual state is never fixt , unvariable , nor unliable to be lost . the true love of that which is right , saith leo , carries in it self apostolick authorities and canonical sanctions . the lord archbishop of cambray 's letter to the pope . most holy father , i have resolved , with utmost expedition , as well as with all manner of submission and respect to your holiness , to send the book that i wrote some time since concerning the maxims of the saints , in relation to an internal life . it 's a duty which i am obliged to pay , not only to the supream authority , with which you preside over all the churches , but also to those favours you have been pleased to heap upon me . but to the end that nothing may be omitted in a matter of such importance , and concerning which , mens minds are so tossed about and agitated , and for removing any equivocations that might arise from the diversity of languages , i have undertaken to make a latin version of my whole work , to which i apply my self wholly , and will very quickly send this translation to be laid down at your holiness his feet . i would to god , most holy father , i could , my self in person , bring you my book , with a zealous and submissive heart , and then receive your apostolical benediction ; but the affairs of the diocess of cambray , during the misfortune of the war , and the instruction of the young princes , which the king has done me the honour to intrust me with , will not allow me room to hope for this consolation . and now , most holy father , i come to give the reasons that have induced me to write concerning the internal life and contemplation . i have observed , that some persons abusing the maxims of the saints , that have been so often approved of by the holy see , thought by little and little to insinuate pernicious errors thereby , and that others who knew nothing of spiritual things , turned the same into a ridicule . the abominable doctrine of the quietists , under the appearance of perfection , glided secretly into divers parts of france , and even into our low countries . several writings , whereof some were too uncorrect , as others might be justly suspected of errors , stirred up the indifferent curiofity of the faithful against them . some ages ago , diverse mystical writers arraigning the mystery of the faith in a pure conscience , had favoured the same , yet not knowing the error concealed under it ; this they did out of an excess of warm piety , want of precaution in the choice of terms , made use of by them , and a pardonable ignorance of the principles of theology . this is that which has inflamed that ardent zeal of divers illustrious bishops , and this gave them an occasion to compose thirty four articles , which they were pleased to draw up and lodge with me . this also has brought them to censure certain little books , some passages of which being taken in the sense that doth naturally arise from them , have deserved to be condemned . but , most holy father , men have not removed far from one extream , without falling into another ; some persons have taken occasion against our intention , to ridicule , as an extravagant chimera , the pure love of a contemplative life . for my own part , i thought , by taking diligent heed to an exact medium , it was the way to separate truth from error , and that which is ancient and stanch , from what is new and dangerous ; this is that which i have endeavoured to do according to my weak abilities ; but to know whether i have succeeded therein or no , is left , most holy father , to your judgment , and 't is my business respectfully to give ear to st. peter as living and speaking in you , whose faith shall never fail . i have chiefly applyed my self to make this work concise , and therein have followed the advice of very knowing persons , who have desired that a ready and an easy remedy should be found out , not only against the illusion which is contagious , but also against the scoffing of prophane persons . great regard then was to be had for those souls that are full of candour , who being more simple in that which is good , than precaution'd against evil , could not discern that horrible serpent that was hid under the flowers ; regard also must have been had to the contempt of criticks , who would not separate the ascetick or studious traditions and precious maxims of the saints from the vile doctrine of hypocrites . wherefore it has been thought necessary to make a kind of a dictionary of mystical theology , in order to prevent good souls from passing beyond those bounds set unto us by our fathers . i have therefore , in as short a style as possibly i could , comprized the desinitions of those terms which the practice of the saints have authorized . i have also imploy'd the weight and authority of a censure , to endeavour to crush down a heresy so full of impudence ; it appeared to me , most holy father , as some sort of undecency , that a bishop should expose those monstrous errours to the publick , without testifying , at the same time , the indignation and horror which the zeal of god's cause had inspir'd him with against it . nevertheless , i pray god that i may not have lost the sight of my own weaknesses , and spoken any thing presumptuously . the supream authority of the holy see hath abundantly supplyed all my defects ; the soveraign pontiffs , upon a scrupulous examination of all the writings of the saints , which have been canoniz'd , have , upon all occasions , approv'd of the true maxims of the ascetick or studious life , and contemplative love. wherefore having kept close to that immutable rule , i hope i have without any danger of going out of the way , fitted up the articles , which i have asserted as true ones . as to those false ones which i have condemned , i have been led thereunto , as it were , by the hand ; for i have , in every thing , taken the solemn decrees , by which the holy see hath condemned the sixty eight propositions of molino's , for my model therein . and so having such an oracle for my foundation , i have endeavoured to lift up my voice to speak . in the first place i have condemned the permanent act , which has never any occasion to be reitterated , as being a poisoned spring of idleness and inward lethargy . in the next place i have established the indispensible necessity of a distinct exercise of every virtue . thirdly , i have resisted a perpetual and uninterrupted contemplation , which would exclude venial sins ; the distinction of virtue and unvoluntary distractions , as being incompatible with the condition of a traveller . fourthly , i have rejected passive prayer , which would exclude the real cooperation of free-will for the formation of meritorious actions . fifthly , i have allowed of no other rest , neither in prayer , nor in other exercise of the internal life , save that peace of the holy ghost , whereby the most pure souls frame their actions in so uniform a manner , that they appear to persons without knowledge , not as distinct acts , but a simple and permanent unity with god. sixthly , for fear that the doctrine of pure love , so much authorized by so many fathers of the church , and other saints , might serve as an azilum or refuge to the quietists , i have set my self chiefly to shew , that in what degree of perfection soever it may be , and how great the purity of love wherewith one is filled , may arrive to , yet he must always retain in his heart , the hope wherewith we are saved , in pursuance to what the apostle saith concerning faith , hope and charity : now these three things , faith , hope , and charity remain , but charity is the greatest . we must therefore always hope for , desire and pray for our salvation , since 't is god's will it should be so , and that he requires that we should will it for his glory ; thus hope preserves it self in its proper exercise , not only by the means of the infused habit , but also by its own proper acts , which being commanded and enobled by charity , as the schools phrase it , they are most absolutely carried to the sublime end of the same charity , which is nothing else but the pure glory of god. seventhly , this state of pure charity is not to be found but in a very few perfect souls ; and that 't is there only in an habitual manner . when i say habitual , god forbid that an unamissible state , or such as is exempted from any variation should be meant . if this estate be still subject to daily sins , with how much more reason is the same compatible with acts performed from time to time , which cease not to be good and meritorious , tho' they may be a little less pure and disinterested . it 's enough for this state , that the acts of vertue are performed therein very frequently with that perfection that charity diffuses there , and with which the same are animated . all these things are agreeable to our thirty four articles . i shall joyn to the book which i have published , most holy father , a collection in manuscript , of the sentiments of the fathers and saints of the last age , concerning the pure love , of contemplatives ; to the end that that which is but plainly set out in the first book , may be proved in the second , by the testimonies and opinions of the saints of all ages . i entirely submit , most holy father , both the one and the other pieces , to the judgement of the holy roman catholick church , who is the mother church of all , and has taught all the rest . i devote all that is mine , and my self , to your holiness , as a son ought to do , that is full of zeal and respect towards you . but if my book in french hath been already brought unto your holiness , i most humbly intreat you , most holy father , to decide nothing concerning it , 'till such time as you have seen my latin version , that will be dispatched away with all speed . there is nothing now remaining for me , save to wish a long pontificate to the chief of pastors who rules the kingdom of christ with so disinterested an heart , and who says , with so much applause from all the roman catholick nations , to his illustrious family , i know you not . in doing thus daily , i think i seek the glory and consolation of the church , the re-establishment of its discipline , the propagation of the faith , the extirpation of schisms and heresies ; and lastly , an abundant harvest in the field of the soveraign father of the family . i shall for ever , &c. the lord arch-bishop of cambray 's letter of august the 3d , 1697. sir , be not concerned for me , the business of my book is gone to rome ; if i am under a mistake , the authority of the holy see will undeceive me ; and this is that i wait for with a gentle and lowly mind ; if i have illy exprest my self , they will reform my expressions : if the matter appears to require a more large explication , that i will readily do by way of additions . if my book contains nothing in it , but what is pure doctrine , i shall have the consolation to know exactly what a man ought to believe , and what to reject . i shall not in this case fail to make all those additions , which , without weakning the truth , will be conducive to enlighten and edifie such readers as are most subject to take the allarm . but , sir , in short , if the pope condemns my book , i shall be the first , god willing , that will condemn it , and put out a mandate to forbid the reading of it in the diocess of cambray . i shall only intreat the pope to do me the favour , exactly to note those passages he condemns , and the sense whereon he grounds his condemnation ; to the end that i may subscribe thereunto without restriction , and that i may never run the risque of defending , excusing , or tolerating the sense it s condemned in . being thus disposed , thro' the blessing of god , i am at rest , and have nothing to do but to wait the disposition of my superiour , in whom i acknowledge the authority of jesus christ to be lodged ; disinterested love must not be defended but with a sincere disinterest . we have not to do herein with a point of honour , nor with the opinion of the world , nor yet with that profound humiliation , wherein nature may fear to meet with ill success . i think i act with integrity , i am as much afraid of being presumptuous , and possessed with a base shame , as to be feeble , politick and fearful in the defence of truth . if the pope condemns me , i shall be thereby undeceived , and the vanquished shall reap all the real fruits of the victory . victoria scedet victis , saith st. augustine . but if , on the other side , the pope does not condemn my doctrine , i shall endeavour both by my silence and respect , to pacifie those of my fraternity , whose zeal has animated them against me , by laying a sort of doctrine to my charge , which i abhor , and always did , as much as they do . perhaps they will do me justice , when they see my sincerity . there are but two things that my doctrine was intended to comprehend ; the first whereof is , that charity is a love to god sor his own sake , distinct from that motive of blessedness that we find in him . secondly , that charity in the life of the most perfect souls , is that which precedes all other vertues , which animates them , and commands the acts so as to make them bear to its end ; insomuch that the just thus qualified , do then ordinarily exercise hope , and all other vertues with all the disinterest of charity it self ; because this same state of the soul is not without its exception ; being no other than an habitual one , and not immutable . god knows i have never intended to teach any thing else that exceeded these limitations . and hence it is that i have said , in my speaking concerning pure love , which is charity , so far as it animates and commands all other distinct vertues . whoever allows of nothing beyond that , is within the confines of tradition , whoever passeth those bounds , is already out of the way . i do not think there is any danger that the holy see should condemn a doctrine so well grounded upon the authority of the fathers , of the schools , and of so many great saints that the church of rome has canoniz'd . as for the manner of expressions contained in my book , if they should be any ways prejudicial to truth , for want of being correct , i consign them to the judgement of my superiour : and i should be very sorry to trouble the repose of the church , were there no more in it than the interest of my person , and of my book . these are my thoughts of the matter , sir , i go for cambray , having sacrificed unto god with my whole heart all that i could sacrifice to him thereupon ; permit me to exhort you to be of the same mind ; i have introduced nothing that related to humane affairs and temporals into the doctrine which i was convinced of the truth of ; neither have i forbore to let the pope know any of those reasons that could support this doctrine . this is enough , let god do the rest ; if it be his cause that i have vindicated , let us not be concerned at the intentions of men , or their proceedings ; it is god alone that is to be looked ▪ to in all this ; let us be the children of peace , and peace will rest upon us ; it will be bitter , but the same will be so much the more pure . let us not spoil good intentions by an humour , by any heat , by any humane industry , by any natural impression for the justifying of our selves . let us plainly give an account of our faith ; let us suffer our selves to be corrected if there be need of it , and let us endure correction , when we do not even deserve the same . as for you , sir , you ought to have no other portion therein , than silence , submission , and prayer . pray for me that am under such pressing difficulty , pray for the church that undergoes these scandals ; pray for those who rise up against me ; to the end that they may be endued with the spirit of grace , in order to undeceive me , if i 'am in the wrong , or to do me justice if i am otherwise . lastly , pray for the interest of prayer it self , which is in danger , and stands in need of being justified . perfection is become very suspicious , they are not for removing it so far from lazy christians , and such as are full of self . disinterested love would appear to be the spring of illusions and abominable wickedness ; they have accustomed christians under pretence of safety and precaution to seek after god no other way than by the motive of their blessedness , and advantage to themselves . those souls that have made most proficiency , are forbid to serve god by the pure motive , whereby hitherto it hath been wished that sinners themselves would return from their errors , i mean the goodness of the infinitely amiable god. i know that pure love and abandoning ones self is abused ; i know that hypocrites overthrow the gospel under such good names ; but pure love is no less a perfection of christianity , and 't is the worst of all remedies to go about to abolish those things that are perfect , to prevent being abused therewith . god knows how to make better provision therein than men. let us be humble , let us hold our peace , instead of reasoning concerning prayer , let us be engaged in it ; in so doing , we shall defend our selves , our strength will consist in our silence . i am , &c. paris , aug. 3d , 1697. the declaration of the most illustrious and most reverend prelates lewis antony de noailles , arch-bishop of paris , james benigne bossuet , bishop of meaux , and paul godet desmarais bishop of chartres , upon the subject matter of a book intituled , an explication of the maxims of the saints , concerning the internal life . as we have been long since called to bear witness , it 's time at last we should make answer . the most illustrious and most reverend arch-bishop of cambray , as well in the very beginning as preface of his book , called an explication of the maxims of the saints , &c. hath made mention of two of our number , whose doctrine and decisions contained in the thirty four articles , he hath only taken upon him more fully to explicate ; and which the third of us by a publick act hath agreed to , and subscribed . the same most illustrious and most reverend arch-bishop , hath in the letter he wrote to our holy father the pope innocent xii . grounded what he says upon the same articles and censures of the bishops against some books that have been written ; and we were the only three who have thought it our duty to censure those books , or rather according to the author's words , certain places in the said book . nevertheless , they are not some places as the same author says , that we have taken upon us to censure , but the greatest part of them ; nay and we would have the whole books condemned , and the spirit that runs quite thro' them . but as the same epistle takes notice , our zeal is not raised against certain mystick persons in former ages , who laboured under a pardonable ignorance of theological dogma's , but our censures and articles are level'd at the quietists of our own time , who are well known amongst us . neither have we recourse to the obvious and natural sense of things , as if there were some more occult meaning couched under them , which perhaps might at the same time be tolerated ; but we have thought it necessary to expose the poison lying hid in those books . we know nothing of any bodies taking occasion from our articles and censures , to deride pure love and contemplation , as the illusions of a troubled brain ; as the said letter intimates . it 's also said in the same letter , that the principal points which have been treated on in the book , having been anew explained , are found to be conformable to the said articles . this conclusion , and the intention we find there is , to have what is contained in the said book , to be thought agreeable to our sentiments , we are necessitated to explain our selves upon this head , tho' it is not without trouble of mind , that we are brought to this extremity , having before used all sorts of means to gain the judgment of our brother herein ; 't is pure necessity that constrains us hereunto , to the end we may prevent the belief of our approving this work ; and above all , out of the fear we are in , lest our holy father the pope , whom we perfectly honour , and to whom , as to our head , we are inviolably united , should be perswaded , that we favour a doctrine which the church condemns . we shall begin , by shewing the reasons that occasion'd the articles , which the book entituled , an exposition of the maxims of the saints , &c. makes mention of . there was a certain woman living amongst us , who having put out a pamphlet called , a short method , &c. and some others also , and spread up and down certain manuscripts of the quietists , seemed to us to be a leader of that sect ; she desired she might be allowed three counsellors , with whose advice she might acquiesce , the most illustrious author of this book was added for a fourth ; the design was to consine her , and those of her party , within some bounds ; to remove all the subterfuges they had , and to shew them from the undoubted articles of our faith , the lord's prayer , the doctrine of the holy scripture , holy tradition , and saints , that their tenets were condemned to all intents and purposes , either from their own nature , or by councils , and the apostolick see ; this was the end of the articles that contained our decisions and censures ; our business now , is to see whether the said book did explain and open the same , or overthrow them . in the first place , theological or divine hope is taken away in that book , as well out of the state of grace , as within it among the perfect . and when it is said , that without the state of grace , before justification , one may love god with the love of hope , in such a manner , that self-love , that is , the love of our own interest and happiness , be the principal motive of the said love of hope , and prevalent above the other motive of love to god's glory ; it from thence follows , that hope which depends upon a created good , and self interest , is no divine or theological virtue , but a vice ; and thence it is , that that axiom of st. augustine is applyed , tho' in a wrong sense : that which proceeds not from a principle of charity , proceeds from concupiscence , and from that love which is the root of all vices , and which the jealous god is so much set against . after justification in a perfect state of pure and dis-interested love , he admits of hope that resides in the mind , but doth not move it ; because that the love which is contained in this hope , is pure , without any mixture of interest , in respect to fear or hope , and being , as it were , perfect charity , it excludes hope as well as fear , so that the soul is not at all excited from any motive , or upon the account of self-interest , and so those incentatives or motives of self-advantage , so often inculcated in the scripture tradition , and the prayers of the church , are utterly excluded from perfect minds . as for the motives of self-interest , the same is explained in all the passages of the book , in such a manner , that the soul is to retain no mercenary desire , and not to love god neither for his desert , perfection , nor the good that is to be found in loving him , nor yet for everlasting rewards , and it would be insinuated , that it is the common sentiments of all the saints , both ancient and modern . from whence this general conclusion is made , that this interested motive is formally excluded from all the virtues of perfect minds ; an opinion which is also attributed to st. francis de sales , without using the place where it is to be met with ; tho' in contrariety to this , there are divers passages in his writings that are quite opposite thereunto . to the same end tends also what is further said , that we will or love god , as he is our good , happiness and reward ; that we love him formally under this precision or restriction , but not because of this restriction , and that the formal object of our hope is our interest , to wit , god our good , but that we have no mercenary motive thereunto ; but this is perfect contrariety , to make that a motive which is no motive , to cut off that hope , which being destitute of power to move the soul , has no more in it than the bare name of hope . by these propositions , and others also , whereby in retaining the name of hope , the thing it self is precluded ; the sense of our first and thirtieth article , concerning the retaining of the exercise of hope in every condition , is eluded . it will signify nothing for a man to say , that there are other propositions opposite hereunto , to be found in some places of the said book . for to be plain in the matter , the said book contains things that evidently contradict one another ; for example , god wills that i should love him as he is my good , happiness , and reward ; very well , but the contrary is repeated again and again , in these words . it 's certain , we do not ( will the love of god ( or our salvation ) as he is the reward of our merits , our salvation , our eternal deliverance , our good , our interest , and the greatest of them . so manifest a contradiction of propositions and terms , is sufficient to prove there is error in that case , and cannot serve for an excuse for the same . moreover the style of this book is so perplext , and the manner of reasoning used in it so subtile , that they are quite lost , there being many places therein where the sense cannot be found out without great trouble and vexation of mind ; and this must be the character of an ill-contriv'd system , and of an author that seeks not so much a good temperament of things , as subterfuges and subtilties . as for what concerns the desire of eternal salvation , the said author thus expresses himself . the desire of eternal salvation is good , but nothing ought to be desired saving the will of god ; a proposition which he attributes to st. francis de sales , tho' it be not to be met with in any of his writings . in the same book it is also said , that there are two different states of the just , one of resignation ; wherein mercenary or self-desires are subjected to the will of god ; another of holy indifference ; wherein the soul has no mercenary desire at all , except it be upon such occasions as when it is wanting to its own grace , and is not fully correspondent thereunto ; to which proposition the forementioned heads are referred , that salvation is not to be desired , as it is our good , our reward , &c. all these propositions , as well as those that exclude the desires of eternal salvation , conceived from motives of hope , as also those others that regard the indifference of salvation , are rejected in the foresaid articles , pursuant to the authority of the holy scriptures , not only as false , but also as erroneous . those same articles particularly condemn that which is affirmed in the said book , that holy indifference admits of general desires , for the accomplishment of all the hidden will of god ; and though the decrees of ones own and others reprobation , were contained in this will , yet his desires are to be so far extended , as to wish the accomplishment of the same . neither is there , as the said book would insinuate , any room left for equivocation , seeing all manner of equivocation is taken away in the said articles concerning the indifference of salvation , by a clear definition of indifference , which may appertain to the events of this life , and sensible comforts , but never to salvation , and the means that are conducive thereunto . the author , in order to make the articles to be equivocal , grounds himself upon this position , that salvation is to be desired and wished for as a thing that god would have ; which is right enough , and taken from the very end of salvation . but in his book he expresses himself in an exclusive manner , saying , that the soul wills not happiness for it self , but because it knows god wills it ; whereby the immediate and specific motives of hope are cut off , and a way opened to the pernicious opinion of indifference ; as if salvation was in it self a thing indifferent , and as if the good that was commanded was not in it self desirable , but only upon the account of its being commanded and enjoined . in the mean time the difference that lies between desirable things , because of the will of god , and those things that are not desirable , but by reason of the will of god , is set forth by the author himself , from the very beginning of his treatise , in a passage he cites out of st. francis de sales . there is a great deal of difference between these words , i love god for the good i expect from him ; and those , i do not love god but upon account of that good . which shews what diversity there is often between things that seem to be exprest in very near the same words . this indifference to salvation , which is asserted throughout the whole book , gives way to these consequences ; that a soul , in the greatest tryals may be invincibly perswaded that it is reprobated by god ; whereby the sacrifice of salvation , which is ordinarily conditional , becomes absolute ; an impossible case appearing , not only as possible , but even as real or actual : and then a director of ones conscience may suffer a soul to take up with a bare acquiesce with its own just condemnation , and reprobation . moreover in such a state , it will be to no purpose , nay intolerable to speak to him of the rule of faith , in relation to the goodness of god that is extensive to all men , or to offer him reasons for his satisfaction . all these things are clearly rejected by the thirty four articles , when an absolute consent is not allowed of in any probations , or tryals : god forbid it should be so ; this is a false pre-supposition , and impossible , that other article being premised , wherein all despair is excluded ; and much less should the director of ones conscience be allowed to suffer souls simply to acquiesce with their own condemnation , and just reprobation . but on the contrary , he is required not to suffer any such thing to be . he is so far from being advised not to preach the goodness of god clearly and distinctly , as the said book asserts , that he ought to be ordered , in conformity to st. francis de sales , to assure those afflicted souls , that they shall never be forsaken of god , and that his goodness is not only general towards all men , but that the effects of the divine mercy is more especially extended unto them . again , you have in the articles all virtues both divine and moral , set forth and distinguished , with their motives ; but in the said books endeavours are used to render the distinction there made , obscure , by these words . pure love doth of it self constitute the internal life , it 's the only principle and sole motive thereof , all other motives are taken away , save only charity . but the reason whereby charity is even made to subsist , seems also to be taken away , when it is said that this love becomes by turns to be every distinct virtue , but it seeks after no virtue , as it is a virtue ; and so neither is faith sought for as faith , nor hope as hope , nor even charity it self , which is the life and form of virtue , as a virtue . and so allowing these propositions to be true , all virtues are debased and thrown out of doors , pure love will have no other effect than to hinder us to be studious of virtue ; and no one shall cultivate the same better , than he that neglects it ; which makes way for this extravagant , and to this day unheard of proposition , that mystick saints exclude the practice and acts of virtue from this state , which are paradoxes that divert the mind from the study of virtue , and impose strangely upon spiritual persons , and render the very name of virtue it self suspicious and odious . now we come to another proposition that is very agreeable to what precedes ; that transformed souls may and ought according to the present discipline , to confess their venial sins , to ask pardon for their faults , and to pray for the remission of their sins , not for their own purification and deliverance , but as 't is a thing agreeable to the will of god , which clearly overthrows the right and intrinsical motive of repentance , and the same is contrary to our fifteenth article . besides we cannot allow that the confession of venial sins is to be referred only to the discipline of the present times . as for concupiscence being perfectly routed out of some souls , though they are but very few , where the sensible effects thereof are suspended , or else where the flesh has been a long time subjected to the spirit ; what the said book says in relation thereunto , is manifestly contradicted by our seventh and eighth articles taken out of the councils , whence the author is brought to such a pass , as to extenuate the usefulness and necessity of mortification , notwithstanding the practice of the apostles and saints to the contrary ; and this tends to favour the doctrine disallowed of in the eighteenth article of our censure . as for what concerns contemplation , we find in the said book , that when 't is pure and direct , it 's not taken up willingly with any sensible imagination , with any distinct and nameable idea ; that is , with any limited and particular idea of the divine nature , but that the same is confined to an idea that is purely intellectual , and abstracted from an infinite being . and thus contemplation cannot have the attributes of god , nor the divine persons in the trinity , nor consequently the humane nature of christ for an object of its own choice ; but only by the representation which god makes of the same unto him , and by the instinct and impression of peculiar grace , because the mind does not voluntarily adhere to these objects ; as if neither the goodness of the thing it self , nor the exhortations of the holy scripture , nor the choice of ones own will , in conjunction with common grace , were not sufficient to make a man seek after them . these principles tend to this conclusion , that contemplative souls are in both conditions deprived of the distinct view of christ , and of his presence by faith ; that is , both in the very beginning of their contemplations , and in their tryals ; and these conditions may last a long time . neither is the party afraid to reject the distinct view of christ to the very intervals of contemplation ; as if to contemplate christ , was to descend from the height and purity of contemplation , as the beguardians were wont to say . by which proceedings and subtilties , false contemplators are furnish'd with excuses , who take no delight in our saviour christ jesus , and are not freely carried into a contemplation of him , and who remove the divine attributes and sacred persons in the trinity far from it , and separate distinct acts of faith therefrom , thereby eluding the 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. and 24 articles . we read in the said treatise , that 't is never lawful to prevent the work of grace , and that a man is to expect nothing from himself by the way of his own industry and endeavours . by which proposition , and all the rest that is contained in the eleventh article of the book , it appears upon exact examination , that that act of the free will , which is properly called excitation , is destroyed ; those words of the prophet david , i will prevent his face , and that other , my prayer shall prevent thee , are thrown out of doors , as is also that maxim of st. augustin , whereon the whole dispensation of divine grace relies . he cannot be helpt on , unless he endeavour to do something of his own accord : that famous distinction of spiritual men is at the same time destroyed , who by common consent have distinguished between those acts that are the product of ones own industry and endeavours , and those acts that are infused motitions which are wrought by god's act or impulse , without any mixture of a mans effort therewith . these and the like propositions , overthrow , or at least obscure the 11. 25. and 26 articles . we do in the same articles reject that continued act which the quietists have introduced into the state of perfection , as being absurd in it self , and foreign to the scriptures and fathers ; and the author rejects the same also both in his treatise and in his letter . nevertheless he falls into the same absurdity , by allowing of such still peaceable acts , that they have nothing whereby the soul may be able to make a true distinction of them , they being such as are disturbed with no manner of joltings , so uniform and so even , that they seem as much to be no acts at all , as one continued act during the whole course of ones life . lastly , we have more particularly taken care in our articles , lest christian perfection , holiness or purity , or the internal life should be placed in passive prayer ▪ or in other quiet and extraordinary ones of that kind , wherein all contemplative and formal persons are with us ; but on the contrary , the said book doth assert , that the same prayer and contemplation do consist in pure love , which doth not only justify and purify of it self , but consummate , accomplish and make perfect , and is consequently the last degree of christian perfection . wherein the author doth extreamly err , and not only differs from spiritual men , but even from himself . he differs from spiritual persons or mysticks , who in persuance to the authority of st. theresia , the expositions of john de jesus , and the sentiments of james alvarez de paz , who was a follower of them , and that of st. francis de sales and several others , have taught , that either a person may arrive at a state of perfection without quiet prayer , or that this prayer is in the number of such blessings , as seem very much to appertain to those graces that are purely free ; that it is neither of a perfecting nature , and justifies no man , yea , and that the same may consist with mortal sin . he differs from himself , in that he asserts every where , that christian perfection consists in this sort of prayer , which is nothing else but a love that is very pure , and teaches , at the same time , the greatest part of holy souls , and those who by a peculiar title are called saints , could never attain to this sort of prayer , nor consequently to perfection , because they had not the inward light , nor the advantages of attractive grace . from hence he conludes that the doctrine of pure love , wherein all evangelick perfection doth consist , and to which all tradition beareth a testimony , is yet a mystery , which is concealed not only from christians in general , but even from the greatest part of saints , and that 't is the business of a director of mens consciences , to leave the same unto god , and to wait for his opening the heart by his internal unction ; as if the word of the gospel would be of no use to those who ought to be endued with pure love , as if unction should exclude and shut out the good word of salvation . from whence it follows , that that command of christ , be ye perfect , doth not appertain to the saints , nor that neither , thou shalt love , &c. which derogate from the perfection of christian calling . there is also as much contradiction between these propositions , that the gift of pure love and contemplation depends upon grace or divine inspiration , which is common to all that are justifyed , and that yet there are many saints to whom the same is not communicated , and which would be but a trouble and offence to them , were the same proposed to them . these things therefore , and those other before mention'd , which run through the whole book , are contrary to our censures and the thirty four articles so often mentioned ; neither are those that follow less opposite to the same doctrine , or any more consonant to truth . in the first place , altho' the said book doth in the beginning , and in divers other places onwards , make an enumeration of false spirituallizers , ( if i may so call them ) whereof he makes the gnosticks of old , the beguardians in the middle age , and the late illuminates of spain , to be of the number ; yet he makes no manner of mention of molinos and his followers , nor more particularly of that woman upon whose account the articles were framed ; whereas in the mean time it must be said , that they should have been chiefly spoken of , seeing the whole church is filled with the noise their writings have made , and the censures past upon them by the pope's authority . to which these positions must in like manner be added , that the love of pure concupiscence , how impious and sacrilegious soever it be , doth yet prepare sinners for to be justifyed and converted , tho' this preparation proceeds from no other motions than such as are excited by the spirit , or at least , the impulse thereof . that justifying love , whereby a person seeks not its own happiness , but as a means that doth refer unto , and subordinates it self to the last end , which is god's glory , is in this book called mercenary , which is contrary to the judgment of the schools , and that axiom of st. augustin , so well known among divines , that we are to deliver our selves according to a known rule . that an impossible case , to wit , that a just soul who loves god even to the end , should yet be condemned to eternal punishments , is rendred possible ; and that st francis de sales seems to have found himself to be in the same state , tho neither he himself , nor any of those that have writ his life , say any thing of it , and that no just soul can be brought to believe it . that direct acts , and such as escape the reflections of the soul , are the very same operation of the soul , which , by st. francis de sales , are called the top of the soul ; tho' he says nothing of it in all his writings . that in these acts there is a strange and unheard of division of the soul in it self to be found ; since perfect hope subsists in the upper part , as the lower is abandon'd to despair ; and which is worse , the former is in direct acts , and the other in reflex ones , which are in themselves the most deliberate and efficacious , especially if allowed by the director of the conscience , insomuch , that hope being expelled by reflex acts , subsists in those that are direct . that in this division of the soul labouring under an unvoluntary impression of despair , and making an absolute sacrifice of its own interest for that of eternity ; it doth die on the cross with christ , saying , my god , my god , why hast thou forsaken me , as if despairing souls could expire with christ , and yet bewail their state , in being forsaken by him . that in these last tryals or experiments , he makes a separation between the soul and it self , according to the example of christ , who is our pattern , wherein the inferior part had no communication with the superior , neither in its unvoluntary troubles , nor faintings ; that in this separation , the motions of our inferior part are blind , and full of unvoluntary trouble . as if there had been such perturbations in christ , as there are in us ; which is an abominable opinion , and which the fam'd sophronius hath condemned as such , with the approbation of the sixth council . as for the tradition of all ages , which is continually alledged in the said book ; we may learn what that was from st. francis de sales alone , whom the author so much insists upon , and tho he be the only authority almost , cited by him in his works , yet he quotes him several times to ill purpose , and that in relation to very important points , whereon the whole foundation of his book depends , which having been shewed in some measure , in what has been said before , we shall now , for brevity sake , pass over , and defer the same , with divers other things , to another opportunity , as we shall also consider the examination of vocal prayer , the nature of contemplation , human acts , and tryals ; the three marks whereby vocation is known from meditation to contemplation . and lastly , several texts of scripture , which instead of being expounded , according to the natural meaning of them , have been made to bear a new and unheard of interpretation . moreover , we cannot but wonder , seeing this book treats of the love of such as are perfect , that yet it takes no manner of notice of a love of gratitude towards god and christ our saviour , as if these things were no ways proper to stir up , and inflame true charity ; or that the same derogated from pure love , or that such as are perfect , ought to neglect them . neither are we less amazed , that in citing the decree of the council of trent , that defines hope to be in it self good , and agreeable to the state of saints ; that this which is contained in the same decree , is omitted , viz. that the most holy and most perfect , such as david and moses were , were stirred up by this motive , as is especially set forth in the same council , which says , that eternal life is to be proposed as a reward to all those that continued in the performance of good works to the end , and put their hope in god ; and so by consequence to all the saints , and such as are most perfect ; by which motive they are not at all made mercenary , but children , that by the way of charity , are aiming at their father's inheritance . hereunto it must be added , that the opinions dispersed up and down in this work , tend ( tho' against the author's intention ) to promote that notion , that vice , by the help of direct acts , may subsist with the virtue that is opposite to it ; so as that while the soul , thro' an inconsiderate zeal for the justice of god , doth acquiesce with the whole secret will of god ; it doth imprudently consent to its own entire and absolute reprobation , and so we shall be brought , contrary to the apostles prohibition , to be taken with subtilties and vain bablings . lastly , the groans of the church , which is but as a sojourner here below , and longs to return to her own countrey , are stifled ; st. paul and the other saints , who in their martyrdom , have been helpt up with the hopes they had of happiness , and counted the same to be gain , are hereby turned off as mercenary souls ; but we having the form of sound words , and being desirous to follow the footsteps of the saints , do not measure impossible and absurd things with christian piety and perfection ; neither do we believe that some extraordinary and unusual affections , which a few saints have been a little subject to and that by the by , ought therefore to be presently turned into rules , and esteemed as a particular state of life ; we do not call those wills or consents , which are conversant about impossibilities , true wills and real consents , but veleities , as the schools also term them . these things therefore we have received from our ancestors ; these are our thoughts , and our will is that all the world may know them . given at paris in the archiepiscopal palace , in the year of our lord , one thousand six hundred ninety seven , on the sixth day of august . lovis ant. archbishop of paris . j. benigne , bishop of meaux . paul , bishop of chartres . declaratio illustriss . & reverendiss . ecclesiae principum ludovici antonii de noailles archiep. parisiensis , jacobi benigni bossuet episcopi meldensis , & pauli de godet des marais episcopi carnotensis . circa librum cui titulus est : explication des maximes des saints sur la vie interieure , &c. jamdudum in testimonium vocatos respondere tandem nos oportet . illustrissimus & reverendissimus d. d. archiepiscopus dux cameracensis , ab ipso libri initio cui titulus , explication des maximes des saints , &c. & in ipsa praefatione seu commonitione praeviâ , duos 1 commemoravit ex nobis , 2 quorum doctrinam ac decreta 34 articulis comprehensa tantum copiosius exponenda susceperit . tertius verò etiam constitutione publicâ eandem cum illis sententiam promulgavit . idem illustrissimus ac reverendissimus archiepiscopus datis ad s s. d. n. d. innocentium papam xii . literis , iisdem articulis atque episcoporum adversùs quosdam libellos censuris nititur : tres autem tantum sumus qui eosdem libellos , eorumve loca quaedam censurâ notandos duxerimus . neque tamen loca quaedam , ut idem auctor asserit : sed pleraque omnia , ac totos libellos , ipsumque adeo eorumdem librorum spiritum elisum voluimus . neque ut in eadem epistolâ scribitur , adversùs mysticos aliquot ante actis saeculis , theologicorum dogmatum veniali inscitiâ laborantes noster zelus excanduit , sed adversùs notissimos nostrae aetatis quietistas gravissimè lapsos censurae nostrae articulique directi sunt . neque confugimus ad obvium naturalemque sensum , tanquam occultior sensus subesset , qui tolerari forsitan posset ; sed venenum libellorum in aperto esse duximus . latet etiam nos , ex articulis censurisve nostris aliquos arripuisse occasionem , amorem purum , & contemplationem quasi delirae mentis ineptias deridendi : ut est in epistolâ proditum . in eadem epistolâ rursùs libri summâ expositâ , omnia iisdem articulis consona perhibentur . quae cum ita fint , cumque praedictus liber nostrâ se sententiâ tueatur , quid de eo sentiamus promere cogimur : non tamen ad haec extrema dolentes anteà devenimus , quam omnia conati & experti , ut fraternum animum flecteremus : omnino necessitati cedimus , ne quisquam in eundem librum consentire nos putet , ac , quod gravissimum foret , ne s s. d. n. papa , quem impensissimè & devotissimè colimus , cuique ut capiti fide indivulsâ adhaeremus , doctrinae quam romana improbet ecclesia , ullo modo favere nos arbitretur . ac primum quidem eorundem articulorum quos praedictus liber commemorat , ea suit ratio . cum apud nos extaret mulier , quae edito libello , cui titulus , moyen court , &c. & aliis ejusmodi , sparsisque mss. quietistarum factionis dux esse videretur : ea consultores tres 1 dari sibi postulavit , quorum judicio staret . his illustrissimus auctor quartus accessit . itaque animus fuit eam & ejus asseclas quibusdam finibus coercere , occupare suffugia atque ex certissimis fidei symbolis , ipsaque oratione dominicâ , ac scripturarum . & sanctae traditionis , virorumque spiritualium dogmatibus , propositiones à conciliis ac sede apostolicâ , vel in se , vel in ipso fonte damnatas indicare . hic ergo nostrorum articulorum ac censurarum scopus , haec ratio est . an autem hos articulos , atque censuras praedictus liber extendat & explicet tantum , an verò intervertat , sequentia demonstrabunt . imprimis spes theologica in eo libro tollitur , cum extrâ statum gratiae , tum inter perfectos in ipso gratiae statu . extra statum quidem gratiae , cum dicitur 2 ante justificationem amore spei ita amari deum , ut in eo amore amor fui , nempè proprii commodi seu propriae felicitatis , tamquam motivum precipuum dominetur , ipsique motivo divinae gloriae praevaleat ; undè efficitur , ut spes , motivo quippè creato seu commodo proprio nixa , non sit virtus theologica , sed vitium : quo etiàm sit , ut ei , licet perperàm , applicetur 3 illud axioma sancti augustini : quod non provenit ex principio caritatis , provenit ex cupiditate , atque ab amore illo qui fons sit ac radix omnium vitiorum , eorum scilicet quae in nobis dei zelantis aemulatio impugnet . post justificationem verò in statu perfecto sive amoris puri inducitur 4 easpes quae sit quidem in animo , animum tamen non moveat : in quâ 5 quippè amor sit purus , nullo motivo utili timoris aut spei mixtus ( tamquam perfecta caritas spem perinde ac timorem foras mittat : ) ita ut anima proprii commodi ratione aut motivo non excitetur : incentivaque 6 proprii commodi scripturis , traditionibus & ecclesiae precibus toties inculcata perfectis mentibus subtrahantur . quae sit autem ratio proprii commodi in toto libro passim 6 , ita explicatur , ut anima nullo jam desiderio mercenario teneatur ; neque meriti , neque perfectionis , neque felicitatis aut mercedis etiam aeternae , eóque 7 redeat omnis sanctorum tum antiquorum tum recentiorum sententia . hinc universim dictum 8 , omne motivum mercenarium , ab omnibus virtutibus perfectarum animarum excludi : quod etiam sancto francisco salesio , nullo allato loco , imò contra illius multa loca imputatur . quo etiam spectat illud 9 : velle nos deum , quatenus est nostrum bonum , nostra felicitas , nostra merces , & quidem formaliter sub hac praecisa ratione ; sed non propter hanc praecisam rationem : objectumque formale spei , esse commodum , nempè deum nobis bonum , nec tamen ullum esse motivum mercenarium : quod quidem est pugnantia dicere : motivum non motivum inducere : spem ipsam elidere , quae movendi animi virtute destituta , solo spei nomine gaudeat . his ergo aliisque , dum spei retento nomine , res ipsa tollitur 2 , primi , & trigessimi primi articuli exnostris traginta quatuor , de spei exercitio omni in statu retinendo , sensus ad sidem pertinens eluditur . neque obstat , quod his contraria aliis praedicti libri locis posita videantur ; reverà enim hic liber certis clarisque ac ipsissimis verbis dissona affeverat : quale istud est : 3 vult deus ut velim deum quatenus meum bonum est , mea felicitas , mea merces : rectè ; at contrarium semèl iterumque scribitur his scilicet verbis : 4 verum quidem est , nos non velle deum , ut est nostra merces , nostrum bonum , nostrum commodum , nostra salus , nostra aeterna redemtio ac liberatio , & commodorum maximum : quae sententiarum ac verborum tam aperta contradictio , non erroris excusatio sed probatio est . quin , universim libri stylus ita tortuosus est ac lubricus , ut plerisque in locis non nisi summo labore certus sensus exsculpi , & eliquari possit : quod quidem doctrinae malè sibi cohaerentis , neque tàm temperamenta quàm effugia quaerentis indicium est . de desiderio salutis in libro haec habentur : 5 vitae aeternae desiderium bonum est ; sed nihil desiderandum nisi dei voluntas : quae sancto franc. salesio imputata , non legimus tamen in hujus sancti libris . item in eodem libro habetur : 6 duo sunt justorum status , alter resignationis , in quo desideria mercenaria ( hoc est salutis aeternae ) dei voluntati submittuntur : alter sanctae indifferentiae , in quo nullum est penitus mercenarium desiderium : exceptis iis casibus in quibus anima suae gratiae deest , nec ei toti planè respondet . quo etiam referuntur suprà memorata 7 , non optari salutem , quatenus est nostra merces , nostrum bonum , &c. haec autem omnia de elusis salutis aeternae desideriis , etiam motivo spei conceptis , ac de salutis indifferentiâ , in praedictis articulis 8 , juxtà scripturarum auctoritatem , non modo ut falsa , verum etiam ut erronea respuuntur . quibus vel maximè damnatur illud , quod est in libro positum : 9 sancta indifferentia admittit generalia desideria omnium latentium voluntatem dei : quibus voluntatibus etiam reprobationis , & aliorum & suae , decreta continentur : & desiderium ad ea usque protenditur . neque quod idem liber infinuat , 1 ullus patet aequivocationi locus , cum in dictis articulis 2 de salutis indifferentiâ omnis equivocatio sublata sit , clarâ definitione indifferentiae , quae ad eventus hujus vitae , solatiaque sensibilia , nusquam autem ad salutem eoque conducentia pertinere possit . ad haec quidem stabilienda , liber huic articulo 3 videtur initi : optandam & postulandam salutem ut rem quam deus velit : quod est rectissimum , & ex ipso salutis fine repetitum . at in libro exclusivè scribitur ; 4 non illam optari , nisi quia deus velit : quo & proxima ac specifica spei motiva detrahuntur , & aperitur via ad pessimam indifferentiae sententiam , quasi salus res sit ex se se indifferens , nec jussa tamquam per se expetenda & bona , sed expetenda tantùm quatenus jussa . quàm autem inter se differant res expetenda propter dei voluntatem , & res non expetenda nisi propter dei voluntatem , demonstrat ipse auctor jam indè ab initio , ex sancto francisco salesio haec 4 referens : magno discrimine secernuntur ista : deum amo propter bonum , quod ab eo expecto : et , deum non amo nisi propter istud bonum . unde liquet , quam in diversa abeant , quae levi tantùm inflexione verborum distare videantur . existâ salutis quae toto libro passim asseritur indifferentiâ haec prodeunt : 5 in extremis probationibus invincibiliter animae esse persuasum se justè à deo esse reprobatam : quo statu sacrificium salutis , quod ordinariè conditionatum est , fit tandem absolutum , casu impossibili non tantum possibili , sed etiam reali seu actuali viso : et 6 permettente directore , suae justae condemnationi ac reprobationi anima simpliciter acquiescit . quin etiam in eodem statu inutile & importunum judicatur 7 , dogma fidei de bonitate divinâ in omnes effusâ huic animae praedicare , aut rationem ullam in remedium adhibere : quo nihil est desperatius . at in praedictis 34 articulis 8 haec omnia disertè repudiantur , cum in nullis probationibus absolutus consensus admittatur : absit : sed tantùm ex impossibli & praesuppositione falsâ : praemisso alio articulo , 1 in quo desperatio omnis excluditur : ac nedum director sinore permittatur ut animae suae condemnationi acjustae reprobationi simpliciter acquiescant : contra prohibetur ne omnino eas acquiescere sinat : quin etiam disertè & clarè non à praedicando divinae bonitatis dogmate abstineri suadetur ; ut est in libro positum 2 imò verò director 3 jubetur , francisco salesio 4 auctore , afflictam animam certiorem facere , numquam eam esse à deo deserendam ; quo non modò dei erga omnes homines bonitas generatim , sed etiam specialis erga hanc animam divinae misericordiae affectus commendatur . ad haec in articulis 5 virtutes omnes tùm theologicae , tum morales cum suis motivis singulae exhibentur ac secernuntur ; at earum distinctionem liber obscurat his verbis : purus amor 6 per se totam vitam interiorem constituit ; fit que solus totius interioris vitae unicum principium , unicumque motivum sive incitamentum . reliqua ergò incitamenta tolluntur , praeter illa quae sunt solius caritatis : quin etiam sua caritati ratio adimi videtur , cum dicitur : 7 hic amor fit per vices quaevis distincta virtus ; nullam tamen expetit in quantum est virtus : sic neque fides ut fides , neque spes ut spes , neque ipsa caritas , quae vita , & forma virtutum est , ut est virtus , quaeritur . hinc omnibus virtutibus suus honos detrahitur his propositionibus : 8 puro amore id effici , ut neque quisquam virtutis studiosus esse velit : nec quisquam sit virtutis studiosior , quam is qui virtuti non studet . undè illud extremum , & hactenùs inauditum : 9 sancti mystici ab hoc statu exclusere praxim , & virtutum actus : quae paradoxa & animum à studio virtutis avertunt , & imponunt spiritualibus viris , & ipsum virtutis nomen suspectum invidiosumque efficiunt . his consonat istud : 10 animas transformatas ex praesente disciplinâ venialia peccata confessas , detestari culpas , & remissionem peccatorum optare , non ut purificationem & liberationem propriam , sed ut rem quam deus vult : quod proprium & intrinsecum poenitentiae motivum obliterat , & articulo 11 nostro xv. adversatur : nec probandum confessionem venialium peccatorum ad praesentem tantùm referri disciplinam . de concupiscentiâ 12 in quibusdam animabus , etsi paucissimis , perfectè purgatâ suspensisque ejus sensibilibus effectibus , & carne jamdiu penitùs spiritui subditâ ; in libro id asseritur , quod articulo 13 nostro septimo , & octavo ex conciliis deprompto apertè contra-dicat . unde etiâm eo auctor adducitur 1 ut mortificationis utilitatem , necessitatemque extenuet , reclamante licet apostolo & sanctorum praxi , faveatque doctrinae articulo nostro 2 xviii . censurisque proscriptae . de contemplatione in libro ista 3 promuntur : cum pura & directa est , numquam eam voluntariè occupari ullâ imagine sensibili , ullâ ideâ divinitatis distinctâ nominabili , hoc est , limitatâ , sed tantum plurissimâ atque abstractissima ratione entis illimitati : in alia ergò objecta , hoc est in attributa quaevis , personasque divinas , atque adeo in ipsam christi humanitatem , non propriâ electione ferri , sed repraesentante deo , nec nisi instinctu & impressione gratiae singularis ; quippè quâ animus non voluntariè his objectis adhaerescat : quasi non sufficiat ad haec prosequenda ipsa rei bonitas , ipsa scripturae invitatio , ipsa cum gratiâ communi propriae electio voluntatis . ex his eò devenitur 4 ut animae contemplativae duobus in statibus christo distinctâ viso , ac per fidem praesente priventur : nempè in ipsis contemplationis initiis & in probationibus ; qui status diutissimè protrahi & prorogari possunt . nec piget distinctam visionem christi in ipsa contemplations intervalla coniicere , quasi christum contemplari , sit ut beguardi aiebant 5 , à puritate & altitudine contemplationis descendere : quibus argutiis ac tergiversationibus excusatio paratur falsis contemplatoribus , qui minus delectentur christo , nec ad illum contemplandum spontè prosiliant : à divinis attributis , personisque abstineant : fidei distinctos actus à contemplatione amoveant , elusis articulis i. ii. iii. iv. & xxiv . 6 in libro scribitur 7 nunquam licitum gratiam praevenire : neque quicquam expectare à se , propriâque industriâ & propriis conatibus . quibus dictis totoque libri articulo xi . si eâ quâ par est diligentiâ perpendatur , actus liberi arbitrii , qui propria excitatio dicitur , corruit ; excinditur illud davidicum : praeoccupemus faciem ejus : & illud : oratio mea praeveniet te : & augustinianum illud , quo tota divinae gratiae dispensatio nititur : nec adjuvari potest , nisi qui aliquid spontè conatur 8 : evertitur quoque solemnis distinctio virorum spiritualium unanimi consensu secernentium actus propriiconatus , propriaeque industriae ab actibus infusis ac motibus , sine conatu proprio deo agente & impellente , impressis : quae & alia ejusmodi partim evertunt , partim obscurant articulos xi . xxv . xxvi . 9 in iisdem articulis 10 rejicitur absurdissimus , & omnibus scripturis patribusque inauditus continuus actus , à quietistis invectus in perfectionis statum : quem actum auctor in libro epistolâque respuit . caeterum in idem incommodum rursus impingit 11 ipso nomine uniformitatis tam placidae , tam aequabilis , tam nullo successu , nullo conspicuo discrimine , ut aliis nullus actus ; aliis toto vitae decursu unus idemque continuus actus esse videatur . denique illud imprimis nostris articulis 12 cautum erat , ne , quod omnes contemplativi ac spirituales viri uno ore rejiciunt , christiana perfectio & sanctitas aut purificatio , aut omnino interior status in oratione passivâ seu quietis , aliisque extraordinariis reponeretur . at contrà in eo totus versatur liber 13 , ut eadem oratio , ipsaque contemplatio in purissimo amore consistat , qui non modo sit per se justificans atque purificans , verum etiam consummans atque perficiens , ac proindè summa perfectionis christianae . qua in re multum errat , ac non tantum a spiritualibus viris , verum etiam à se ipso discrepat : à spiritualibus quidem , qui sanctâ theresiâ 14 duce , joanne à jesu 15 interprete , jacobo alvare paz 16 asseclâ , sancto etiam francisco salesio 17 assentiente , aliisque 18 permultis , docent , aut sine oratione quietis ad persectionem posse pertingi , aut eandem orationem ad illa charismata pertinere quae gratiis gratis datis similima videantur , aut nedum perficiens sit atque consummans ne quidem justificantem esse ; quippe quae cum peccato mortali possit consistere . a seipso autem diffentit quod passim statuat christianam perfectionem eâ in oratione esse positam , quae nihil sit aliud quam amor purissimus , & tamen simul doceat 19 plerasque pias animas , atque eos etiam qui singulari titulo sancti appellentur , ad illud orationis genus , adeoque ad perfectionem pervenire non posse , cum iis desit lumen interius , & gratiae trahentis beneficium . hinc etiam asserit 20 hanc de puro amore doctrinam , quantumvis in ea evangelii absoluta perfectio collocetur , ejusque sit testis universi traditio , arcanum esse quoddam non tantum christianorum vulgo sed etiam plerisque sanctis occultandum , atque ideò totum directoris officium eo contineri , ut rem relinquat deo , expectetque unctionem quae cor aperiat : quasi verbum evangelii purè amaturos adjuvare non debeat , aut ipsa unctio verbum salutis excludat . undè consequitur nec ad omnes etiam sanctos pertinere illud christi praeceptum , estote perfecti ; imò nec etiam summum illud , diliges &c. quae vocationis christianae perfectioni derogant . nec minus inter se pugnant ista ; 1 purissimi amoris , contemplationisque donum pendere à gratiâ seu afflatu divino justis omnibus communi ; & tamen etiam sanctorum plurimis esse inaccessum , atque illis offendiculo & perturbationi futurum , si proponeretur . quae omnia à nobis inter se conciliari non posse candidè profitemur . haec igitur & caetera suprà dicta que toto libro fusa sunt censuris nostris ac 34 articulis adversantur ; nec minus ab eadem doctrinâ & à vero aliena sunt quae sequuntur . primum illud , quod in eodem libro 2 , & ab initiis & in ipso progressu , semel atque iterùm falsorum spiritualium series referatur , in eâque memoratis vetustissimis gnosticis , & in mediâ aetate beguardis , in illuminatis hispanicis series illa constiterit , nullâ ▪ mentione molinosi factâ , nullâ asseclarum ejus , nullâ praesertim illius faeminae adversus quam articulos instructos & institutos esse constabat : de quibus vel maximè agi oportebat , cum eorum libellis , eorumque censuris romano pontifice auctore tota ecclesia personaret . huc accedunt iste propositiones : 3 quod amor purae concupiscentiae etsi impius ac sacrilegus , ad justitiam tamen & ad conversionem nem praeparet animas peccatrices : cum reipsâ praeparatio non competat , nisi motibus à spiritu sancto saltem impellente excitatis . 4 quod amor justificans , 5 quo propria felicitas ideo tantum requiritur , ut medium ad finem ultimum , dei scilicet gloriam relatum , eique subordinatum , toto libro mercenarius vocitetur : repugnante scholâ , spretoque axiomate augustiniano apud theologos celebrato : nobis ad certam regulam loqui fas est . quod casus impossibilis , 6 nempè ut anima justa deum licet usque in finem diligens aeterno tamen supplicio mulctetur , fiat possibilis , quodque s. franciscus salesius 7 sibi in eo statu fuisse visus sit : quod quidem neque ipse tradidit , neque vitae ejus auctores : nec cuiquam animae justae persuasum esse potuit . quod 8 actus directi , & qui animae reflectentis effugiunt aciem , sint illa ipsissima operatio quam sanctus franciscus salesius apicem mentis appellet , nullo ejusdem sancti allato testimonio . quod in his 9 constituatur illa animae à se divulsae mira & inaudita divisio , quâ perfecta spes in summa parte consistat , in inferiori verò desperatio , quodque est pessimum , illa in directis actibus , haec in reflexis , qui ex sese sunt deliberatissimi ac efficacissimi , praesertim cum à directore permittuntur , ita ut spes in actibus directis , etiam à reflexis actibus abdicata , persistat . quod in hac divisione animae involuntariâ desperationis impressione laborantis , ac propriam salutem absolute devoventis , eadem anima 10 cum christo expiret in cruce dicens , deus , deus meus , ut quid dereliquisti me ? quasi desperatae animae expirent cum christo , cum christo deplorent se esse derelictas . quod in illis extremis probationibus 11 fiat illa separatio animae à se ipsâ ad exemplum christi exemplaris nostri : in quo pars inferior non communicabit superiori involuntarias perturbationes suas : quodque in hac separatione , motus inferioris partis nostrae coeci sint , & involuntariae perturbationis : quasi in christo , ut in nobis , fuerint involuntariae illae perturbationes : quod abominandae opinionis esse , probante synodo sextâ , 1 sophronius ille celeberrimus pronuncia vit . quod autem in libro assiduè inculcatur traditio omnium saeculorum , id quale sit , ex uno francisco salesio aestimari potest : qui cum in eodem libro unus omnium ferè adducatur & in ore habeatur : in eo tamen allegando saepius aberratur : idque in rebus gravissimis quibus tota libri ratio nititur : quae in ante dictis ex parte indicata , brevitatis causa nunc quidem omitti , & in aliam occasionem , ut & alia multa differri placuit : quemadmodum , & illa quae spectant ad orationem vocalem ; contemplationis , actuum humanorum , & probationum naturam , ac tres notas quibus à meditatione ad contemplationem vocatio dignoscitur , & varia scripturae loca à , nativo sensu ad novum & inauditum translata . 2 miramur praeterea altum esse in libro silentium de amore gratitudinis ergà deum & redemtorem christum , cum de perfectorum amore agitur ; tamquam haec ad veram genuinamque caritatem inflammandam , & excitandam minimè pertinerent , aut puro amori derogarent , aut à perfectis ea praetermitti oporteret . nec minus miramur quod cum in libro 3 laudatum fuerit decretum concilii tridentini 4 , spem per sese esse bonam , ac bonis congruentem definientis , illud tamen praetermissum sit ex eodem decreto 5 sanctissimos quosque ac perfectissimos , quales fuere david ac moses , eo incitamento esse permotos : unde patet quantum auctor à concilii mente recesserit , cum praesertim eodem concilio docente 6 omnibus benè operantibus usque in finem & in deo sperantibus , ac proindè optimo cuique & perfectissimo , vita aeterna tanquam merces proponenda sit , quo motivo non mercenarii fiunt , sed filii paternae hereditatis ex ipsâ caritate studiosi . huc accedit quod dogmata in libro tradita eo tendant ( invito licet auctore ) ut actuum directorum beneficio vitium cum virtute oppositâ stare possit ; ut , dum anima justitiae divinae praepostero studio , omnibus occultis dei voluntatibus acquiescit , in plenam & absolutam reprobationem imprudens consentiat , & ut , quod vetat apostolus , ad subtilia & vaniloquia deducamur . 6 postremò ecclesiae peregrinantis atque in patriam suspirantis extinguuntur gemitus : paulus & alii inter ipsa martyria expectantes beatam spem atque hoc lucrum reposcentes inter mercenarios ablegantur . nos verò formam habentes sanorum verborum , 7 sanctorumque vestigiis inhaerentes , rebus impossibilibus & absurdis christianam pietatem perfectionemque minimè metimur . nec insolitos affectus quos pauci sanctorum parcè transeunterque effuderunt , confestim in regulam & in vitae statum verti oportere credimus : neque has voluntates consensiones-ve quae circà impossibilia versantur , veras voluntates consensiones-que , sed velleitates more scholae appellamus . haec igitur vera à majoribus accepimus haec sentimus , haec omnibus testata esse volumus . datvm parisiis in palatio archiepiscopali , anno domini millesimo sexcentesimo nonagesimo , septimo , die vero mensis augusti sextâ . ludovicus ant. arch. parisiensis . j. benigne episc . meldensis . paulus episc . carnotensis . as the foregoing declaration makes frequent mention of the thirty four articles made the 16th and 26th of april 1695. we thought it our duty to insert them in this place , as we find them in a book of the said lord bishop of meaux , entituled , instructions concerning the nature of prayer . 1. every christian in every condition , tho' not every moment , is obliged to live in an exercise of faith , hope and charity , and to produce distinct acts of them , as they are three several virtues . 2. every christian is obliged to have an explicite faith , in almighty god , creator of heaven and earth , the rewarder of all that seek him ; and in his other attributes that are alike revealed ; and to put this faith into actual exercise , tho' not every moment . 3. every christian in like manner , is obliged to have an explicit faith in god the father , son , and holy ghost , and to act this faith in every condition , tho' not every moment . 4. every christian is also oblig'd to have an explicite faith in christ jesus , god and man , as mediator , without whom he cannot draw nigh to god , and to act this faith in every condition , tho' not every moment . 5. every christian in every condition , tho' not every moment , is obliged to will , desire , and explicitly to seek his own eternal salvation , as a thing which god willeth , and which he would have us will for his glory . 6. god will have every christian in every condition , tho not every moment , expresly to ask of him the forgiveness of his sins , grace to abstain from them , perseverance in doing good , the increase of virtue , and every other thing that is necessary to salvation . 7. a christian in every condition is to strive against concupiscence , tho' not at all times alike , which doth engage him in every condition , tho' not every moment , to pray for strength against temptations . 8. all these propositions are according to the catholick faith , being expresly contained in the apostle's-creed , and the lord's-prayer , which is a common and daily prayer to be used by all the children of god ; or else expresly defin'd by the church ; as is that of asking forgiveness of sins , and the gift of perseverance , and that of striving against covetousness , in the councils of carthage , orange , and trent ; as those propositions that are contrary thereunto , are formally heretical . 9. a christian is not allowed to be indifferent in the matter of his salvation , nor in those that tend thereunto ; holy christian indifference regards the events of this life ( sin only reserved ) and the dispensation of comforts , or spiritual droughts . 10. the fore-mentioned acts do not derogate from the highest christian perfection , and cease not to be perfect , because they are perceivable , provided thanks be given to god for them , and that the same be done to his glory . 11. a christian is not allowed to expect , that god should inspire these acts into him by any particular way and inspiration , there is nothing required for the exciting of them in us , but faith which makes the will of god known , as signified and set forth in his commandments and the examples of the saints , by supposing always the supplies of his exciting and preventing grace . the three last propositions , are the manifest consequences of the preceding ones ; and such as are contrary thereunto , are rash and erroneous . 12. by the obligatory acts aforementioned , we are not to understand such acts as are methodical and orderly , much less those acts that are reduced to forms and definite words ; or troublesome and restless acts ; but acts formed with sincerity in the heart , with all holy sweetness , and tranquility inwrought by the spirit of god. 13. in that life and prayer that is most perfect , all these acts are united in charity alone , seeing all virtues are animated therewith , and the exercise of them commanded by it , according to that of st. paul , charity suffers all , believes all , hopes all , bears all . so much cannot be said of other christian acts , whose distinct exercises are exercised and regulated hereby , tho' they may not always be sensibly and distinctly discerned . 14. the desire that is to be seen in the saints , as in st. paul and others , of their eternal salvation , and perfect redemption , is not only a desire or indeliberate appetite , as the same st paul calls it ; but a good inclination that we are to form , and freely to operate in our selves , by the assistances of divine grace , as being perfectly conformable to the will of god. this proposition is clearly revealed , and the contrary doctrine heretical . 15. it s , in like manner , a will conformable to the will of god , and absolutely necessary in every condition , tho' not every moment not to will sin , and not only to condemn sin , but also to be sorry for the commission of it , and to desire the destruction thereof in us by forgiveness . 16. reflection upon ones self , upon his acts , and the gifts he has received , which has been practiced throughout by the prophets and apostles , in order to give thanks unto god for his benefits , and other the like ends , are proposed as an example to all believers , and even to the most perfect ; and that doctrine which takes these away , is erroneous , and nigh to be heretical . 17. there are no evil and dangerous reflections , but those wherein a man takes a review of his actions , and the gifts he hath received , in order to feed self-love , to seek out a common support , or to take up too much with himself . 18. mortifications are agreeable to a christian in every state , and are often necessary , and to make the same separate from the duty of believers , under a pretence of perfection , is openly to condemn st. paul , and to presuppose an erroneous and heretical doctrine . 29. continual prayer consists not in one perpetual act , which is supposed to be without interruption , and which also ought never to be repeated ; but in a disposition , and habitual and perpetual preparation to do nothing that is displeasing unto god , and to do every thing that is pleasing to him . the contrary proposition , that would exclude in any condition whatsoever , yea , in a state which is perfect , all pluralities and succession of acts , is erroneous , and opposite to the tradition of all the saints . 20. there are no apostolick traditions but those that are acknowledged for such by the whole church , and the authority whereof is decided by the councils of trent ; the contrary proposition is erroneous , and pretendedly secret apostolical traditions , would be a snare to the faithful , and a way to introduce all manner of evil doctrines . 21. dilatory and quiet prayer , or such as is attended with the simple presence of god , and all other extraordinary prayers not excluding passive ones , approved of by st. francis de sales , and other spiritual ones received by the whole church , are not to be rejected , nor suspected without great rashness , and they do not hinder a man from being always disposed to produce all the forementioned acts in convenient time ; but to reduce them to implicit or apparent acts in favour of the most perfect , under pretence that the love of god ties them all up to a certain method , is to elude the obligation , and to destroy that distinction which is revealed by god. 22. without these extraordinary prayers , one may become a very great saint , and attain to christian perfection . 23. to reduce the inward state and purification of the soul , to these extraordinary prayers , is a manifest error . 24. it 's alike dangerous to exclude the state of contemplation , the attributes , the three divine persons in the trinity , and the mysteries of the incarnation of the son of god , and more especially , that of the cross and of the resurrection ; and all those things that are seen no otherwise than by faith , are the object of a christians contemplation . 25. it s not allowable for a christian , under pretence of passive , or other extraordinary prayer , to expect that god , in the conduct , as well of the spiritual as temporal life , should determin him to every action , by way of particular inspiration , and the contrary leads men to illusions , carelesness , and the tempting of god. 26. laying aside the circumstance and moments of prophetical or extraordinary inspiration ; the true submission which every christian soul , tho' perfect , owes to god , consists in serving him with the natural and supernatural light , as he received the same , and according to the rules of christian prudence , in presupposing always that god directs all things in the course of his providence , and that he is the author of every good counsel . 27. we ought not to tye up the gift of prophecy , and much less the apostolical state , to a certain state of perfection and prayer , and to do so , is to bring in an illusion , rashness and error . 28. the extraordinary ways and marks which those that have been approved spiritualists , have given concerning themselves , are very rare , and subject to the examination of bishops , ecclesiastical superiors and doctors , who are to judge of the same , not so much according to experiences , as according to the immutable rules of the scriptures and of tradition ; and to teach and practice the contrary , is to shake off the yoke of obedience that is due to the church . 29. if there is , or if there has been , in any part of the world , a small number of chosen ones , whom god by an extraordinary and particular way of prevention , best known to himself , stirs up every moment in such a manner , to all those actions that are essential to christianity , and to other good works , whereof there was no necessity of giving them any prescriptions to excite them thereunto , we will leave them to the judgment of the almighty , and without avowing the like states , we do only make this practical observation , that there is nothing so dangerous , nor so subject to illusion , as to guide souls in such a manner , as if they had already attained thereto , and that however , it is not in these sort of preventions that christian perfection doth consist . 30. in all the above named articles , as to what regards concupiscence , imperfections , and principally sin , our meaning is not , for the honour of our lord , to take in the holy virgin his mother . 31. as for those souls whom god is pleased to exercise with tryals , job , who is a pattern for such , teaches them to benefit themselves by lucid intervals , in order to produce the most excellent acts of faith , hope and love. the spiritualists teach them to find these in the top or highest part of the soul. they are not therefore to be allowed to acquiesce in their apparent damnation , but their directors , with st. francis de sales , are to assure them that god will never forsake them . 32. it 's well in every condition , and especially in this same , to adore the vindictive justice of god , never to wish the exercise of the same upon our selves , in all its rigour , seeing that even one of the effects of this rigour , is to deprive us of love. christian abandoning is to cast all our cares upon god , to hope in his goodness for our salvation ; and as st. augustine , after st. cyprian teaches us , to attribute all to him , ut totum detur deo. 33. troubled and truly humbled souls may also be inspired with a submission and agreement to the will of god , tho' even by a very false supposition , instead of the eternal good which he hath promised the just , he would detain them by virtue of his own good pleasure , in eternal torments ; and this without being deprived , at the same time , of his grace and love ; which is an act of perfect resignation or self-abandoning , and of a pure love practised by the saints , and which may be useful with that particular grace of god to souls truly perfect , without derogating from the obligation of the other fore-mentioned acts , which are essential to christianity . 34. over and above which , it is certain that the perfect , and such as are novices , or beginners , ought to be conducted respectively , by different ways , and that the former have a more full and deeper insight into christian truths than the other . the french king's letter to the pope . most holy father , the book written by the archbishop of cambray , having for some months past , made much noise in the church within my kingdom , i caused the same to be examined by my bishops , a great number of doctors , and learned religionaries of several orders . they have all , as well bishops as doctors , unanimously reported , that it was a very ill and dangerous book , and that the explanation published by the said archbishop , was unwarrantable . he declared in his preface , that his intention only , was to explicate the doctrine of his brethren , who , after they had attempted by all gentle ways to reclaim him , they found themselves obliged in conscience , to put out their declaration concerning his book , and to consign the same into the hands of the archbishop of damas , your holiness's nuncio at my court , to the end that your holiness might put an end to an affair , that may have pernicious consequences , if it be not nipt in the very bud. i humbly intreat you to pass sentence upon the same book , and doctrine contained therein , as soon as possible , and assure your holiness , at the same time , that i shall make use of all my authority , to put the decision you shall make in execution , and that i am most holy father , your very affectionate servant , louis . meudon , aug. 26. 1697. the table . several sorts of love wherewith we may love god. the first love. 1 the second . 1 the third . 2 the fourth . 3 the fifth . 5 the names of these five sorts of love. 1. of the carnal love of the jews . 7 2. the love of concupiscence ibid. 3. the love of hope . 8 4. interested love. ibid. 5. pure love. ibid. articles . 1. of the love of concupiscence . 9 2. three different degrees of just persons upon earth . 12   how fear and hope purify themselves . 13   the effects of pure love. 15 3. of interested love . it makes a great many saints . 18 4. how hope perfects her self , and keeps her distinction from charity . 21   how an interested soul can will or seek god as he is her good. 24 5. the two states of the just , of resignation and indifference . 26   what holy indifference is . 27   passages out of st. francis de sales , concerning it . 29 6. holy indifference is the real principle of the interested desires of the law and of grace . 33 7. there is no state that gives souls a miraculous inspiration , wherein consists the perfection of the internal life . 35 8. what abandoning ones self is . 39   the extream tryals of abandoning . 40   the souls resistance makes these tryals long and painful . 40   the diffeeence between common temptations and the tryals of an entire purification . 41 9. the state of the soul that abandons her self to god in these extream tryals . 43   the edge of the spirit , or top of the soul. 44 10. the souls absolute sacrifice of its own interest to god. 46 11. the difference between the new and the old law. 51   the soul ought to follow grace , without being willing to prevent it . 52   a cooperation with grace . ibid.   of activity . 53 12. of disinterested souls . 57   an abnegation and hatred of ones self . ib.   one ought always to watch over himself . 58   the difference between the vigilancy of pure and interested love . 60 13. simple and direct acts , and reflex acts , an inward certainty . 62 14. the separation of the upper part of the soul from the lower , in extream tryals . 65   how this separation is made . ibid. 15. vniversal sobriety , mortification . 68   a temperature of austerities . 69   the effects of austerities . ibid. 16. two sorts of proprieties . 71   resignation . 72   what mystical men call propriety . 73   disappropriation . ibid. 17. common and extraordinary temptations , and the difference between them . 77 18. divers sorts of wills in god. 81   the permissive will of god. 82 19. vocal and mental prayer . 84 20. of reading . 87   a persuasion of the most powerful love of all . 88 21. the difference between meditation and contemplation . 89 22. when meditation may be quitted in order to enter upon contemplation . 93 23. for what souls contemplation is not convenient . 95 24. habitual contemplation . 96 25. perpetual prayer . 98 26. interruptions of direct contemplation . 101 27. direct contemplation is negative . 102 28. how centemplative souls are deprived of the distinct views of christ . 106 29. of passive contemplation . 109   why they call it the prayer of silence , or quietude . 111 30. of the passive state . 114 31. the simplicity of the passive state . 117 32. the liberty that is in the passive state . 120 33. the reunion of all the virtues in love. 122 34. of spiritual death . 125 35. of the state of transformation . 126 36. of the internal exercises of transformed souls . 128 37. transformed souls may sin . 130 38. and consequently , they ought to come to confession . 132 39. the imperfections of the soul. 135 40. how a transformed soul is united to god. 138 41. of spiritual marriages . 139 42. of substantial vnion . 140 43. the submission of the spiritual man. 141 44. the oeconomy and secret of the sublimest exercise of pure love . 143 45. all the internal ways are but the means to arrive at pure love. 145   the conclusion of all the articles . 149 additions . the lord archbishop of cambray's letter to the pope . 151 a letter of the same person , dated august 3. 1697. 160 a declaration of three prelates , viz. of the archbishop of paris , the bishop of meaux , and chartres , upon the book , entituled , an explanation of the maxims of the saints , concerning the internal life . 166 the thirty four articles of the 16 and 26th of april . 1695. 216 the french king's letter to the pope . 227 finis . some books printed for henry rhodes in fleet-street . monasticon anglicanum , or , the history of the abbies , monasteries , hospitals , cathedrals , and collegiate churchies in england , and wales ; made english from sir will. dugdale , with sculptures , folio , price 10 s. the new world of words , or , an universal english dictionary ▪ containing the proper significations of all words from other languages ; together with the explanations of all those terms that conduce to the understanding of any of the arts and sciences , viz. divinity , philosophy , law , physick , mathematicks , husbandry . published by e.p. the fifth edition enlarged from the best english and foreign authors : a work very necessary for strangers , and our own country-men , for the right understanding of what they discourse , write or read. fol. price 14 s. memoirs for the ingenious , containing several curious observations in philosophy , mathematicks , physick , philology , and other arts and sciences . by m. de la crose . miscellaneous letters , giving an account of the works of the learned , both at home and abroad , in which there is a catalogue and idea of all valuable books . the new politicks of the court of france , under the reign of lewis xiv ; wherein are to be seen all his intrigues , in respect to the potentates of europe . letters writ by a turkish spy , who lived forty five years undiscover'd at paris , giving an account to the divan of constantinople , of the remarkable transactions in the christian courts of europe , from the year 1637 , to 1682. in eight volumes . historical travels and voyages over europe : containing all that is most curious in that part of the world , in four volumes . the first volume of france , containing a geographical description thereof : an account of its government , rarities , and the most delightful curiosities , worthy taking notice of . the second volume of spain and portugal , containing a description of their government , rarities , and the most delightful curiosities , worthy taking notice of . the third volume of italy , containing its most select curiosities , the various constitutions of government under several soveraign princes and states , their strength , riches , and revenues , the customs , manners , coins , and trade of the people , together with a particular description of the city of rome , the conclave , the election of the pope , and the promotion of the cardinals , with many more new remarks , price 1 s. the fourth volume , of holland , and the rest of the united provinces , containing their description in general ; the grounds of their mutual union , and altering their religion ; as also their growth under the house of orange ; their government , laws , policy , religion , strength , their trade to the indies ; their fishery and bank , with a particular account of the cities of amsterdam , hague , rotterdam , 8vo . price 1 s. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a41099-e10340 1 avertiss . pag. xi . 2 d. parisiensis . d. meldensis . 1 d. paris . tunc cathalanensis . d. meldensis . d. tronsson totius sulpitianae societatis superior . 2 p. 3. 4 , 10. 3 p. 5. 4 p. 10. 15 , 16. 65. &c. 5 p. 8. 17. 6 p. 22. 6 p. 7. 37. 87. &c. 7 p. 26. 29. 37. 8 p. 26. 9 p. 29. 30. 2 xxxiv art . 1. 31. 3 p. 29 , 4 p. 34. & 35. 5 p. 35. 146. 6 p. 32. 7 p. 35. 8 xxxiv . art . 9. & 11. 9 p. 40. 1 p. 35. 2 xxxiv . art , 9. 3 xxxiv . art . 5. 4 p. 18. 4 p. 3. 4. am. de dieu liv . 2 ch. 17 5 p. 56 , 57. 58. 6 p. 39. 56. 59. 7 p. 57.58 . 8 xxxiv . art , 32. 1 xxxiv . art . 31. 2 p. 57. 58. 3 eodem art . 31. 4 entret . 5. liv. 3. ep. 26. autre edit . 29. 5 xxxiv . art . 1 , 2 , 3. 13. 6 p. 176. 7 p. 144. 8 p. 145. 9 p. 164. 10 p. 155. 11 xxxiv . art . 15. 12 p. 49 , 50. 154. 13 xxxiv . art . 7. & 8. 1 p. 81 , 82 , 83. 2 xxxiv . art . 18. 3 p. 120 , 121 , 122. 4 p. 124 , 125. 5 clement ad nostrum de haeret . in prop. 8. 6 xxxiv . art . 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. & 24. 7 p. 44. 62. 63. 65. 8 de pecc . mer. liv . 2. ch . 5. 9 xxxiv . art . 11. 25. & 26. 10 xxxiv . art . 19. 11 p. 106. 129. 149. 166. 12 xxxiv . art . 22 , 23. 29. 13 avert . p. 12. 15. liv. p. 41. 130. 168. 170. 175. 14 s. ther. chat. 6. dem . ch . 9. 7. dem . ch . 4. 15 joan. a. jesu m. tom. 2. theol. myst . cap. 3. 16 jac. alv. paz tom . 3. de contemp . perf . lib. 5. part . 1. appa . 2. c. 9. 17 s. franc. sal. ent. 2. 18 gerson , de elucid . sch . myst . theol. consid . 7. 19 avert . p. iv . liv . 22. 23. 108. 168. 20 ibid. 1 p. 42. 43. 96. 135. 137. &c. 2 avert . p. vii . ix . liv. p. co . 3 p. 12 , 13 , 14. 4 concil . trid. sess . 6. cap. 6. sess . 14. cap. 4. 5 p. 4. 6. 10. 6 p. 57. 58. 7 p. 56. 58. 8 p. 53. 58. 76. 78. 9 p. 56. 58. 59. 10 p. 58. 11 p. 77 , 78 , 79. 1 conc. 6. act . 11. 2 p. 74. p. 93. 95. p. 109 , 110. p. 48 , 49 , 50. 3 p. 13. 14. 30. 92. 4 sess . 6. ch . 17. 5 ead. sess . 6. ch . 11. 6 sess . 6. cap. 11. 6 2 tim. 2. 16. 7 2 timoth. 1. 13. enquiries touching the diuersity of languages, and religions through the cheife parts of the world. written by edw. brerewood lately professor of astronomy in gresham colledge in london brerewood, edward, 1565?-1613. 1614 approx. 417 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[24], 198, [2] p. printed [at eliot's court press] for iohn bill, london : 1614. editor's dedication signed: rob. brerevvood. printer's name from stc. leaf r4 is a cancel. the last leaf is blank. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic 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images 2003-03 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2003-03 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion enqviries tovching the diversity of langvages , and religions through the cheife parts of the world . written by edw. brerewood lately professor of astronomy in gresham colledge in london . london printed for iohn bill . 1614. the contentes of the chapters in this booke . chap. page . 1 of the ancient largenesse of the greeke tongue . 1. 2 of the decaying of the antient greeke tongue , & of the present vulgar greeke . 8. 3 of the ancient largenesse of the roman tongue in the time of the roman empire . 13. 4 that the roman tongue abolished not the vulgar languages , in the foraine prouinces of the romaine empire . 20. 5 of the beginning of the italian , french and spanish languages . 30. 6 obiections touching the extent of the latine tongue and the beginning of the mentioned languages with their solutions , 39. 7 of the antient languages of italie , spaine , fraunce and afrique . 45. 8 of the largenesse of the slauonish , turkish , and arabique languages . 58. 9 of the syriaque and hebrew tongues . 62. 10 of the sundry parts of the world inhabited by christians . 66. 11 of the parts of the world possessed by mahumetans . 79. 12 of the sundry regions of the world inhabited by idolaters . 86. 13 of the iewes dispersed in seuerall parts of the world. 92. 14 of the quantitie and proportion of the parts of the earth , possessed by the seuerall sorts of the aboue mentioned religions . 118. 15 of the diuerse sorts or sects of christians in the world , and of their seuerall regions . and first of the grecians . 124. 16 of the syrians , or melchites . 129. 17 of the georgians , circassians and mengrellians . 134. 18 of the muscouites and russians . 136. 19 of the nestorians . 139. 20 of the indians or christians of s t. tho. 144. 21 of the iacobites . 151. 22 of the copthi or christians of aegypt . 155. 23 of the habassines . 163. 24 of the armenians . 170. 25 of the maronites . 175. 26 of the seuerall languages wherin the liturgies of christians in seuerall parts of the world are celebrated . 184. to the most reverend father in god , the lord archbishop of canterbury his grace , primate of all england , and metropolitane , and one of his maiesties most honourable priuie covncell . most reuerend , the argument of this discourse being religion , to whom could it be more fitlie presented then to your grace , hauing ( vnder his most excellent maiestie ) worthily the chiefe care hereof . besides , the author of this worke , whilest he liued , so much honoured your sincere and religious courses in managing the publique affaires of your eminent place , that had he thought of the publishing thereof , no doubt but he would haue presumed to gaine some luster vnto it from your gracious patronage . succeeding him in his temporall blessings , i doe endeuour to succeede him in his virtues , dutifull affection towards your grace , and prayers to the almightie , for the good of his church , to increase daily your honours , and happinesse . your graces in all humble obseruance to be commanded rob. brerevvood . a preface to the reader shewing the occasions the author had to write the ensuing discourse , and breifly describing the generall state of protestantes in europe for a supply to the same worke . svch as are delighted with profound speculations , and the diligent search●ng out of hidden verities , they haue not all the same proiectes , but their various cogitations are vsually fixed vpon diuers ends . some ( saith a deuout father ) know that they may be knowne , and this is vanity : some know , onely that they may know , and this is curiosity : others know to edifie , and this is charity . how distastfull the vanity of the first sort was vnto the learned , and iudicious author of this ensuing discourse , his priuate and retyred course of life , his setled , and constant vnwillingnesse , whilest he enioyed his earthly tabernacle , to expose any of his accurate labours to the publicke viewe of the world , may sufficiently testifie : and yet to auoyde the fruitelesse curiosity of the second ranke , he was euer most ready in priuate either by conference , or writing to instruct others repayring vnto him , if they were desirous of his resolution in any doubtfull pointes of learning within the ample circuit of his deepe apprehension . from this his modest , and humble charity ( vertues which rarely cohabite with the swelling windenesse of much knowledge ) issued this spisse and dense , yet polished ; this copious , yet concise ; this concise yet cleare and perspicuous treatise of the variety of languages and religions through the chiefe regions of the world . a a praefac . in paraph. in epist. ad rom. erasmus giuing the reason why s. paul writeth to the romans in the greeke , saith , it was the large extent then of this language , that his instructions might more generally be vnderstood ; to make the truth of erasmus assertion more euident , he was intreated to point out particularly the amplenesse , and multitude of such regions , wherein this learned tounge was aunciently most vulgar . b b in mithrid . gesner , and viues affirming that the spanish , c c commen● in● . 19. & ciuit . cap. 7. italian , and french tongues are but the latine depraued , and corrupted by the inundation of the gothes , d d euor●a in psal . 138 & tractat. 7. in ioan. and vandals ouer the southerne partes of europe , and saint augustine intimating that the latine was commonly spoken in some partes of the skirts of affricke which border vpon the mediterrane sea ; it was demanded of him , whether in the forenamed countries about the more auncient times of the primitiue church , the latine was the common language , and whether the decay of it , was the originall of the vulgar tongues vsed by their inhabitants in after ages . and forasmuch as guido fabritius doth clearely demonstrate the vulgar tongue of iury in the daies of our blessed sauiours pilgrimage here vppon earth to be the syriacke , which ( saith e e prae. ad sy●iacum test. matius ) grew out of the mixture of the auncient chaldee , and hebrew , and was so different from the later , f f prae●● , ad g●●m . ●yria that the one could not be vnderstood by the other : he was questioned in which of these languages the hebrew or syriacke the publicke reading of the sacred scriptures in those times were prformed . lastly , whereas there are many christians in greece , asia , muscouia , aegypt , and aethiopia , it was desired of him that he would more distinctly set downe the countries wherein they liued , their superiours to whom they are subiect , and their differences from the romane church , that it might more manifestly appeare , how idle are the common vaunts amongst the ignorant of her amplitude , as though all the christian world saue a few protestantes shut vp in some obscure corner of europe , professed the same faith she embraceth and were within the territories of her iurisdiction . the falsehood of which glorious boastings are in part most liuely discouered in this learned tractate , describing the diuers conditions of christians in the east , north and southerne regions of the earth which haue no subordination vnto the papall hierarchie , but not in the west , where protestantes haue cheifely their aboade ; and therefore to make it a more compleate worke , it will not be amisse compendiously to declare their multitudes , amplenesse , and seuerall habitations in this europaean world . to begin with the remotest partes hereof eastward ; in the kingdome of polonia , as it is this present , confining on the west at the riuers of warta , and odera with the marchesates of silesia and brandeburge , on the east at the riuers of nieper and bresnia with moscouia , on the south at the riuer of niester with moldauia , at the g g ne commemorem dit●onis amplitudinem ( inquit erasmus de regno poloniae loquens ) complectentis russos etiam a●bos , & l●tuanos quibus omnibus latissimè imperat a vistula flumine ad tauricam cheron●sum , a mari balthico ad caparthum montem sigismundus rex . eras epist ad polo . se●r tar . praefix expo in orat . do . caparthian mountaines , with hungarie , on the north with the baltique sea , hauing vnder its dominion polonia , lituania , liuonia , podolia , russia the lesse , volhimia , masouia , prussia , which vnited as it were within one roundish inclosure , are in circuit about 2600. miles , and of no lesse space then spaine , and france layd together , in this so large and ample kingdome the protestants in great numbers are diffused through all quarters thereof ; hauing in euery prouince their publicke churches , and congregations orderly seuered and bounded with diocesses , whence are sent some of the cheefest amd most principall men of worth vnto their generall synods , which within these few yeares they haue frequently held with great celebritie , and with no lesse christian prudence and piety . for whereas there are diuers sorts of these polonicke protestants , some embracing the waldensian , or the bohemick , others the augustane , and some the heluetian confession , and so doe differ in some outward circumstances of discipline , and ceremony : yet knowing well that a kingdome diuided cannot stand , and that the one god whom all of them worship in spirit is the god of peace and concord , they iointly meet at one generall synode , and their first act alway is , a religious and solemne profession of their vnfained consent in the substantiall points of christian faith , necessary to saluation . thus in generall synodes at a a anno. 1570. sendomire , b b 1573. cracouia , c c 1578. petricoue , d d 1●●3 . wlodislaue , e e 1●95 . see the acts of the synods themselues torune , ( vnto which resorted in great troops christians of all orders , states , and degrees , out of all prouinces of this most potent kingdome ) they declared the bohemicke , helueticke and augustane confessions seuerally receiued amongst them to agree in the principall heads of faith , touching the holy scripture , the sacred trinitie , the person of the sonne of god , god and man , the prouidence of god , sinne , freewil , the law , the gospel , iustification by christ , faith in his name , regeneration , the catholike church , and supreame head thereof christ , the sacraments , their number and vse , the state of soules after death , the resurrection & life eternal , they decreed , that wheras in the forenamed confessions there is some difference in phrases , and formes of speech concerning christs presence in his holy supper , which might breed dissention , all disputations touching the manner of christs presence should bee cut off ; seeing all of them doe beleeue the presence it selfe , and that the eucharisticall elements are not naked and empty signes , but doe truely performe to the faithfull receiuer that which they signifie , and represent , and to preuent future occasions of violating this sacred consent , they ordained that no man should be called to the sacred ministery without subscription thereunto , and when any person shal be excluded by excommunication from the congregation of one con●ession , that he may not be receiued by the congregation of another ; lastly , forasmuch as they accord in the substantiall verity of christian doctrine , they professe themselues content to tolerate diuersitie of ceremonies , according to the diuerse practise of their particular churches , and to remoue the least suspition of rebelling , and sedition , wherewith their malitious , and calumniating aduersaries might blemish the gospell , although they are subiect vnto many greeuous pressures , from the adherents of antichrist , yet they carnestly export one another to follow that worthy and christian admonition of lactantius : defendenda religio est , non occidendo , sed moriendo , non saeuitia sed patientia , non scelere , sed fide , illa enim bonorum sunt , haec malorum . this is the state of the professors of the gospell in the electiue monarchy of polonia , who in the adioyning countries on the south transiluania and hungarie , are also exceedingly multiplied . in the former by the fauor gabriel bartorius now prince of that region , who not many yeares , since hath expulsed thence all such as are of the papall faction , in a manner the whole body of the inhabitants ( except some few rotten and putred limmes of arrians , antitrinnitarians , ebionites , socinians , anabaptists , who heere as also in polonia , lituania borussia haue some publicke assemblies ) are professed protestants : in the later , a greater part , specially beeing compared onely with such as are there addicted to the romish superstition . but hence eastward in the kingdom of bohemia consisting of 32. thousand parishes , ( now become in a manner hereditary to the house of austria , as likewise the kingdome of hungary ) and its appurtenances , the marchesates of lusatia , morauia , the dukedome of silesia , all which iointly in circuit containe 770. miles , the protestants are esteemed two third parts ; & in austria it selfe , and the countries of goritia , tirolis , cilia , the principalities of sueuia , alsatia , brisgoia , constans , now annexed thereunto , the most part of the people , and especially of the a a nobiles fere omnes ( qui in subditos su●s , et clientes iudicia exercēt , eorumque nonnulli vitae , et necis ●●●ent pot●sta●e ●●●mouarum opininum veneno inflecti sunt . thesau . polit . apot. 6. nobility are the same way affected , and are in regard of their number so potent , that they are fearefull vnto their malignant opposites . and almost they are of the same number , and strength in the neighbour countries of the arch-duke of gratzden ( a branch of the house of austria , namely in stiria , carinthia , carniola , saue since the yeare 1598. they haue not had in these countries the publicke exercise of their religion by the importunate and clandestine solicitations of the iesuites : who notwithstanding in respect of the number , and ▪ potencie of the a a illustres domini ordinarij , necnon prouinciahum pars maxima nihil non agit , vt manere nobis ( ministris euangel●● ) liceret sed iesuitam instigationes quam totius prouinciae supplicationes plus poterant . histo. persecut grae. car●●s . nobility on the protestant partie euen in gratts the prime city of styria , could not effect their desires , vntill in the yeare forementioned vnder pretence of conducting the arch-dukes sister into spaine to bee wife vnto the now philip the third sundry embassadors from the princes of italy , the pope , & the king of spaine attended with many souldiers had full possession of the city , and presently fourteene ministers of the gospell in one day were by force and violence thence eiected . but the condition of the protestants residing amongst the cantons of heluetia , and their confederates the city of geneua , the towne of s. gall , the grisons , valesians , or seuen communities , vnder the bishop of sedune , is a great deale more happie , and setled ; in so much that they are two third parts , hauing the publique and free practise of religion : for howsoeuer of the 13. cantons , onely these fiue , b b thesaur . pol. apot. 49. zuricke , schaf●use , glarona , basile , abatistella are entirely protestant ; yet these in strength , and amplenesse of territory much exceede the other seuen , and hence zuricke the chiefe of the fiue , in all publicke meetings , and embassages hath the first place . already then we find the state of orthodox professors of the gospell to be such , that we neede not complaine of their paucitie , and if wee further proceede to view the many regions of the empire , we shall haue cause to magnifie the goodnesse of god for their multitudes . the whole empire , excluding bohemia , and austria ( because the king of the one is rather an arbiter in the election of the emperour , then an elector , in this sole case giuing his voice when the other six electors are equally diuided , and the archduke of the other hath onely a kind of extraordinary place in the dyet amongst the ecclesiasticall princes , as sometimes the duke of loraine had ) consisteth of three orders , or states , the princes ecclesiasticall , the princes temporall , and the free cities . the last of these before some of them come to be possessed by the french , polonian , heluetians , and others were in number about a a liberae ciuitates quae non alium principē praeter imperatorē agnoscunt , & suis vtuntur quaeque legibus , olim erant 88. lam vero pauc●o res sunt , alijs a galliarū , & poloniae regibus , & alijs occupatis . thes. polit . apot . 6. 88. and although in regard of this multitude , at this present they are much diminished ; yet the remainders of them are so potent , that a few of them , termed the hanse-citties seated in the notherne part of germany inclusiuely betweene dantisck eastward , hamburg westward , and ioyned in an offensiue , and defensiue league , haue been able to make good their opposition against some mightie neighbour princes infringing immunities . these with the rest of the b b protestantiū partes sequuntur liberae ciuitates , seculares principes ferē omnes ; catholico●um à secularibus principes pauci , v● 〈◊〉 cl●●●nsis . thesaur . pol. apot 6. free citties ( which are of some number , and strength ) doe all in a manner either in whole , or part ( for in some of them as in ratisbone , argentine , augusta , spire , wormes , francfort vpon moen both papists and protestants make publique profession ) embrace the sincere doctrine of the gospell . and if wee passe ouer the ecclesiasticall princes , who ( excepting the three electour ar●hbishops , of colen mentz , and triuers , the archbishops of wer●zburg , and saltsburg , and some elect bishops or administrators of bishopricks being laymen , and of the reformed religion ) are of small power ; all the princes temporall of the empire ( none of note excepted besides the duke of bauaria ) are firmely protestantes . now what the multitudes of subiects are professing the same faith with these princes , we may guesse by the amplenes of the dominions vnder the gouernmēt of such only as for their cōmands are chiefe , and most eminent amongst them ; as of the prince elector palatine , the duke of saxonie , the marquesse of brandeburge , the duke of wirtenburg , landgraue of hesse , marquesse of baden , prince of anhalt , dukes of brunswicke , holst , luenburg , meckleburge , pomerane , sweyburge , nauburge ▪ amongst whom the marquesse of brandeburge hath for his dominion , not only the marchasate it selfe contayning in circuit about 520. miles , & furnished with fiftie cities , and about threescore other walled townes ; but likewise part of prussia , for which he is feudatarie vnto the king of poland , the region of prignitz , the dukedome of crossen , the signories of sternberg , and cotbus , the countie of rapin , and lately the three dukedomes of cleue , gulick , and berg , of which the two former haue either of them in circuit 130. miles . neare adioyning vnto these three last dukedomes , are those prouinces of the low countries gouerned by the states , namely zutphen , vtrech , oberyssel , groningham , holland , zeland , west-frizland , in which onely protestants haue the publicke ( for otherwise arrians , anabaptists , socinians are here priuately tolerated ) and free exercise of their religion , as also in the neighbour dominion of the earle of east freezland . but to passe from these vnited prouinces vnder the states vnto france ; in this mighty kingdome , those ( as they usually stile them ) of the religion , besides the castels , and fortes that doe belong in propertie vnto the duke of bullen , the duke of rohan , count of laual , the duke of trimouile , mounsieur chastillion , the mareshall of digners , the duke of sully , and others , are seased of above 70. townes hauing garrisons of souldiers gouerned by nobles and gentlemen of the religion ; they haue 800. ministers receiuing pensions out of the publicke finance , and are so dispersed through the chiefe prouinces of the kingdome , that in the principalitie of orange , poincton almost all the inhabitants , in gasconynie halfe ; in languedoc , normandie , and other westerne prouinces , a strong partie professe the euangelicall trueth . which multitudes , although they are but small , and as it were an handfull in comparison of all bearing the names of papists throughout the spacious continent of france ; yet in regard of such as are entirely popish , they haue some proportion . for to omitte a great part of french papists , who in heart beleeue the sincerity of the gospell , but dare not make profession thereof for worldly respects , as to obtaine great offices , to auoide penalties , and iniustice in their litigious suites ; almost all the lawyers , a a vide instruct & missin's des roys tres ch●s●●ns & ●eleurs ambassadeu●s , concernant le councile de trent . bor●ellum l. 4 de decret ecclesiae gallicae . ● ti . 21.22 dua reuam li. 2 de benefi cap. 10 11. ● 5 cap. 11. and learned sort who no doubt haue many adherents of lesse knowledge , hold , that the bishop of rome was aunciently the first and chiefest bishop according to the dignity of precedencie , and order , not by any diuine institution , but because rome was the chiefe citty of the empire ; that he obtained his primacy ouer the westerne church by the guift and clemency of pipine , charles the great , and other kings of france , and hath no power to dispose of temporall things ; that it belongeth to christian kings and princes to call ecclesiasticall synods , and to establish their decrees , to make ecclesiasticall lawes for the good of the church , reforme the abuses therein , and to haue the same power and authority ouer sacred persons in causes ecclesiasticall , as was exercised by iosias , and constantine the great , who said he was a bishop ouer the outward things of the church ; that the lawes whereby their church is to bee gouerned are onely the canons of the more ancient councels , and their owne nationall decrees , and not the decretals of the bishops of rome ; that the councell of constance assembled by sigismund the emperour , & with a concurrent consent of other christian princes , decreeing a generall synode to be superiours vnto the pope , and correcting many enormious abuses in the roman church which yet remaine in practise , was a true oecumenicall councell , and so likewise the councell of basill ; that the assembly of trent was no lawfull councell , and the canons thereof are rather to be esteemed the decrees of the popes who called and continued it , then the decrees of the councell it selfe , because in this assembly bishops onely ( contrary to the practise of the councell of basill ) had decisiue voyces , and the greatest parts of bishops were italian the popes vassals ; and besides , nothing was then determined that was not at rome fore-determined by the pope ; that the sacrament of the lords supper ought to be administred vnder both kinds , and at the least a great part of diuine seruice is to be performed in their vulgar tongues ; thus are the greater number of lawyers and learned men in france affected , and those who are throughly popish are for the most part men of the basest sort wholy leauened with the bitter slanders and calumniations of malicious friers . now if to all the forenamed kingdomes , principalities , dukedomes , states , citties abounding with professors of the trueth , we adde the monarchies of greate britannie , denmarke , sweden , wholy in a manner protestant , wee shall finde them not much inferiour in number and amplitude to the romish partie ; especially if we consider that the very bulke and body hereof , italy , and spaine , are by a kinde of violence , and necessity , rather then out of any free choice and iudgement deteined in their superstition ; namely by the iealousie , crueltie , and tyrannous vigilancy of the inquisition , and their owne ignorance , being a a vide indicē libro . prohi . ed●t . iussu clem. 8. et azou . lin . 8. morel . ins●t . cap. 26. by clement the 8. vtterly debarred from all reading of the sacred scriptures , whereby they might come to the knowledge of the truth . and if any shall except that the protestants in diuerse countries before mentioned cannot bee reputed as one body , and of one church , by reason of many differences , and hot contentions amongest them , let such remember , that howsoeuer some priuate men in this holy society rather then of it , preferring their nouell and passionate fancies , before the peace of the church , purchased with christs precious bloud , and the publicke weale of christian monarchies , vnnaturall toward their owne deere mother , rending that wombe wherein they were new borne by the lauer of regeneration , forgetfull of their heauenly embassage , which is not onely to reconcile men vnto god , but men with men , so farre neglecting their owne eternall saluation , as to be vnmindfull of that most vndoubted truth , he that is not in charity , is in death , trampling vnder foote that glorious legacie of their lord and maister , my peace i giue vnto you , my peace i leaue with you , haue in heat of contention , and bitternesse of their soules strained and racked their weake vnderstandings , to make differences betweene themselues , euen in the maine articles of faith , and branded one another with blasphemy , and heresie , yet these vnchristian and vncharitable dissensions are not to be imputed to the whole sacred community of orthodox churches , whose harmony and agreement in necessary points of faith , are onely to be esteemed by their confessions which by publicke authority they haue diuulged vnto the world . how many are the differences both in doctrine and discipline betweene the proctors for the papall faction , touching discipline ? some teach their cheefetaine the pope may erre , others that he cannot : some that he is subiect vnto a generall councell , others that hee is aboue it : some that all ecclesiasticall authority is immediately in the prelates of the church , others that it is onely in the pope , and from him deriued vnto inferiour bishops : some that he hath temporall authorities ouer princes , others not ; concerning doctrine , some at firme that predestination both by grace , and glory is meerely from gods free pleasure , others from foreseene desert and merit , some that all the bookes or part of them belonging vnto the old testament which were not in the canon of the iewish church are apocriphall , others canonicall euen in the matters of faith : some that there is no originall sinne inherent in vs , but only imputed , others that it is both inherent and imputed : some that wee are most freely iustified , by the meanes of faith , hope , &c. others by the value , and merit of these vertues : some that faith is onely a generall assent vnto diuine truths , others that it is a speciall perswasion touching the remission of our sinnes through christ , some that wee appeare righteous in gods sight , partly through imputed , partly through inherent righteousnesse , others onely by inherent : some that eternall life is due vnto our works onely by vertue of gods free and gratious promise , others through the merit of the worke done : some that all the morall good works of infidels , and ethnicks are sinnes , others that they are without sinne ; some that the b. virgin was conceiued without originall sinne , others the contrary , and that with such eagernesse , that the one condemne the other of heresie : yet because these contentions are betweene priuate men , and they all ( in spaine and italie , but not in france , as hath beene ( hewed ) accord in the cheefe points of doctrine publiquely established in the councell of trent , they boast much of their vnity . although then some priuate men vnworthy to take the word of peace and reconciliation into their virulent and contentious mouthes , led more by passion , and their owne selfe-pleasing conceipt , then by the sacred rules of truth , and piety , haue laboured to sow the tares of dissention in the vineyard of the lord , and heereby haue made crooked some few branches cleauing vnto them : yet the generall societies of orthodox churches in the publicke confessions of their faith , doe so agree , that there is a most sacred harmony betweene them in the more substantiall points of christian religion necessary to saluation . this is manifest out of the confessions themselues , which are these , the anglicane , the scotiane , french , heluctian former , and later , the belgie , polonie , argentine , augustane , saxonicke , wirtenbergicke , palatine , bohemicke or weldensian confession : for there is none of the churches formerly pointed out in diuers places of europe which doth not embrace one of these confessions , and all of them harmoniously conspire in the principall articles of faith , and which neerest concerne our eternall saluation ; as in the infallible verity and full sufficiency of the scriptures , diuine essence and vnitie of the euerlasting godhead , the sacred trinitie of the three glorious persons , the blessed incarnation of christ , the omnipotent prouidence of god , the absolute supreame head of the church , christ , iustification by faith through christ , and the nature of a liuely faith , repentance , regeneration and sanctification , the difference betweene the law , and the gospell , touching freewill , sinne , and good works , the sacraments their number and vse , the notes of the church , the diuine authority of magistrates , the resurrection , and state of soules after death . and for the cheefe point of difference which is conceiued to be betweene the professors of the gospell about the presence of christ in the sacred eucharist ; such as are parties in this contention ingenuously confesse , that de reipsa , touching the thing it selfe there is no oppositiō but only we varie in some ordinances , and circumstances of the thing . we agree reipsa , in the matter it selfe , although we differ according to the diuersity of gods gifts in expressing aptly and cleerely what we conceiue concerning this matter . we all acknowledge that the holy symboles , or signes , are not inanes significationes , barely significatiue , but what by diuine institution they represent and testifie vnto our soules , is as truly and certainly deliuered vnto vs from god as the symboles themselues . but the question is , whether as the signe with the thing signified is presēt in respect of our body , and not rather in regard of our well receiuing it by faith . moreouer , whether as both the signe , and thing signified are exhibited to all , so all receiue both , some to life , others to their perdition . so that wee all beleeue the true communication of the true body and bloud of our lord iesus christ , onely concerning the manner of communication is the controuersie . but who can rightlie iudge that for this the sacred vnion and fellowship of churches , is to be dissolued . there being so excellent a foundation and firm ground-worke of vnity betweene the protestants , how worthy a worke would it be for christian princes to imitate the professors of the gospell in the kingdome of polonia , and by a generall assembly of moderate , and vnpartiall iudges and sensible of the bleeding wounds religion receiueth by sects , and discords , make vp the ruines and breaches of churches , caused hitherto through priuate contention , & to sement them together ( if it shall please god out of the riches of his mercy to prosper their heroicall and religious endeauours ) with an euerlasting bond of concord . there were neuer greater hopes of the successe of so noble and ●ncomparable a worke , then in this age which hath affoorided vs the blessing of our most gratious soueraigne , so religiously studious of publicke peace , and so exquisitelie enabled with many rare endowments to promote so pious and renowned an action . in the meane time , if any in these priuate distractions concerning matters of religion excited by the malice of sathan , and his wretched instruments , shall doubt which way to take , let him folow the graue & diuine instructions of that excellent light of the church s. augustine ; who first exhorteth vs not to busie our selues ouermuch in enquiring after those things quae nihil certi habent in scriptura , which haue no firme footing in the scriptures , but in receiuing , or reiecting them to follow the custome , & practise of particular churches wherein we liue ; otherwise ( saith a a epist. 86. he ) if we will dispute of these things , & contend one with another : orietur interminata luctatio , there will hence arise an endlesse strife . and his second admonition is , that for the establishing of our consciences in points of faith necessary to obtaine eternall life , we would follow our blessed sauiours commandement : search the scriptures , why ( b b in psal. 21. saith this deuout and learned father speaking to contentious christians ) doe we striue ? we are brethren . our father hath not dyed intestate : he hath made his last wil : he is dead , & risen againe . there is contention still about an inheritance as long as the testament is not made knowne , but when it is published in judgement all are silent to heare it . the iudge attentiuely listneth vnto it , the aduocats hold their peace : the cryers command silence , & the whole multitude present , stand in a suspence , that the words of a dead man lying in his graue without sense and life may be rehearsed . are the words of a dead man & interred , so powerfull & aualeable , and shall the testament of christ sitting in heauen be impugned ? open it , let vs read , we are brethren , why do we striue ? our father hath not left vs destitute of his last wil : he that made it liueth for euer ; he heareth our voice & acknowledgeth his owne voice . let vs reade , why contend we ? hauing found the inheritance let vs lay hold of it aperi , lege : open and read . of the ancient largenes of the greeke tongue . chap. 1. greece , as it was ancientlie knowen by the name of hellas , was inclosed betwixt the bay of ambracia , with the riuer arachthus , that falleth into it on the west , and the riuer peneneus on the north , strabo . l. 8. nō longè a principio . & the sea on other parts . so that acarnania and thessalie , were toward the continēt , the vtmost regions of greece . but yet , not the countreys onely contained within those limits , but also the kingdomes of macedon , and epirus ; being the next adioyning prouinces ( macedon toward the north , epirus toward the west ) had aunciently the greeke tongue for their vulgare language : for although it belonged originally to hellas alone , yet in time it became vulgare to these also . secondly , it was the language of all the isles in the aegaean sea ; of all those ilands i say , that are betwixt greece and asia , both , of the many small ones , that lie between candie and negropont , named cyclades ( there are of them 53. ) and of all aboue negropont also , as farre as the strait of constantinople . thirdly , of the isles of candie , scarpanto , rhodes , and a part of cyprus , and of all the small islands along the coast of asia , from candie to syria . fourthly , not only of al the west part of asia the lesse , ( now called anatolia , and corruptly natolia ) lying toward the aegaean sea , as being verie thicke planted with greeke colonies : sen●e . cōsol . ad helu . c. 6. pl●n . l. 5. c. 29. isocrat . in panegiric . long . post . med . lucian . in dialog . de amorib . nō longè . ab init. of which , some one , miletus by name , is registred by seneca , to haue bene the mother of 75. by plinie , of 80. cittyes ; but on the north side also toward the euxine sea , as farre ( saith isocrates ) as sinope , and on the south side respecting afrique , as farre ( saith lucian ) as the chelidonian isles , which are ouer against the cōfines of lycia with pamphylia . and yet although within these limits onely , greeke was generally spoken , on the maritime coast of asia , yet beyond them , on both the shoares eastward , were many greeke cities ( though not without barbarous cities among them . ) and specially i find the north coast of asia , euen as farre as trebizond , to haue bin exceedingly well stored with them . but , it may be further obserued likewise out of histories , that not onely al the maritime part of anatolia could vnderstand and speake the greeke tongue , but most of the inland people also , both by reason of the great traffique , which those rich countries had for the most part with grecians , and for that on all sides , the east onely excepted , they were inuironed with them . yet neuerthelesse , it is worthy obseruing , that albeit the greeke tongue preuailed so farre in the regions of anatolia , as to be in a manner generall , yet for all that , it neuer became vulgar , nor extinguished the vulgar languages of those coūtries . for it is not onely particularly obserued of the galatians , by hierome , hierō . in p●oem l. ● . com . epist. ad galat. strab. l. 14. that beside the greeke tongue , they had also their peculiar language , like that of trier : and of the carians by strabo , that in their language were found many greeke words , which doth manifestly import it to haue beene a seuerall tongue : but it is directly recorded by * * lib. citato lōg . post . med . et plin. l. 6. c. 1. strabo , ( out of ephorus ) that of sixteene seuerall nations , inhabiting that tract , onely three were grecians , and all the rest , ( whose names are there registred ) barbarous ; and yet are omitted the cappadocians , galatians , lydians , maeonians , cataonians , no smal prouinces of that region . euen as it is also obserued by plinie , and others , that the 22. languages , wherof mithridates king of pontus , plin. l. 7. c. 24. val. max. l. ● . c 7 gell. l. 17. c. 17. is remembred to haue bene so skilfull , as to speake them without an interpreter , were the languages of so many nations subiect to himselfe , whose dominion yet we know , to haue bene contained , for the greatest part , within anatolia . and , although all these bee euident testimonies , that the greeke tongue was not the vulgar or natiue language of those parts , yet , among all none is more effectuall , then that remembrance in the second chapter of the acts , act. 2.9 . & 1● . where diuers of those regions , as cappadocia , pontus , asia , phrygia , and pamphylia , are brought in for instances of differing languages . fiftly , of the greatest part of the maritime coast of thrace , not onely from hellespont to byzantium , ( which was * * dousa . i●in . constantinopolit . pag. 24. that part of constantinople , in the east corner of the citie , where the serraile of the great turke now standeth ) but aboue it , all along to the out-lets of danubius . and yet beyond them also ; i finde many greeke citties to haue beene planted along that coast , scylax carimand . in periple . iornand de reb. getic . c. 5 ( scylax of carianda is my author with some others ) as far as the strait of caffa , and specially in taurica . yea , and beyond that strait also eastward , along all the sea coast of circassia , and mengrelia , to the riuer of phasis , & thence compassing to trebizond , i finde mention of many scattered greeke cities : that is , ( to speake briefly ) in all the circumference of the euxine sea. sixtly , ( from the east and north to turne toward the west ) it was the language of al the west , and south ilands , that lie along the coast of greece , from candie to corfu , which also was one of them , and withall , of that fertile sicilie , in which one iland , i haue obserued in good histories , aboue 30. greeke colonies ; to haue beene planted , and some of them goodly cities , scrab l. 6. in medi● . specially agrigentum and syracusa , which later strabo hath recorded to haue beene 180. furlongs , that is , of our miles 22. and ½ in circuit . seuenthly , not onely of all the maritime coast of italy , that lyeth on the tyrrhene sea , from the riuer garigliano , ( liris it was formerly called ) to leucopetra , the most southerly point of italie , for all that shoare being neere about 240. miles , was inhabited with greeke colonies : and thence forward , of all that end of italie , that lieth towards the ionian sea , about the great baies of squilacci and taranto ( which was so thicke set with great and goodly citties of grecians , that it gained the name of magna graecia ) but , beyond that also , of a great part of apulia , lying towards the adriatique sea . neither did these maritime parts onely , but , as it seemeth the inland people also towards that end of italie , speake the greeke tongue . for i haue seene a few olde coines of the brutians , and more may be seene in goltzius hauing greeke inscriptions , wherein i obserue they are named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , goltz . in num●smat . magnae greciae tab. 24. with an ae , and two tt . and not as the romane writers terme them , brutij . and i haue seene one peece also of pandosia , an inlād citie of those parts , with the like . neither was the vulgare vse of the greeke tongue , vtterly extinct in some of those parts of italie , galat in descriptione callipolis . till of late : for galateus a learned man of that country , hath left written , that when he was a boy , ( and he liued about . 120. yeares agoe ) they spake greeke in callipollis a cittie on the east shore of the bay of taranto . but yet it continued in ecclesiasticall vse in some other parts of that region of italie much later : bar. lib. 5. de antiquit. calabriae . for gabriel barrius that liued but about 40. yeares since , hath left recorded , that the church of rossano ( an archiepiscopall cittie in the vpper calabria ) retained the greeke tongue and ceremony till his time , and then became latine . rocca tract . de dialectis in italica li●gua . nay , to descend yet a little neerer the present time , angelus rocca that writ but about 20. yeares agoe , hath obserued , that he found in some parts of calabria , and apulia , some remainders of the greeke speech to be still retained . eightly , and lastly , that shoare of fraunce , that lieth towards the mediterraine sea , from rodanus to italie , was possessed with grecians , for * * strab. l. 4. non long . a princip . thuscid . l 1. massilia was a colonie of the phoceans , and from it many other colonies were deriued , and * * strab. loco citato . plin. l. 3. c. 5. placed along that shore , as farre as nicaea , in the beginning of italie , which also was one of them . and yet beside all these forenamed , i could recken vp verie manie other dispersed colonies of the greekes both in europe , and asia , and some in afrique , for although i remember not , that i haue read in any history , any colonies of the grecians to haue beene planted in afrique , any where from the greater syrtis westward , except one in cirta , a cittie of numidia , placed there by micipsa the son of masinissa , as is mentioned in strabo : yet thence eastward it is certaine some were : strab. l. 17. for the great citties of cyrene , and alexandria , were both greeke . and it is euident , not onely in * * loco iam citato . ptolō . tab. 3. africae . mela. l. 1. c. 8. strabo and ptolemie , but in mela , and other latine writers , that most of the citties of that part carried greeke names . and lastly , hierome hath directly recorded , that libia , which is properly that part of afrique adioyning to aegypt , was full of greeke citties . these were the places , where the greeke tongue was natiuely and vulgarly spoken , hieroni● . loco supra citato . either originally , or by reason of colonies . but yet for other causes , it became much more large and generall . one was the loue of philosophie , and the liberall arts , written in a manner onely in greeke . another , the exceeding great trade and traffique of grecians , in which , aboue all nations , except perhaps the old phenicians ( to whom yet they seeme not to haue beene inferior ) they imployed themselues . a third , beyond all these , because those great princes , among whom al that alexander the great had conquered , was diuided , were grecians , which for manie reasons , could not but exceedingly spreade the greeke tongue , in all those parts where they were gouernors : among whom , euen one alone , seleucus by name , is registred by appian , to haue founded in the east parts vnder his gouernement , appian . l. de bel●s syriac . at least 60 citties , al of them carrying greeke names , or else named after his father , his wiues , or himselfe . and yet was there a fourth cause , that in the after time greatly furthered this inlargement of the greeke tongue , namely the imployment of grecians in the gouerment of the prouinces , after the translation of the imperiall seate to constantinople . for these causes i say , together with the mixture of greeke colonies , dispersed in many places ( in which fruitfulnesse of colonies , the grecians far passed the romanes ) the greeke tongue spred very farre , especially towards the east . in so much , that all the orient ( which yet must be vnderstoode with limitation , namely the orientall part of the romane empire , or to speake in the phrase of those times , the dioces of the orient , which contained syria , palestine , cilicia , and part of mesopotaneia and of arabia ) is said by hierome , hieror . bisuper . to haue spoken greeke : which also isidore , specially obserueth , in aegypt , and syria , to haue beene the dorique dialect . i●●dor . origin . l. 9 c. 1. and this great glory , the greeke tongue held in the apostles time , and long after , in the easterne parts , till by the inundation of the saracens of arabia , it came to ruine in those prouinces , about . 640 yeares after the birth of our sauiour , namely , in the time of the emperour heraclius ( the arabians bringing in their language together with their victories , into all the regions they subdued ) euen as the latine tongue is supposed to haue perished by the inundation and mixture of the gothes , and other barbarous nations in the west . of the decaying of the ancient greeke tongue , and of the present vulgar greeke . chap. 2. bvt at this day , the greeke tongue is very much decayed , not onely as touching the largenesse , and vulgarnesse of it , but also in the purenesse and elegancy of the language . for as touching the former , first , in italie , fraunce , and other places to the west , the naturall languages of the countries haue vsurped vpon it . secondly , in the skirts of greece it selfe , namely in epirus , and that part of macedon , that lieth towards the adriatique sea , the sclauonique tongue hath extinguished it . thirdly , in anatolia , the turkish tongue hath for a great part suppressed it . and lastly , in the more eastward , and south parts , as in that part of cilicia , that is beyond the riuer piramus , in siria , palestine , aegypt and libia , the arabian tongue hath abolished it : abolished it i say , namely , as touching any vulgar vse , for , as touching ecclesiasticall vse , many christians of those parts still retaine it in their leiturgies . so that , the parts in which the greeke tongue is spoken at this day , are ( in few words ) but these . first greece it selfe ( excepting epirus , and the west part of macedon . ) secondly , the isles of the aegaean sea . thirdly , candie , & the isles eastward of candie , along the coast of asia to cyprus ( although in cyprus , diuers other languages are spoken , beside the greeke ) and likewise the isles westward of candia , along the coastes of greece , and epirus , to corfu . and lastly , a good part of anatolia . but as i said , the greeke tongue , is not onely thus restrained , in comparison of the ancient extention that it had , but it is also much degenerated and impaired , as touching the purenesse of speech , being ouergrowne with barbarousnesse : but yet not without some rellish of the ancient elegancie . neither is it altogether so much declined from the antient greeke , bellon . obseruat . l. 1. c. 3 turcogroec . l. 3. & 5. as the italian is departed from the latine , as bellonius hath also obserued , and by conferring of diuers epistles of the present language , which you may finde in crusius his turcograecia , with the ancient tongue , may be put out of question , which corruption yet , certainely hath not befallen that language , through any inundation of barbarous people , as is supposed to haue altered the latine tongue , for although i know greece to haue beene ouerrunne , & wasted , by the gothes , yet i finde not in histories , any remembrance of their habitation , or long continuance in greece , & of their coalition into one people with the grecians , without which , i conceaue not , how the tongue could be greatly altered by them . and yet certaine it is , that long before the turkes came among them , their language was growne to the corruption wherein now it is , for that , in the writings of cedrenus , nicetas , and some other late greekes , ( although long before the turkes inuasion ) there is found , notwithstanding they were learned men , a strong rellish of this barbarousnesse : insomuch that the learned grecians themselues , ge●●ach . in epist . ad crusi●m . turcograe● . l. 7. pag. 489. acknowledge it to bee very ancient , and are vtterly ignorant , when it began in their language : which is to me a certaine argument , that it had no violent nor sodaine beginning , by the mixture of other forrain nations among thē , but hath gotten into their language , by the ordinarie change , which time and many common occasions that attend on time , are wont to bring to all languages in the world , for which reason , the corruption of speech growing vpon them , by little and little , the change hath beene vnsensible . yet it cannot be denied ( and * * ● zygomalos in epist. ad cius . turcog . pag. some of the grecians themselues confesse so much ) that beside many romane words , which from the translation of the imperiall seate to constantinople , began to creepe into their language , as we may obserue in diuers greeke writers of good antiquitie , some italian words also , and slauonian , and arabique , and turkish , and of other nations , are gotten into their language , by reason of the great traffique and commerce , which those people exercise with the grecians . for which cause , as bellonius hath obserued , bello● . obseruat . l. 1. c 3. it is more altered in the maritime parts , and such other places of foraigne concourse , then in the inner region . but yet , the greatest part of the corruption of that language , hath beene bred at home , and proceeded from no other cause , then their owne negligence , or affectation . as first , ( for example ) by mutilation of some words , pronouncing and writing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. vide crus . turcograec . pag. 44.224.242.391 398.399 . &c. secondly , by compaction of seuerall words into one , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. thirdly , by confusion of sounde , as making no difference in the pronouncing of three vowels , namely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and two dipthongues 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , all which fiue they pronounce by one letter i , a s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they pronounce icos , icon , stithi , lipi. fourthly , by translation of accents , from the syllables to which in ancient pronoūcing they belonged , to others . and all those foure kindes of corruption , are very common in their language : for which reasons , and for some others , which may bee obserued in crusius , burrana , burran . in coron . pretiosa . &c. the greeke tongue , is become much altered ( euen in the proper and natiue words of the language ) from what anciently it was . yet neuerthelesse it is recorded by some , that haue taken diligent obseruation of that tongue , gerlach . apud c●us . l. 7. turcograec . pag. 489. in the seuerall parts of greece , that there be yet in morea , ( peloponnesus ) betwixt napoli and monembasia ( nauplia and epidaurus they were called ) some 14 townes , the inhabitants where are called zacones ( for lacones ) that speake yet the ancient greeke tongue , but farre out of grammer rule : yet , they vnderstand those that speake grammaticallie , but vnderstand not the vulgar greeke . bellon . obseru . l. 2. c. 111. as bellonius likewise remembreth another place , neere heraclea in anatolia , that yet retaineth the pure greeke for their vulgar language . but the few places being excepted , it is certaine , that the difference is become so great , betwixt the present and the ancient greeke that their liturgie , * * burdouitz . in epist. ad chitrae . apud illū in lib de statu ecclesia● . pag. 47. which is yet read in the ancient greeke tongue , namely that of basil , on the sabbaths and solemne daies , and that of chrysostome on common daies , is not vnderstood ( or but little of it ) by the vulgar people , as learned men that haue beene in those parts , haue related to * * vid. chitrae . loc . citato , & turcograec . crusij . pag. 327. & 415. &c. others , and to my selfe : which may be also more euidently prooued to bee true by this , because the skilfull in the learned greeke , cannot vnderstand the vulgar . of the ancient largenesse of the roman tongue in the time of the roman empire . chap. iii. the ordinary bounds of the romane empire were , on the east part euphrates , and sometimes tigris : on the north the riuers of rhene & of danubius , and the euxine sea : on the west the ocean : on the south the cataracts of nilus , in the vtmost border of aegypt , and in afrique the mountaine atlas . which , beginning in the west , on the shoare of the ocean , ouer against the canarie ilands , runneth eastward almost to aegypt , being in few places distant from the mediterrane sea , more then 200 miles . these i say , were the ordinary bounds of that empire in the continent : for , although the romanes passed these bounds sometimes , specially toward the east and north , yet they kept little of what they wan , but within those bounds mentioned , the empire was firmely established . but heere , in our great isle of britaine , the pictes wall was the limit of it , passing by newcastle , and carleil , from tinmouth on the east sea , to solway frith on the west , being * * spartian . in hadriano & in seuero . first begunne by the emperour adrian , and after finished or rather repaired , by septimius seuerus . to this greatnesse of dominion , rome at last arriued from her small beginnings . and small her beginnings were indeed , considering the huge dominion to which she attained . for first , the circuit of the cittie wall , at the first building of it , by romulus in mount palatine , could not be fully one mile : for the hill it selfe , as is obserued by andrea fuluio , and ▪ fulu . l. 2. antiq. rom. ca. 3. a citizen and antiquarie of rome , hath no more in circuite : and , that romulus bounded the pomerium of the citie ( which extended somewhat beyond the wall ) with the foot of that hill in compasse gellius hath left registred . gell. l. 13. c. 14. strab. l. 1. secondly the territorie and liberties of rome , as strabo hath remembred , extended at the first , where it stretched farthest scarse six miles from the citie . and thirdly , the first inhabitants of rome , as i finde recorded in dionysius of halicarnassus , dionys hal. l. 2. antiq. romanar . were not in number aboue 3300 , at the most . yet , with time , and fortunate successe , vopisc . in aureliano , rome so increased , that in aurelianus his time , the circuit of the citie wall , was 50. miles , as vopiscus hath recorded : and the dominion , grew to the largenesse aboue mentioned , containing about 3000 miles in length , and about 1200 in breadth : and lastly the number of free cittizens , euen in the time of marius , that is long before forraine citties and countries , beganne to be receiued into participation of that freedome , was found to be 463000. as eusebius hath remembred : euseb. in chronico . ad olymp. 174. of free cittizens i say , ( for they onely came into cense ) but if i should adde , their wiues , and children , and seruants , that is , generally all the inhabitants , * * lipsius de magni● . romana . l. 3. c. 3. a learned man hath esteemed them , and not without great likelihood of truth , to haue beene no lesse , then 3. or 4. millions . beyond these bounds therefore of the romane empire , ( to speake to the point in hand ) the roman tongue could not be in any common vse , as neither , to speake of our kings dominions , in ireland , scotland , nor northumberland , as being no subiects of the romane empire . and that within these bounds , it stretched farre and wide , ( in such maner as i will afterward declare ) two principall causes there were . one was , the multitude of colonies , which partly to represse rebellion in the subdued prouinces , partly to resist forrain inuasions , partly to reward the ancient soldiers , partly to abate the redundance of the city , & relieue the poorer sort , were sent foorth to inhabite in all the prouinces of the empire : another , was the donation of roman freedome , or communication of the right and benefit of romane citizens , to very many of the prouinciall , both cities , and regions . for first , all italie obtained that freedome in the time of sylla and marius , appian . l. 1. ciuil longe ante med . at the compounding of the italian war , as appian hath recorded : all italie i say , as then it was called , and bounded , with the riuers of rubicon and arnus , that is , the narrower part of italie , lying betwixt the adriatique and the tyrrhene seas . secondly iulius caesar in like sort infranchized the rest of italie , that is the broder part , named then gallia cisalpina , as is remembred by dion . dion . l. 41. but not long after , the forraine prouinces also , began to be infranchized , fraunce being indued with the libertie of roman citizens by galba , as i find in tacitus ; ta cit . l. 1. historia● . plin. l. 3. ca. 3. spaigne by vespasian , as it is in plinie . and at last , by antonius pius , all without exception , that were subiect to the empire of rome , as appeareth by the testimonie of vlpian in the digests . digest . l. 1. tit de statu hominum leg. in orbe romano . the benefite of which romane freedome , they that would vse , could not with honestie doe it , remaining ignorant of the romane tongue . these two as i haue said , were the principall causes of inlarging that language : yet other there were also , of great importance , to further it . for first , concerning ambassages , suites , appeals , or whatsoeuer other businesse of the prouincials , or forraines , nothing was allowed to be handled , or spoken in the senate at rome , but in the latine tongue . secondly , the lawes whereby the prouinces were gouerned , were all written in that language , as being in all of them , excepting onely municipall cities , the ordinarie roman law . thirdly , the * * digest . l. 42 tit. de re iudicata . leg. decret . praetors of the prouinces , were not allowed to deliuer their iudgements saue in that language : and we read in dion cassius , of a principall man of greece , that by claudius was put from the order of iudges , dion . l. 57. val. maxim. l. 2 c. 2. for being ignorant of the latine tongue : and to the same effect in valerius maximus , that the romane magistrates would not giue audience to the grecians , ( lesse therefore i take it to the barbarous nations ) saue in the latine tongue . fourthly the generall schooles , erected in sundry cities of the prouinces , wherof we finde mention in tacitus , tacit. l. 3. annal. heron. in ●p st . ad rusticum . tom. 1. hierome , and others ( in which the roman tongue was the ordinary and allowed speech , as is vsuall in vniuersities till this day ) was no small furtherance to that language . and , to conclude that the romans had generally ( at least in the after times , when rome was become a monarchy , and in the flourish of the empire ) great care to inlarge their tongue , together with their dominion , is by augustine in his bookes de ciuitate dei , august . de ciuit. de● . lib. 19. c. 7. specially remembred . i said it was so in the after times , for certainly , that the romanes were not very anciently , possessed with that humour of spreading their language , appeareth by liuie , in whom we finde recorded , that it was granted the cumanes , liu. histor. rom. l. 4● for a fauour , and at their suite , that they might publiquely vse the romane tongue , not fully 140 yeares before the beginning of the emperours : and yet was cuma but about 100 miles distant from rome , and at that time the romanes had conquered all italie , sicilie , sardinia , and a great part of spaine . but yet in all the prouinces of the empire , the romane tongue found not alike acceptance , and successe , but most inlarged and spread it selfe toward the north , and west , and south bounds , for first , that in al the regions of pannonia it was known velleius is mine author : vellei . lib. 2. strab. lib. 3. & 4. secondly , that it was spoken in fraunce and spaine , strabo : thirdly , that in afrique , apulei in floridis . apuleius ▪ and it seemeth the sermons of cyprian , and augustine , yet extant , ( of augustine it is manifest ) that they preached to the people in latin . but in the east parts of the empire , as in greece , and asia , and so likewise in afrique , from the greater syrtis eastward , i cannot in my reading finde that the roman tongue euer grew into any common vse . and the reason of it seemes to be , for that in those parts of the empire it became most frequent , where the most , and greatest roman colonies , were planted . and therefore ouer all italy , it became in a maner vulgar , wherin i haue obserued in histories , and in registers of ancient inscriptions , to haue beene planted by the romanes at seuerall times aboue 150 colonies : as in afrique also nere 60 , ( namely 57 ) in spaine 29. in fraunce , as it stretched to rhene 26 , and so in illyricum , and other north parts of the empire , betweene the adriatique sea , and danubius verie manie . and yet i doubt not , but in all these parts , more there were , then any historie or ancient inscription that now remaines hath remembred . and contrariewise in those countries , where fewest colonies were planted , the latine tongue grew nothing so common : as for example heere in britaine , there were but foure : those were 1 1 eboracum yorke , 2 2 debuna . chester , 3 3 is●a . ca●rusk in monmouth-shire , and 4 4 camalodunum . maldon in essex ( for london , although recorded for one by onuphrius , onuphr . in imper. rom. was none , as is manifest by his owne * * tacit. l. 14. annal. author , in the place that himselfe alleageth ) and therefore we finde in the british tongue which yet remaineth in wales , but little rellish ( to account of ) or reliques of the latine . and , for this cause also partly , the east prouinces of the empire , sauoured little or nothing of the roman tongue . for first in afrique beyond the greater syrtis , i find neuer a roman colonie : for onuphrius , onuphr . lib. iam citato . that hath recorded * * vide digest . l. 50. tit. de censibus leg. s●●endum . indicia cyrenensium for one , alleaging vlpian for author , was deceiued by some faultie copie of the digests . for the corrected copies haue zernensium , and for indicia , is to be read in dacia , as is rightly obserued ( for in it the citie of zerne was ) by pancirellus . secondly in aegypt , there were but two : pancirell . id comment . notit . imper orien●alis cap. 138 ▪ and to be briefe , syria , onely excepted , which had about 20 romane colonies , but most of them late planted , especially by septimius seuerus , and his sonne bassianus , to strengthen that side of the empire against the parthians ( and yet i find not that in syria , the romane tongue , euer obtained any vulgar vse ) the rest , had but verie few , in proportion to the largenesse of those regions . of which little estimation , and vse of the roman tongue , in the east parts , beside the want of colonies forementioned , and to omit their loue to their owne languages , which they held to be more ciuill then the roman , another great cause was the greek , which they had in farre greater account , both , for learning sake ( insomuch that cicero confesseth , graeca ( saith he ) leguntur in omnibus fere gentibus , cicer. in 〈◊〉 pro archi● poeta . latina suis finibus , exiguis sane , continentur ) and for traffique , to both which , the graecians , aboue all nations of the world were anciently giuen : to omit , both the excellēcy of the tongue it self , for soūd & copiousnes , & that it had forestalled the roman in those parts . and certainly , in how little regard , the romā tong was had in respect of the greeke , in the easterne countries , may appeare by this , that all the learned men of those parts , whereof most liued in the flourish of the romane empire , haue written in greeke , and not in latine : as philo , iosephus , ignatius , iustine martyr , clemens alexandrinus , origen , eusebius , athanasius , basil , gregorie nyssene , and nazianzene , cirill of alexandria , and of ierusalem , epiphanius , synetius , ptolemie strabo , porphyrie , & verie many others , so that of all the writers that liued in asia , or in afrique , beyond the greater syrtis , i thinke wee haue not one author in the latine tongue : and yet more euidently , may it appeare by another instance , that i finde in the third generall counsell held at ephesus , consil. ephesi● . tom. 2 cap 13. edit . bin. where the letters of the bishop of rome , hauing beene read by his legates , in the latine tongue , it was requested by all the bishops , that they might bee translated into greeke , to the end they might be vnderstood . it is manifest therefore , that the romane tongue was neither vulgar , nor familiar in the east , when the learned men gathered out of all parts of the east vnderstood it not . that the romane tongue abolished not the vulgar languages , in the foraine prouinces of the romane empire . chap. iiii. of the weake impression therefore of the romane language in the east , and large intertainement of it in the west , and other parts of the empire , and of the causes of both , i haue said enough . but in what sort , galat. de situ 〈◊〉 98. and how farre it preuailed , namely , whether so farre , as to extinguish the ancient vulgar languages of those parts , and it selfe , in stead of them , to become the natiue and vulgar tongue , as galateus hath pronounced touching the punique , v●r l. 3 de trad●n● discipl●n & ad august de cauit . deid . 19. ● . ● . and viues with many others of the gallique , and spanish , i am next to consider . first therefore , it is certainely obserued , that there are at this day , foureteene mother tongues in europe ( beside the latine ) which remaine , not onely not abolished , but little or nothing altered , or impaired by the romanes . and those are the 1 irish , spoken in ireland , and a good part of scotland : the 2 brittish , in wales , cornewaile , and brittaine of fraunce : the 3 cantabrian neere the ocean , 3 3 scaligan diatrib de ling europ●● . about the pyrene , hils , both in fraunce & spaine : the 4 arabique , 4 4 merul. cosm part . 2. l , 2. c. 8. in the steepie mountaines of granata , named alpuxarras : the 5 finnique , 5 5 scalig. loco . citato . in finland , and lapland : the 6 dutch , in germanie , belgia , denmarke , norwey , and suedia : the old 7 cauchian , ( i take it to be that , for in that part the cauchi inhabited ) in east frisland , for * * ortel . in tab. fris. oriental . although to straungers they speake dutch , yet among themselues they vse a peculiar language of their owne : the 8 slauonish , in polonia , bohemia , moscouia , russia , and many other regions , ( wherof i will after intreate in due place ) although with notable difference of dialect , as also the brittish , and dutch , in the countries mentioned haue : the old 9 illyrian , in the isle of veggia , on the east side of istria in the day of liburnia : the 10 greeke , in greece , and the islands about it , and part of macedon , and of thrace : the old 11 epirotique * * scalig. loco citato . in the mountaine of epirus : the 12 hungarian in the greatest part of that kingdome : the 13 iazygian , 13 13 bert. in descript . hungar . in the north side of hungaria betwixt danubius & tibiscus , vtterly differing from the hungarian language : and lastly , the 14 tarturian , of the precopenses , betweene the riuers of tanais and borysthenes , neere maeotis and the euxine sea , for , of the english , italian , spanish , and french , as being deriuations , or rather degenerations , the first of the dutch , and the other three of the latine , seeing i now speake onely of originall or mother languages , i must bee silent : and of all these foureteene it is certaine , except the arabique , which is known to haue entred since , and perhaps the hungarian , about which there is difference among antiquaries , that they were in europe in time of the romane empire , and sixe or seuen of them , within the limites of the empire . and indeede , how hard a matter it is , vtterly to abolish a vulgar language , in a populous country , where the conquerers are in number farre inferiour to the natiue inhabitants , whatsoeuer art bee practized to bring it about , may well appeare by the vaine attempt of our norman conquerour : who although he compelled the english , to teach their young children in the schooles nothing but french , and set downe all the lawes of the land in french , and inforced all pleadings at the law to be performed in that language ( which custome continued till king edward the third his daies , who disanulled it ) purposing thereby to haue conquered the language together with the land , and to haue made all french : yet , the number of english farre exceeding the normans , all was but labour lost , and obtained no further effect , then the mingling of a few french words with the english. and euen such also was the successe of the franks among the gaules , of the gothes among the italians and spanyards , and may be obserued , to be short in all such conquests , where the conquerors ( being yet in number farre inferiour ) mingle themselues with the natiue inhabitants . so that , in those coūtries onely the mutation of languages hath ensued vpon conquests , where either the ancient inhabitants haue beene destroyed or driuen forth , as wee see in our country to haue followed of the saxons victories , against the brittains , or else at least in such sort diminished , that in number they remained inferior , or but little superior to the conquerors , whose reputation and authority might preuaile more then a small excesse of multitude . but ( that i digresse no further ) because certaine countries are specially alleaged , in which the romaine tongue is supposed most to haue preuailed , i will restraine my discourse to them alone . and first , that both the punique and gallique tongues , remained in the time of alexander seuerus the emperour ( about 230 yeares after our sauiours birth ) appeareth by vlpian , who liued at that time , and was with the emperour of principall reputation , teaching , that * * digest . l. 32. lege . fidei commissa . fidei commissa might be left , not onely in latine , or greeke , but in the punique or gallique , or any other vulgar language . till that time therefore , it seemeth euident , that the romane tongue had not swallowed vp these vulgar languages , and it selfe become vulgar in stead of them . but to insist a little in either seuerally . first , touching the punique , aurelius , victor hath recorded of septimius seuerus , aur. victor in epitom . sep ●m . seuer . that he was , latinis literis sufficienter instructus , but punica eloquentia promptior , quippe genitus apud leptim prouintiae africae . of which emperors sister also , dwelling at leptis ( it is the cittie we now call tripolie in barbarie ) and comming to see him , spartian ▪ in seuero . post m●d . spartianus hath left written , that she so badly spake the latine tongue , ( yet was * * antonin in itinerario . hieron . in proem . l. 2. com. epist. ad galat●n fine . leptis a roman colonie ) that the emperour blushed at it . secondly long after that , hierome hath recorded of his time , that the africans had somewhat altered their lanuage , from the phaenicians : the language therefore then remained , for else how could he pronounce of the present difference ? thirdly , augustine ( somewhat yonger then hierom , though liuing at the same time ) writeth , not onely , that * * august . de c●u . dei. l. 16. c. 6. hee knew diuerse nations in afrique , that spake the punique tongue , but also more particularly in * * id. serm. 25. de verb. apost another place , mentioning a knowne punique prouerb , he would speake it ( he said ) in the latine , because all his auditors ( for hippo where he preached was a roman colonie ) vnderstood not the punique tongue : and some * * id. expos. in chrat . epist ad roman . other passages could i alleage out of augustine , for the direct confirmation of this point , if these were not euident and effectuall enough . lastly , leo africanus , leo 1. africa , lt. descript . africae . cap. de ling. africanis . a man of late time , and good reputation , affirmeth that there remaine yet in barbarie , very many , descended of the old inhabitants , that speake the african tongue , whereby it is apparent , that it was neuer extinguished by the romanes . secondly , touching the ancient gallique tongue , that it also remained , and was not abolished by the romane in the time of strabo , who flourished vnder tiberius caesars gouernment , it appeareth in the fourth booke of his geographie , s●rab . l 4. ●● princip . writing that the aquitani differed altogether in language from the other gaules , and they somewhat among themselues . nor after that in tacitus his time , tacit. in 〈◊〉 agricola . noting that the language of fraunce , differed little from that of brittaine . no , nor long after that , in alexander seuerus his time , for beside the authority of vlpian before alleaged out of the digestes , it is manifest by lampridius also , lamprid. in alexand. seuero , longe post med . who in the life of the said alexander , remembreth of a druide woman , that when hee was passing along , in his expedition against the germaines , through fraunce , cried out after him in the gallique tong ( what needed that obseruation of the gallique tongue , if it were the romane ? ) goe thy way ( quoth she ) and looke not for the victory , strab. l. 4. l●●●ante med . & trust not thy souldiers . and though strabo he alleadged by some , to prooue the vulgarnesse of the latine tongue in fraunce , yet is it manifest , that he speaketh nof of all the gaules , but of certaine onely , in the prouince of narbona , about rhodanus , for which part of fraunce , there was speciall reason , both for the more auncient and ordinarie conuersing of the romanes , in that region aboue all the rest : for of all the seuenteene prouinces of fraunce , that of narbona was first reduced into the forme of a prouince : and the cittie of narbona it selfe , being a mart town of exceeding traffique in those daies , was the * * vel. pa●●●cul l. ● . first foraine colonie , that the romanes planted out of italie , carthage onely excepted : and yet furthermore , as plinie hath recorded , many townes there were in that prouince , plin. l. 3. c. 4. infranchized , and indued with the libertie and right of the latins . and yet for all this , strabo saith not , that the romane tongue was the n●●iue or vulgar language in that part , but that for the more part they spake it . thirdly , concerning the spanish tongue : howsoeuer viues writ , that the languages of fraunce and spaine were vtterly extinguished by the romanes , and that the latine was become * * vid. annot. ad august . de . ●●● de● . l. 19. c. 7. vernacula hispani● , as also galliae & italiae ; and * * ●d l. 3. de tradend . dis●●p . some others , of the same nation vaunt , that had not the barbarous nations corrupted it , the latine tongue would haue beene at this day , as pure in spaine , as it was in rome it selfe in tullies time : yet neuerthelesse , manifest it is , that the spanish tongue was neuer vtterly suppressed by the latine . for to omit that of strabo , * * marm. s●●●l . de reb. hispaniaed . 5. c. 4. that there were diuerse languages in the parts of spaine , as also in * * strab. l. 3. paul . a principio . id l. 4. in princip . another place , that the speech of aquitaine was liker the language of the spaniards , then of the other gaules : it is a common consent of the best historians , and antiquaries of spaine , * * marian de reb. hispan . l. 1. c. 5. marm●punc ; s●cul . de reb . hispan l 4 c●l●m . & al●b . that the cantabrian tongue , which yet remaineth in the north part of spaine ( and hath no rellish in a manner at all of the roman ) was either the ancient , or at least one of the ancient languages , of spaine . and although * * strab. l. 3. c. 1 strabo hath recorded , that the romane tongue was spoken in spaine , yet he speaketh not indefinitely , but addeth a limitation , namely , about baetis . and that in that part of spaine , the romane tongue so preuailed , the reason is easie to be assigned , by that we finde in plinie . plin. 3. c. ● . ve●● 〈◊〉 l. 2. namely , that in baetica , were eight roman colonies , eight municipall citties , and 29 others indued with the right and libertie of the latines . lastly , to speake of the pannonian tongue , ( pannonia contained hungarie , austria , stiria , and carinthia ) it is certaine , that the romane did not extinguish it : for first , patercu●us ( who is the onely author that i know alleadged for that purpose ) saith not , that it was become the language of the country , for how could it , being but euen then newly conquered by tiberius caesar ? but onely , that in the time of augustus , by tiberius his meanes the knowledge of the roman tongue was spred in all pannonia . and secondly , tacitus after tiberius his time , ta●● d●●●o●i● , germ. prope fin . hath recorded , that the osi in germanie , might be knowne to be no germanes , by the pannonian tongue , which * * lib. cod . ●●ruma med . a little before in the same booke , he plainely acknowledged to be spoken euen then in pannonia . and as for these reasons it may well seeme that the roman tongue became not the vulgar language in any of these parts of the empire , which yet are specially instanced , for the large vulgarity of it so haue i other reasons to perswade mee , that it was not in those parts , nor in any other forraine countries subiect to the empire , either generally or perfectly spoken . not generally ( i say ) because it is hard to conceaue , that any whole countries , specially because so large as the mentioned are , should generally speake two languages , their owne natiue and the romane . secondly , there was not anie law at all of the romanes , to inforce the subdued nations , either to vse vulgarly the roman tongue , or not to vse their owne natiue languages ( and very extreame and vnreasonable , had such lords bene , as should compell men by lawes , both to do , and to speak , only what pleased them . ) neither doe i see any other necessitie , or any prouocation , to bring them to it , except for some speciall sorts of men , as merchants , and cittizens , for their better traffique and trade , lawyers for the knowledge and practise of the roman lawes , which carried force throughout the empire ( except priuiledged places ) scholers for learning , souldiers , for their better conuersing with the romane legions , and with the latines , trauailers , gentlemen , officers , or such other , as might haue occasion of affaires and dealing with the romans . but it soundeth altogether vnlike a truth , that the poore scattered people , abroade in the country , dwelling either in solitarie places , or in the small townes , and villages , either generally spake it , or could possibly attaine vnto it . an example wherof , for the better euidence , may at this day be noted ; in those parts of greece , which are subiect to the dominions of the turks and venetians : for as bellonius hath obserued , the people that dwell in the principall townes , bellon . obs●runt . l. 1. c. 4. and cities , subiect to the turke , by reason of their trade , speake both the greeke and turkish tongues , as they also that are vnder the venetians , both the greeke and italian , but the country people vnder both gouernments , speake onely greeke . so likewise in sardinia , as is recorded by * * g●sner . in mithrid●ts . in lingua sardi● & rocca de dialect in l●ng . sard●● . others , the good townes by reason of the spanish gouernment and trade , speake also the spanish tongue , but the country people the naturall sardinian language onely : and , the like by our owne experience , we know to be true , in the prouinces subiect to our king , namelie both in wales and ireland . it seemeth therefore that the roman tongue was neuer generally spoken in any of the roman prouinces forth of italie . and certainely much lesse can i perswade my selfe , porcac●● . l. dello isole●●●d described sardigna . that it was spoken abroad in the prouinces perfectly . first , because it seemes vnpossible for forraine nations , speciallie for the rude & common people , to attaine the right pronouncing of it , who as we know doe ordinarily much mistake the true pronouncing of their natiue language : for which very cause , we see the chaldee tongue , to haue degenerated into the syriaque among the iewes , although they had conuersed 70 yeares together among the chaldeans . and moreouer , by daily experience we see in many , with what labour and difficultie , euen in the very schooles , and in the most docible part of their age , vide august . in enarrat . psalm . 123. & 138. & l. ● . de doctrin . chris. c. 13. & tract . 7. in ioan. the right speaking of the latine tongue is attained . and to conclude , it appeareth by augustine in sundry places , that the roman tongue was vnperfect among the africans , ( euen in the colonies ) as pronouncing ossum for os , floriet for florebit , dolus for dolor , and such like , insomuch that he confesseth , he was faine sometimes to vse words that were no latine , to the end they might vnderstand him . of the beginnig of the italian , french and spanish languages . chap. v. the common opinion , which supposeth that these nations in the flourish of the romane empire , spake vulgarly and rightly the latine tongue , is , that the mixture of the northerne barbarous nations among the ancient inhabitants , was the cause of changing the latine tongue , into the languages which now they speak , the languages becomming mingled , as the nations themselues were . who , while they were inforced to attemper and frame their speech , one to the vnderstanding of another , for else they could not mutually expresse their mindes ( which is the end for which nature hath giuen speech to men ) they degenerated both , and so came to this medly wherein now we finde them . which opinion if it were true , the italian tongue must of necessitie haue it beginning about the 480 yeare of our sauiour : because , at that time , the barbarous nations began first to inhabite italie , vnder odoacer , for although they had entred and wasted italie long before , as first , the gothes vnder alaricus , about the yeare 414 : then the hunnes together with the gothes , and the herula , and the gepidi , and other northerne people vnder attila , about an. 450 , then , the wandales vnder gensericus , crossing the sea out of afrique about an. 456. ( to omit some other inuations of those barbarous nations , because they prospered not ) yet none of these , setled themselues to stay and inhabite italie , till the heruli as i sayd vnder odoacer , about an. 480 on a little before , entred and possessed it neere hand 20 yeares , he being ( proclaymed by the romans themselues ) king of italie , about 16 yeares , and his people becomming inhabiters of the country . but , they also , within 20 yeares after their entrance , were in a maner rooted out of italie , by theodoricus king of gothes , who allotted them onely a part of piemont aboue turin to inhabite : for theodoricus being by zeno then emperour , inuested with the title of king of italie , and hauing ouercome odoacer , somewhat afore the yeare 500 , ruled peaceably a long time , as king of italie , and certaine others of the gothes nation succeeded after him in the same gouernement , the gothes in the meane space , growing into one with the italians , for the space neere hand of 60. yeares togither . and although after that , the dominion of italie , was by narses againe recouered to the empire , in the time of iustinian , and many of the gothes expelled italie , yet farre more of them remained , italie in that long time , being growen well with their seed and posteritie . the heruli therefore , with their associats were the first , and the gothes the second , of the barbarous nations , that inhabited italie . the third and the last , were the langbards , who comming into italie about the yeare 570 , and long time obtaining the dominion , and possession , in a maner of all italie , namely about 200 yeares , and during the succession of 20 kings or more , were neuer expelled forth of italie , although at last their dominion was sore broken by pipin king of fraunce , and after , more defaced , by his sonne charles the great , who first restrained and confined it , to that part , which to this day , of them retayneth the name of lombardie , and shortly after vtterly extinguished it , carrying away their last king captiue into fraunce . now although diuers * * blond in ital. illustrata in marchia triuisana . antiquaries of italie there be , which referre the beginning of the italian tongue , and the change of the latine into it , to these third inhabitants of italie the langbards , tinto della nobilta . diuerona . l. 2. ca. 2. & alij . by reason of their long and perfect coalition into one with the italian people : yet certainly , the italian tongue was more ancient then so , for besides that there remains yet to be seen ( as mē * * lips. de pronuntiat ling. lat . cap. 3. & merul. par . 2. cosmogr . l. 4. c. 18. worthie of credit report ) in the k. of fraunce his librarie at paris , an instrument written in the italian tongue , in the time of iustinian the first , which was before the comming of the langbards into italie : another euidence more vulgar , to this effect , is to be found in paulus diaconus his miscellane history : paul diacon . hist. miscel. l. 17. longe ante med . where we read , that in the emperour mauritius his time , about the yeare 590 , when the langbards had indeed entred , and wasted gallia cisalpina , but had not inuaded the roman dition in italie , that by the acclamation of the word torna , torna , ( plaine italian ) which a roman souldier spake to one of his fellowes afore , whose beast had ouerturned his burthen ) the whole armie ( marching in the darke ) began to crie out , torna , torna , and so fell to flying away . but the french tongue , if that afore mentioned were the cause of it , began a little before , in the time of valentinian the 3 , when in a maner , all the west part of the empire fell away , ( and among the rest , our country of england , being first forsaken of the romans themselues , by reason of grieuous warres at their owne doores , and not long after , conquered and possessed by the saxons , whose posteritie for the most part we are ) namely , about the yeare 450 : fraunce being then subdued , and peaceably possessed , by the franks and burgundions nations of germanie : the burgundions occupying the eastward and outward parts of it , toward the riuer of rhene , and the franks all the inner region . for although fraunce before that had beene inuaded by the wandali , sueui , and alani , and after by the gothes , who hauing obtained aquitayn for their seate and habitation , by the grant of the emperor honorius , expelled the former into spaine about an. 410 : yet notwithstanding , till the conquest made by the franks and burgundions , it was not generally , nor for any long time mingled with strangers , which after that conquest beganne to spread ouer fraunce , and to become natiue inhabitants of the country . but of all , the spanish tongue for this cause , must necessarilie be most ancient : for the wandali & alani , being expelled fraunce , about the yeare 410 , began then to inuade and to inhabite spaine which they held & possessed many yeares , till the gothes being expelled by the franks and burgundians , out of france into spaine , expelled them out of spaine into afrique ( the barbarous nations thus like nailes driuing out one another ) and not onely them , but with them all the remnants of the roman garrisons , and gouernment , and so becomming the entier lords and quiet possessours of all the country , from whom also the kings of spaine that now are , be descended . notwithstanding , euen they also , within lesse then 300 yeares after , were driuen by the saracens of afrique into the northerne and mountainous parts of spaine , namely asturia , biscay , and guipuscoa , till after a long course of time , by little and little they recouered it , out of their hands againe , which was at last fully accomplished by ferdinand not past 120 yeares ago , there hauing passed in the meane time , from the mores first entrance of spaine at gibraltar , till their laft possession in granada , about 770 yeares . whereby you may see also , when the romane tongue began to degenerate in afrique , ( if that also , as is supposed spake vulgarly the latine tongue and if the mixture of barbarous people were cause of the decay , & corruption of it ) namely , about the yeare 430 , for about that time , the wandali and alani , partly wearied with the gottish warre in spaine , and partly inuited by the gouernour bonifacius , entred afrique , vnder the leading of gensericus , a part whereof for a time , they held quietly , for the emperour valentinianus guift : but shortly after , in the same emperours time , when all the west prouinces in a maner fell vtterly away from the empire , they also tooke carthage ; and all the pronince about it , from the romanes . and although the dominion of afrique was regained by bellisarius to the empire almost 100 yeares after , in iustinians time , yet in the time of the emperour leontius , ( almost 700 yeares after our sauiours birth ) it was lost againe , being anew conquered , and possessed by the sarracens of arabia ( and to this day remaineth in their hands ) bringing together with their victories , the language also , and religion , ( mahumetanisme ) into all that coast of afrique , euen from aegypt to the strait of gibraltar , aboue 2000 miles in length . about which time also , namely during the gouernment of valentinian the 3. bulgaria , seruia , boscina , hungarie , austria , stiria , carinthia , bauaria and sueuia ( that is , all the north-border of the empire , along the riuer danubius ) and some part of thrace , was spoiled and possessed by the hunnes , who yet principally planted themselues in the lower pannonia , whence it obtained the name of hungarie . out of which discourse you may obserue these two points . first , what the countries were , in which those wandring and warring nations after many transmigrations from place to place , fixed at last their finall residence and habitation . namely the hunnes in pannonia , the wandales in afrique , the east gothes and langbards in italie the west gothes in aquitaine and spaine , which being both originally but one nation , gained these names of east and west gothes , from the position of these countries which they conquered and inhabited , the other barbarous nations of obscurer names , being partly consumed with the warre , and partly passing into the more famous appellations . and secondly , you may obserue , that the maine dissolution of the empire , especially in europe and afrique , fell in the time of valentinian the third about the yeare 450. being caused by the barbarous nations of the north ( as after did the like dissolution of the same empire in asia , by the arabians in the time of heraclius about the yeare 640 ) and together with the ruine of the empire in the west by the inundation of the foresaid barbarous natitions , the latine tongue in all the countries where it was vulgarly spoken ( if it were rightly spoken any where in the west ) became corrupted . wherefore if the spanish , french and italian tongues , proceeded from this cause , as a great number of learned men , suppose they did , you see what the antiquity of them is ; but to deliuer plainly my opinion , hauing searched as farre as i could , into the originals of those languages , and hauing pondered what in my reading , and in my reason i found touching them , i am of another minde ( as some learned men also are ) namely , that all those tongues are more auncient , and haue not sprung from the corruption of the latine tongue , by the inundation and mixture of barbarous people in these prouinces , but from the first vnperfect impression and receauing of it , in those forraine countries . which vnperfectnesse notwithstāding of the roman tongue in those parts , although it had , as i take it beginning from this euill framing of forraine tongues , to the right pronouncing of the latine , yet i withall easily beleeue , and acknowledge , that it was greatly increased , by the mixture and coalition of the barbarous nations . so that me thinkes , i haue obserued three degrees of corruption in the roman tongue , by the degenerating whereof , these languages are supposed to haue receaued their beginning . the first of them , was in rome it selfe , where , towards the latter end of the common wealth , and after , in the time of the empire , the infinite multitude of seruants ( which exceedingly exceeded the number of free borne citizens ) together with the vnspeakeable confluence of straungers , from all prouinces , did much impaire the purenesse of their language , and as isidore hath obserued brought manie barbarismes and solaecismes into it . insomuch , that tertullian in his time , isidor . origin . l. 9. c. 1. tertul. in apologet . adu . gentes cap. 6. when as yet none of the barbarous nations had by inuasion touched italie ( for he liued vnder septimius seuerus gouernment ) chargeth the romanes to haue renounced the language of their fathers . the second steppe , was the vnperfect impression ( that i touched before ) made of the romane tongue abroad in the forraine prouinces among straungers , whose tongues could not perfectly frame to speake it aright . and certainely , if the italians themselues , as is remembred by cicero failed of the right and perfect romane pronounciation , cicer. l. 3 de oratore . i see not how the tongues of strange nations , such as the gaules and spanyards were , should exactly vtter it . and the third , was that mixture of manie barbarous people ( to which others attribute the beginning of the languages in question ) which made the latine , that was before vnperfect , yet more corrupt then they found it , both for words and for pronouncing : so that , i rather thinke the barbarous people to haue beene a cause of increasing the corruption , and of further alteration and departure of those languages from the romane , then of beginning them . and me thinkes i haue very good reasons so to bee perswaded beeside all the arguments abou● mentioned , which i produced , both for the remaining of the vulgar languages and for the vnperfect speaking of the romane tongue in the prouinces . first , because the gothes wandales , langbards , as also the franks and bargundions language was , by the consent of * * irenic . exeg . german . l. 1. ca. 31. lacing . l. 10. de migration . gent. gorop . origin . antwerp . l. 7. gesner . in mithridate . rhenan . l. 2. rer. german . leunclau . in pandect . tur●e . §. 71. et al● multi . learned men , the germane tongue , which hath but small affinitie or agreement , with either the italian , french or spanish tongues . secondly , because among all the auncient writers ( and they are many ) which haue written of the miserable changes , made in these west parts of the world , by those infinite swarmes of barbarous people , i finde not one , that mentioneth the change of any of these languages to haue beene caused by them : which me thinkes some auncient writers among so many learned , as those times , and those very countries , abounded withall , and whose writings yet remaine , would certainely haue recorded . but though wee finde mention in soundrie auncient writers , of changing these languages into the romane ( whom yet i vnderstand of that vnperfect change before touched ) yet nothing is found of any rechanging of those languages from the romane , into the state wherein now they are . but it is become a question onely of some late searchers of antiquitie , but of such , as determine in this point , without either sound reason or good countenance of antiquitie . obiections touching the extent of the latine tongue and the beginning of the mentioned languages with their solutions . chap. vi. these reasons perhaps ( ioyned with the other aboue alleaged whereby i endeauoured to prooue that the latine tongue perfectly spoken , was neuer the vulgar language of the romane prouinces ) may perswade you as they haue done mee , that the barbarous nations of the north , were not the first corrupters of the latine tongue , in the prouinces subiect to rome , nor the beginners of the italian , french and spanish tongues : yet some difficulties i finde ( i confesse ) in writers touching these points , which when i haue resolued my opinion will appeare the more credible . one is out of plutarch in his platonique questions , plutarch . in quest . platonic . quaest . 9. affirming that in his time all men in a manner spake the latin tongue . another before touched that strabo recordeth the romane tongue to haue bene spoken in spaine and france , strab. l. 3. & 4. apul in floridis . and apuleius in africke , which also may appeare by sundry places in augustine , whose sermons seeme ( as cyprians also ) to haue bin made to the people in that language . a third , how it falleth if these vulgar tongues of adulterate latin be so ancient , that nothing is found written in any of them of any great antiquity ? a fourth , how in rome and latium , where the latine tongue was out of question , natiue , the latin could so degenerate , as at this day is found in the italian tongue , except by some forraine corruption ? to the first of these i answere , either that as diuines are wont to interpret many generall propositions , plutarch is to be vnderstood de generibus singulorum , not de singulis generum : so that the latine tongue was spoken almost in euery nation , but not of euery one in any forraine nation : or else , that they spake the latine indeed , but yet vnperfectly and corruptly , as their tongues would frame to vtter it . to the second i answere : first , that strabo speaketh not generally of france or spaine , but with limitation to certaine parts of both , the prouince of narbon in france , and the tract about boetis in spaine . secondly , that although they speake it , yet it followeth not , that they speake it perfectly and aright , ( except perhaps in the colonies ) so that i wil not deny but it might be spoken abroad in the prouinces , yet i say it was spoken corruptly , according as the peoples tongues would fashion to it , namely in such sort , that although the matter and body of the words , were for the most part latine , yet the forme and sound of them varied from the right pronouncing : which speech notwithstanding was named latin , partly for the reason now touched , and partly , because they learned it from the romanes or latines , as the spaniards call their language romance till this day , which yet we know to differ much from the right romane tongue : nithard . d● dissens filio● ludon . p● l. and as nithardus ( nephew to charles the great ) in his history of the dissension of the sonnes of ludouicus pius , calleth the french then vsuall ( whereof he setteth downe examples , ) the roman tongue , which yet hath no more agreement with the latin then the french hath that is now in vse . thirdly , to the obiection of cyprians and augustines preaching in latine , antonin . in itinerario , plin. iun. in epist. l. 8. ad ca●●●● i answere that both * * plin. sec. histor . nat . l. 5. c. 4. hippo , wherof augustine was bishop , and velleius . l. 1. appian . l. de bel. punicis is fine . carthage , wherof cyprian was archbishop , were romane colonies , consisting for the most part of the progenie of romanes , for which sort of citties , there was speciall reason . although neither in the colonies themselues ( as it seemeth ) the romane tong was altogether vncorrupt , both for that which i alleadged before out of spartianus of seuerus his sister dwelling at leptis , and for that which i remembred out of augustine for hippo , where they spake * * enar● . psal. 138. ossum & * * ● . 2. de doc . christ c. 13. floriet , and * * tract . 7. ●● ioannem . dolus , for os and florehit and dolor , ( & yet were both leptis & hippo romane colonies ) : and yet it appeareth further by augustine , that in their translations of the scriptures , and in the psalms sung in their churches , they had these corruptions , where yet ( as it is like ) their most corrupt and vulgar latine had not place . to the third i answere , that two reasons of it may be assigned : one , that learned men would rather write , in the learned and grammaticall , then in the vulgar and prouinciall latine . another , that the workes of vnlearned men would hardly continue till our times , seeing euen of the learned anciēt writings , but few of infinite , haue remained . furthermore it is obserued of the germane tongue , by tschudas and of the french by genebrard , tschud . des. ●●pt alpinae cap. 36. genebr . l. 4. chron. secul . 11. that it is very little aboue 400. yeares , since bookes began to be written in both those languages , and yet it is out of all doubt , that the tongues are much ancienter . to the fourth i say , that there is no language , which of ordinary course is not subiect to change , although there were no forraine occasion at all : which the very fancies of men , weary of old words ( as of old things ) is able enough to worke , which may be wel proued by obseruations and instances of former changes , in this very tongue ( the latine ) whereof i now dispute . quint●● . iust orator . l. 1. ca. 6. for quintilian recordeth , that the verses of the salij which were saide to bee composed by numa could hardly bee vnderstood of their priests , in the latter time of the common wealth , fest. in dictiō . latine loqui . for the absolutenesse of the speech and festus in his booke de verborum significatione , who liued in augustus caesars time , hath left in obseruation , that the latine speech , which ( saith he ) is so named of latium , was then in such manner changed , that scarslie any part of it remained in knowledge . the lawes also of the romane kings and of the decemuiri , fulu . visin not . ad anton. august . de l●g●h . et sen●tusconsult ( called the lawes of the twelue tables ) collected and published in their owne wordes by fuluius vrsinus are no lesse euident testimonies , if they be compared with the later latin , of the great alteration of that language . furthermore , polyb. l. 3. polybius hath also recorded , that the articles of league , betwixt the people of rome & of carthage , made presently after the expulsion of the kings from rome , could very hardly in his time be vnderstood , by reason of the old forsaken words , by any of the best skilled antiquaries in rome . in which time notwithstanding , they receiued very few strangers into their cittie , which mixture might cause such alteration , and the difference of time was but about 350. yeares . and yet to adde one instance more , of a shorter reuolution of time , and a cleerer euidence of the change , that the roman tongue was subiect to , and that , when no forraine cause thereof can bee alleadged : there remaineth at this day ( as it is certainly * * vid. paul. merul. cosin . par . 2. l. ● . c. 18 et . celsu . c●●tad . in tract● de orig. ling. vulgaris . ital cap. 7. &c. recorded ) in the capitoll at rome , though much defaced by the iniury of time , a piller ( they call it columnam rostratam , that is , decked with beakes of ships ) dedicated to the memory of duillius a roman consull , vpon a nauale victory obtained againg the carthaginians , in the first punicke war , not past 150. yeares before ciceroes time , when the roman tongue ascended to the highest flourish of elegancie , that euer it obtained : and thus the words of the pillar are , ( those that may be read ) as i find thē obserued , with the later latine vnder thē . exemet . leciones . macistratos . castreis . exfociont . exemit . legiones . magistratus . castris . effugiunt . pucnandod . cepet . enque . nauebos . marid . consol. pugnando . cepit . inque . nauibus . mari. consul . primos . ornauet . nauebous . claseis . paenicas . sumas . primus . ornauit . nauibus . classes . punicas . summas . cartaciniensis . dictatored . altod. socieis . triresmos . carthaginiensis . dictatore . alto. socijs . triremes . naueis . captom . numei . naualed . praedad . poplo , &c. naues . captum . nummi . nauali . praeda. populo , &c. where you see in many words , e for i , c. for g , o for u , and somtime for e , and d , superfluously added to the end of many words . but ( to let forrain toungs passe ) of the great alteration that time is wont to worke in languages , our owne tongue may afford vs examples euident enough : wherein since the times neere after , and about the conquest , the change hath beene so great , as i my selfe haue seen some euidences made in the time of king henrie the first , whereof i was able to vnderstand but few words . to which purpose also , a certaine remembrance is to bee found in holinsheds chronicle , in the end of the conquerours raigne , in a charter giuen by him to the citie of london . of the ancient languages of italie , spaine fraunce and afrique . chap. vii . bvt if the discourse of these points of antiquitie , in handling whereof i haue declared , that while the roman empire flourished , it neuer abolished the vulgar languages , in fraunce , or spaine or afrique , howsoeuer in italie . if that discourse i say , mooue in you perhaps a desire , to know what the ancient vulgar languages of these parts were : i will also in that point , out of my reading and search into antiquitie , giue you the best satisfaction that i can . and first for italie : certaine it is , that many were the ancient tongues in the seuerall prouinces of it , tongues i say , not dialects , for they were many more . in apulia , the mesapian tongue : in tuscanie and vmbria , the hetruscan , both of them vtterly perished : inscript . ver . pag. 143.144.145.146 . yet in the booke of ancient inscriptions , set forth by gruter , and scaliger , there be some few monuments registred of these languages , but not vnderstood now of any man. in calabria both the higher and lower , and farre along the maritime coast of the tyrrhene sea , the greeke . in latium ( now campagna di roma ) the latine . in lombardie , and liguria , the old tongue of fraunce whatsoeuer it was . of which last three , the two former are vtterly ceased to be vulgar : and the third , no where to be found in italie , but to be sought for in some other countrey , and although , beside these fiue , we find mention , in ancient writings of the sabine , the oscan , the tusculan , and some other tongues in italie , yet were they no other then differing dialects of some of the former languages , as by good obseruations , out of varro , festus , seruius , paul. diaconus , and others , might be easily prooued . secondly , of france what the ancient tong was , hath bin much disputed , and yet remaineth somewhat vncertain ; some thinking it to haue been the germane others the greeke , and some the walsh tong . but , ●●lard . 1. de bello gallic . in principio . strab. l. 4. in princip . if the meaning of these resoluers bee , that one language , whatsoeuer it were , was vulgar in all fraunce , they are very farre wide , caesar and strabo hauing both recorded , that there were diuerse languages spoken in the diuers parts . but , to omit the speech of aquitaine , which strabo writeth to haue had much affinitie with the spanish : and , of that part , ( in caesar called belgia ) that at the riuer of rhene confined with germanie , which for that neighbourhood , might partake much of the german tongue : to omit those i say , the maine question is , about the language of the celtae , which as inhabiting the middle part of fraunce , were least of all infected with any forraine mixture . and certainly , that it was not the greeke , appeareth out of caesar , caes. l. 5. de bello gallic . long post . med . writing to q. cicero , then besieged by the gaules ) in greeke , lest the gaules should intercept his letters : and secondly , no lesse euidently by varro , varro ap . hieron . in praefat . l. 2. cōment . epist. ad galat . & apud isidorum l. 1● orig. cap. 1. writing of the massilians that they spake three languages , the roman , the greeke , and the gallique tongue : and thirdly , the remnants of that tongue , may serue for instance , whereof many old words , are found dispersed in ancient writers , that haue no affinitie at all with the greeke . the greeke therfore , was not the ancient natiue language of the gaules ; neither was it the germane : for else it had beene but an odde relation and reason of caesars , caes. l de bello gallico . tacit l de mor. germanor . prope finem . sueton. in caligula c. 47. that ariouistus a german prince , had liued so long in gallia , that hee spake the gallique tongue : and that of tacitus , that the gallique tongue proued the gothines to be no germanes : and that of suetonius , that caligula compelled many of the gaules to learn the germane tongue . hottom . in fran. cogall . c. 2. but hottoman ( of all that i haue read ) speaking most distinctly , touching the originall and composition of the french tongue , diuideth it as now it is spoken , equally into two parts , of which he supposeth the one ( and i thinke it is rather the greater part ) to haue originall from the latine tongue : and the other halfe , to be made vp , perion . l de cognat . ling. gal. & graecae postell . l. de 12. ling. by the german and greeke , and brittish or walsh words , each almost in equall measure . of the deduction of the french words from the greeke , you may read perionius , postell , and others : of those from the germane , tschudus , goropius , isacius &c. of the walsh lhuid , tschud . in descr. rhet. alp. c 38. gorop . in francicis . camden &c. which last indeed for good reason , seemeth to haue beene the natiue language of the ancient celtae , rather then either the greeke or dutch tongues : for of the greeke words found in that language , the neighbourhood of the massilians , isac . in glossa●rio , prisco-gal lhuid in descript . britan. camden in britannia . strab. l. 4. and their colonies , inhabiting the maritime coast of prouince , together with the ready acceptance of that language in fraunce , ( mentioned by strabo ) may bee the cause : as likewise of the germane words , the franks and burgundions conquest , and possession of fraunce , may bee assigned for a good reason : but of the brittish words none at all can be iustly giuen , saue , that they are the remnants of the ancient language . secondly , it seemeth to be so by tacitus , tacit. in iulio agricola . writing , that the speech of the gaules , little differed from that of the brittaines . and thirdly , by caesar , caes l 6. de bel. gallico . recording , that it was the custome of the gaules that were studious of the druides discipline , often to passe ouer into brittaine to bee there instructed : wherefore seeing there was no vse of bookes among them , as is in the same place affirmed by caesar , it is apparent that they spake the same language . thirdly , the spanish tongue as now it is , consisteth of the old spanish , latine , gottish , and arabique ( as there is goood reason it should , spaine hauing beene so long , in the possessions of the romanes , gothes , and mores ) of which , the latine is the greatest part , ( next it the arabique ) and therefore they themselues call their language romance . and certainely i haue seene an epistle written by a spaniard , whereof euery word was both good latine & good spanish , & an example of the like is to be seene in merula . merul. cosmogr . part . 2. l. 2. c. 8. but the language of valentia and catalonia , and part of portugall , is much tempered with the french also . now the ancient and most generall language of spaine , spoken ouer the country before the romanes conquest , seemeth to mee out of question , to haue beene , the cantabrian tong , that namely which yet they speak in biscay , guipuscoa , nauarre , and asturia , that is to say , in the northerne and mountainous parts of spaine , neare the ocean , with which the vasconian tongue also in aquitaine , neere the pyrene hilles , hath as there is good reason ( for out of those parts of spaine the inhabitants of gascoigne came ) much affinitie and agreement . and my reason for this opinion is , that in that part of spaine , the people haue euer continued without mixture of any forraine nation as being neuer subdued by the carthaginians , nor by the mores , no , nor by the romans , ( for all their long warring in spaine ) before augustus caesars time , and for the hillinesse , and barenesse , and vnpleasantnesse of the countrey , hauing nothing in it , to inuite strangers to dwell among them . for which cause , the most ancient nations and languages are for the most part preserued in such countryes : as by thucydides is specially obserued , thucyd. l. 1. paul . a princip . of the attiques , and arcadians , in greece , dwelling in barren soiles : of which nations the first , for their antiquitie , vaunted of themselues that they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and the second , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as if they had beene bred immediately of the earth , or borne before the moone . another example whereof wee may see in spaine it selfe , for in the steepy mountaines of granata , named alpuxarras , the progeny of the mores yet retaine the arabique tongue ( for the spaniards call it arauiga ) which all the other remnants of the mores in the plainer region had vtterly forgotten , and receiued the castilian ( till their late expulsion out of spaine ) for their vulgar language . the like whereof , is also to be seene in the old epirotique speech and nation , which yet continueth in the mountainous part of epirus , being ( for the tongue ) vtterly extinguished in all the country beside . and ( to let forraine instances goe ) in the brittaines or welsh-men in the hillie part of our owne country . what the reason thereof may be , i will not stand now curiously to enquire : whether that being inured to labour , to watching , to sundry distemperatures of the aire , and much other hardnesse ( for otherwise their liuing will not be gotten of such barren ground ) they prooue vpon occcasion good and able souldiers ? or , that the craggie rockes and hilles ( like fortresses of natures owne erecting ) are easily defended from forraine inuaders ? or that their vnpleasant and fruitlesse ? soile , hath nothing to inuite strangers to desire it ? or , that wanting richesse , they want also the ordinary companions of richesse , that is proud and audacious hearts , to prouoke with their iniuries other nations to be reuenged on them , either by the conquest or desolation of their countries ? but whatsoeuer the cause may be , certainely in effect so it is , that the most ancient nations and languages , are for the most part to be found in such vnpleasant and fruitlesse regions : insomuch that the biscaynes who gaue me occasion of this digression , vaunt of themselues among the spanyards , that they are the right hidalgos , ( that is gentlemen ) as some also report of the welsh-men heere in brittaine to say of themselues , which yet i that am their neighbour , ( to confesse a truth ) neuer heard them say . now lastly touching the punique tongue , as i am not of galateus his opinion , galat. de 〈…〉 that it was vtterly extinguished by the romanes : so neither can i bee of the phantasie ( for it is no better ) that * * g●sner in mithridate i● ling. afric . & arab. roccha de dialect . in ling. arabica postell . de ling. 12 in ling. arab. mas. in gram syriaca . prop. init. bibliand . de ration . linguar . schidler . in lex . pontaglotto in voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mart. galeott . de doctr . promiscua . cap. 6. & alij multi . manie other learned men are : namely , that it was the arabique , that is to say the same language , that is vulgar in afrique at this day . for it is well knowen to the skilfull in histories , that the puniques were of another off-spring ( not of arabian race ) and that it is not yet a thousand yeares , since that tongue was by the arabians together with their victories brought into afrique . and as certaine also it is , that the remnants of the africans progenie , as * * leo afric . l. 1. descrip. afr. cap. de ling. africae . flo. in epitom liu l. 51. strab. l. 17. leo africanus hath recorded , haue a different language from the arabique . but the punique tongue seemeth to me out of question , to haue beene the chananitish or old hebrew language , though i doubt not somwhat altered from the original pronuntiation , as is wont in tract of time , to befall colonies , planted among strangers farre from home . for first , carthage it selfe , the queene of the cities of afrique ( and well might she be termed so , that contained in circuit 24 miles , as florus in his abridgement of liuie hath recorded , and by the vtter wall 360 furlongs ( that is 45 miles ) as it is in strabo : and held out in emulation with rome as is noted by plinie , 120 yeare , and to conclude ( before the second punique warre ) had in subiection all the coast of the mediterrane sea , plin. l. 15. c. 18. from the bottome of the greater syrtis in afrique , to the riuer ebro ( iberus ) in spain , which is about 2000. miles of length ) that the same carthage i say , and diuers other cities of afrique ( of which plinie nameth vtica and leptis , as being the printipall ) were colonies of the phoenicians , and namely of the tyrians , is not onely by strabo , strab. lib. citato . mela. l. 1. c. ● liu. lib. 33. plin. l. 5. c. 19. appian . l. de bel. pun●cis in principio curtius . l. 4. et a●● plures . mela , liuie , plinie , appian , and many other certaine authors , acknowledged , and by none denied , but also the very names of poeni and punici , beeing but variations or mutilations of the name phoenicij import so much , and lastly their language assureth it . for hierome writing , that their language was growne somewhat different from the phoenician tongue , doth manifestly in those words imply , it had bene the same . and what were the phoenicians but chanaanites ? the phoenicians i say , of whose exceeding merchādizing we reade so much in ancient histories , what were they but chanaanites , whose very 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 name signifieth merchants ? for , the very same nation , that the graecians called phoenicians ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and the romanes in imitation of that name poenos & punicos , for the exceeding store of good palmes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the greeke , signifieth the palme , for as touching the deduction of the name phoenicia , either from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by montanus , or from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by postellus , signifying the delicacy of the inhabitants by the first , and their obseruation or adoration of the fire , by the second , they are but late sprung fantasies , and haue not any groūd of reason at all : for as much , as in al the hebrew writings of the bible , that country is neuer termed by any name sounding toward phoenicia , but in the greeke onely . but in many olde coynes that i haue seen , i haue noted the palme tree as the speciall cognisance of phoenicia , ( as i haue also the oliue branch and conies to be of spain : the horse of mauritania : the elephant , or the spoile of the elephāt of afrique : the camell , of arabia : the crocodile , or the bird ibis , of aegypt : and diuers other specialties for other countries : ) and namely i haue seene , sundrie olde coynes of the emperour vespatian , of seuerall deuises and imagerie , stamped for a memoriall of his conquest of iudaea , and taking of ierusalem ( for the inscription is in euery of them , iudaea capta ) and in each of them i specially obserued a woman sitting in a sad and mournefull fashion , with her back to a palme tree : wherein , i make no doubt , but the desolate woman signifieth iudaea , and the palme phoenicia , euen as phoenicia is immediately toward the north , at the backe of iudaea . wherwith that country aboūded : arias mont. lib. chanaan . ●a . 3. postel . in deserio . syriae . c. de syriae no●inib . insomuch that in monuments of antiquitie , the palme tree is obserued for the ensigne of phoenicia : the same nation i say , called thēselues , & by the israelites , their next neighbours , were called , chanaanites . and that they were indeed no other , i am able easily to prooue . for first , the same woman that in mathew is named a canaanite , math. 15.22 . is in marke called a syrophoenician . marc. 7.26 . 2. where mētion is made in iosua , ios. 5.1 . of the kings of canaan , they are in the septuagints translation named , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 3. to put it out of questiō . all that coast , from sidon to azzah , ( that was gaza ) neere to gerar , is registred by * * gen. 10.19 . moses , to haue beene possessed by the posterity of chanaan : of which coast the more northren part aboue the promontory of carmell , or rather from the riuer chorseus , ( kison the iewes called it ) that nere the promontory of carmel , strab. l. 16. nō long . ante med . plin. l. 5. c. 12. pt●lem . tab. 4. a●ae . dionys alex. in periegesi . entreth the sea , to the city of orthosia , aboue sidon northward , is by strabo , plinie , ptolomy and others , referred to phoenicia , ( although strabo extend that name , along all the maritime coast of palestina also , to the confines of aegypt , as dionysius periegetes also doth , placing ioppa and gaza , and elath in phoenicia ) which very tract , to haue bin the seuerall possessions of zidon , and cheth , & girgashi , and harki , and aruadi , and chamathi , sixe of the eleuen sonnes of canaan , ( the other fiue inhabiting more to the south in palestina ) they that are skilful in the ancient chorography of the holy land , cannot be ignorant . seeing therefore out of this part of the land of canaan ( for in this part tyrus was ) the carthaginians , and other colonies of the phaenicians in afrique came , it is out of all doubt , that they were of the chananites progenie : august expos : ●●●hoat . epist. ad roman . in med . and for such in very deede , and no other , they reputed and professed themselues to be : for as austine hath left recorded , who was borne & liued among them , the country people of the puniques , when they were asked touching themselues what they were , they would make answere that they were channai , meaning , as austine himselfe doth interprete them , canaanites . certaine therefore it is that the natiue punique langauge was not the chanaanitish tongue : but that i added for explication this clause , ( or the olde hebrew , meaning by the olde hebrew that which was vulgarly spoken among the iewes before the captiuity ) you will perhaps suspect my credite , and bee offended , for i am not ignorant , how superstitiously diuines for the most part are affected toward the hebrew tongue : yet when i had set downe the africans language to haue beene the canaanitish tongue , i thought good to adde for plainesse sake ( or the old hebrew ) because j take them indeede to be the very same language , and that abraham and his posterity , brought it not out of chaldaea , but learned it in the land of chanaan . neither is this opinion of mine , a meere paradox and fantasie , but i haue * * postel . lib. de phoenic . lit . c. 2. §. 5. arias monta. l. chanaan . ca. 9. g●●ebrard . l. 1. chron. an . d●lunij 131 scal●● . ●d se● . in di●t . ●●rte . & in ep ●d v. ●ert●e ad tomson . three or foure of the best skilled in the language and antiquities of that nation , that the later times could afford , of the same minde : and certainly , by * * isa. 19.18 . isaiah it is called in direct termes , the language of chanaan : and it is moreouer manifest , that the names of the places , and cities of chanaan , ( the olde names i meane by which they were called before the israelites dwelt in them , as is to be seene in the whole course of the books of moses and of ioshuah ) were hebrew names : touching which point , although i could produce other forceable reasons , such as might , ( except my fantasie delude me ) vex the best wit in the world to giue them iust solution , yet i will adde no more , both to auoide prolixity , and because i shall haue in another place fitter occasion . but to speake particularly of the punique tongue which hath brought vs into this discourse , and which i proued before to be the canaanitish language : it is not only * * augu. in ser. 35. de verb. dom. in euāgel . sec. lucā . in one place pronounced by augustine ( who knew it well , no man better ) to haue neer affinitie with the hebrew tong , which also the * * as in the punique tongue salus three , augustin . in expos . inchoat . epist. ad roman . heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . edom , bloud . enar. psalm . 136. heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . mamon , lucre , de sermon . dom. in mont. l. 2. c. 14. heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . bal. the lord. quaest. in iudie . cap. 16. hebr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . samen , heauen . ibid. heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . messe , to annoint . tract . 15. in ioan. heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . alma , a virgine . hieron . in c. 7. isai. heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . gadir . a fence or wall . plinie . l. 4. c. 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and some other that diligence might obserue . punick words dispearsed in the writings of augustine , and of others , ( as many as come to my remembrance ) proue to be true . but more effectually in * * aug l. 2 ▪ cōt . litter petiliani ●ap . 104. an other place , to agree with it in very many , yea almost in euerie worde . which speech seeing they could in no sort haue from the israelites , being not of abrahams posterity ( both because no such transmigration of them is remembred in the holy histories , and for that the punique colonies , are specially mentioned to haue beene deduced from tyre , which neuer came into the possession of the israelites ) but from the canaanites whose of-spring they were : it followeth therupon that the language of the canaanites , was either the very same or exceeding neere the hebrew . and certainely touching the difference that was betweene the hebrew and the punique , i make no doubt , but the great distance from their primitiue habitation , and their conuersation with strangers among whom they were planted , and together with both , the length of time , which is wont to bring alteration to all the languages in the world , were the causes of it . and although that punique speech in plautus , which is the onely continued speech of that language , plau● . i● p●e nulo . act. 6. that to my knowledge remaineth extant in any author , haue no such great conuenience with the hebrew tongue , yet i assure my selfe the faults , & corruptions that haue crept into it by many transcriptions , to haue beene the cause of so great difference , by reason whereof , it is much changed , from what at the first it was , when plautus writ it , about 1800. yeares agoe : and specially because in transcribing thereof there would be so much the lesse care taken , as the language was lesse vnderstood , by the writers , and by the readers , and so the escapes lesse subiect to obseruation and controlement . of the largenesse of the slauonish , turkish , and arabique languages . chap. viii . many are the nations that haue for their vulgar language the slauonish tongue in europe , & some in asia . among which the principall in europe , are the slauonians themselues , inhabiting dalmatia & liburnia , the west macedonians , the epirotes , the bosinates , seruians , russians , bulgarians , moldauians , podolians , russians , muscouites , bohemians , polonians , silesians . and in asia the circassians , mangrellians , and gazarites . gesner . in mithrid . in ling. illyrica . boccha in append . de dia●●ct in illyrica . these i say are the principall but they are not all : for gesner and roccha reckken vp the names of 60. nations , that haue the slauonian tongue for their vulgar language . so , that it is knowne to bee vulgarly spoken ouer all the east parts of europe ( in more then a third part of the whole ) euen to the vtmost bonds of it the riuers of droyna and tanais ; greece and hungary , and wala●hia onely excepted . indeed the regions of seruia , bosina , bulgaria , rascia , moldauia , russia and moscouia , namely all the nations of the easterne parts , which celebrate their diuine seruice after the greek ceremony , and professe ecclesiasticall obedience to the patriarch of constantinople write in a diuerse ●o●● of character , from that of the dalmatians , croatians , istrians , polonians , bohemians , silesians & other nations toward the west ( both which sorts of characters are to bee seene in postels booke of the orientall languages ) of which , this last is called the dalmatian or illyrian character , & was of * * posteli . ●● ling. dalma● rocch . in ●iblioth . vatican pagin . 16 & alij . hieromes deuising , that other bering for the most part much resemblance with the greek , is termed the seruian character , and was of * * roccha . lib. citato pag. 168. cyrils inuention : for which cause , as roccha hath remembred , they terme the language written in that character * * id. pag. 17● . chiurilizza . but yet notwithstanding the difference of characters in the writing of these nations , they speake all of them ( the difference of dialect excepted ) the same language . but yet is not the slauonique tongue ( to answere your question ) for all this large extent , the vulgar language of the turkish empire . for of the turks dominion onely epirus , the west part of macedon , bosina , seruia , bulgaria , rascia , and part of thrace , & that hee hath in dalmatia and croacia , ( beside the mengrelli in asia ) speake vulgarly the slauonian tongue . but no where for the more precise limitation , neither in asia nor in europe , is that language spoken more southward , then the north parallel of 40. degrees : some part of epirus onely excepted : i meane it is not spoken as the vulgar language of any nation more southward . for else , being acceptable and vsuall , as it is , in the great turkes serrail at constantinople , and familiar with most of the turkish souldiers , by reason of their garrisons and other great imployment in those parts toward the confines of christian princes , all which parts as before i said ( hungarie and walachia excepted ) speake that language : for these reasons i say , it is spoken by diuerse particular men , in many places of the turkish dominion , and the ianizares and officers for the most part can speake it , and many others also of the better sort , but yet the generall and vulgar language of his dominion ( excepting those places afore mentioned ) it is not . but in anatolia , although the old languages still remaine , being for the most part corrupt greeke , as also in armenia , they haue their peculiar language , yet is the turkish tongue very frequent and preuaileth in them hoth : which being originally none other then the tartarian tongue , as michouius , michou . l. 1. de sarmatia . cap. 15. rocch de dialect . in ling. tur●ica . and others haue obserued , yet partaketh much , both of the armenian and persian , by reason of the turkes long continuance in both those regions , before they setled the seate of their dominion , and themselues among the grecians , for which cause it is not without mixture of greeke also , but chiefely and aboue all other of the arabique , both by reason of their religion written in that language , and their training vp in schooles vnto it , as their learned tongue . and yet although the turkish be well vnderstood both in natolia and armenia , yet hath it neither extinguished the vulgar languages of those parts neither obtained to it selfe ( for ought i can by my reading finde ) any peculiar prouince at all , wherein it is become the sole natiue and vulgar language , but is only a common scattered tongue , which appeareth to be so much the more euidently true , because the very citties that haue beene successiuely the seates of the ottaman sultans ; namely iconium ( now cogna ) in lycaonia , then prusa in bithynia ; thirdly , adrianople in thrace ; and lastly , constantinople , are yet knowne to retaine their old natiue language , the greeke tongue : although the turkish tongue also bee common in them all , as it is likewise in all other greeke citties both of greece and asia . but in the east part of cilicia beyond the riuer pyramus , as in all syria also , and mesopotamia and palestina , and arabia and aegypt , and thence westward in all that long tract of afrique , that extendeth from aegypt to the strait of gibralter , i say , in all that lieth betwixt the mountaine atlas , and the mediterrane sea ( now termed barbarie ) excepting marocco , and here and there some scattered remnants of the old africans in the inland parts , the aribique tongue is become the vulgar language , although somewhat corrupted and varied in dialect , as among so many seuerall nations it is vnpossible but it should bee . and although i bee farre from * * postell . in praefat . grammat . arabic . ludouic . reg. l. 8. de vicissitud . rer. ad finem . their opinion , which write ( too ouerlashingly ) that the arabian tongue is in vse in two third partes of the inhabited world , or in more , yet i finde that it extendeth verie farre , and specially where the religion of mahumed is professed . for which cause ( ouer and besides the partes aboue mentioned , in which it is ( as i said ) become the natiue language ) in all the northerne part of the turkish empire also , i meane that part that lieth on the north side of the mediterrane sea , as likewise among the mahumetane tartars , it is thought not the vulgar tongue , yet familiar with verie many , both because all their religion is written in that language , and for that * * bellon . obseruard . 3. c. 12 euery boy that goeth to schoole , is taught it , as in our schooles they are taught latin and greeke : insomuch , that all the turkes write their owne language in arabique characters . so that you see the cōmon languages of the turkish empire , to be the slauonish , the greeke , the turkish and arabique tongues , seruing seuerally for the parts that i mentioned before . of the syriaque and hebrew tongues . chap. ix . the syriaque tongue is certainly * * masius in prae●at . grammat . syric . sixt senen . biblioth . sanctae . l. 4 in voce . thargum . canin . in praef●t . institat . syr●c . ar. montan. de ratione mazzoreth in apparat. ad bibl. reg. fabrit . in praefat ad lexic . syrochalda●cum . genebrard . l. 2 chronog . ad an. 3690. bellarmin . l. 2. de verbo dei ca. 14 & 15. &c. posseum . apporat sacr . in dictione . bi 〈◊〉 thought to haue had beginning , in the time of the captiuitie of the iewes in babilon , while they were mingled among the chaldeans . in which long reuolution of seuenty yeares , the vulgar sort of the iewes , forgot their owne language , and began to speake the caldee : but yet , pronouncing it a misse , and framing it somewhat to their owne country fashion , in notation of poincts , affixes , coniugarions , and some other properties of their antient speech , it became a mixt language of hebrew and chaldee : a great part chaldee for the substance of the words , but more hebrew for the fashion , and so degenerating much from both : the old and right hebrew , remaining after that time , onely among the learned men , and being taught in schooles , as among vs the learned tongues are accustomed to be . and yet , after the time of our sauiour , this language began much more to alter , and to depart further , both from the chaldee and hebrew , as receauing much mixture of greeke , some also of romane and arabique words , as in the talmud ( named of ierusalem ) gathered by r. iochanan , about 300 yeares after christ , is apparent being farre fuller of them , then those parts of the chaldee paraphrase on the holy scriptures , which were made by r. ionathan , a little before christ , and by r. aquila , whom they call onkelos , not long after . but yet certaine it is , both for the great difference of the words themselues , which are in the syriaque tongue for the most part chaldee , and for the diuersitie of those adherents of words , which they call praefixa , and suffixa , as also , for the differing sound of some vowels , and sundrie other considerations : certaine it is i say , that the vnlearned iewes , whose vulgar speech the syriaque then was , could not vnderstād their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that their lectures of moses and the prophets , vsed in their synagogues in the hebrew tongue . and that seemeth to haue beene the originall reason , both of the publique speeches and declarations of learned men to the people , vsual in their synagogues on the sabboaths , after the readings of the law and of the prophets , whereof in the * * act. 13.15 . new testament we finde some mention , and also , of the translations of ionathan , and onkelos , and others , made into their vulgar language , for that the difference betwixt the hebrew and the chaldee was so great , that the tongue of the one nation could not be vnderstood by the other . first , the tongues themselues , which yet remaine with vs , may bee euident demonstrations , of which wee see that one may bee skilfull in the hebrew , and yet not vnderstand the chaldee , and therefore neither could they , whose speech the chaldee then was ( although much degenerated ) vnderstand the hebrew . secondly , wee finde , that whē * * nehem. ca 8 v. 7.8.9 . ezra at the returne from the captiuitie , read the booke of the law before the people , others were faine to interprete that which was read vnto them . and thirdly , the answer made to rabshakeh , by the officers of k. hezekiah , may put it out of question , willing him * * reg. l. 2. ca. 18. v. 26. to speake vnto them in the chaldee tongue , that the common people of ierusalem ( in whose hearing it was ) might not vnderstand what was spoken . but yet it might be , that as at this day the iewes vse to doe , so also in christs time of conuersing on the earth , they might also reade the chaldee targ●min ( and certainely some * * iunius in bellarm. cont. 1. l. 2. c. 15. §. 11 learned men affirme they did so ) together with the hebrew lectures of moses and the prophets , for certaine it is , that ionathan ben vziel , had before the birth of our sauiour translated , not the prophets onely into chaldee , for it is his paraphrase that wee haue at this day on the prophets ( and the language which wee now call the syriaque , was but the iewish chaldee , although in the after times , by the mixture of greeke , and manie other forraine words it beecame somewhat changed , from what in the times afore and about our sauiours incarnation it had beene ) but the pentateuch also : at least , if that bee true , which sixtus senensis hath recorded , sixt. senens . biblioth . sanct. l. 4. indiction . syr● editio . galatin . de arcan . catholicae ve●● l. 1. c. 3. namely , that such is the tradition among the iewes , and which galatine writeth , that himselfe hath seene that translation of ionathans , beside that of onkelos , for of that part of the chaldee paraphrase , which wee haue in the complutense , and k. philips bibles , on the bookes of moses , onkelos is the author : of that on iosuah , the iudges , the booke of the kings and of the prophets , ionathan . of that on ruth , hester , iob , the psalmes and the bookes of salomon , r. ioseph caecus . the beginning of both which hee setteth downe , differing one from another , in the first wordes . which ( namely touching the publique reading of the chaldee targamin , either together with the hebrew text or instead of it ) i may as well conceiue to bee true , as that the forraine * * vid. salmeron . de canonica . scriptura . prolegom . 3. in tomo . 1. & de interpretat . septuagint . prol. 5. iewes , tertull. in apologetico . ca. 19. dwelling in alexandria , and other parts of aegypt , in asia also , and other greeke prouinces abroad , vsed publiquely in stead of the hebrew , which now they vnderstood not , the septuagints greek translation , as is euident in tertullian : and of some others of them in the constitutions of * * nouell 146. iustinian . which iewes for that very cause : are sundry times in the * * act. 6.1 . & 9.29 . & 11.20 . scalig. in chron. euseb. ad an●um . mdccxxxiv . & iu● . contra . bellarm controu . 1. l. 2. c. 15. §. ●1 . & drus. praetoritor . l. 5. annot. ad . act. ap. 6.1 . acts of the apostles , termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for by that name , in the iudgement of learned men the naturall grecians are not meant , which are alwaies named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but , the iewes dispersed among the gentiles , that vsed to read the greeke scriptures in their synagogues . and heere shall bee the period of my first enquiry , touching languages , and beginning of the second , concerning the sorts of religions , abroad in the world. in discoursing whereof you must be content , to accept of moderne authors , because i am to intreate of moderne matters : and , if i happe to steppe awry , where i see no path , and can discerne but few steppes afore mee , you must pardon it . and yet this one thing i will promise you , that if either they that should direct mee , mislead me not , or ( where my reason suspects , that my guides wander , and i am mislead ) if my circumspect obseruing , or diligent inquiring , may preserue me from errour , i will not depart a haire from the way of truth . of the sundry parts of the world inhabited by christians . chap. x. all europe is possessed by christians , except the vtmost corners of it , toward the east , and the north , for the small companie of mahumetanes , inhabiting their michou . de sarmatia . l 2. c 3. peculiar villages about wilna in litunia , or the scattered boem de morib . gent l 3. c. 7. boter relat. par. 3. l. 1. ziegl tr . in schondia ▪ c de lapponia . damian . a goas tract . de lappijs . michou . l. 2. de sarmatia . c. 5. munster . cosmog . l. 4 c. 37. boter . relation pa 1. l. c. de bothnia . remnants of idolaters , in the same prouince , and in samogitia , are not woorthy mentioning . but toward the north , lappia , scricfinia , biarmia , corelia , and the north part of finmarke ( all which together passe commonly vnder the name of lapland , and make a region about 900 miles in circuit ) are inhabited by idolaters : and toward the east , all the region betwixt tanais and borysthenes , along maeotis and the euxine sea ( the true natiue country of the ancient gothes ) being more then twise as large as the former , and withall much better peopled , is inhabited by the tartars called crimaei or precopitae , who are all mahumetans , excepting onely a small remainder of christians , in some parts of taurica . but , in all the turks dominion that he hath in europe , inclosed after a peninsular figure , betweene danubius and the sea , and containing in circuit about 2300 miles ( for moldauia , walachia and transiluania , i rekon not for parts of his dominiō ) namely , from aboue buda , on danubius side , and from ragusa , on the sea side eastward , to the vtmost bounds of europe , as also in the iles of the aegaean sea , christians are mingled with mahumetans . all which dominion yet of the turks in europe , though so much in circuit as i said , is neuerthelesse ( measured by squares ) no greater then spaine , the continent of it , being no way answearable to the circumference : both , because it runneth far out in sharpe angles , toward the west and south , namely in hungarie and moraea , and is beside , in greece in many places , extraordinarily indented with the sea . and in this dominion of the turks in europe , such is notwithstanding the mixture of mahumetans with christians , that the christians * * boter . relat. pa. 2. l. 4. nel relation . del gran . turco . georgeuitz . de affliction . christian. sub turca l. 1. ca. de tributis . make two third parts at least , of the inhabitants : for the turke , so that christians pay him his yearely tribute ( which is one fourth part of their increase , and a sultanie for euery poll ) and speake nothing against the religion and sect of mahumet , permitteth them the libertie of their religion , and euen in greece it selfe , although more dissolute then any region of europe subiect to the turke , ( as hauing beene anciently more wasted with intestine discord , and longest groaned vnder the turks oppression ) there remain yet neuerthelesse in ⸫ ⸫ chitrae de ●tatu ecclesi●r non longé ab initio . constantinople , the very seate of the turkish empire , aboue 20 churches of christians , and in the citie of salonichi ( thessalonica ) aboue 30 , ( wheras in this later the mahumetans haue but 3 ) beside very many churches abroad in the prouince vnder suffragan bishops , gerlach in epist. ad crus . turcograeciae . l. pag. of whom the metropolitan of salonichi , hath no lesse then 10 , belōging to his iurisdiction , as there are also recorded yet to remaine vnder the metropolitans of philippi , 150 churches : of athens , as many : of corinth , 100 , together with sundry suffragan bishops vnder each of them . but in afrique , all the regions in a maner , that christian religion had gained from idolatry , mahumetanisme hath regained from christianitie : insomuch , that not onely the north part of afrique , lying along the mediterrane sea , concil carthag . 4. & cōcil . african . seu carthag . 6. namely , betwixt it and the mountaine atlas , euen from spaine to aegypt , where christianitie sometime exceedingly flourished , as the we reade synodes of aboue 200 bishops to haue beene gathered , and * * martin . polon . supput . an. 475. 300 catholique bishops to haue beene there expelled , by gensericus k. of the wandales : and in some one prouince alone , * * victor . l 1. de persecut . vandalec . zengitana by name , ( it is that wherein carthage stood ) to haue beene 164 bishops vnder one metropolitan : ) not onely that north part of afrique i say , is at this present vtterly voide of christians , excepting a few townes belonging to the king of spaine , ( of which onely septa and tanger are episcopall cities : ) but euen in all the vast continent of aphrique , being about thrice as large as europe , there is not any region entierly possessed by christians , but the kingdome of habassia , no , nor yet , ( which is more lamentable ) any other , where christians are mingled , either with mahumetans , but onely aegypt : or where with idolaters , but the kingdomes of * * pigafet . hist. regni congens . l. 2. c. 2. congo and angola : which two about 120 yeares agoe ( an. 1491 ) beganne first to receiue christianity : all the rest of afrique , being entirly gouerned , and possessed by pagans , or mahumetans . to which , if i should adde , those few places in afrique , afore mentioned , near the strait of gibraltar , which the kk . of portugall and castile , haue conquered from the mores , with the other few dispersed fortresses , which the portugalles hold in other places on the coast of afrique ( altogether euen betwixt spaine and india are but 11 or 12 ) i know not where to finde , euen among all the natiue inhabitants of aphrique , any christians more . for , as for the large region of nubia , which had from the apostles time , ( as is thought ) professed the christian faith , it hath againe aboue 100 yeares since , forsaken it , and embraced in steade of it , partly mahumetanisme , and partly idolatrie , and that by the most miserable occasion that might befall , namely famine of the word of god through lacke of ministers : for as albarez hath recorded , aluarez . hist. aethiopic . ca. 137. at his being in the k. of habassia his court , there were embassadours out of nubia , to intreat him for a supply of ministers , to instruct their nation , and repaire christianity gone to ruine among them : but were reiected . and yet are the christians of aegypt , namely those of the natiue inhabitants , but very few in respect of that infinitenesse of people , wherwith aegypt doth , and euer did abound , as being esteemed , not to passe * * boter . relat. pa. 1. l. 3. cap. de 1 popoli del egitto . thom. a ies. de conuers . gent. l. 7. par . 1. c. 5. 50000. and , as touching the kingdome of habassia , neither is it all christians , but a great part of gentiles , namely toward the west , and south bounds of it , and some part mahumetans , toward the east border : neither so large and spatio●s , as many mens relations haue made it thought to be . for although i cannot assent to them , who assigne to that great kingdome , but about boter . relat. pa. 1. l. 3. c. de abassia . 662 leagues of compasse , by which reckoning ( suppose they were spanish leagues ) it should be little larger then germany , ( for i know full well , by infallible obseruations , that sparing limitation of theirs , to be vntrue ) yet , neither can i yeeld to them , who esteem it * * horat. malaguz . nel discor so de ● . cinque massimi signo●i . greater , then the vast dominions of the emperours of turkie or of tartarie &c : or , to them , that extend it from the one tropique , to the other , and from the red sea , almost to the west ocean . for first , certaine it is ( that i may speake a little of the limits of this kingdome ) that it attaineth not to the redde sea ( eastward ) neither within the straits of babel mandel , nor without : for within those straits , boter . 〈◊〉 pro●im . cita●o . along the bay of arabia , there is a continuall ledge of mountaines , knowne to bee inhabited with moores , betwixt that bay , and the dominion of habassia : so that , only one port there is , along all that coast , somman . dei regni oriental . apud ramos vol 1. pag , 324 ▪ ( ercoco by name ) where those mountaines open to the sea , that at this present belongeth to it . neither without those straits doth it any where approach to the ocean . all that coast , as farre as mozambique , being well knowne to be inhabited with arabians . and as touching the west limits of habassia , i can not finde by any certaine history or relation ( vnskilfull men may rumour what they will , and i know also that the common charts represent it otherwise ) i cannot find i say , that it stretcheth beyond the riuer nilus , so far commeth it short of the west ocean . for it is knowne , that all the west bank of nilus , from the riuer of zaire to the confines of nubia , boter . rel●● . p 1 lib. 3. ca. loango . a●●zichi . is possessed by the anzichi , being an idolatrous and man-eating nation , & subiect to a great prince of their own , thus then it is with the bredth of the empire of habassia , betwixt east and west : and now to speake of the length of it , lying north and south , neither doth it approach northward on nilus side , further then the south end of the isle of meroe , ( meroe it selfe is inhabited by mahumetans , and the deadly enemies of the king of habassia ) nor on the sea side farther then about the port of suachem . and toward the south , although the bounds of that kingdom , be not perfectly known , yet that it approacheth nothing neere the circle of capricorne , as hath bin supposed , is most manifest , because the great kingdomes of moenhemage , and benomotapa , and some others , are situate betwixt habassia and that circle . but , as neere as i am able to coniecture , hauing made the best search that i can , in the itineraries and relations , that are extant of those parts , the south limit of that empire , passeth not the south parallel of six or seuen degrees at the most , where it confineth with moenhemage . so that to make a respectiue estimate of the largenesse of that dominion , by comparing it with our knowne regions of europe , it seemeth equall to germany and france , and spaine , and italie laid together : equall i say in dimension of ground , but nothing neere equall in habitation or multitude of people , which the distemperature of that climate , and the drye barrennes of the ground , in many regions of it , wil not allow . for which cause the torride parts of afrique , are by piso in strabo resembled to a libbards skinne , strab. l. 2. the distance of whose spots , represent the dispersednesse of habitations or townes in afrique . but if i should absolutely set downe the circuit of that whole dominion , i esteeme the limitation of pigafetta , pigafett . de regn. cong . l. 1. c. 10. nere about the truth , namely , that it hath in circūference 4000. miles ( about 1500. in length , and about 600. in breadth : ) beeing inclosed with mahumetans on the north , and east , and with idolaters , on the west and south . such then as i haue declared , is the condition of christians in the continent of afrique : but the inhabitants of the isles along the west coast of africk , as namely madera ; the canaries , the isles of cabo verde , and of s. thomas , and some other of lesse importance , are by the portugals and castilians instruction , become christian : but on the east side of afrique , excepting only * * paul. venet. l. 3. c. 38. zocotora , there is no christian isle . euen such is the state of christians in the firme land , and the adiacent isles of afrique . and it is not much better in asia , for excepting first the empire of russia , ( and yet of it , a great part is idolatrous , namely the region betweene the riuers of pechora and ob , and some part of permia ) secondly , the regions of circassia , and mengrelia , lying along moe●tis and the euxine sea , from tanais eastward as farre as the riuer phasis . thirdly , the prouince of georgia , and fourthly the mountaine libanus in syria , ( and yet the last of these is of the turkes dominion ) excepting these few i say , there is not any region in all asia , where christians liue seueral , without mixture , either of mahumetans , or of pagās , for although vitriacus a man well experienced in some parts of the orient , iacob . a vitriaco . histor. orient . c. 77. ( as being bishop of acon and the popes legate in the east , at what time palestina and syria were in the hands of christians ) hath left registred , that the christians of the easterlie parts of asia , exceeded in multitude the christians of the greek and latine churches : yet in his time ( for he writ almost 400. yeares agoe ) christianity began to decline , and since his time , it hath proceeded infinitely to decay , in all those parts of asia : first , by the inundation of the idolatrous tartars , who subdued all those regions , and after by the intertaining of mahumetanisme in many of them . the time was indeed , ( and but about 400. yeares agoe ) when the king of tenduc , whom the histories of those times name presbyter iohannes , a christian , but a nestorian prince , ruled farre and wide , in the northeast part of asia : as hauing vnder his dominion , beside tenduc , ( which was his owne natiue and peculiar kingdome ) all the neighbouring prouinces , which were at that time for a great part , christian : but after that his empire was brought to ruine , and he subdued by chingis a rebell of his owne dominion ( and the first founder of the tartarian empire ) which happened about the yeare 1190. the state of christian religion became in short time strangely altered in those parts , paul venet. l. ● . cap. 8. for i find in marcus paulus , who liued within 50. yeares after vitriacus , and was a man of more experience in those parts then hee , as hauing spent seuenteene yeares together in tartarie , partly in the emperours court , and partly in trauailing ouer those regions , about the emperours affaires , that except the prouince of tenduc , which as i saide was the kingdome of presbyter iohns residence ( for it was the prince of that kingdōe , scaliger . de en●●●ndat . tempor . l 7. annot . in comput aethiop . which is rightly & vsually , for scaligers imagination , that it was the king of the habassines , that inlarged his dominion so far in the northe east of asia , till hee was driuen into afrique by the tartars , hath neither any foundation at all in historie , nor probability in reason . namely that a king in afrique should subdue the most distant parts of all asia from him , and there hould residence , al the regions betwixt belonging to other princes . moreouer it is certainly known of presbyter iohn of asia , that hee was a nestorian , whereas hee of habassia was , and still is , a iacobite . besides , it hath bene recorded from time to time , of the christians of habassia , that they were circumcised , which of those of the east , was neuer reported by any , &c. by the anciēter historians named presbyter iohn , howsoeuer the mistaking fantasies of many , haue trāsported it out of asia into africk and by errour bestowed it on the k. of habassia , ) except that prouince of tēduc i say , whereof * * paul , ven●t . l. 1. ca. 64. marcus paulus cōfesseth the greater part , to haue professed the christiā religion at his being in tartary , the rest of the inhabitāts , being partly mahumetans , * * vtriae . histor . orient c. 78. otho phrisingen s. l. 7. c. 33. & alij . and partly idolaters : in all the other prouinces of those parts beside , that , hee obserueth the christians to bee but few , as namely in the kingdomes of * * l. 1. c. 45. tanguth , of * * l. 1. c. 47. chinchintales , of * * l. 1. c. 48. succhuir , of * * l. 2. c. 39. caraiam , of * * l. 1. c. 38. cassar , of * * l. 1. c. 40. carcham , of * * l. 1. c. 62. ergimuli , of * * l. 1. c. 63. cerguth , of egrigaia , and in the other regions of tartary mentioning no christians at al. two cities onely i finde in him excepted , the one was * * l. 2. c. 61. cingiangifu in mangi , ( that is china ) where he noteth , that many christians dwelt , and the other * * l. 2. c. 64. quinsay , in which later yet , ( although the greatest city in the world ) he hath recorded to be found but one church of christians . but , these places excepted before mentioned . i can finde no certaine relation , neither in paul venetus , nor anie other , of any christians of the natiue inhabitants , in all the east of asia , but idolatrie keepeth still her ould possession , and ouerspreadethall . but yet indeede , in the more southerly partes of asia ( especially in those where christianity was first planted , and had taken deepest roote ) as natolia , syria , palestine , chaldaea , assyria , mesopotamia , armenia , media , persia , the north part of arabia , and the south of india , christians are not onely to be found , but in certaine of those regions , as in natolia , armenia , syria , mesopotamia , somewhat thicke mingled with mahum●tans : as they are also in the south of india not farre from the promontorie of comorijn , in some reasonable number , in the kingdome of contan , of cranganor , and of choromandeb , but mingled with idolaters . but yet , is not this mixture of christians with them of other religions , in any part of asia , after the proportiō of their mixture in europe ( where i obserued the christians to make the preuailing number ) but they are farre inferiour , to the multitude of the mahumetans , and of the idolaters , among whom they are mingled , and yet touching their number , decrease euerie day , in all the parts aforesaid , india onely excepted . where since the portugales held goa ( which they haue erected into an archbishopricke ) and intertained malabar , and some other parts of india , what with commerce , and what with amitie , the number of christians is greatly multiplied , in sundrie places of that region , but yet not so , as to compare in any sort , with the mahumetans , and much lesse with the idolaters among whom they liue . thus it is with christians in the firme land of asia : but in the islands about asia , christianitie is as yet but a tender plant : for although it hath made some entrance into the isles called philippinas , namely into 30 of them , for so manie onely of 11000 termed by that name , are subiect to the king of spaine . th. ies. de conu . gent. l. 1. c. 1. by the industrie of the castilians , as also by the preaching of the portugales , into ormuz in the bay of persia , and into c●ilan in the sea of india , and some few other of the infinite multitude of islands , dispersed in that easterne sea , yet hath it hetherto found in all those places , rather some faire beginning , then any great proceeding . onely in iaponia christianity hath obtained ( notwithstanding many hinderances and oppositions ) more prosperous successe . insomuch that many yeares since , there were recorded to haue beene by estimation , about * * plat. de bono stat religiosi . l. 2. c. 30. 200000 christians in iaponia . lastly , in america , there be foure large regions , and those of the most fruitefull and populous part of it , possessed and gouerned by the spaniards , that is , nu●ua espana , castilla del oro ( otherwise termed nu●bo reino ) peru , and part of brasile , the first three , by the castilians , and the fourth , by the portugales , all which together , may by estimation , make a region as large as europe . in which , as also in the islands , specially in the greater islands of hispaniola , cuba , iamaica , and puerto rico , the christian religion is so largely spred , that * * amand. ziriean chron. circ . an. 1519. one hath presumed , to equall in a manner , the christians of america , to those of the latine church in europe : and * * surius . in chron. ad . an christ. 1558. another , hath left recorded , that within a few yeares after the entrance of the gospell among them , there were no lesse then seuen millions , or as others reported fourteene millions , that in the sacrament of baptisme had giuen their names to christ. but especially in the kingdome of mexico ( or nueua espanna ) christian religion obtained that plentifull and prosperous successe , that we finde recorded of sundrie of the preachers , employed about the conuersion of that people , that they baptised ech one of them , vid. epist. petri gaudens . in comment . sedulij ad vitam . s. francisci . pa. 229. et epist. martin . 2 valentia . ibid . pag. 232. et epist. episcopi mexicani . pag. 235. aboue 100000. and that in few yeares ▪ insomuch that ( as is storied by surius ) it is to be found among the records of charles the fift , that some old priest hath baptised 700000. another , 300000 , and certaine others verie great multitudes . but yet , what maner of christians manie of those proselytes were , i am loth to remember , or report ( and it may be by this time , they are better affected and instructed then they were ) for certainely , ouiedo , and benzo , men that had long liued , and were well experienced in those parts , haue left recorded , the first of * * ouied hiftor . ind. occidental . l. 17. c. 4. cuba , that there was scare any one , or but very few , that willingly became christians , benzo . histor . nou. orbis . l. 2. c. 19. and both ouiedo of them , and benzo of the christians of nueua espanna , that they had nothing almost belonging to christianitie , but onely the bare name of christians , being so vtterly mindelesse , and carelesse of christian religion , that they remembred not any thing of the couenant and profession , they made in their baptisme : onely , they kept in minde , the name they receaued then , which very name also , they forgot soone after . but all the rest of america except the regions afore mentioned , which compared to the parts possessed by the castilians and portugales ( to make estimation by the mappes that wee haue of those regions , for the north and west coasts of america , are not yet perfectly discouered ) may be as sixe to one , is possessed by idolaters . of the parts of the world possessed by mahumetans . chap. xi . hauing declared the amplitude of christianitie , i will proceede to shew the state of other religions in the world , & with all , what parts of it , the professours of those religions doe seuerally inhabite ; and lastly , what proportion they may haue each to other , and all of them to christians . to indeuour therefore your satisfaction in this behalfe . there are foure sorts or sects of religion , obserued in the sundrie regions of the world. namely , idolatrie , mahumetanisme , iudaisme , and christianity . of christians i haue alreadie spoken : now therefore will i relate for your better contentment , of the other three ; and first of mahumetans . mahumetans then possesse in europe , as i said before ( hauing in that part but small mixture of christians ) all the region betwixt tanais and boristhenes ( don and nieper they are now called ) being about a twentith part of europe : beside mathi●a michou . de sarmat . l. 2. c. 3. some villages in lituania about wilna , where the vse of their religion is by the king of poland permitted them , for in greece , macedon , thrace , bulgaria , rascia , seruia , bosina , epirus , the greatest part of hungaria , and some part of dalmatia ( which may bee together about one foureteenth part of europe ) although the gouernment be wholy the turkes , yet mahumetans scarcely passe one third part of the inhabitants . but in afrique mahumetanisme is spred exceeding farre , for , first to consider the maritime coast : it possesseth all the shoare of the atlantique ocean , from cape blanco to the strait of gibralter , being about 1100 miles . secondly , on the shoare of the mediterrane , all from that strait to aegypt , about 2400 miles , excepting onely on the one coast , and on the other , some seuen townes , in the possession of the spaniards . thirdly , on the east side of afrique all the coast of the bay of arabia , euen from suez to c. gardafu . , about 1600 miles , excepting onely one port ( ercoco ) being of the dominion of the king of habassia . and thence ( doubling that cape ) southward , all the shore of the aethiopique sea , as farre as mozambique ( that is ouer against the middest of madagascar ) about 1800 miles . and in all the coasts of afrique hitherto mentioned , being altogether about 7000 miles ( that is , by some excesse more then halfe the circumference of afrique ) the professors of mahumeds religion , haue both possession and dominion , together with the * * paul. venet. l. 3. c. 39. linschot . l. ● . c. 3. maritime parts , of the great isle of madagascar , and many other islands along the coast of afrique . and yet , euen beyond mozambique also , as farre as to the cape das corrientes ( it is vnder the circle of capricorne ) although they haue there no rule , yet they are found mingled with idolaters . but yet neuerthelesse , obserued it is , that along the east shoare of afrique , namely from suachem to mozambique ( being towards 3000 miles of the mentioned coast ) mahumetans possesse onely the margent of the land , or the sea shoare , and haue gotten but little footing in the inland parts , except in the kingdomes of dangali and adel , confining together , the first within and the second without the straite of babel mandel , which yet are but small prouinces . and this also ( to extenuate their number ) is also true , that from the kingdome of adel , and cape guardafu , to mozambique , there is found among the mahumetans , some mixture of idolaters , although the dominion bee onely in the mahumetans hands . but yet on the north and west parts of afrique , it is farre otherwise , and farre worse : mahumetanisme hauing ouerspread all the maine land of afrique , betweene the mediterraine sea and the great riuer neger : and along the course of nilus , as farre as the isle of meroe , which lieth also about the same parallel with the riuer niger , and is possessed by mahumetans . and yet , * * leo. afri● . l. 1 cap. de religion . afror . beyond niger also , it hath inuaded and obtained , all the kingdomes of the nigrites that border on that riuer . so that all barbarie and biled elgerid , and libya deserta , and the region of negroes , are become of that religion . excepting first some maritime parts toward the atlantique sea , namely from c. blanco southward , which are inhabited by gentils . secondly , the kingdome of borno , and some part of nubia : and thirdly , certaine scattered multitudes of the old african progenie , that still retaine their ancient gentilisme , and are found in diuers places heere and there in the mountaines & wilder parts of barbary , of biled-elgerid , and of libya . these i say , beeing excepted , all afrique beside , frō the mediterrane sea , som what more southward then the riuer niger , is ouerspread with mahumetans : which ( adding these before mentioned , along the east coast of aethiopia ) may by estimation , take vp foure nine parts of afrique . and yet in asia , mahumetanism is farther spred , beeing imbraced and maintained chiefly , by foure mighty nations , namely , the arabians , persians , turkes , and tartars . arabia was indeed the nest , that bred and fostered that vncleane bird , and had it bene the cage also , for euer to enclose it , it had bin but too much space and liberty , for arabia is in circuit aboue 4000. miles , and except a small mixture of christians in eltor , a port towne toward the inmost angle of the bay of arabia , and petra , ( krac now it is called ) a midland towne , and two monasteries about the hill of sinai , all is possessed with mahumetans . but from arabia that poison hath in such sort dispersed it selfe through the veynes of asia , that neere the one halfe , is at this day corrupted by it . for although it hath not hetherto attained to the north coast of asia , which is partly inhabited by christians , namely , from the riuer of dwyna to pechora , and partly by idolaters from pechora to the east ocean : nor yet to the east coast , which from the most northerly part of tartary , to the most southerly part of india , * * boter . rel. pa. 3. l. 2. cap. de mahometan● . ( except some few places in the kingdome of siam ) idolaters in l●ke sort generally obtaine : yet neuerthelesse , it is as i saide , namely , that a very great part of asia , is infected with that pestilence . for first , all the southerly coast of asia , from the bay of arabia to the riuer indus , is possessed by mahumetans : and if wee proceed further along that shore , euen beyond the riuer of indus also , the great kingdomes of cambaia , and bengala , for a great part of them , and about one fourth part of the inhabitants of malabar , are obserued to be mahumetans . and secondly , to consider the inland parts : all from the westerly bounds of asia , namely the riuer tanais , with the euxine , aegaean , and mediterane seas , as farre eastward , as the mountaine imaus , ( which is more then halfe the length of asia ) is possessed by them : except , first the * * guaguin . descr. tartar. in kyrges●orum horda . kirgessi neere imaus , who are idolaters : and secondly , the mixture of christians among them , who yet haue very small proportion ( for their multitude ) to mahumetans , in any prouince , of all the mentioned vast circuit , for howsoeuer burchardus about 320. yeares agoe , hath left recorded of those parts of asia , that there were to be found in them 30. christians for one mahumetan . descr. ter . sanct . pa. 2. c. 2. § . 9. yet certainely , that in these present times the excesse of multitude is growne great on the mahumetans side in respect of christians , the experience of many putteth out of question . and , if wee shall proceed yet farther eastward , in the inland parts of asia , and passe in our speculation , beyond the mountaine imaus , euen there also sundry prouinces are obserued , as * * paul. venet. l. 1. c. 41.42.43 . peim , cotam , lop , where mahumetans are the maine and sole inhabitants , and many more , as * * id. l. 1. ca. 38.40.47.62.63.64 . &c. cassar , carcham , chinchintilus , tanguth , ergimul , cerguth , tenduc , &c. where they are mingled among idolaters , which may for a great part , counteruaile those regions of asia , which christians and idolaters take vp on this side that mountaine . so that , in my estimation , hauing about these points cōferred history with geography in the most circumspect & considerate manner that i was able , about nine parts of 20. of asia , are possessed by mahumetans . thus then is mahumetanisme spread ouer the one halfe almost of the firme land of asia . and yet moreouer in the ilands also that are about asia , that religion hath found large intertainment . for not onely a good part of the small * * nicol. de cō●i . viag nelle indie . ba●bos . ●p . ramus . vol. 1. de viaggi . p : 313 ▪ 318.319 . boter . relat p. 3. l. 2 de mahometani , isles of maldiuia , namely those of them that are inhabited , ( for they are aboue 7000. in all , and most without habitation ) are possessed with mahumetans , but moreouer , all the ports of the isle of ceilan , ( except colombo which the portugalls haue ) the sea coasts of sumatra , the ports of iaua , with the isle of sunda , the ports of banda , of bornéo and of gilolo , with some of the ilands malucos , are in the hands of mahumetans . of the great spreading & inlargement of which religion , if the causes were demanded of mee , i should make answere , that beside the iustice of almighty god , punishing by that violent and wicked sect , the sinnes of christians ( for we see that by the conquests of the arabians , and turks , it hath cheefly seased on those regions , where christianity in ancient time most flourished , both in afrique and asia , and partly in europe ) one cause j say , of the large spreading of their religion , is the large spreading of their victories . for it hath euer beene the condition of the conquered , to follow for the most part the religion of the conquerors . a secōd , their peremptory restraint , ( euen on the paine of death ) of all disputation touching their religion , and calling any point of it into question . a third , their suppression of the studie of philosophy , by the light whereof , the grosnesse and vanity of many parts of their religion might bee discouered , which is inhibited to bee taught in their vniuersities , and so hath beene , about these 400. yeares , whereas till then , it greatly flourished among thē , in cordoua , in fess , in maroccho , in bagded , and other cities . and yet , as bellonius and * * bellon . obser . l. 3. c. 30. georgeuitz . l. 2. de ritib . turcar. cap. de scholis . others write , the turkes fall now againe , to those studies afresh . a fourth cause may well bee assigned , the sensuall liberty allowed by it , namely , to haue many wiues , and the like promise of sensual pleasures , to succeed after this life ( to the religious obseruers of it , ) in paradise , wherewith men for the greatest part , as being of things wherewith their sense is affected , & whereof they haue had certaine experience , are more allured and perswaded , then with promises of spiritual delights , presented only to their hopes , and for which present and sensible pleasures must in the meane time be forsaken . of the sundrie regions of the world inhabited by idolaters . chap. xii . now touching idolaters , they possesse in europe , a region as i before obserued , about 900. miles in circuit , ( although the ordinary geographical charts represent it , ( but falslie ) more then twise so large ) containing lappia , corelia , biarmia , scricfinia , and the north part of finmarch . all which together , may by estimation make about one sixtieth part of europe , or a little more , more i meane in magnitude rather then in multitude , for it is indeed a little greater then so . beside which prouinces , there are also to bee found in diuers places of * * beem . de morib . gent. l. 3. c. 7. boter . relat. p. ● l. 1. c. litunia lituania , and samagotia , some scattered remnants of idolaters . but in afrique their multitude is very great , for from c. blanco on the coast of libya , the most westerly point of all afrique ( being about the north latitude of twenty degrees ) euen al the coast of afrique southward , to the cape of buena esperanza : and thence turning by the backe of afrique as farre as the cape of mozambique , beeing ( ouer against the middest of madagascar ) in the south latitude of fifteene degrees : all this coast i say , beeing not much lesse , then halfe the circumference of afrique , is inhabited by idolaters . onely , on the east side , from mozambique to cape de corrientes ( which is the south latitude of 24 degrees ) they are mingled with mahumetans : and on the west side , in the kingdome of congo , and the north part of angola , with christians : but yet in both these places of their mixture , idolaters are the greater multitude . but now , if wee consider the inland region of afrique , all betweene the riuer nilus , and the west sea of aethiopia , from about the north parallel of tenne degrees , to the south parallel of 6. or 7. degrees , but from that parallel of 6. or 7. degrees , euen all aethiopia southward , on both the sides of nilus , from the east sea of aethiopia , to the west , euen to the most southerly point of all afrique , the cape of buona speranza , is possessed by idolaters : excepting onely some part of congo and angola afore mentioned , toward the west sea , inhabited by christians , and the vtmost shore of the east sea , frō mozambique northward , which is replenished with mahumetans : and yet , beside all the regions before mentioned , euen all the kingdome of * * leo african . l. 7. ca. de borno regno . borno , and a great part * * aluarez . hist. aethiop . c. 30. of nubia is possessed by them ; to speake nothing of the infinite multitudes of the * * leo afric . l. 1. c. de vitij● afror . ancient africans , dispersed in sundry tracts of barbary , of biled-elgerid , and of libya deserta , which still continue in their ancient paganisme . so that ( ouer and beside these last ) very neere abouth halfe afrique , is possessed by idolaters . and yet in asia idolaters abound more then in afrique , euen as asia is larger then afrique for the continent , and for the people , beter inhabited , for of asia also , very neere about the one halfe , or rather a little more is possessed by idolaters . for first if wee consider the maritime parts , all from the riuer of pechora , eastward to the ocean , and then turning downeward , to the most southerly point of india , ( and of all asia ) the cape of cincapura , and from that point returning westward , by the south coast , to the outlets of the riuer indus , al that maritime tract i say , is entirely possessed by idolaters . sauing onely , that in the neerer part of india , betweene indus and ganges , there is among them some mixture both of mahumetans and christians : and in the further part , the city and territory of malacca , is held by portugalls , and some part of the sea coast of the kingdome of siam , by moores . so that by this account , a good deale more then halfe the circumference of asia , is possessed by idolaters . and , although in the inland parts their proportion bee somewhat lesse , then in the maritime , yet if we consider well , the whole dimension of asia , we shall find by good estimation , as before i said , that the one halfe , or rather a little more , is replenished with idolaters : for the better declaring of which point , you may vnderstand , that as strabo and ptolomie , haue obserued , of the mountaine taurus , strab. l. 2. ptolē in tab. orb. general . that beginning in the west parts of asia ( in the confines of lycia and pamphilia ouer against the chelidonian isles ) it runneth eastward e●en to the ocean , keeping between the parallels of 30. and 40. degrees , and so deuiding the north part of asia from the south . euen so must we obserue of the mountaine * * vid. ptolem. in tab. o●bis . ●niuer . et mercator in tab. general● asiae . imaus that beginning on the shoare of the north ocean , it runneth along through the middest of asia to the south , keeping still about the same meridian , namely about the longitude of 30. degrees , and crossing ( at right angles in a manner ) the mountaine taurus deuideth the east part of asia from the west . imaus therfore in this sort diuiding asia into two parts , not much vnequall , diuideth also in a manner , between the idolaters & mahumetans of asia , for although the hether part of asia , west of imaus , and possessed of mahumetans , take vp more in the longitude of the earth , namely east and west : yet the further part east of imaus , spreadeth more in latitude , north and south , which may make some recompence toward that excesse . but , if withall we subtract those parts of the hether asia , that are couered with the persian , and caspian seas , beside large parts of the euxine & mediterrane , the further asia ( i thinke ) will fully equall it . now , although many mahumetans bee also found on the other side of imaus toward the northeast of asia , both seuerall in sundry prouinces , and otherwise mingled with idolaters or christians , or with both , as before was partly obserued : yet many more whole regions of idolaters , ( to counteruaile those mahumetans ) are found on this side imaus , both , toward the south , in the kingdomes of the nearer india , and toward the north , betwixt imaus and the riuer pechora , all which coast of asia is inhabited by idolaters , and lastly , in the middest betwixt both , the kirgessi , and some other of their neighbour nations . and not onely in the firme land of asia , is idolatry thus spred : but in those many thousand ilands that lie dispersed in the vast ocean , on the east and southeast parts of asia : * * paul. ven. l. 3. c 8. id , l. 3. cap. 42. which ouer against china , are recorded vpon the report of mariners , long practised in those seas , to be 7448 , and , about * * paul. ven. l. 3. c 8. id , l. 3. cap. 42. india , to be 127000 : and which might for their largenesse , if they were all layed together , make a continent as large as three foure parts of europe . in those islands i say , idolatrie ouerspreaddeth all , excepting onely those few , which i before obserued , to be possessed by the spanyards , and by the arabians . finally , of all other parts of the earth yet discouered , idolatry spreadeth farthest in america , which being but little lesse , then the easterne continent , ( that we terme the old world ) is at least six parts of seuen , inhabited with heathenish and idolatrous people . for , except the regions aboue mentioned , possessed namely by the portugalles and castilians , ( and yet the inner , and wilder tracts euen of those , remaine still for a great part , in their ancient paganisme ) and many notwithstanding their baptisme , th●a ies de con. ge●t . l. ● . c. 1. withal worship idols together with some later conuerts made in the region about & aboue the bay of california , of whō as yet , histories make so little report , that of their number i can make no estimate : and lastly 2 , or 3 fortresses , held by the spanyards , on the coast of florida , with the english colonies in virginia , and the french in canada , these i say being excepted , all the rest of america , being as i sayd about six seuenth parts remaineth in their olde idolatry . and thus haue i declared the three principall sects as touching religion , that are at this present found in the seuerall parts of the world , with their particular regions . but beside these , obserued there are , two or three irregular nations , being , for their religion mingled as it were , of some of the former sects . as first , in asia , the cardi , inhabiting in the mountainous country aboue mozal , betweene armenia , and mesopotamia . secondly the drusi , dwelling in syria , about the skirts of libanus , the religion of both which nations , ( such as it is ) partaketh somewhat , both of mahumetanisme and christianitie . and thirdly , the morduites in europe , possessing the middle confines betwixt the precopite tartars , and the muscouites , that are in a manner as touching their religion , mingled of all three sects : for they are both baptised like christians , and circumcised like mahumetans , and withall worship idols . of the iewes dispersed in seuerall parts of the world. chap. xiii . now , will i intreat a little , of the professours of the fourth sort and sect of religion , that is founde in the world , namely of iudaisme , for , although the iewes haue not for their mansion , any peculiar country , but are dispersed abroad among forrayne nations , for their ancient idolatries , and their later vnthankfulnesse , in reiecting their sauiour the sonne of god : so that euen in ierusalem , there be not to bee found at this time , an hundred housholds of iewes : boter . relat ▪ pa. ● . l. 2. c. de gindei . ( onely of all the townes of palestina , tiberias ( which amurath the great turke gaue to aluarez mendez a iew ) and staff●letto , are somewhat peopled with them ) neither haue they at this present , for any thing that is certainly knowen , any other region in the world , seuerall to themselues : yet , because there be some prouinces , wherein they are obserued specially to abound , as others also , whence they are excluded and banished , i will consider a little of their present condition . the first country of christendome , whence the iewes were expelled , with out hope of returne , was our country of england , whence they were banished , anno 1290 by king edward the first . not long after they were likewise banished france an. 1307. by philippus pulcher : onely of all the countryes of france , in the iurisdiction of auignon ( the popes state ) some are remaining . out of spaine , an. 1492 , by ferdinand , and shortly after out of portugall , an , 1497 by emanuel . out of the kingdome of naples and sicilie , an. 1539. by charles the 5. in other regions of europe they are found , and in some of them in great numbers , as in germanie , bohem , polonia , lituania , russia , and part of italie , specially venice and rome . in greece also a great multitude , wherein two citties ( beside all them of other places ) constantinople and thessalonica are esteemed to be about 160000 iewes . as also they are to be found by plentifull numbers , in many parts of the turks dominion , both in asia , and afrique . and for asia , specially in aleppo , in tripoli , in damascus , in rhodes , and almost in euery city of great trade and traffique in the turk●sh empire : as likewise in diuers parts of the persian gouernment , in arabia also , & lastly in india , ( namely about cranganor ) and in some other more remote regions . and , to come to afrique , they are not only foundin the cities of alexandria , and cair in aegypt , but , as in many other regions & places of afrique , so principally , in the cities of fess , and tremisen : and specially , in the hilles of sensaua , and demen in the kingdome of maroccho many of which last , are by leo africanus , specially noted to be of that sect , leo african . l. 2. c. 36. &c. which the iewes name * * for of the iewes , as touching their religion , there bee in these times three fects . the first which is the greatest of them , is named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who beside the holy scriptures , imbrace the talmud also for authenticall , and for that cause , they are also termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . the second are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which receiue onely the scriptures . and the third 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , the samaritans ( at this day but very few ) which , of all the holy scriptures , admit onely the pentateuch or bookes of moses . karraim , and by the other iewes of afrique , are reputed no better then heretiques . but yet , beside these , and such like dispersions of the iewish nation , that may be elsewhere in the world , there is a phantasie of many learned men , not vnwoorthy some diligent consideration , that the tartars of scythia , who about the yeare 1200 , or a little before , became first knowen abroad in the world by that name , and hold at this day a great part of asia , in subiection ; that those tartars i say , are of the * * postell . descript . syriae . cap. 1. genebrad . chron. l. 1. bote● relat. pa. 1. l. 2. c. vl●ima parte della tartaria & pa. 3. l. 2. c. de gindei . israelites progeny : namely of the ten tribes , which by salmanazar , and some of his predecessours , were carried captiue into assyria . which although it be as i said no other then a vain and cappriccious phantasie , yet , hath it , not onely found acceptance and entertainement , with sundrie learned and vnderstanding men : but reason and authority are produced , or pretended to establish it for a truth . for first , it is alleaged that the word tatari , or totari , ( for so indeed they are rightly called , as * * leunclau . in pandect . hist. turcic . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 syr. learned men obserue , and not tartari ) signifieth in the syriaque and hebrew tongues , a residue or remainder such as these tartars are supposed to bee of the ten tribes . secondly , because , ( as the patrons of this phantasie say ) they haue alwaies embraced ( the ancient character of iudaisme ) circumcision . and thirdly , 2 esdras 13. v. 41.42.43.44.45 . the authority of supposed esdras , ( the very spring i take it , whence hath flowed this streame of opinion ) is alleaged . namely , that the tenne tribes tooke this course to themselues , that they would leaue the multitude of the heathen , and goe foorth into a farther country , where neuer mankinde dwelt . that they might there keepe their statutes , which they neuer kept in their owne land . and that they entred in at the narrow passages of the riuer euphrates . the most high shewing them signes , and staying the springs of the floud , till they were passed ouer . and , that their iourney was great , euen of a yeare and a halfe , and the region is called arsareth . but , to the first of these arguments , i may answere , that the tartars obtained that name , neither from hebrew nor syriaque originall , and appellation , but , from the riuer tartar , saith leunclauius , leunclau . in pand. histor . turcic . §. 3. and * * boem . de morib gent. l. 2. c. 10. haitti . lib. de tartaris . cap. 16. others . or else from the region , as sayth haitho , where the principall of them anciently dwelled . secondly , that the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the hebrew , or syriaque signification , importing a residue or remainder , can but full ill ( as it seemes ) be applied to the tartars in relation of the israelites , whom they exceedingly surpasse in multitude , as ouerspreading halfe the vast continent of asia , or thereabout . for all the nations of asia , from the great riuers of wolgha and oby , eastward , and from the caspian sea , the riuer oxus , the countryes of india and china , northward , are contained vnder the appellation of tartars : and yet without these bounds many tartars there are , both toward the west , and south . and what if the innumerable people of so many nations , as are knowen to inhabite and ouerspread the huge continent of america , be also of the same of-spring ? certainely , if i bee not greatly deceiued , they are no other . for first that their originall must bee deriued from asia is apparent , because , ( as he that readeth the relations and histories of those countryes of america may easily obserue ) they haue no rellish nor resemblance at all , of the arts , or learning , or ciuility of europe : and their colour restifieth , they are not of the africans progenie ( there being not found in all that large continent , any blacke men , except a few about the riuer of s. martha , in a small countrey called quarequa , which by force and violence of some tempest , are supposed to haue beene transported thether , from the parts of guinie or aethiopia . ) therfore it seemeth , that they had their originall from asia . which yet , will appeare more credible , if it be obserued , which by the spanyards discoueries is well knowen to be true , namely , that the west side of america respecting asia , is exceeding much better peopled then the opposite or east side , that respecteth toward europe . and , as for these reasons it is very likely , that america receiued her first inhabitants , from the east border of asia : so is it altogether vnlike , that is receiued them from any other part of all that border , saue from tartarie . because , in america there is not to be discerned , any token or indication at all , of the arts or industry of china , or india , or cataia , or any other ciuill region , along all that border of asia : but in their grosse ignorance of letters , and of arts , in their idolatrie , and the specialties of it , in their inciuilitie , and many barbarous properties , they resemble the olde and rude tartars , aboue all the nations of the earth . which opinion of mine , touching the americans descending from the tartars , rather then from any other nation in that border of asia , after the neere vicinitie of asia to america , this reason aboue all other , may best establish and perswade : because it is certaine , that that northeast part of asia possessed by the tartars , is if not continent with the west side of america , which yet remaineth somewhat doubtfull : yet certainely , and without all doubt , it is the least disioyned by sea , of all that coast of asia , for that those parts of asia and america , are continent one with the other , or at most , disioyned but by some narrow channell of the ocean , the rauenous and harmefull beasts , wherewith america is stored , as beares , lions , tigers , wolues , foxes , &c. ( which men as is likely , would neuer to their owne harme transporte out of the one continent to the other ) may import . for from noahs arke , which rested after the deluge , in asia , all those beasts must of necessitie fetch their beginning , seeing they could not proceede by the course of nature , as the vnperfect sort of liuing creatures doe , of putrefaction : or if they might haue putrefaction for their parentage , or receaue their originall ( by any other new sort of generation ) of the earth without special procreation of their owne kinde , then i see no nececessitie , why they should by gods speciall appointment , be so carefully preserued in noahs arke ( as they were ) in time of the deluge . wherefore , seeing it is certaine , that those rauenous beasts of america , are the progenie of those of the same kinde in asia , and that men , as is likely , conueighed them not ( to their owne preiudice ) from the one continent to the other , it carrieth a great likelihood and appearance of truth , that if they ioine not together , yet are they neer neighbours , & but little disioyned each from other , for euen to this day , in the isles of cuba , iamaica , hispaniola , burichena , and all the rest , which are so farre remoued from the firme land , that these beasts cannot swimme from it to them , the spanyards record , ioseph acosta de n●tur . nou orb. l. 1. c. 21. that none of these are found . wherefore it seemeth ( to digresse no farther ) that the natiō of the tartarians , spreading so exceeding farre , as it doth , cannot certainely be the posteritie of those captiue israelites . neither ( to answer the second obiection ) doth their circumcision in any sort inforce it : for , neither was circumcision , among the tartars ancienter then mahumetanisme , but was receaued among them together with it , as michouius hath remembred , michou . de sa●matia . l. 1. ● . ● . so that to this day , it is not intertained ( for ought i can finde in historie ) among those tartarians , which haue not receaued mahumetanisme , but remaine in their auncient idolatrie , as for the most part , both the tartars of cataia , beyond the mountaine imaus towards the east ocean , and the tartars of sarmatia , towards the north , on both sides the riuer of oby , do . neither if it should be graunted , that circumcision had beene auncienter among them then mahumetanisme , were that an argument of anie importance , to prooue them to bee of the israelites progenie . because it is certainely knowen , tha● the ceremony & custome of circumcision hath beene & stil is vsual among many nations , of whom there was neuer any suspition , that they descended from the israelites , diodor. sic●●● part 2 c. 1 philo. iudae ▪ l. de c●●umcisione . strab. l. 16. herodot . l. 2. parum . a med. strab. l. 16. long . post med . for diodorus hath recorded of the colchians , philo iudaeus , and strabo , of the aegyptians , herodotus of both those nations , and of the aethiopians besides , that they vsed circumcision , and that that custome among the aegyptians and aethiopians , did seeme very auncient , euen as it is also by both those nations retained till this day . and yet , beside these countries already mentioned , the like is also recorded of the troglodites by strabo , and by * * diodor. sic. l 3. c. 3. agatharchid . l de mar. rubr. c. 49. ap . phot. in bibliotheca cyprian . l. de circumcision . in principio . niceph. callist . l. 8. ca. 35. ierem 9.26 . hieron in comment locitam citati . others : of the phaenicians , and arabians , by cyprian and nicephorus . and ( to leaue this accumulating of humane testimonies ) it is not obscurely acknowledged by the prophet ieremie , to haue beene vsuall ( beside the israelites ) with the aegyptians , edomites , ammonites , moabites , & the inhabitants of the desert , that is the * * for , that the ismaelites and sarracens are the same nation , is manifest by hierome , and sozomen , and others , which being anciently termed scenitae ( as ammianus hath obserued ) namely of the graecians , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , because they dwelled in tents ( for such to bee the manner of their habitation , is not onely affirmed by * * loco iam citato . hierome , but signified ( and not obscurely ) by * * psalm . 120.5 . vid. etiam ierem. 49.28.29 . dauid lamenting his dwelling in the tents of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by which name arabia deserta is termed in the hebre● ) were of their dwelling in the desert , by the arabians themselues named sarracens ( for sarrasignifieth , a desert , and sakan to inhabite , in the arabique tongue ) or else , if not of their place , yet at least ( as * * scaliger in animadu . euseb . pa. 17. an. 88. fuller . miscel●an . theolog. l. 2. ca. 1● . learned men certainly thinke ) of their property , they might obtaine that name of sarracens , namely , because they liued much by rapine ( for that the word saracke in arabique doth import ) to which aboue all nations they euer were , and still are addicted . for the deduction of the name sarracens , from * * by sozomen ● . 6. ca. 38. sara , as if they claimed descēt from hir , being indeede hagarens , ( the progenie of hagar ) is a meere fancie and fable . they claime it not . ismaelites , or sarracens of arabia : of which nations , hierome also ( to whom those regions were well knowen , ( as epiphanius also of the most of them ) hath left testified , that they retained circumcision , hieron . comment . in sa● . ca. 21. sozomen . histor . l. 6. c. 38. ammian . l. 22. post med . euen in his time . touching some of which , although it may be probablie coniectured , that they receaued it ( in som sort ) from the israelites : if not as their progenie ( which yet in some sense may be said of the inhabitants of the desert , being the posteritie of ismael the son of abraham : and likewise of the edomites , being the seed of esau the sonne of isaac ) yet at least , by imitation of abrahams familie , to whom also in blood they were allied , as the ammonites & moabites , the posteritie of lot , abrahams brothers son , and who had liued long in his familiarity and family . although i say of these nations it may bee coniectured , that their ceremonie of circumcision was taken vp , by imitation of the israelites : yet that the same rite , or custome was also deriued originally , from them to the whole nation of the arabians ( which was exceeding great ) or to the aegyptians , or other neighbouring prouinces , i know not why anie should conceaue , or if they doe , yet appeareth it to bee otherwise , because they circumcised not in the eight day , which is the inuiolable custome of the israelites : ambros. l. 2. de abraham . patriarcha . c. 12. but the aegyptians in the foureteenth yeare , as is recorded by ambrose , & the arabians in the thirteenth ( and some of them both sexes , as * * sard. de riti . gent. l. 1. c. 10. learned men haue recorded . euen as the * * bellon . obser . l. 3. c. 28. georgenitr . l. 2. de ritib . turcar. c. de circūcisione . turkes also at this day , who receaued the rite of circumcision from the arabians , are knowne to circumcise in the eight or twelfth , or fifteenth yeare or sooner , or later , as opportunitie may serue . of these nations i say , how circumcision should proceede from the israelites to them , i cannot conceaue : no more then i can of the great nation of the * * pigafet . de regn. cong . l. 1 c. 5. boter rebat . pa. 1. ● . c. loange . anzichi , on the west side of nilus beyond nubia , or of the inhabitants of * * ma●●y● ocean . ●ecad . 4. c 1. iucatana in america , whereof the first yet are , and the second ( till they came vnder the gouernment of the spaniards ) were meere idolaters , for of these also , the second had , & the first still haue circumcision in vse . and although these instances , vtterly dissolue the force of this reason , touching the tartarians circumcision ( though it were admitted to haue beene anciently in vse among them , as being vsuall with many other nations , of whom no suspition at all can be conceaued , to be of the israelites progenie ) yet this may furthermore declare them , not to be of that race , because namely , nothing else was to be found among them , that might sauour of israel . for first , they were meere idolaters , and without knowledge of the true god , as is recorded by marcus paulus , paul. venet. l. 3. c 47. haith . l. de . tartar. c. 1. by haitho , and others . secondly , they had no remembrance of the law at all . thirdly , they neither obserued the sabboath , nor other rites and ceremonies of the israelites , but touching their matrimonies , married without impeachment the verie * * vicent . spec. historialis . l. 32 c. 6. paul. venet. l. 1. c. 55. guiliel de rubric . itin. tartar . c. 9. wiues , and sisters of their fathers : and touching their feeding , abstained not at all , from vncleane beasts , but fed on the flesh of * * sigism . com . rer. moscou . gu. l. de rubricis itinerar tartar. l. 5. boem . de motib . gentium . l. 2. c. 10. horses , dogges , cattes , and dead carion , and dranke their blood , all vtterly forborne and forbidden among the israelites . fourthly , they haue no records , nor regard of their auncestors and linage , from whom , or by whom , they are descended , whereof israelites were euer curious . fifthly , they haue no affinitie of language at all , with either the hebrew or chaldee tongues , neither had any vse of those letters , nor of any other , till together with mahumetan religion , the arabique characters came in vse among some of them . neither ( in a word ) doe i finde any thing at all , wherein the tartarians sauored of israelites , for touching their abstinence from swines flesh , which we finde recorded of them , neither is it generall among them , but peculiar to those that are mahumetans : nor if it were so , were that any good argument , because wee know that the auncient * * herodot . l. 4. scythians , and * * aelian . de animalib . l. 10. c. 17. aegyptians , and arabians did , and almost all mahumetans at this day doe the same , which yet are well knowne to be in no sort descended of the israelites . now touching the authority of forged * * esdr. 2.13 . esdras , which hath stirred vp as it seemeth this vapourous fantasie , in the braines of new fangled antiquaries : neither doth that which hee writeth of the ten tribes , agree at all with the tartars : nor , if it did , could yet the circumstances of that history agree with the truth . it agreeth not with the tartars i say , for whereas they are noted in that reuelation , to bee * * vers. 39. a peaceable people , and that they * * vers. 41. left the multitude of the heathen , that they might keepe their statutes , which they neuer kept in their owne land : neither of both those properties , hath any conuenience or agreement at all with the tartarians . for how are they a peaceable people , that with their wars haue troubled and ouerturned almost all asia , and sundry countries of europe , and hold a great part of the former in subiection to this day ? or how kept they the statutes of the israelites , that were meere idolaters , and vtterly ignorant of all iewish lawes and ceremonies ? and touching the history it selfe of the israelites departure out of assyria , as it is set downe in that apocryphall esdras ( howsoeuer it might otherwise agree with the tartars ) there is no wise or considerate man , i think , that can bring his vnderstanding to giue credit to it . for first it contradicteth the vndoubted canonicall histories of the chronicles , 1. chro. 5.26 . 2. kin. 17.23 . and of the kings , in both which it is recorded of them , that they were carried away into ashur , & disposed in seuerall parts of the empire , namely * * if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be cholchi , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 iberia , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 armenia , so called for the mountainousnes of it ) and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gauzania in media , then all confined together , and bounded the north side of the assyrian empire , which stretched northward , but to that isthme betweene the euxine & the caspian seas : so that , the israelites were by that meanes , seated farthest off from their owne countrey , and placed in the parts of the empire most wast and desolate of inhabitāts , as the confines of warring nations vsually are . but if calach be calacine , and chabor the hil chaboras , ( being part of taurus , and seuering assyria , from armenia , and media ) and hara the other hilly parts in the north side of assyria , as seemeth more agreeable to the obseruations of beniamin tudelensis , for about those parts , he found in his trauail , the greatest multitudes of the israelites , then in the places aleaged , i would vnderstand by ashur , not the empire or dominion , but the peculiar kingdome of assyria . calach , and chabor , and hara , and gozan , vnto this day , which limitation of time ( vnto this day ) must at least of necessitie import , the time wherein that history ( of their remaining in ashur ) recorded in the books of the kings , & of the chronicles was writtē . of which later , either esdras himselfe was the author , as in the iudgmēt * * r. dau. kimchi & r. shelomo ex sententia seniorū apud sixt. senens . biblioth . sanctae lib. 1. of learned men he is reputed , & therfore could not ( as it seemeth ) be the author of that apocryphall history : abulens . in praef . paralipō . in quaestiō . 5. or , at least , if esdras were not the author , yet , that the author ( whosoeuer he was ) liued and writ that history of the chronicles , after the return of the iewes from the captiuity , or in the end of it , ( that is in esdras time , ) is euident by the end of the booke : where cyrus his benignity , for restoring of the iewes , & his proclamation for their returne to ierusalem is recorded , and that in the very same words , wherein esdras in the beginning of his own booke hath registred them . at that time therfore , it is euident , that the israelites were not departed out of the dominions of ashur . no nor long after that in iosephus his time : ioseph . antiq. l. 11. c. who hath recorded that euen then the tenne tribes remained beyond euphrates , and were there growne into innumerable multitudes : neither yet many hundred yeares after iosephus was dead : for r. beniamin a iew , that liued but about 440. yeares agoe , and trauailed diligently those parts of the world , and many other to visite his dispersed countrimen , hath in his itinerary left obserued , not only , that he found exceeding far greater multitudes of the israelites , beniamin in itiner . pag. 57.58.59.70.71.74 75.76.77.78.80.81.86 . to be then remaining in those prouinces of the ancient dominion of ashur , then he found in other places , possessing * * pag. 75. & 87 large regions , and * * pag. 76. &c. many cities , so that in the cities of some one region * * pag cad . 300000. iewes were by him numbred , obseruing specially , that in the parts of media , many thousand israelites of the progeny of them that salmanaser ledde into captiuity , were then remaining , but withall , he setteth downe particularly and precisely , the very places of those regions , where certaine of the tribes were seated , & there grown into great multitudes : as namely , in * * pag. 77. one place , the tribes of ruben , gad , and manasse : and in * * pag. 87. an other , the 4. tribes of dan , asher , zebulon , and naphtali . but yet if there were neither authority of holy scripture , nor experience to refell this fable , & the fancies that haue sprung of it : yet ordinary reason , at least of men that are not ignorant of geography and are meanly skilled in the affaires of the world , may easily discerne the futility of it . for first , what neede was there of such a miracle , 2. esdr. 13. as to * * and the most high thē shewed them signes , & stayed the springs of the floud ( euphrates ) till they were pas●ed ouer . ●ecs . 44. stay the course of euphrates , for the israelites passage from assyria , or media toward tartary , the riuer lying far to the west , both of the one region and of the other , & no way crossing or impeaching their iourney , which lay northward betweene that riuer and the caspian sea ? or , how might those poore captiue israelites , disarmed as they were , and dispersed in sundry prouinces of the assyrian empire , and being vnder the ouersight and gouernment of assyrian presidents , be able to leaue the places , where by the kings commandement they were to inhabite ? or , they tooke this counsel to themselues that they would leaue the multitude of the heathen . v. 41. if the israelites were able by force to depart , and free themselues from the dominion of the king of ashur , yet were they so wise also , as to forsake the places where they were peaceably setled , and venture their small remainders vpon perils and vncertainties , namely , to finde out a place where neuer mankind dwelt ? or , if their stomacke serued them so well , and their wit so ill , as in such manner to forsake assyria , and goe forth into a country where neuer mankind dwelt . v. 41. yet were they also able to make themselues way ( euen a way as hee saith , of 18. moneths passage ) through the fierce and mighty nations of scythia , whom neither the conquerours of the israelites , the assyrians i meane , nor the persians ( and i might adde also the grecians and the romans ) were neuer able to subdue , but were in the after times subdued by them ? for that the parts of scythia should bee without inhabitants ( & in scythia it must bee where they would find that country where neuer mankind dwelt , or else it is not in tartary ) is scarse credible , as wherof we read in histories , * * iustin. hist. l. 2. in princip . to haue cōtended with aegypt for antiquity of habitation , & to haue preuailed , and for the aboundance of people , to bee termed hominum officina . insomuch that the greatest occasion of swarming abroad of those nations of scythia , and of their ouerwhelming of asia & europe , with their infinite multitudes and colonies , is in histories recorded , to be lacke of room for habitation in their owne countries . and lastly , to make an end of this tedious discourse , with the ende of their imagined tedious iourney : what ancient geographer or historian is there , ( set our esdras aside ) that euer remembred of such a region as arsareth , where they are saide to haue seated themselues . true it is indeed that i find the city of arsaratha , beros . lib. 3. ptolem. geog. l. 5. c. 13. et in tab. 3. asiae . mentioned both in berosus fragments , and in ptolomie placed neer the issue of the riuer araxes into the caspian sea : and , it was perhaps one of the israelitish colonies , planted in the confines of the empire of assyria : for it may well bee that arsaratha , is but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is the city , or the hill of the remainder : or perhaps 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the last letter of the first word cut of in the greeke pronunciation for sounds sake ) the land of the remainder : but the tale of eighteene months iourney , wil no more agree with this citie , then the region of arsareth doth , with geography or historie . so that me thinks this forged story of the israelites voyage and habitation , in such remote regions where neuer mankind dwelt , sauoureth of the same phantastical and talmudical spirit , that * * esd. 6.42 . an other tale of the same author doth , touching the collection of all the waters , into a seuenth part of the earth , the other sixe beeing left vncouered : or * * cap. eod . vers . 50. a third , of ( the elephant and the whale ) behemoth and leuiathan : namely , that god appointed the sea to one of them , and the land to the other , because they were so great that the sea could not hold them both : for else belike , if the sea had bene large enough , we might haue gone a fishing for elephants . for how is the sea gathered into a seauenth part of the earth , whose expansion is not only by the most skilfull philosophers esteemed , but found by experiēce of nauigations hitherto made , to ouerspred as neerly as may be discerned , about halfe the compasse of the earth ? or , being of that bredth , and withall of the depth , that it is knowne to be how should it not bee spatious enough , to receiue elephants and whales together ? the dimensions of the elephant , euen of the greatest sort of indian elephants , ( and the earth breedeth none so large as those of india ) are , aelian de animalib . l. 12. c. 8. saith aelianus , nine cubits of heigth ( the length in that beast is equall to the height ) and fiue of bredth , the greatest that haue bene seene in europe , being * * vid. gilliū in descript : 6 , elephant , c. 6. et gorop l. 2. origin . antuerptan . obserued to be far lesse . the dimension of the whale indeed is far greater ( fiue times saith * * aelian . l. 16. ca. 12. rondelet . de piscib . l. 16. c. 11. arriā . de reb. indicis longe ante finem . aelianus then the largest sort of elephants ) but yet his ordinary dimensiō is , but 36. cubits long , and 8. cubits high , as rondeletius hath obserued . but admit notwithstanding some of them to bee 50. cubits , of which length , nearchus in arrianus is saide to haue measured one in the east ocean : nay , to be 600. foot long , and 360. foote thicke , as * * ap. plin. l. 32. c. 1. iuba in plinie related to bee found in the bay of arabia , ( where yet , as it is well knowne by the foundings of nauigators , that sea is not by a good deale 360. foote deepe ) or , let them be more yet , plin. l 9. c. 3. euen foure acres long , ( that is 960. foote ) as plinie hath related of some in the sea of india . for , although the two last reports bee in truth no better then fancies and fables , basil. in hexaemer . homil. 7 which the impudence of some , hath made the ignorance of others , to beleeue , yet i will exclude none , but onely basil , as intolerably hyperbolical , affirming namely that whales are equal to the greatest mountaines , & their backs whē they shew aboue the water , like to islands . but admitting all the rest i say , what proportion haue those dimensions of the whale & the elephant , to the huge bredth & depth of the oceā ? for if i may without offence intersert a short philosophicall speculaton : the depth of the sea ( to speake nothing of the bredth , which euery common mappe doth represent ) is determined by fabianus in plinie , fabian . apud plin. l. 2. c. 102 cleomed . meteot . l. 1. c. 10. and by cleomedes , to be 15 furlongs , that is , one mile and seuen eight parts : or else , equall to the height of the greatest mountaines , to whose height , and the deepenesse of the sea , the geometricians ( as plutarch hath recorded ) anciently assigned equall dimensions . plutarch in vita aemilij pauli . or yet rather ( if you will any thing respect my opinion ) it is a great deale more . scalig. de subtilitate . exercit. 38. for , as for the shallow speculation of scaliger , and * * and. baccius de thermis . l. 1. c. 4. & alij . others , of the shallownesse of the sea , determining the height of hilles , farre to surpasse the deepenesse of the sea : and that in very few places , it attaineth 100 passes of depth , is indeed true in the narrow channels and straits of the sea : but in the free and large ocean , it is by the experience of nauigators knowen to bee as false as the gospell is true . indeed touching the height of mountaines , i finde it pronounced by the great mathematician eratosthenes in theon , theon . in comment . magnae construction . ptolom . l. 1. that the highest sort of them , passe not in perpendicular erectnesse 10 furlongs ( that is one mile and one fourth part ) of which height also , it is obserued in plinie , plin. l. 2. c. 63. plutarch . loc . supra citato . that dicaearchus by dioptricall instruments , found the hill pelius in thessalie to bee , and in plutarch , that xenagoras ( another mathematician ) obserued the height of olympus , in the same region , sauing , that in this later , there is an addition of 20 passes , for the whole number of passes , is 1270. neither do i find any greater perpendicular height attributed to mountaines , by any ancient writer , cleomedes excepted : cleomed . l. 1. meteor . c. 10. who assigneth to the height of hils , as he doth also to the depth of the sea , 15 furlongs . ( for alhazen i omit , because he onely restraineth the height of hilles , alhazen . de crepuscul . propos . 1. as namely , not to exceed 8 miles , without determining what their height should be ) but yet , all these , are to bee vnderstood , i take it , with relation to the mountaines in and about greece , with which themselues were acquainted , which may in no sort compare with the huge mountaines of vast continents , such as are the alpes in europe , atlas in afrique , caucasus in india , the andes in peru , and such other . but , whatsoeuer the height of hilles may bee aboue the common superficies of the earth , it seemeth to me after good consideration , that the depth of the sea , is a great deale more . for declaration of which point , i require to be supposed , first , that the earth at the first forming of it , was in the superficies , regular , and sphericall : which the holy scripture directs vs to beleeue , because the water couered and compassed all the face of the earth : and secondly , that the face of the land is in largenesse and expansion , at least equall to that of the sea : and thirdly , that the vneuennesse and irregularity , which is now seene in the superficies of the earth was caused ( as is noted in damascen ) either , damascen . l. 1. de fide orthodoxa c. 10. by taking of some parts out of the vpper face of the earth in sundry places , to make it more hollow , and laying them in other places , to make it more conue●e ▪ or else ( which in effect is equiualent to that ) by raysing vp some , and depressing others to make roome and receite for the sea : that mutation being wrought by the power of that word , genes . 1.9 . let the waters be gathered into one place , that the dry land may appeare . for , as for the fancy of aquinas , dionysius , aquin. in sum pa. 1. q. 69. a. 1. dionys. carth catharin . & alij in comment . cap. 1. genes . catharinus and some other diuines namely , that that gathering of waters and discouerie of the earth , was made , not by any mutation in the earth , but by a violent accumulation of the waters , or heaping them vp on high , it is too vnreasonable . because it is vtterly against the nature of water , being a flexible and ponderous body , so to consist , and stay it selfe , and not fall to the lower parts about it , where in nature there is nothing at all to hinder it . or , if it be hindered and restrayned supernaturally , by the hand and bridle of the almighty , lest it should ouerwhelme and drowne the land , it must follow thereof , that god in the very institution of nature , imposed a perpetuall violence vpon nature : and this withall , that at the deluge , there had beene no necessitie at all , to break vp the springs of the deepe , and to open the cataracts of heauen , and powre downe water continually , so many dayes and nights together vpon the earth , seeing , the only withdrawing of that hand , or letting goe of that bridle , which restrayned the water , would presently haue ouerwhelmed all . but , to come to the point . it seemeth vpon the former suppositions ( of which , the holy scripture establisheth the first , experience of trauailers , and nauigators the second , and reason the third ) that in making estimation of the depth of the sea , wee are not to reckon and consider onely , the height of the hilles , aboue the common superficies of the earth , vnto which the extraordinary depthes or whirlpooles , that are found in the sea , doe properly answere ( descending beneath the ordinary bottome of the sea , as the hilles ascend aboue the ordinary face of the land ) but , the aduantage or height of all the dry land aboue the superficies of the sea. because the whole masse of the earth , that now appeareth aboue the waters , being taken as it were out of the place , which the waters now possesse , must bee equall to the place out of which it was taken , and consequently it seemeth , that the height or eleuation of the one , should answere the depth or descending of the other . and therefore as i sayd , in estimating the deepenesse of the sea , wee are not to consider onely the erection of the hilles , aboue the ordinary land , but the aduantage of all the dry land aboue the sea . which later , i meane the height of the ordinary maine land , ( euen excluding the hilles ) is in my opinion more in large continents aboue the sea , then that of the hilles , is aboue the land. for first , that the plaine and common face of the drie land , is not leuell , or equally distant from the center , but hath great decliuity and descent toward the sea , and accliuitie or rising toward the midland parts , although it appeare not so to the common view of the eye , is to reason notwithstanding manifest . because as it is found in that part of the earth , which the sea couereth that it descendeth lower , and lower toward the middest of the sea , ( for the sea which touching the vpper face of it , is knowen to beleuell by nature , and euenly distant from the center , is withall obserued to waxe deeper and deeper , the farther one sayleth from the shore toward the maine ) euen so , in that part which is vncouered , the coursings and streamings of riuers on all sides from the midland parts toward the sea , * * by which rule of the proceeding of riuers by the decliuity of the earth and euer sliding from the higher ground to the lower , till they come to the sea , is euident to bee discerned , that in continents , those regions are the higher land frō which riuers streame , & those the lower ground , to which they proceed , and consequently , that of all , those are the highest which receiuing no forrain riuers , to which they giue passage through them , do send forth the longest riuers on all sides to the regions round about thē . by which obseruation is to be discerned , that heluetia and rhetia , sending forth the longest riuers of europe , which on all sides descend from them and their confines , danubius toward the east , rhene north , rhodanus west , beside ticinus , addua , and others , that fall into padus south , are the highest land of europe : as the region of pamer , and kirgessi , with some other neere the crossing of the great mountaines taurus and imaus aboue india , whēce are directed , the greatest and longest riuers of asia , indus and ganges toward the south , oxus and iaxartus toward the west , oechardes north , cantan east , is proued by the same reason , to be the heighest part of afrique & asia , and in my opinion of all the earth . and as the region also about the springs of nilus , from which beside nilus , that runneth towards the north , are sent forth , the riuer of magnice , towards the south , of zaire west , of coauo & zuama east , being ( niger excepted ) the greatest riuers of afrique , is by the same reason , proued to be , the heighest part of that continent . whose propertie wee know is to slide from the higher to the lower , euidently declare so much . and although i am not able precisely to determine , what the ordinary decliuity of the earth may be , yet , if that be conuenient in the workes of nature , which is required in the workes of art , that imitateth nature , it will bee found true that before i sayd : namely , that in great continents , through which riuers haue long courses , some of 1000 , or 2000 miles , the height of the ordinary midland , aboue the face of the sea , is more , then of the hilles aboue the common face of the earth , for plinie in the deriuation of water , 〈◊〉 31. ●6 . requireth one cubit of declining , in 240 foot of proceeding ( for he saith vnum cubitum in binos actus & actus as may col●mell . de re rustica . l. 5. c● bee obserued in columella and others is a dimension of 120 foote long ) vitruuius and palladius in their conduction of waters , vitrum archirectur . l. 8 〈◊〉 pallad . 〈◊〉 ru●●●ca l. 5. tic. ii. require indeede somewhat lesse , namely , that in proceeding of 200 foote forward , there should bee allowed one foote of descending downeward , which yet in the course of 1000 miles ( as danubius or wolgha , or indus &c. haue so much or more ) will make fiue miles of descent in perpendicular account : and in the course of 2000 , or more , ( as nilus , and niger , and the riuer of amazons haue ) 10 mile or more of like descent . and , although i know well enough , that water being ( as it is ) heauy and flexible , will slide away at any inequalitie , and therefore am altogether perswaded , that this rule of vitruuius touching conueiance of waters , is not to be taken as a rule of necessitie , to be obserued in the deriuing of them , as if water could not runne without that aduantage , ( for in that respect the conueiers of waters of these times , contēt themselues euen with one inch in 600 foote , as philander also on vitruuius , philand in vitruu . l. 8. c. 7. hath obserued ) but is rather to bee vnderstood as a rule of commodity , namely with relation to the expedition and holesomenesse of the water so conueied , lest resting too long in the pipes it should contract from them some vnholesome qualitie , or else through the slacknesse of motion , or long closenesse , or banishment from the aire , it might gather some aptnesse and disposition to putrefie . although i say , such excesse of aduantage as in the artificiall conueance of waters the forenamed authors require , be not of necessitie exacted , in the naturall deriuation of thē : yet neuerthelesse certaine it is , that the descent of riuers , being as it is continuall , and the course of some of them verie long , and in many places swift , and here , and there headlong & furious , the difference of height or aduantage , can not but be great , betwixt the springs of riuers and their outlets , betwixt their first rising out of the earth , and their falling into the sea . vnto which decliuitie of the land , seeing the deepenesse of the sea doth in proportion answer ( as i before declared ) & not onely to the height of hils . it remaineth that we esteeme and determine that deepenesse to be a great deale more , then it hath beene hetherto by philosophers commonly reputed . and although the deepenesse of the sardinian sea ( which indeede aristotle acknowledgeth for the deepest part of the mediterrane ) bee specially recorded by posidonius in strabo , arist. meteor l. 2. c. 1. strabo . l. 1. longe post medium . to haue beene found but 1000 fadomes ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) which is but a mile and one fift part : yet what may the depth in that narrow sea bee , compared to the hollow deepenesse of the vast ocean ? or rather ( to turne this instance to our aduantage ) if in so narrow a sea as the mediterraine is ( whose bredth attayneth not where it is largest , 600 miles ) the depth bee so great , what may wee esteeme the deepenesse of the huge ocean to be , that is in many places aboue fiue times as broade ? especially , seeing that the broader that seas are , if they be withall entire , and free from islands , they are answerablie obserued to be the deeper . but whether haue i beene carried by these elephants and whales ? to what heights and depths , of mountaines , and seas ? i pray you pardon mee , for i see i haue digressed , that is , transgressed , now i returne into the way againe . of the quantitie and proportion of the parts of the earth , possessed by the seueral sorts of the abou mentioned religions . chap. xiiii . now , if out of the former long discourse , i should collect a short somme , and estimate the proportion with respect to the whole earth , that each one of the forementioned religions , haue to the other . it being first supposed , which vpon exact consideration and calcalation , will bee found to swarue very little from the truth , that the proportions of europe , afrique , asia , and america , are as 1.3.4 & 7. and that the professors of the forementioned religions , possesse the seuerall portions and proportions , of each of them , which is before set downe : it will be found i say vpon these suppositions ( which the best gographie , and histories doe perswade mee to bee true ) that christians possesse , neere about a fixt part of the knowne inhabited earth : mahumetans , a fift part ( not as * * pos●el in p●aefat . grammat . arabic . ludouic . reg●us de vicissitud . rerum . l 〈◊〉 ●ue . some haue exceedingly ouerlashed , halfe the world or more ) and idolaters , two thirds , or but little lesse . so that , if we diuide the knowne regions of the world , into 30 equall parts . the christians part is as fiue , the mahumetans as sixe , and the idolaters as nineteene , for the poore dispersed and distressed christians , which are found in asia and afrique , mingled among mahumetans , and idolaters , i receaue not into this account , both because they are but thinne dispersed , in respect of the multitudes of mahumetans and idolaters in those regions among whom they liue ( being withall vnder their dominion ) and because also , many mahumetans , are found mingled among christians in europe , to recompence and counteruaile a great part of that number . such therefore may be the generall proportion of christians to mahumetans and idolaters , in the continents of the earth hetherto discouered , namely , in this our neighbour continent of the east comprehending europe , afrique , and asia , and in that other continent of the west , called america , and in the islands belonging to them both . but if the south or antarctique continent , be so large , as i am verily perswaded it is ( euen no lesse , then that of the east before mentioned , which containeth europe , afrique and asia together ) then will the idolaters be found to surpasse all the other religions , in exceeding great proportion , for that the inhabitants of that south continent , are idolaters , there is no question at all ( as i take it ) to bee made , both because in the parts hitherto known , as namely in the region of * * varro . l. 6. de ling. latina . beach , ouer against iaua , they were found to be so : and also , because they are knowne to be no other then idolaters , that inhabite all those parts of the other continents , that neighbour most towards them , from whom it is likely , they should haue receaued the change of their religion , if any were : for first , in asia , both india , and the islands of the indian sea , whereof some lie close on the south continent . secondly , in afrique , the regions about the cape of buona speranza . and thirdly , in america , the countries that border on magaglians straite , which are the neerest neighbours to the foresaid continent of the south , are knowne to bee all ouerspred with idolaters . now that the south continent is no lesse then i before esteemed it , namely , then that of asia , afrique and europe altogether , although i might be probablie induced to beleeue so , because it is well knowne , both ( touching latitude ) to approach in some parts neere the equator , and ( touching longitude ) to runne along in a continuall circuite about the earth , fronting both the other continents : yet haue i also another reason of more certaine importance , to perswade me : namely , because it is well knowne , that the land to the north side of the line , in the other continents ( the old and new world ) yet altogether is at least foure times as large as that part of them which lieth to the south . now , forasmuch as it is certaine , for touching the first of these suppositions . it is the propertie of water , euer to fall that way , where it findeth decliuitie . wherefore , if the water , in the vpper face of it , were higher in one place then in another , it would necessarily fall , from the heigher position to the lower , because it is heauie and flexible , & hath nothing in the open and free sea , to let or hinder it . and consequently , would neuer rest setled and stable , till the face of it were leuelled , in an euen distance from the cēter . first by archimedes his rule , archimed . de insidentib . aquae l. 1. propos . 2. that the face of the sea , is in all parts naturally leuell , or equally distant from the center of the water , for which equalitie , it hath obtained the name of aequer & aqua , * * varro . l. ● . de ling. latina . isidor . origi● . l. 3. c. 12 & alij . as grammarians say : and touching the second if the earth were vnequallie poysed on opposite sides of the center , then must it follow , that the least and lighter masse of the earth should presse downe as forciblie , as the greater and weightier , because it attaineth the center as well as it . but if it be graunted , which reason doth inforce , that the weightier part of the earth , should presse downeward , with greater force , and with more right challenge the center , then the lighter part : it must follow , that the lighter masse or side of the earth , must yeelde and giue place to the weightier , so farre , till the center of that whole masse of the earth take possession of the center of the world ( for till then , one side will be still heauier then the other ) and so the opposite halfes of the earth , in respect of heauinesse , be brought on all sides , about the center , vnto a perfect equilibration . and secondly , by the philosophers knowne rule , that the earth is equally poised on both sides of her owne center . and the third may be established , by manifest demonstration . because , a clod of earth , suffered to fall from any point of the aire , wheresoeuer , on the face of the sea ( the same doth water , falling on euen & plaine land ) when all is calme , and the aire not troubled with windes , nor the sea with waues , will descend by a perpendicular line , on the face of the water . in such sort i say , that the line by which it falleth maketh exactly equall and right angles on all sides , with the face of the water whereon it falleth . therefore it is manifest , that the earth so falling , tēdeth directly to the center of the water because no straight line insisteth perpendicularly , on the face or circumference of any special body ( as the water is ) except only those that proceede directly to the center of the sphaire : but certaine it is , that the earth is withal directly carried toward it own center , therefore there is but one common center of the water and of the earth . and thirdly , that the center of the earth & of the water are all one ( both of thē being indeede no other thē the center of the world ) which though some phantastical heads haue called into question yet no sound philosopher euer doubted of : it followeth thereupon , that the earth should in answerable measure and proportion , lift it selfe and appeare aboue the face of the sea , on the south side of the line , as it doth on the north . and consequently , that what is wanting in the south parts of the two foresaid continents towards the counteruailing of the north parts ( which is about three fiue parts of both the other continents laied together ) must of necessitie be supplied in the continents of the south . and yet i omit all the land , that may be about the arctique pole , beyond the scythian or sarmatian sea , which must be also counterpoysed in that antarchtique continent , for nothing comes within the compasse of my vnderstanding , to bee hereto replied , except any would perhaps imagine , that either the sea on the south side of the equator , is verie shallow , or that the land of that cōtinēt , may be much higher aboue the face of the sea , thē the land of the other two ( & so equal in masse , though lesse in circuit ) or that the earth on the south side of the equator , should be of a more ponderous disposition , thē on the north , in which cases , some cōpensation of weightines , may be made for the want of extention . but of these three , the experience of sailers euidently refelleth the first , who in equall distance from the land , obserue an equall deepenesse of the sea , in both south and north latitude . and neither is there any experience , nor good reason that can be alleadged to establish either of the later : which , but that i haue alreadie too much offended by digressions , i could prooue i doubt not against all exception . but this for a conclusion to this discourse , i dare pronounce touching that south cōtinent , that it wil certainely be foūd ( in the after times , when it shall be better discouered ) much larger then any globe or map hitherto extant , hath represented it . such therfore ( as i haue declared ) is the general state of christianity at this present in the world , & the proportion of it to other religions . but because you require yet further to be specially informed of the diuers sorts and sects of christians that are abroad in the world , and withall of their diuers regions and religions , at least of those principall characters of their religion , wherin they specially differ each from other , i will here set downe my second period , touching the generall differences of religions , and of the seuerall parts of the world where they are maintained : and will now proceed to that particular consideration touching the sects of christianity , and indeuour to giue you the best satisfaction that my poore reading , and obseruation may inable me to performe . of the dinerse sorts or sects of christians in the world , and of their seuerall regions . and first of the grecians . chap. xv. the sects therefore of christians , that carrie name & report at this present in the world , beside the protestants and romans in the west , of whom i will bee silent , because you know their condition better then my selfe , are 1 the grecians , 2 melchites or syrians , 3 georgians , 4 moscouites & russians , 5 nestorians , 6 indians termed the christians of s t. thomas , 7 iacobites , 8 cophites , 9 armenians , 10 habassines , and 11 maronites . of which eleuen sects , there be three principall , namely the grecians , iacobites and nestorians , with which the rest haue , for the most part , either some dependance and deriuation , or neerer conuenience and agreement . the grecians acknowledge obedience to the patriarch of constantinople , vnder whose iurisdiction are in asia , bellon . obseruation . l. 1. c. 35. the christians of natolia ( excepting armenia the lesse , and cilicia ) of circassia , of mengrelia , and of russia : as in europe also , the christians of greece , macedon , epirus , thrace , bulgaria , rascia , seruia , bosina , walachia , moldauia , podolia , and moscouia : together with all the islands of the aegean sea , and others about greece , as farre as corfu , beside a good part of the large dominion of polonia , and those parts of dalmatia , and of croatia , that are subiect to the turkish dominion . of which great extendment of the greeke patriarchs iurisdiction , if you demand the reason : i haue obserued sundry occasions , from whence it hath proceeded . for first , his originall or primitiue authority assigned , or rather confirmed to him , ( as bishop of the jmperiall citie ) by the coūcell of chalcedon ; contained all the prouinces of thrace , concil . chalcedone●s . can . 23. and of anatolia , ( isauria , and cilicia , onelie excepted , which belonged to the patriarch of antiochia ) and they were in all , no lesse then 28. romane prouinces . secondly , the voluntary submission of the grecians vpon their separation from the latin church , greatly increased it : for thereby not onely greece , macedon , ●spirus , candie , and the isles about greece ( in all seuen prouinces ) came vnder his obedience , but also sicil●e , and the east point of italie , named calabria , reuolted from the bishop of rome , and for a long time , pertained to the patriarch of constantinople , nouell . leon. de ordine metropolitan in lib. 2. to●ri l●uris . as appeareth in the nouell of leo sophus touching the order and precedence of metropolitans , belonging to that patriarchie . and by the like ordination set downe by andronicus paloeologus , in curopalates , orientalis . curopalat . de official . palat. constātinop . prope sinem . where wee find , the metropolitans of syracusa , and catana in sicilie , of rhegium , seueriana , rosia , and hydruntum in calabria , registred among the metropolitans of that iurisdiction . thirdly it was inlarged by the conuersion of the north regions to christian religion , performed by his suffragans and ministers , euen from thrace to * * cromer . de . script . polon . l. 1. herdenst de bell. mosc . l. 1. gu●guin . descript●on . moscou . c. 2. russia and the scythian sea ( the like whereof was the principall cause , that so farre inlarged the bishop of rome his iurisdiction in the west parts of europe . ) and fourthly , by the turks conquests made vpon the westerne countries , subiect before to the bishop of rome : all which , while partly , the former bishops and pastors fled , to auoid the turks oppression ( like the hireling that forsaketh the flocke , when he seeth the wolfe comming ) and partly , while the patriarch of constantinople , to supply that default , was faine to prouide them of new ministers , they haue beene by little and little brought & trained to the greeke religion . now as touching the proper characters of their religion , i must , for the better designing and remembring of them , set before me some instance or patterne , to compare it , and other sects of religion withall : and that is most fit to be the romane church , both because their differences with that church specially , are in writers most obserued . so that , by that meanes my discourse may be the shorter , and yet no lesse perspicuous to you , that know the opinions of the romane church so well . the principall characters then of the grecians religion , ( for none but the principall you require , and to mention euery slender difference of ceremonies , would be but tedious , and fruitlesse , ( and is beside without my compasse ) are these that follow . 1. 1 1 concil . florent . sess. 18. & sequentib . ierem. patriarch cōstant in resp. 1. ad germanos . cap. 1. that the holy ghost proceedeth from the father onely , not from the sonne . 2. 2 2 cōcil . florentin . prope initium . respons . graecer ad cardinal . guisan . quest. 9. that there is no purgatory fire . 3. 3 3 resp. cad . graecor . q. 5. ierem. patr. resp. 1. cap. 1. that they celebrate the sacrament of the eucharist in both kinds . 4. 4 4 ierem. resp. cad . c. 10. & 21 and in leauened bread , and thinke it cannot be effectually consecrated in bread vnleauened . 5. 5 5 posseuin . de rebus mosco . uiae pag. 43. that they reiect extreame vnction . 6. 6 6 id. lib. citat . pag. 40. and confirmation . 7. 7 7 ierem. respons . cap. 21. that they deny the soules of holy men to enioy the blissefull vision of god , or the soules of wicked men to be tormented in hel , before the day of iudgement . th. a ies. de conu . gent. l. 6. c. 1. 8. 8 8 tom. vnionis inter nouel . constantin . porphyrogen . in tomo 1 tur. orientalis . lib. 2. zonar . annal. tom. 3. in im pe leon's philosophi . that they admit priests marriages , namely , so that they may keepe their wiues married before their ordination , but must not marry after ordination . 9. 9 9 resp. graecor . ad guisan quest 8. posse●i● . de reb . moscou . that they prohibite vtterly the fourth marriage , as a thing intolerable . insomuch , that ( as we find recorded ) their patriarchs haue for that cause excommunicated some of their emperours , although they had no issue left of their three former marriages . 10 10 posseu l●b . 〈◊〉 pag. 41 et 2. ●●llamont on ●oyag . l 2. c 21 10. that they reiect the religious vse of massie images , or statues , admitting yet pictures or plaine images in their churches . 11 11 vil●am . on vo●ag . l. 2. c. 21 ●t alij . 11. that they solemnize saturday ( the old sabbath ) festiually , and eat therin flesh , forbidding as vnlawfull to fast any saturday in the yeare , except easter eue. 12 12 posseuin . l. 〈◊〉 p. 42. 12. that they obserue foure lents in the yeare . 13 13 n●lus episcop . thes●al . de primatu papae barlaam de primatu papae et alij . leo. 9. epist. 1. 〈◊〉 episcop . constātinop . 13. that they eate not of any thing strangled , nor of bloud . 14 14 acrican . et in pluribus 〈◊〉 . s●●●bert . in ch●onico ad an. ●●5● . possen . de reb mosco . p 38. 〈…〉 . 14. and lastly , that they deny the bishop of romes primacy , and ( reputing him & his church for schismaticks ) exclude them from their communion : and so haue done , as i finde in leo the ninth his epistles , and in sigebert , aboue these 500. years , and if you desire to see more differences of the greeke and romane church , you may see them , ( but they are of lesse importance then those i haue related in posseuines booke of the matters of moscouia . of the syrians or melchites . chap. xvi . syrians are the same , that in some histories are termed melchites : beeing esteemed for their number the * * botar . relat. pa. 3. l. 2. ca. de melchiti . greatest sect of christians in the orient . the first , * * postel . in descript. syriae . pag. 30. being properly the name of their nation , and the second noting the property of their religion . surians they were named ( to let vaine fancies go ) of the citty of tyre , which in the ancient language of the phoenicians , gellius . l. 14. c. 6. festus in d●●ctione sarra ▪ was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and certainelie , that tyre was anciētly called sarra , is recorded by the * * for pos●els phantasie deriuing suria from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is meerelie vaine , & beeing neuer so named in the hebrew tongue , but alwaies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by which name also it seemeth anciētly to haue bene knowne , euen among the grecians for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mentioned in homer , are no other , as possidonius in * * strad . l. 26. in fine . strabo expounds him , then the syrians : strabo himselfe also recording in other places , that the syrians * * vitria histor . oriental . c. 43 niger in commenta● . 4. asiae . postell . in descrip . syriae . pag. 50. were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his time : and , that the * * strad . l. 13. non long ante fine . naturall inhabitants of syria , so called themselues . yet neuerthelesse they were vulgarly knowne by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among the grecians , because the citie of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , beeing the maine mart towne of all those parts , was the place , where they had their trade & commerce , with those aramites . but when the phoenician tongue began to degenerate into chaldee , then the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was conuerted into tur , the letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 beeing turned into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in sound made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . as * * vid. scaliger as fest. in dictione sarra . et guidon . fabric . in grammatic . chaldaea &c. they that obserue the differences of the hebrew and the chaldee , and the transitions of the first into the latter , know to be ordinary . roman writers : and it is also acknowledged by * * strab. l. 1 post med . burchard . descr . terrae sanctae . vitriacus , niger , postell and others , that the place of tyre , ( for the city was vtterlie ruined three hundred yeares ago ) is still called the port of sur , hieron . in lib. de nominib . hebraicis . plin. l. 5. c. 19. which name it seemeth to haue obtained , either because it was built on a rocke , for so burchardus that viewed the place hath obserued ) which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the phoenician toung signifies : or else as hierome deriues it , of the straitnesse and scarcenes of roome , as being seated in a smal iland ( but 19. miles in circuit as plinie noteth ) a small territory for such a city : or perhaps , because it was the strongest fortres ( for that also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 importeth ) of all those regions , as being founded on a rocke , enuironed with the sea , ( for it was before * * q curt. l. 4. alexanders time * * plin. loc . citabo . 700. paces distant from the firme land ) mightily strengthened by fortifications of art , populous as beeing the metropolis of phoenicia , and exceeding rich as sometime the cittie of greatest traffique in the world. of this city then , both the region and inhabitants of suria obtained their names : but melchitae as i saide they were termed , meerely in respect of their religion , wherein namely they altogether followed the examples and decrees of the emperours . for whereas after the councell of chalcedon , infinite perplexity and trouble began to arise in the east parts , principally about the opinion of eutyches and dioscorus , of one only nature in christ , which that councel had condemned , but notwithstanding found many that maintained it , and reiected the councell , in those easterne countries : and thereupon the emperour leo began to exact , ( as diuers other of his successours afterward did ) the suffrages and subscriptions of the easterne bishops , for the better establishment of the councel . niceph. callist histor. ecclesiast . l. 18. c. 52. then began they that embraced and approued the authority of that councell , because they followed the emperours decrees , made in behalfe of it , to be termed by their aduersaries , melchitae , of melchi , saith nicephorus , ( rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) which in the speech of syria signifieth a king : ( as one would say of the kings religion ) whereas they that opposed themselues to the councell , were distracted into no lesse then twelue seueral sects , and not long after into many more , as the same * * lib. 18. c. 45. nicephorus hath recorded . now although the syrians or melchites , are for their religion meerely of the grecians opinions . as : 1. that the holy ghost proceedeth only from the father . 1.2.3.4.5 . iacob a vitriaco hist. orient . ca. 75. 2. that they celebrate diuine seruice as solemnly on the sabbath , as on the lords day . 3. that they keepe that day festiuall , eating therein flesh , and fast no saturday in the yeare but easter eue. 4 4 villamont ●n voyag . l. 2. c. 22. 4. that their priests and deacons contract not marriage , being already in orders , but yet retaine their wiues before married . 5. that the fourth matrimony is vtterlie vnlawfull . 6.7.8. 6.7.8. villamont . loco citato . 6. that they communicate the eucharist in both kinds . 7. that they acknowledge not purgatory . 8. that they obserue foure lents in the yeare , &c. and in a word , although they be meerely * * vitriac . loco iam citato . salignici● . itiner . tom. 8. c. 1 bamugart . peregrin . l. 2. c. 9. 〈◊〉 alij . of the same religion & communion with the grecians : yet are they not of the iurisdiction of the patriarch of constantinople , but of the archbishop of damascus , by the title of the patriarch of antiochia . for antiochia it selfe ( where yet the name of christians was first heard in the world , & was long knowne by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) lying at this present in a manner wast , or broken and dispersed into small villages , of which , onely one , of about 60 houses , with a smal temple belongeth to christians , * * bellon . ob●eru . l. c. chitrae . de stat . ecclesiar . pag. 5. the patriarchall seat was translated thence to damascus ( where as is reported are bote● . relat. pa. 3. l. 2. c. de maro●●ti . cru● . tur●o . grar . l. 4 p. 296. ex relatione gerlachij . aboue 1000 houses of christians ) and there remaineth . for although * * boter loco 〈◊〉 citato . the patriachs of the maronites , and of the iacobites , whereof the former keepeth residence in libanus , and the later in mesopotamia , intitle themselues patriarchs of antiochia , and by the christians of their owne sects , bee so acknowledged : yet do the melchites , who retaine the auncient religion of syria , acknowledge none for patriarche , but the archbishop of damascus , reputing both the other for schismaticks , as hauing departed from the obedience and communion of the true patriarch . and yet , beside all these , a fourth there is , of the popes designation , that vsurpeth the title of the patriarche of antiochia . for * * boter . relat. p. 3. l. 1. ca. del patriarcha latino d● constantinopoli . euer since the latines surprised constantinople , ( which was about the yeare 1200 ) & held the possession of the east empire about 70. yeares , al which time the patriarchs of constantinople , were consecrated by the pope : as also , since the holy land , and the prouinces about it , were in the hands of the christian princes of the west , which began to bee about an. 1100. and so continued about 80. yeares , during which season the patriarchs of antiochia also , and of ierusalem , were of the popes consecration : euer since then i say , the church of rome , hath , and doth still create successiuely , imaginary or titular patriarchs ( without iurisdiction ) of constantinople , antiochia , ierusalem and alexandria , so loth is the pope , to loose the remembrance of any superiority or title : that hee hath once compassed . of the georgians , circassians and mengrellians . chap. xvii . the georgians inhabite the country , that was anciently named iberia , betwixt the euxine and the caspian seas : inclosed with sheruan ( media ) east : with mengrelia , ( colchis ) west : with turcomania ( armenia the greater ) south : * * volaterran . l. 11. c. de sect. syriae prateo l. de sectis . hae●et . in verbo . georgiani . & alij . and with albania ( zuiria ) north. the vulgar opinion of historians is , that they haue obtained the name of georgians , from their deuotion to s t. george , whom they principally honour for their patron : and whose image they alwayes beare in their military ensignes . but yet , ( as i take it ) this vulgar opinion is but vulgar errour : mela l. 1. c. 2. plin. l. 6. c. 13. because i finde mention made of the nation of the georgians in those parts , both in mela and plinie , afore s t. george was borne , whosoeuer hee was . touching the properties of whose religion this may be sufficient to obserue for all : that * * paul. venet. lib. 1 ca. 14. it is the same both in substance and ceremonies with that of the grecians * * chitrae . de statu ecclesiat . pag 23 & . 50. & alij . who yet are in no sort subiect ( neither euer were ) to the patriarch of constantinople : but all their bishops ( being 18 ) professe absolute obedience to their owne metropolitan , without any other higher dependance or relation . who yet keepeth residence farre off , in the monastry of st. katherine in the hill of sinai . prateo . de haeret. sect . verbo georgiani . bernard . lucemburg . in catalog . haeret. in georgiani . next these , i must speake a little of their next neigbours , the mengrelians and circassians , ( colchi and zychi they were anciently called ) seated betweene the georgians and the riuer tanais , along the coast of maeotis and the euxine sea , as being also christians of the greeke communion , and beside , * * bellon . obseru . l. 1. c. 35. michou . de sarmatia . l. 1. c. 7. of the patriarch of constantinople his obedience , and * * bellon . obseru . l. 1. c. 35. michou . de sarmatia . l. 1. c. 7. conuerted by his ministers cyrillus and methodius , to christian religion . which religion notwithstanding at this present is exercised among them , not without some deprauation , and mixture of strange phantasies , interiano della vita de zychi cap. 1. anan . fabrica del mondo tratt . 2. boter . par 3 ▪ l. 2. c. for the circassians baptise not their children till the eight yeare , and enter not into the church , ( the gentlemen especially ) till the sixtieth ( or as others say , till the fortieth ) yeare , but heare diuine seruice standing without the temple , that is to say , till through age , they grow vnable to continue their rapines and robberies , to which sinne , that nation is exceedingly addicted . so deuiding their life betwixt sinne and deuotion , dedicating their youth to rapine , and their old age to repentance . 〈◊〉 metropolitan . russ. in epist. ad episcop . rom. apud sigismund . de rebus muscou . pag. 31. of the muscouites and russians . chap. xviii . the muscouites and russians as they were conuerted to christianitie by the grecians . zonar . annal. tom. 3. cromer . de reb . polon . l. 3. so haue they euer since continued of the greeke communion and religion . guagin . descript . muscou . c. 2. sacran . de error . b. ruthenor c. 2. 1. denying the holy ghost to proceede from the sonne . 2. 2 2 sigism . lib. citato . pag. 41 sacran . de relig . ruthenor . cap. 2. scarga . polon . l. 3. c. 2. reiecting purgatorie , but yet praying for the dead . 3. 3 3 scargas . polon . l. 3. c. 2. guaguin . descrip . moscou . c. 2. beleeuing that holy men enioy not the presence of god afore the resurrection . 4. 4 4 ioan metropol . russ vbi supra pag. 32. guagin descr . muscou . ca. 2. celebrating the sacrament of the eucharist , with leauened bread , and requiring warme water to mingle with the wine . 5. 5 5 sigism . loc . citato . pag. 40. and communicating in both kindes , 6. 6 6 sigism . loc . citato pag. 40. guaguin . loc . citato . but mingling both together in the chalice , and distributing it together with a spoone . 7. 7 7 guaguin . ibid . and receiuing children after 7. years old to the cōmunion , saying that at that age they begin to sinne against god. 8. 8 8 ioan. metropol . russ. vbi supra . apud . sigism . pag. 31. guagin . loc . citato . sacran . de errorib . ruthenor . c. 2. omitting confirmation by the bishop . 9. 9 9 sacran . loc . citato . denying the spirituall efficacie of extreame vnction . 10. 10 10 sigism . lib. alleg . pag. 47. posseuin . de rebus moscou . pag. 2. excluding the fourth mariage as vtterlie vnlawfull : whereas they approoue not the second , as perfectly lawfull , guaguin . descript . moscou . cap. 2. but onely permit it , but tolerate not the third , except on very important considerations . 11. 11 11 sacran de errorib . ruthenor . c. 2. dissoluing mariage by diuorcement vpon euery light occasion or displeasure . 12. 12 12 sigism . lib. citat . pag. 28. scarga . de vno pastor l. 3. c. 2. admitting neither deacons nor priests to orders , except they be maried : but yet * * possein . de reb. moscou . pag. 1. guaguin . loc . citat . prohibiting mariage to them being actually in orders . 13 , 13 13 posseu . lib. allegato . p. 44. reiecting carued or massie images , but admitting the painted . 14. 14 14 ioan. metropol russ. vbi supr . p. 3● guaguin . loc . allegato . reputing it vnlawfull to fast on saturdayes . 15. 15 15 posseu . ●● moscouia . pag. 42. sacran . de error . ruthen . cap 2. or , to eate of that which is strangled , or of bloud . 16. 16 16 guaguin . loc . citat . obseruing 4 lents in the yeare . 17. 17 17 sigism . lib. citato pag. 3● . boter relat. par . 3. l. 1. c. de moscouia . refusing to communicate with the roman church . and ( to conclude ) excepting the difference in distributing of the eucharist , and exacting of marriage in their priests and deacons , there is not any materiall difference in points of religion , that i find betwixt them and the grecians . with whom , they not onely maintaine communion , but were also , and that not long since , ( and of right still ought to be ) of the same iurisdiction and gouernement , for * * posteuin . rer. moscou . com 1. pag. 1. guaguin . descrip . moscou . cap. 2. their chiefe metropolitan or primate ( who is the archbishop of mosco ) was wont to bee confirmed by the patriarch of constantinople , but is now , and hath beene about some 60 yeares , nominated and appointed by the prince ( the emperour of russia ) and vpon that nomination , consecrated by two or three of his owne suffragans : of whom euen all sorts together . bishops and archbishops , there are but * * posse●● loco proxime citato sigism . in moscou . pag. 28. eleuen , in all that large dominion of the emperour of russia . thus is it with these sorts of christians hitherto related , touching their religion , and gouernours . all which ( as you may easily perceaue ) are of the same communion , and in effect of the same religion with the grecians : and beside these , some large parts of the king of polonia his dominion , for podolia , and for the most part * * boter . rel. pa. 1. l. 1. c. russia . guagu●n . description m●scou . c. 2. russia nigra , or rubra as some call it ( the larger russia subiect for the greatest part to the duke of muscouia they tearme russia alba ) are of the greeke religion . and although the bishops of south russia , subiect namely to the king of polonia , submitted themselues almost 20. yeares agoe ( an. 1594 ) to the bishop of rome , as baron . tom. 7. annal. in fine . & posseuin . in apparsacr . in rutheni . haue recorded , yet was it not without special reseruation of the greeke religion and rites , as is manifest by the articles of condition extant . ap . th. a ies. de conu . gent. l. 6. pa. 3. ca. 1. pag. 328 & seq . tendered by them to the church of rome and accepted , before they would accept of the vnion . so that it was not any reuolting from the greeke religion , but onely ( in effect ) from the iurisdiction of the greeke patriarch , to the pope , and that also with sundrie limitations . and in * * sigism . de reb. moscou . pag. 27 guagu●in in loco iam citato . wilna ( the metropolis of lituania . ) although the archbishop professe obedience to the pope , yet are there also in that citie , as sigismund hath obserued , more temples of the greeke religion ( * * sigism . de reb. moscou . pag. 27 guagu●in in loco iam citato . there be 30 of them ) then of the roman . * * sigism . de reb. moscou . pag. 27 guagu●in in loco iam citato . epist. ad chitrae . de relig. russor . so that if we should collect and put together all the christian regions hetherto intreated of : which are all of the greeke communion : and compare them with the parts pofessing the roman religion , wee should finde the greeke farre to exceede , if wee except the romane new and foraine purchases , made in the west , and east indias . of the nestorians . chap. xix . the nestorians , who haue purchased that name , by their ancient imitation , and maintaining of nestorius his heresie , inhabite ( though euery where mingled with mahumetans , or with pagans ) a great part of the orient , for besides the cuntries of babilon , and assyria , and mesopotamia , and parthia , and media , wherein verie manie of them are found , that sect is spred and scattered farre and wide in the east , both northerly to cataya , and southerly to india . so that in marcus paulus his historie of the east regions , and in * * guil. de rubr. it● . tart. c. paul. venet. 1 l. 1. c. 38.2 . l. eod . c. 39.3 c. 40.4 c. 47.5 . c. 45. & 49.6 . c. 48.7 . c. 62.8 c 64. l. 2. c. 39. l. eod . c. 61 & 64. &c. others , we finde mention of them , and of no sect of christians but them , in very many parts and prouinces of tartarie : as namely in 1 cassar , 2 samarchan , 3 carcham , 4 chinchintalas , 5 tanguth , 6 suchuir , 7 ergimul , 8 tenduch , 9 caraiam , 10 mangi , &c. insomuch , that beyond the riuer tigris eastward , there is not anie other sect of christians to be found , for ought i can reade , except onely the portugales , and the conuerts made by them in india , and the late migration of the armenians into persia. the reason of which large spreading and preuailing of that sect so farre in the orient , if you enquire i finde to that purpose , recorded by paulus diaconus of cosrhoes the king of persia , paul. diacon . histor. miscel. l. 18 , that he for the mortall hatred hee bare the emperour heracl●us , by whom he had beene sore afflicted with a grieuous warre , inforced all the christians of the persian empire to nestorianisme permitting no catholiques to remaine in all his dominions . by whose preaching , the christian religion being farre there inlarged and propagated into the east ( as it seemes both because those of the persian dominion , were more eastwardly then other christians , and because it is certaine , that all of them till this day acknowledge obedience to the nestorian patriarch in mesopotamia , which country was then part of the persian dominion : ) it is no wonder if sowing their owne tares and christes wheate together , they propagated with the gospell also there owne heresie . shortly after which time , the sarracens of arabia ( mahumetans ) conquering persia , and bringing their religion , together with their victories into all that large dominion , there remained but little outward meanes and slender hope of their repaire and reformation from any sound part of the church , ( from which they were more now then afore diuided ) except what affliction and time , and the grace of god might worke and repaire in them . now touching their ecclesiasticall gouernment : the patriarch of the nestorians , to whom all those of the east parts , acknowledge obedience ( a number of whose suffragan bishops and metropolitans , sand de visibil . monarch . l. 7. an. 1556. paul venet. l. 1. ca. 15. you haue reckoned vp in sanders booke de visibili monarchia , and whom they call iacelich , saith paulus venetus brochardus , and others , but mistake it ( or else they of the east pronounce it amisse ) for catholich , brocard . descript . tert. sanct . leunclau . pand. histor turc . §. 3. as is obserued by leunclauius ) hath his seat in the cittie of muzal , on the riuer tygris in mesopotamia , or in the patriarchall monasterie of s. ermes fast by muzal . th. a ies. l. 7. pag. 3. c. 4. in which citie , though subiect to mahumetans , it is * * aubret . m●rae . notitiae . episcopor . orb. pag. 35. mas. in ortel . in thesaur . in seleucia . plin. l. 5. c. 25. strab. l. 26. longa●ite med. recorded , that the nestorians retaine yet , 15. temples , being esteemed about 40000 soules . th. a ies. l. 7. par . 1. c. 4. & the iacobits . 3. which citie of musal , i either take with masius and ortelius , to be the same , that anciently was called selutia ( and in plinie seleutia parthorum ) both because seleutia was , as strabo saith , the metropolis of assyria , euen as * * guili●l . tyrius de bel. sac●o . l 21 c. 8. musal is recorded to be : and also , because i finde the ecclesiasticall iurisdiction of those parts , committed by the fathers of * * concil . nicen . arab. l. 3. c 33 & 34. the nicene councell , to the bishop of seleucia , assigning him with all , the name of catholique , and the next place of session in councels after the bishop of ierusalem , which name and authoritie in those parts , the bishop of mozal now hath . or if seleucia , were some other citie , muzal , the patriarchall seate of the nestorians , is either a remainder of the ancient niniue , as vitriacus , and tyrius ( who therefore in his historie calleth the inhabitants of that citie , niniuites ) haue recorded : or at least , built neere the ruines of it : namely , ouer against it , on the other side of the riuer tigris , as by beniamin , who diligently viewed the place , is obserued , for niniue ( which hee noteth to bee dissolued into scattered villages , and castles ) stoode on the east bancke of tigris , on assyria side : whereas muzal is seated on the west banke on mesopotamia side , being yet both ioyned together , by a bridge made ouer tigris . now distroyed , vitriac . histor oriental . c. 3● tir. de bel. sacro . l. 21. c. 8. as for certaine reasons i am induced rather to thinke , yet at least , the patriarcall seate was frō seleucia translated to muzal , for the opinion of scaliger , scalig. ad ch●on eusebij an. m.d. ccxiii. namly , that seleucia was the same , that is now called bagded , beniamin . in itinerar . in medio . or new babilon , my obseruations in geographie and historie , will not suffer mee to approoue . first because seleucia is remembred by strabo to be 300 furlongs ( 37 miles and one or two ) plinie saith , strabo . l. 16. plin. l. 6. c. 26. a great deale more , distant from babilon , whereas bagdet is built close by the ruines of it . secōdly , because i finde the positiō of seleucia in ptolomie to bee two third parts of a degree , ptolom . geog. l ▪ 6. c. 18 & 20. dion . histor. l. 10. plin. l. 6. c. 26. more north then that of babilon whereas bagdet is more south . thirdly , because in dion , and others , seleucia is named for a citie of mesopotamia , which bagded is not , but in the prouince of babilon , as being beneath the confluence of tigris and euphrates . the bishop of muzal then , is patriarch of the nestorians . but yet at this present , if the * * boter . relat. par 3. l. 2. c. de nestoriani . thom. a ies. de con●ers . gen● l. 7 〈…〉 c ● & relations of these times be true , there is a distraction of that sect : which began about 60 yeares agoe , in the time of pope iulius the third : the nestorians in the north part of mesopotamia ( about the citie of caramit ) submitting themselues to another patriarch of the popes erecting ( that reuolting from the bishop of muzal , taking also on him , the title of the patriarch of muzal , which the pope bestowed on him ) hauing first rendred and professed obedience to the sea of rome , in which obedience it is said , that those nestorians about caramit doe still continue . now touching the specialties of these nestorians religion , in relation to the roman : they beleeue . first , 1 1 vtriac . hist orient . c. 78. that there are two persons in our sauiour , as well as two natures , but yet confesse , that christ from the first instant of his conception , was perfect god and perfect man. th. a. ies. ibid. secondly , 2 2 id. loco citat● that the blessed virgin ought not to be termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which yet now in some sort they * * bo●er . relat pa. 3. l. 2. c. de nestoriani ▪ thom. a ies de conu gent. l. 7. c. 2. qualifie , confessing hir to be the mother of god the sonne , but yet refusing to terme her the mother of god. thirdly , 3 3 boter . loco proxim . citat . that nestorians condemned in the third and fourth generall councels , and diodorus tar sensis , and theodorus mopsuestensis , condemned for nestorianisme in the fifth , were holy men : reiecting for their sake , the third generall councell held at ephesus , and all other councels after it , and specially detesting ( the mall of nestorianisme ) cyrill of alexandria . th. a. ies. ibid. 4 4 vitriac . histor . orient . 78. villamont . en voyages . l. 2. c. 23. 4. they celebrate the sacrament of the eucharist , with leauened bread . 5. they communicate in both kinds . 6. they vse not auricular confession . villam . loc citat . 7. nor confirmation . 6 6 et. 7. sulak . nestoriā . profess . tom. 4. biblioth . vet patrum . pag. 1054. 8. they contract marriage in the second degree of consanguinity . th. a ies. ibid. 9. their priests after the death of their first wiues , haue the liberty of the second or third or oftner marriage . th. a. ies. ibib. 8 8 gulielm . de rubric . itiner . tartar. c. 17. 10. they haue not the image of the crucifix on their crosses . of the indians or christians of s t. thomas . chap. xx. the christians of india , vulgarly named the christians of s. thomas , because by his preaching they are supposed to haue beene conuerted to christian religion : ( and his bodie as is thought , remaineth among thē , buried in the citie of maliapar on the coast of choromandel ) inhabite in the neerer part of india : namely in that great promontory , whose base lying betweene the outlets of the riuers indus & ganges , stretcheth out the sides far toward the south , ( well nigh 1000. miles ) till meeting in the point of comori , they make , together with the base line forementioned , ( betwixt cambaia , and bengala ) the figure almost of an equilateral triangle . in the more southerly part of this great promontory , i say , neerer to cape comori , about the cities of coulan and cranganor on the west side , and about maliapur and negapatan on the east side , doe these christians of saint thomas dwell , being esteemed afore the portugals frequēted those parts , about * * sommar . ● . popoli oriē●ap ramus . vol l. de v●agg● . p. 332. 15000. or * * barbosa eod . vol. pag. 312. 16000. families , or after anothers account * * boter rei . p. 3. l. 2. c. della . noua christianita d'india . 70000. persons . but on the west coast , the farre greater number of them is found , and especially their habitation is thickest , about angamale , 15. miles from the citie cochin northward , where their archbishop keepeth residence . now as touching their gouernement : their archbishop till 20. yeares since or little more , acknowledged obediēce to the patriarch of mozal , * * boter . relat. p. 3. l. 2. c. dell● vecchia christi●n 〈◊〉 d'india . th. a ies de conu . g●nt . l. 7 pa. l. c. 4. by the name of the patriarch of babilon , as by those christians of india he is still tearmed : and certainly , * * pausan. in attici●ante med . that the patriarch of mozal * * for mozal as i said afore , is either seleucia , or succeeded into the dignity of it . and seleucia is recorded to haue beene inhabited by the cittizens of babilon , whereof it was a colony : and such a colony , as in short time it * * th. a ies. de conu . gent. l. 7. part . 1. c. 4. exhausted babilon it selfe , of all the inhabitans , passing , by reason of the more cōmodious situation , to dwell at seleucia . so that seleucia beeing inhabited by the babilonians , and so becomming in stead of babilon , the principall citty of the prouinces of babilonia , and assyria , the citty * * plin. loco proxim . citato obtained the name of babilon of her inhabitants , ( as well as seleucia of her founder ) as plinie hath recorded : and the patriarch of it , the title of the patriarch of babilon . and although * * apud ramus vol. 1. de viaggi . p. 313. barbosa note , that subordination of the christians of india , to be to the patriarch of armenia , ( which no doubt he receiued from the indians relation , among whom he was ) yet certaine it is , that hee meaneth no other , then this patriarch of mozal : because those armenians which he meaneth , are by himselfe obserued to haue for their vulgar language , the arabique tongue , & to celebrate their diuine seruice , in the chaldee , both which agree with the christians of mozal , but neither of both with those of armenia , whose language both in the vulgar and sacred vse , is knowne to bee no other then the armenian tongue . as also , because the indians are known to haue bin nestorians , to which heresie the armenians were most opposite , as beeing in a manner iacobites . but as it seemeth , that patriarch is saide to haue beene of armenia , for the nearenesse of mozal to the confines of armenia . , * * plin. l 6. c. 26 challengeth their obedience , as being of his iurisdiction appeareth by the profession of abil-isu , a patriarch of mozal , of pope pius the fourth his inuesting ( an. 1562 ) as is to be seene in sanders booke de visicili monarchia . sander visib . monarch . l. 7. pag. 642. but then , the archbishop of these indians , reuolting from his former patriarch , submitted himselfe by the portugalls perswasion , to the bishop of rome , ●etayning notwithstāding , the ancient religiō of his cuntry , which was also permitted by the pope . in so much , that in a synode held in goa , for that purpose , hee would not suffer any alteration to bee made of their ancient rites or religion , * * linsel●ot . l. 1 cap. ●5 . as one that liued in those parts at that time hath recorded . but that bishop beeing dead , his successour in another synode , * * posseuin . in apparat. sacro in d●amperi●●se conciliū . held by the archbishop of goa , at diamper , not farre from maliapur , an. 1599. made profession , together with his suffragans , and priests , both of the roman obedience , and religion , renouncing in such direct sort , the patriarch of mozal , and nestorianisme , that they deliuered vp all their books , to the censure of the archbishop of goa , and suffered their liturgie , in the points that relished of nestorianisme to be altered , euen in such sort as now it is to be seene in the last edition of bibliotheca veteriem patrum . biblioth . vet . pat auctorij tom. 2. in fine . but before this alteration of their religion was procured by the portugals , those christians of india were nestorians , 1 1 osorius de rel. emmanuel . l. 3. boter . rel. p. 3. l. 2. ca. della vecchia christianitad india . as hauing the dependance that i related , on the patriarch of the nestorians , they could not well bee any other . some specialties of whose religion i finde thus recorded . 1. that they distributed the sacrament of the eucharist in both kinds . 2. that they celebrated it with bread seasoned with salt , 2 2 odoard . barbos . ap . ramus . vol. 1. pag. 313. ( pane salato , saith my historian ) and in stead of wine , ( because india affordeth none ) in the iuice of raisons , softened one night in water & so pressed forth . 3 3 nauigat . ioseph : indi , inter relationes noui orbis . c. 134. 3 that they baptized not their infants till they were 40. daies old , except in danger of death . 4. that they vsed not extreame vnction . 4 4 ioseph . ind. lib. citato . ca. 134. 5. that their priests were married , but excluded from the second matrimony . osor. de reb. emanuel . l. 3. 5 5 osor. loco ante citato . posseu . in appara . sacro . in diamperiense consilium . thet. cos . l. 10. ca. 15. 6. that they had no images of saints in their churches , but onely the crosse . 7. that detesting ( the mall of nestorianisme ) cyrill of alexandria , they honoured nestorius and dioscorus as saints , which yet mee thinks were strange , being of so contrary opiniōs , 6 6 ioseph . ind. vbi supra . c. 133. as they were , the first , for two persons in christ , as well as two natures : the second , for one nature , as well as one person ; 7 7 posseu . loco lam citato . but it may be that dioscorus is by the relater mistaken for diodorus , who was indeed a great nestorian , and for it condemned in the fifth general councell . 8 8 posseu . loco citato . 8. that they denied the primacy of the pope . 9 9 posseu . in apparat. sacro in nesto●iani . 9. that their new testament which in their churches they formerly read , ( and still doe ) in the syriaque toung , was by the nestorians in sundry places , which are now altered by the romans , corrupted to the aduantage of that heresie , wherin yet , i thinke the reporter is deceaued : because the same corruptions obiected to them , ( wherof some are no corruptions at all , but agree rightly with the originall text , and much better then doth the vulgar latine , by comparing whereof he examines them , and censures them for corruptions ) the same i say , are found in the syriaque edition that wee haue , being so farre from being corrupted by the nestorians , widmanstad . in praef . testā ▪ syriaci . that it was brought out of mesopotamia into europe ( to be printed by moses mardenus , from the patriarch of the contrary sect , namely , of the iacobites . but yet notwithstanding , i am indeede certainly perswaded , that the syriaque translation of the new testament ( whosoeuer was the authour of it ) is nothing neere of that antiquity , the imperfections of the syriaque edition , consist partly in sundry defects : namely 1. of all the reuelation : 2. of the epistle of s. iude : 3. of the second epistle of s. peter : 4. of the secōd and third epistles of s. iohn : 5. of the history of the woman taken in adultery , in the eight chapter of s. iohns gospel , containing the first eleuen verses : and 6. of the 7. verse of the fifth chapter of the first epistle of s. iohn . of which , the two last wants are no lesse foūd in sundry auncient greeke copies , as erasmus , beza , iunius & others haue obserued : and partly ; beside these defects , in some ( very few ) faulty translations . which the syrians ( as bellarmine and others report of them ) pretend it to bee , bellar. de verbo dei. l. 2. c. 4. namely to haue bene the work of s. marke . first , because s. mark died in the 8. yeare of nero , hieron . de scriptorib ecclesi●sticis , in ma c erasmus . beza . iunius . in . annot . ad loc . praedict . as hierome with others hath certainely recorded , after which time , many parts of the new testament , were written : as namely s. iohns gospell , the acts of the apostles , ( for all the history from the 24. chapter to the ende , relateth occurents after s. markes death ) the epistles of s. paul to the galathians , ephesians , philippians , collossians , to philemon , and the second to timothy . secondly , because that syriaque translation is not to bee found once mentioned , in any of all those ancient and learned writers , that liued in those east parts , and diligently sought out and obserued the seuerall editions and translations of the holy scripture . and thirdly , because the dialect discouereth it to be of a farre later age , then that of the apostles : which they will soone finde to be so , ( to omit some other euidences ) that shall compare the syriaque words recorded in the new testament by the euangelists , ( which all are noted by hierome and by others ) with the syriaque booke : as for example , hieron . l. de nominib . hebr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mat. 6.24 . mamouno . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ioan. 19.13 . gephiphto . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mat. 27.33 . gogoultho . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , act. 1.19 . chakal demo , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 1. cor. 16.22 . moraneto . and to be short , there is not almost any syriaque worde recorded in the new testament , which varieth not from that ancient pronouncing that was vsuall in the apostles time , either in consonants , or vowels , or both : which could not bee the alteration of any short course of time . of the iacobites . chap. xxi . the iacobites obtained that appellation , as damascene and nicephorus haue recorded , damas. l. de h●eresib . post med . niceph. hist. eccles ▪ 〈◊〉 l. 18. c. 52. of one iacobus surnamed zanzalus , of syria , who liuing about anno. 530. was in his time a mighty inlarger of eutiches sect , and maintainer of his opinion , touching the vnity of nature in our sauiour : and his followers are at this day in great numbers , knowne by the name of iacobites , in syria , in cyprus , in mesopotamia , in babilon and in palestine . for , the patriarch of ierusalem , who keepeth his residence still in ierusalem , ( in which city , there yet remaine * * chitrae . de stat . ecclesia● . pag. 25. tenne , or more churches of christians ) is also a iacobite . but , although in al these forementioned regions , these iacobites are found , ( where they bee esteemed to make about * * namely 15. crus in turco●rae● . l. 4. p. 297. 160000. families ) or rather 50000. as leonard the bishop of sidon , * * bote● . relat. pa 3 l. 2. c. de g●●kobiti . the popes visiter in those parts hath recorded . ap . th. a ies. l. 7. p. 1. ca. 14. yet chiefly they inhabit in aleppo of syria , and in caramit , and the mountaine tur of mesopotamia : but yet their religion vnder other titles , is extended much farther , in so much that it is recorded to be spread abroad in some * * breitenbach peregrin . c. de iacobit●● . vitria . hist. orient ▪ c. 76. 40. kingdomes . all which iacobites of the places before specified , haue , and long haue had , a patriarch of their owne religion , ( for i finde the * * paul. diacō . hist. miscell . l. 18. patriarch of the iacobites spoken of , zonar . annal. tom. 3. in heraclio . in the emperour heraclius his time ) to whom they render obedience . the patriarchall church of which sect , is in the * * mirae . in notitia . episcopor orb. pag. 35. boter . relat. pa. 3. l. 2. c de giacobiti . monasterie of saphran , neere to the citie of merdin in the north part of mesopotamia : but the patriarch himselfe , keepeth ordinarie residence , in the citie of caramit , the ancient metropolis of mesopotamia , and which at this day , consisteth for the greatest part of christians , for that caramit is the same citie , which the auncient writers called amida , caramit , is kara amida , that is ( in the turkish toung ) black amida , because it was walled with blacke stone . sabellicus , sabell●c . supplem . histor. l. 18. and others , haue left obserued , and amida to haue beene anciently the metropolis of mesopotamia , i finde in the subscriptions of the auncient councels plainely recorded . * * concil . chalced. action , 1 , &c. but till eutichianisme so mightely preuailed in those parts , as to worke in them a detestation of the councell of chalcedon , and a departure withall , from their auncient obedience : they belonged till then i say to the iurisdiction of the patriarch of antiochia , as being * * notitia prouinciar . prouinces of the dioces of the orient , which wee finde in the * * concil . constantinop . 1. prim . con. 2. second generall councell , to be the circuit and limitation of that patriarchs authoritie , which is the reason that the patriarch of the iacobites , keeping euer the name of ignatius , intitleth himselfe patriarch of antiochia : and that the * * mirae . notit . ep●scop . orbis p●● . 36. patriarch of ierusalem , who is also as i said a iacobite , acknowledgeth him ( as some record ) for superior : hauing therein ( if it be so ) but in some sort returned to the auncient obedience , wherein the bishops of ierusalem stood to the patriarchs of antioch●a , euen till the time of the councell of chalcedon : for then began ierusalem , to be erected into a patriachship : and ( as we reade in the * * co 〈…〉 a●●●●on . 7. actions of that councell ) with the consent and allowance of the patriarch of antiochia , the three prouinces of palestina , which till then ( an. 451. ) belonged to antiochia , were withdrawne from it , and assigned to the bishop of ierusalem for his patriarchall iurisdiction . now as touching the characters of their religion . 1. they acknowledge but one nature , 1.2.3 ▪ 4. iacob a vitriaco , histor. oriental . c. 76. villamont . l. 2. c. 22. and but one will and one operation , ex catechism . iacobitar . ap . th. a ies. l. 7. pa. 1. ca. 15. in christ ( as there is but one person ) and in token of that , they make the signe of the crosse , with one finger onely , which the other christiās of the east do with two . 2. they signe their children before baptisme , many in the face , 2. bucebing . hist. eccles. part . 2. pa. 33● . sali 〈◊〉 i●ner . to● 8. c. 1. some in the arme , with the signe of the crosse , imprinted with a burning iron . 3. they vse circumcision saligniac . itin. tom. 8. c. 1. euen of both sexes . vitriac . vt ibi . 4. they confesse their sinnes to god onely , nor to the priest , th●a ie●● pa. 1. c 14.4 . bucebing . loco citato . al● hons● . castro . l. 4. conu● he●es . t it confeslie baungar . itiner . 2. c. 9. & as others record , but verie seldom , so that many communicate without auricular confession . leonam sidon . ap . th. a ies. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 14. 5. they admit not of purgatorie , nor of praiers for the dead . th. a ies. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 23. 6. they consecrate the eucharist in vnleauened bread salign . itin. hieros . tom. 8. c. 1. they minister the sacrament of the eucharist in both kindes . 7. the priests are married . 8. they beleeue all the soules of iust men to remaine in the earth till the day of iudgement , expecting christs second comming , ex catechism . ia●obit . 9. they affirme the angels to consist of two substances , fire and light . ex catechism . iacobit . 10. they honour dioscorus and iacobus syrus as saintes , but yet condemne eutyches , as an heretique . patriarch . iacobit . ap . th. a ies. l. 7 pa. 1. c. 14. these are the properties ( that i finde registred ) of the iacobites religion , namely of them , that are properly so called , and still retaine the auncient opinions of iacobus syrus . but it seemeth , that their principall errour , and which occasioned their first schisme and separation from the church , namely the heresie of eutiches , touching one nature in christ , is for the most part , long since abolished , for as vitriacus hath long agoe recorded , vitriac . histor orient . c. 76. they denied to him ( then the popes legate in those parts , and demaunding the question ) that they beleeued one onely nature in christ : and being further asked , why then making the crosse , they signed themselues onely with one finger , their answer was , that they did it in acknowledgement of one diuine nature , as also they did it in three seuerall places , in acknowledgement of three persons in that one nature . and beside of late time , leonard another legate of pope gregories the 13 in those parts , hath recorded of the patriarchs profession made to himselfe , that although they held indeede but one personated nature to bee in christ , resulting of the vnion of two natures not personated , yet they acknowledged those two natures to bee vnited in his person , without any mixtion or confusion , and that they themselues differed not in vnderstanding , but onely in termes from the latine church . th. a ies. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 14. and although ( as it is storied by some writers of these times ) some there bee among them that still retaine that errour , yet certainely , that it is no generall and receaued opinion among them , is most manifest , for wee haue extant the confessions of the * * tom. 4. biblioth . vete● . patrum . pag. 1050. iacobites of mesopotamia , and of those of * * apud . baron . in fine tomi . 6. annal. aegypt , and * * zag . zaho . de religion . & morib . aethiop . apud damian a goer . of aethiopia , and of * * confess . armenior . num. 26.27.28.29 , &c. armenia , that is to say , all sorts of iacobites , out of which it is euident , that that errour of eutiches , is clearly renounced , as articularly acknowledging , that the humane nature of christ was taken of the virgin , and of the same substance with ours , and remained , after the adunation with the deitie ( without any mutation of properties ) distinct from the diuine nature : * * vid. concil . chalcedon action . 1 & theodoret. de haeres . l. 4 in eutiche . all which the heresie of eutyches denied . of the copthi or christians of aegypt . chap. xxii . the sect of christians named cophti , are no other , then the christians of aegypt : and , it is the name of their nation , rather , then of their religion , ( in respect whereof , they are meerely iacobites ) for as masius hath obserued , mas. in syror. peculio . the aegyptians in some ancient monuments are termed aegoph●i , whom vulgarly wee name cophti , or copti , and so they also name themselues , as may be seene , in the confessions of these aegyptians recorded in baronius . baron . in le●at . eccles. alexand . ad sed apostolic . ●●om 6 annal . in sine . o●ted in the●a●●o in aegyp●●s sealig . ad eu. seb●● chronic. ad an. m dc cxxxiv . d●us de trib. secc . iudaeor . l. 2. c. 14. tit . de philacterijs . damascend . de haeresib . post med . and certainly , that the aegyptians themselues , name their country chibth , ortelius after theuet hath recorded : as also it is obserued by scaliger , that in the talmud it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and , by drusius , out of r. dauid , and r. shelomo , that aegypt is by them named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but not without some traiection of letters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. dauid in praef . l. radic . r. shelom . in exod. 13. but touching their religion ( to omit curiosities about the name ) they differ not , as i said from the iacobites . insomuch that , ( as damascen hath obserued ) the same sectaries , that first were termed aegyptij , because among the aegyptians , that heresie of one onely nature in christ , found the mightiest patronage , were after of iacobus syrus aboue mentioned , named in syria iacobites . and till this day seuerus , dioscorus and iacobus , the principall parents and patrons of the sect , are by the aegyptians honoured in the memorials of their liturgies . th. a ies-l . 7. pa. 1. cap. 5. ●●oter . rel. p. 3. l. 3. c de ●hristiani del ●●gitio . 1. vsing circumcision : yet i am not very certain whether for religion , or , ( which i obserued it before to haue beene ) as an ancient custome of that nation , which custome yet is reported th. a ies. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 6 , boter . p. 3. l. 3. c. de christ. de egitto , to bee now abrogated among them , by the perswasion of the bishops of romes legates in a synode held at caire about 30 yeares agoe , an. 1583. 2. the confer the inferior sacred orders ( vnder priesthood ) euē to infants presētly after baptisme , altogether , their parents promising for them and performing in their steads ( till they be 16 years old or thereabout ) what they promise in their behalfes namely chastitie , and fasting euery wednesday and friday and in the 4. lents of the yeare . th. a ies. l. 7. p. 1. c. 5. they repute not baptisme of any efficacy , except ministred by the priest and in the church in what necessitie soeuer . th. a ies. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 5. 3. neither baptise their children afore the 40 day , though they should die without baptisme . th. a ies. ibid. 4. min●string the sacrament of the eucharist in both kindes . 2 theue● in cosm. de leuant . c. 48. 5. they minister the sacrament of the eucharist in leauened bread . th. a ies. ibid. 7. giue the sacrament of the eucharist to infants presently after their baptisme . id. ibid. 8. to sicke persons they neither minister extreame vnction nor the eucharist . id ibid. 9. athough they acknowledge the holy ghost to proceed from the father and the son , yet in relating of the nicene creed , they leaue out those words ( and from the sonne ) as the grecians do . id. ibid. 10. they admit not to purgatorie nor of prayer for the dead . th. a ies. l. 7. pa. 1.23 . 11. they contract marriages euen in the second degree of consanguinity without any dispensation tecla . abissin . ap . th. a ies. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 13. 12. they obserue not the lords dayes nor other feasts , except in the citties . tecla . abissin . ibid. 13. in celebrating of the eucharist , they eleuate not the sacrament . tecla . abissin . ibid. 14. reiect all the generall counsels after that of ephesus , expressely condemning the counsell of chalcedon . id. ibid. 14. read the gospell of nicodemus in their liturgies . prateol . de heresib . in cophti . 15. repute the roman church hereticall , and auoide the communion and conuersation of the latins no lesse of iewes . and although baron . in fin . tom. 6. annal. haue registred an ambassage from marcus the patriarch of alexandria to pope clement the 8. wherein hee is said to haue submitted & reconciled himselfe & the prouinces of aegypt to the pope , yet the matter being after examined was found to be but a trick of imposture , as th. a ies. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 6. hath recorded . 16. maintaining the opinion of one nature in christ : thom. a iesu de conu . gent. l. 7. par . 1. c. 5. yet in such sort , that although in the generall position touching one nature in our sauiour , they follow eutyches , yet in the speciall declaration , at this day they differ very much from him . for they acknowledge him to be truely , and perfectly both god and man : 3. thom. a. ies. loc . citato . botor . loc . cit . and , that the diuine and humane natures , are become in him one nature , not by any confusion or commixtion of them , as eutyches taught : but onely by coadunation . wherin , although they catholiquely confesse , that there is no mutation of properties in either nature , being united in christ , from what the diuine and human natures seuerally obtaine in seuerall persons : yet , being not well able ( as it seemes ) to distinguish betweene the nature and the person , they dare not say there be in christ two natures , for feare they should slip into nestorius heresie of two persons . which heresie of one onely nature in our sauiour , beginning with eutyches , although after dispersing it selfe into many branches , hath euer since the time of the counsell of chalcedon , by which eutychianisme was condemned and for it , the patriarch of alexandria * * concil . chalced. action . 3. dioscorus deposed , beene nourished and maintayned , as by other christians of the east , so specially by the aegyptians . insomuch , that not onely sundry patriarchs of alexandria , and antiochia , ( but specially of alexandria ) together with many other bishops of the east parts , their suffragans , and adherents , are recorded to haue maintained and aduanced , euagr. l 3. c. 5.6.22.30.33 . &c. leont . de sect. action . 5. niceph. l. 16. c. 2.4 . & 5. & l. 18. c. 45. & sequent . that heresie of eutyches but we finde moreouer , manie synodes of those parts , registred or remembred in euagrius , leontius , nicephorus , and the booke called * * synod 97.101.103 , 108 , 109 &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , brought to light by pappus &c. wherin ( in the behalfe of that heresie ) the decrees of the councell of chalcedon were condemned . in which counsell , although we reade of the greatest confluence of bishops , that euer mette about the establishment of any point in christian religion ( and yet beside the 630 bishops present in that councell , there are extant in the * * ad sin concil . chalcedon . tom. 2. concil . binij , booke of councels , the suffrages of about 30 prouinciall synodes , that by their epistles to the emperour leo , confirmed it , together with all the bishops of the west , by whom it was likewise receiued ) yet notwithstanding all this , that heresie so preuailed in the east parts , and specially in aegypt , wherof we now entreat , that from that time to this it was neuer cleared of it . but as there was neuer heresie that so grieuously wounded the church of god , as that of eutyches , ( except perhaps arrianisme ) so was no part of the church so deepely and deadly wounded by it , as that of aegypt . so that , euen at this day , although the wound be in some sort healed , yet the wemme or scarre still remaineth . for it is not many yeares , since by certaine lesuits , agents for the bishop of rome , some conferences were had with the patriarch of alexandria and his synode , boter . relat. pa. 3. l. 3. c. de christiani de egitto . wherein , although they confessed ( if true relation be made of that conference ) that christ is true god and true man : yet did they purposely refraine from mentioning two natures in christ , lest they should by little and little slippe into the heresie of two persons . now as touching their ecclesiastical gouernment they are subiect to the patriarch of alexandria * * chitrae . de ●at . ecclesiar . pag. 21. , whose patriarchall seat is at this present translated , ( and so long hath beene ) to the citie of caire , in * * legatio alex●ndrin ap . ba●on . tom. ● . in fine . either of which cities , ( caire and alexandria ) there remaine at this day , but three christian temples a peece . whereas burchardus recordeth of his time ( about 320 years agoe ) that in one of them ( caire ) there were aboue 40. burch , descr . ter . sanct . par . 2. c. 3. but yet , to the iurisdiction of this patriarch belong , not onely the natiue christians of aegypt , who are but very few , considering the exceeding populousnesse of that nation , ( for they are esteemed as i sayd before , not to passe 50000 ) which in burchardus his time , are by him recorded to haue beene aboue 300000. id. pa. 2. c. 3. together with the small remainder of christians , that are found about the bay of arabia , and in mount sinai eastward , or in afrique as farre as the greater syrtis westward ▪ but the christians likewise of aethiopia , acknowledge obedience to him . 〈…〉 . cap. 1●5 for although aluarez in his storie of aethiopia haue related ( as he doth also some other matters touching the ancienter condition of the church , too grossely and boldly ) that the christians of nubia , till their defection from christianity , were of the popes dependance and iurisdiction , and receiued their bishops by his consecration , ( and say nothing of the patriarch of alexandria ) yet certainely , that they were not so , is manifest , for besides that saligniacus ( himselfe the popes protonotary , and whose trauaile had taught him some knowledge of the east parts , directly denieth the nubians professing of obedience to the bishop of rome , obseruing , that they were gouerned by a prelate of their owne , whom they termed the priest of the law . itiner . tom. 8. c. 2. beside that direct testimonie of his i say , there be other euidences . first , because there cannot be produced any instance , out of any ecclesiasticall history , either ancient or moderne ( as i am certainely perswaded ) to that effect . secondly , because the fathers of the nicene counsell , as we finde in * * nicen. concil . l. 3. c. 36. gelasius cizicenus , are knowen to haue assigned aethiopia , whereof nubia is a part , to the patriarch of alexandria his iurisdiction . thirdly , because the patriarchship of alexandria , lyeth directly betweene nubia and rome , as being immediately at the backe of aegypt . fourthly , because the nubians were in religion iacobites , as a roman cardinal vitriacus brocardus , and others haue recorded , vitriac . histor . ●rient . c. 76. brocard . de●●ript . terre . sanct . and as their baptising with fire remembred by burchardus and saligniacus did manifestly import burch . descr . terr . sanct . pa. 2. c. 3. § 7. saligniac . itin. tom , 8. c. 2. of which sect the patriarch of alexandria is knowen to be : which , had the pope the assignement or confirmation of their prelates , it is vtterly vnlike they should haue been . fiftly , because in time of their necessitie , being left destitute of bishops and ministers , if they had pertained to the bishop of rome his iurisdiction , they would rather haue had recourse to him , for repaire of the decayed and ruinous state of their church who both plentifully could , and no doubt readily would haue relieued them , rather , then suffered them to depart as they haue done , from the christian faith : to him i say , they would rather haue resorted for supply , then to the k. of habassia * * aluarez . lo●o prox . citato . ( as they did ) being of another patriarchall iurisdiction . certaine therefore it seemeth , that nubia while it was christian , belonged not to rome but to alexandria : by whom , if the nubians in their distresses were not relieued , no man can wonder , that knoweth the great want and misery of the church of aegypt . of the habassines . chap. xxiii . now touching the habassines . or midland aethiopians , whether they haue obtained that name , by reason of their habitations ( in houses ) which the aegyptians called auases , strab. l. 2. et l. as strabo hath obserued , ( for the ancient books ha●e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) in difference from them , which dwelling neerer the bay of arabia , were called trogloditae ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) because they dwelled in caues , plin. l. 5. c. 8. solin . polyhistor . c. 34. not in houses , as plinie and others haue recorded : whether i say , for that reason they haue obtained the name of abassins , or no , let more curious men inquire . but , as touching their religion , they are in manner meere iacobites : and their king ( whome by errour wee call prester iohn ) is sundry times in histories termed the prince of iacobites . and their leauing out of their memorials ( in * * liturg. aethiop . tom . 6. biblioth . ve● . patrum . pag. 59. et 65. their liturgy ) the councell of chalcedon , by which the heresie maintained after by iacobus syrus was condemned whereas the councels of nice , of constantinople , and of ephesus are remembred , doth import so much . zag . zabo . de . relig. et morib . aethiop . ● ap . damian . a goes . and in very deede considering the dependance , that the church of habassia , hath of the patriarch of alexandria , it is almost vnpossible but they should be so ; for as zaga zabo an habassine bishop hath left recorded , although they haue a patriarch of their owne , whom they call in their own language abuna , ( our father ) and he chosen by the habassine monks of s. antonies order , remaining in ierusalem , yet are they limited to choose one of the iurisdiction of alexandria , and a * * you may obserue , which i in my reading haue done , that all the patriarchs and other bishops of the east , are monkes of the orders either of s. basil , or s. anthony , for the patriarchs of constantinople , of antiochia & of armenia , are monks of s. basils order : the patriarchs of alexandria , of aethiopia , of the iacobites , and of the maronites , are of s. anthonies , and the patriarch of the nestorians either of both . monke of s. antonie he must be . and beside that , the confirmation , and consecration of him , belongeth to the patriarch of alexandria , and by him hee is sent with ecclesiastical charge into habassia . and ( to be short ) their praier , in their 〈◊〉 ▪ aethiop . tom. 6. biblioth . vet. 〈◊〉 ▪ p. 62. present liturgie , for the patriarch of alexandria , tearming him the prince of their archbishops , and remembring him before their owne patriarch , euidently declareth their dependance and subiection to that sea. which supreme ecclesiasticall power touching aethiopia , to haue belonged very antiently to the patriarch of alexandria , may appeare by the arabique booke of the nicene councell , translated by pisanus , 〈…〉 l 3. can . 3● where that authority is found assigned , to the patriach of alexandria , touching that abuna of aethiopia , ( by the name of catholique ) and withall , to that catholique or chiefe bishop of aethiopia , the seuenth place in the sessions of generall councels , namely , next after the bishop of seleucia , ( whose seat was next the patriarchs of ierusalem ) by the decree of the same nicene fathers was allotted . but if you desire a register of some special points of their religion , 1. they circumcise their children the 8. day , 1.2.3 4.5.6.9.10.11. 1.2.3 4.5.6.9.10.11. z●g zab. de r●lig . et morib . aethiop . ap . d●●●●●num . after the manner of the iewes : euen females also as well as males , wherein they differ from the iewes . 2. they reuerence the sabbath ( saturday ) keeping it solemne equally with the lords day . 3. they eat not of those beasts , which in the old law are censured for vncleane . 4. they consecrate the sacrament of the eucharist in vnleauened bread : 4 4 aluarez histor . aethiop . cap 11. contrary to the custome of all the east , 5 5 aluarez . ibi . the armenians excepted . neuerthelesse tecla an habassine monke and priest , saith that they celebrate ordinarily in leauened bread , but on the day of the institutiō of the lords supper ( the thursday before easter ) they doe it in bread vnleauened ouer all habassia . an . th. a ies. l. 7. p. 1. c. 13. 5. and communicate in both kinds , which they receiue standing . and all of them as well of the laity as cleargy at leastwise euery weeke , the priest ministring the bread , tecla abissin . ap . th. ● ies. loc . alleg . and the deacon the wine with a spoone . tecla . abissin . ioel. zag . zab. de rel . but yet onely in the temple , it beeing not lawfull for any ( not the k. or patriarch ) elsewhere to communicate . after the receauing whereof it is not lawfull for them to spit that day till the setting of the sunne . zag . zab. ibid. 7. and that euen to their yong infants , presently after they are baptized : * * tec●a abissin . ap . tho. ● iesu. de con● . vers . gen●l . pa. 1. ● . 13. which in their males is 40. daies after their birth , and in females 80. ( except in perill of death , for then they are presentlie baptized . tecla . abissin . ibid. ) til which time be complete , their women also enter not into the temple . zag . zab. ibid. 8. they professe but one nature and one will in christ , yet without any mixtion or confusion of the diuine and humane substances . tecla . ap . th. a iesuit . l. 7. pa. 1. c. 13. 9. beleeue the reasonable soules of men to bee traduced from parents by seminall propagation . zag . zab. de relig. aethiop . in fine . th. a ies. l. 7. p. 1. c. 8. 10. beleeue the soules of their infants departing afore baptism to be saued , because they are sprung from faithfull parents , and namely the vertue of the eucharist , receaued by the mother after conception to sanctifie the childe in her wombe . zag . zab. ibid. th. a ies. l. 7. p. 1 , c , 8. aluar. hist. aethiop . ca. 22. 11. they presently vpon commission of sinne resort to the confessour , and at euery confession , ( though it were euery day ) receaue the sacrament of the eucharist . zaga zabo . ibidem . 12. they haue only painted , not massie images in their churches . tecla . vbi supra . 13. they accept onely the three first generall councels , reiecting that of chalcedon , for determining two natures to bee in christ , and for condemning dioscorus the patriarch of alexandria tecla . abis. ib. 14. eleuate not the sacrament in celebrating of the eucharist , but keepe it couered : aluarez . 〈◊〉 loco . neither reserue it after the communion . 15. to excommunicate obstinate sinners is peculiar to their patriarch , which yet is not vsuall among them except in case of murther zab. zab. ibid. 16 ▪ their priests and other inferiour ecclesiasticall ministers ( as also monks ) liue by their labor , hauing no tithes for their maintenance , nor beeing suffered to craue almes . zag . zab. loc . citato . 17. but the conferring of bishopricks , and other ecclesiasticall benefices ( except the patriarchship ) belongeth onely to the king zag . zab. ibid ▪ 18. vse neither confirmation , * * zaga . zabo . loco . citato . aluarez . lib. citato . c. 5. nor extreame vnction . 19 admit the first marriage in their bishops and priests , but not the second , except their patriarch dispense . 20. eat flesh euery friday ( as on other daies ) betwixt easter and whitsunday : aluar. c. 13 as on euery saturday also through the whole yeare , * * zaga zabo , vbi supra . except in lent. 21. baptise themselues euery yeare on the day of the epiphany , in lakes or ponds . concerning which first and last points , namely , of their circumcision , and annuall baptismes , i haue somwhat to obserue : namely , first , touching their circūcision , that they obserue it , not so much perhaps , of religion , as of an auncient custome of their nation . for although their circumcising on the eight day , seemeth to imply that they receiued it from the iewes , yet , their circumcising of both sexes , as certainely argueth , that they did not so . and , if the habassines bee of the race of the ancient aethiopians , the doubt may bee the lesse : because herodotus and others haue recorded it , herodot . l 2. par . a m●d●o . for an ancient ceremony of that nation . or , if they be not of the aethiopian race , stephanus py●ant . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in dictione 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . but of the progenie of the arabians , as by vranius in stephanus byzantius , it should appeare , recording them for a nation of the arabians , neere to the * * which seemeth to bee true , both because in the * * liturg. aethiop . in ●om . 6 8 bl●●thecae ve● . pat . p. 59. aethiopian liturgie , they terme their owne kingdome the kingdome of sheba , and also , because the kk . of habassia , * * zag . zabo de morib . aeth●op . apud dami●● . deduce lineally their discent , from the q. of sheba that came to see salomon : which sheba , is to the skilfull , certainly known to be in arabia : and either the same , that wee call arabia foelix , or some part of it and certainely it is obserued by learned men , that arabia foelix ; in the easterne tongue , is named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as arabia deserta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and arabia petraea , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . sabaeans : euen in this case also , the occasion and originall of circumcising among the abassines will bee discerned well enough : namelie , because it is specially storied , to haue bene a very anciēt ceremony among the arabians : among whom it might haue beginning , by reason of the descent of manie of the arabians , from ismael , and from the other sonnes of abraham , by keturah , planted in arabia , of which sheba is by name recorded for one . genes . 25.3 . but yet , if the abassines obserue circumcision , not , as an ancient nationall custome , shindler . i● d●ctionar . pen● . ●●lot . in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but in any sort for religion sake , then it may bee excused in such manner , as * * . one of their owne bishops hath professed , namely , that it is done onely in remembrance , and loue , and imitation of our sauiour , because he was circumcised , and not for any other opinion of holinesse at all . and secondly , touching their annual baptisings , in the feast of the epiphanie , which they ( with many auncients of the church ) suppose to be the day of our sauiours baptisme , it is declared by the * * de religion aethiop . ●ong . an t . med . aethiopian bishop aboue mentioned , to bee practised among them , not as any sacrament , or any conceate of sanctification to be obtained by it , but onely as a memoriall of christs baptisme , because as on that day hee was baptised in iordan . euen as the * * posseuin . de reb. moscou . pag. 6. moscouites also doe the like on the same day , in riuers , and for the same reason , which appeareth the more euidently to bee so , because this yearely baptising is no auncient ceremonie of the habassins , but a fashion of late taken vp among them , as aluarez , that liued long in those parts , hath related , as being , namely the institution of * * aluarez histor . aethiop . cap. 95. his grandfather , that then reigned in habassia , being about 100 yeares agoe . of the armenians . chap. xxiiii . the armenians , for traffique to which they are exceedingly addicted , are to bee found in multitudes , in most cities of great trade specially in those of the turkish empire , obtaining more fauour and priuiledge among the turkes and other mahumetans , * * vid. postel . lib. de re . linguis tit. de lingua armenica . by a patent graunted that nation vnder mahumets owne hand , then any other sect of christians . insomuch that no nation seemeth more giuen to marchandize , nor is for that cause more dispersed abroade , then the armenians , except the iewes . but yet the natiue regions of the armenians , and where they are stil foūd in the greatest multitude , & their religion is most supported , are armenia the greater ( named since the turkes first possession of it turcomania ) beyond euphrates , and armenia the lesse on this side euphrates , and cilicia , now termed carmania . now the armenians touching their ecclesiasticall gouernement , were aunciently of the iurisdiction of the patriarch of constantinople , as being * * notitia pro●●nciar . orient . prouinces of the dioces called pontica , which together with the prouinces of the dioces asiana , and of thrace ( three of the thirteene dioceses , into which the whole empire was diuided ) were by the councell of chalcedon , concil . chalcedō . can. 28. assigned , or else confirmed , to the patriarch of constantinople , for his iurisdiction . but at this day , and verie long since , euen before photius his time ( as is euident by his circular epistle ) the armenians are departed , photij episte ency●lica . ap●d baron . tom. 10. annal. anno . 863. both from the gouernement of that patriarch , and from the commuon of the grecians ( whom at this present , they haue in more detestation then any other sect of christians ) and that principally , for the very same occasion , for which the iacobites of syria withdrew their obedience from the patriarch of antiochia , namely the heresie of one onely nature in christ. and euer since that departure , they acknowledge obedience , without any further or higher dependence , to two patriarchs of their owne : whom they terme catholiques . namely one of the greater armenia , the families vnder whose iurisdiction exceede the number of 150000 beside verie manie monasteries . leonard . sidon episc . ap . th. a ies. l. 7. pa. 1 c. 19 , who at this present * * mirae noti● . episcop . orb. pag. 36. boter . relation . pa. 3. l. 2 c. de dioscoriani . keepeth residence , in the monasterie of ecmeazin , by the citie , &c. leonard . si don . episc . ap . tho. a ies. loc . citato . by the citie of eruan in persia , being translated thether by occasion of the late warres betwixt the persians and the turkes : but his auncient seate was sebastia , the metropolis of armenia the greater : and the other patriarch of armenia the lesse , the families of whose iurisdiction are esteemed about 20000. leonard . sidon . vbi . supra . who aunciently kept at ** ** concil . chalced action . 1 in subscr●ption b. melitene , the metropolis of that prouince , but now is resident in the citie of sis , not farre from tarsus in cilicia , the middle limit on interstitium , of those two patriarchs iurisdictions , being the riuer euphrates . such at this present is the state of the armenian church , and the iurisdiction of their patriarchs . but it should seeme , by that i finde recorded , by otho phrisingensis , otho phrising l. ● . c. 32. vpō the report of the legates of armenia , sent frō the catholique , to the bishop of rome in his time , that the iurisdiction of the catholique of armenia , was then farre larger , as namely , that he had aboue a thousand bishops vnder his obedience : except otho perhaps mistooke , as i verily beleeue he did , obedience for communion : for as touching the communion , which the armenians mainteined with other iacobites , it extended indeede verie farre : but the iurisdiction of armenia , for ought i can finde in any record of antiquitie , contained onely foure prouinces , namely , the two armeniaes before mentioned , the greater and lesse , and the two prouinces of cilicia . in which small circuit , that such a multitude of bishop● should bee found , is vtterly vncredible , especially because we finde registers extant , both of the bishops of the two armeniaes , in the * * tom. 1. iuris oriental l. 2. nouell of leo-sophus the emperour , touching the precedence of metropolitans : and likewise of the bishops of cilicia , in * * de bel. sacro l. 14 c. 12. guilielmus tyrius : and all of them put together , exceede not the number of thirtie . and although i finde that * * nouel . 31. cap. 1. iustinian diuided the two armeniaes into foure prouinces ( which yet to haue beene after reduced ' againe into two , the nouell of leo euen now mentioned assureth vs ) yet were not for that cause , the number of bishops encreased anie whit the more . now , touching the properties of their religion . 1. they are charged with the opinion of one nature in christ : 1 1 niceph. hist. ecclesiastic l. 18. c. 53. yet not as eutyches imagined it one , namely , by a permixtion and confusion of the diuine and humane natures , but yet by such a coniunction and coalition of them , that they both together , make but one compounded nature in our sauiour , as the body and soule , but one compound nature in man. but neuerthelesse , it seemeth by the confession of the armenians , which wee haue extant touching the trinitie , sent by the mandate of the catholique of armenia , confess . armenior . art. 26 27.28.29.30 , &c. to the patriarch of constantinople , not 50 yeares agoe , that at this present , they haue vtterly renounced that phantasie . 2 2 alfons . a castro . l. 5. cont . haeres . titul . de d●o . haeresi . 13. boem . de morib . gent. l. 2. c. 10. 2. they beleeue the holy ghost proceedeth onely from the father . 3. they celebrate the sacrament of the eucharist with vnleauened bread ( as the romans doe . ) 4. they denie the true body of christ to be really in the sacrament of the eucharist vnder the species of bread & wine . 3 3 nicepho● . loc . sup . citato . luturgia . armen apud cassandrum de liturgijs guido sum . de heresib . they mingle not water with wine in the eucharist : an auncient opinion & property of theirs , for i finde it * * concil . constantinop . 3. can. 32. recorded of them ( and condemned ) in the sixt generall councell . 4 4 niceph. loc . citat . liturg. armenior . vbi supra . but they retaine it notwithstanding still . 5. they receaue infants presently after baptisme to the communion of the eucharist , affirming that baptisme cannot bee conferred without the eucharist . 5 5 boem . de morib gent. l 2. c. 10. guid ▪ sum . de heresib . 6. they denie the virtue of conferring grace , to belong to the sacraments . guido loc . alleg . they reiect purgatorie , and pray not for the dead . 6 6 guido . in sum. de haeresib . alfons . a castr . l. 12. co●t . haeres . tit. de purg●torio . haeresi 1. boē . loc . citato th. a ies. l. 7. pa. 1. c 17. 7. they beleeue that the soules of holy men obtaine not blessednesse till the vniuersall iudgement . th. a ies. l 7. pa. 1. c. 17. they admit married priests , and as burchardus hath recorded . deser . terr . sanct . pa. 2. c. 2. § . 9. admit none to be secular priests , 7 7 bellon . obs●ru . l. 3. c. 12. postel . in lingua tzeruiana . except they be married . they rebaptise those that come to their communion from the latine church . guid. sum. de heresib . but exclude their second mariage . 8 8 boem . loc . citat . 8. they abstaine from eating vncleane beasts . 9 9 nichol. peregr . orient . l. 4. c. 19. boter . rel. pa. 3. l. 2. c. dioscoriani . 9. they eate flesh on fridaies betweene easter and ascension day . 10. they fast lent most strictly , without egges milkemeats , flesh , oile , wine , &c. onely with fruites herbes , 10 10 vitriac . histor . orient . c. 7.9 . rootes , and pulse . 11. they celebrate not christmasse day when other christians doe ( dec●mb . 25. ) but fast on it : and in stead of it , 11 11 vitriac . loc . citato . celebrate the feast of our sauiours baptisme , namely , on the day of the epiphanie . 12 12 boter . loco . ●itato . 12. they solemnise the feast of the annunciation , the sixt day of aprill . the purification the 14 of februarie , &c. of the maronites . chap. xxv . the maronites who were so named , not of an heretique called maron , as many falsely write , prateol . de sect . heretic . in verb. maronitae . but of a holy man of that name , for wee finde mentioned in the booke of councels the monastery of s t. maron . concil . constantinop . sub . men. act . 5. the monks only wherof at first were termed maronites : they are foūd in small numbers , in aleppo , damascus , tripolie of syria , and in cyprus : but their maine habitation , is in the mountaine libanus . which although it containe in circuit about * * posseuin . appar . sacr. in maronitae . 700 miles and is possessed onely in a manner by the maronites , who for that priuiledge , namely to keepe themselues free from the mixture of mahumetans , pay the turke * * namely , for euery one aboue 12 yeares old 17 sultanines by the yeare ( the sultanine weigheth a dramme of gold , about 7 s 6 d of our money ) and for euery space of grounde 16. spannes square , one sultanine yearely , as is recorded by posseuine . large tribute : yet of all sects of christians , they are the least , as being esteemed not to passe in all * * boter . relat. pa. 3. l 2. c. de maroniti . posseuin . loco citato . 12000 houses , ( all in scattered villages ) beside a few monasteries , by reason of the indisposition of libanus in most places , for frequent habitation . for beside the craggednesse or steepenesse of that mountaine , which maketh many parts of it in a maner inaccessible , the higher ridges of it , ( which by brocardus his relation are so eminent , brocard . in d●s●r . terr . s●nctae tacit historiar l. vltimo that they may be discerned 40 leagues off ) are also couered in a manner continually with snow , which it retaineth , as tacitus with * * vit●iac . hist. o●i●nt . c. 84. postell . desc●ipt . syr●ae . pag 33. others , hath left recorded , notwithstanding the heat of that climate , euen in the nearest approach of the sun. and is scarcely , as hath been obserued by postell , in one summer of thirtie to be found cleare of it : for which very cause and no other , that mountaine seemeth to haue gotten the name of lebanon . for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the ancient language of those parts ( the phaenician or hebrew tongue ) signifieth white , 〈…〉 patal pom. 〈…〉 in dicti 〈◊〉 . album . and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whitenesse : euen as , for the like whitenesse of snow , gerundensis hath remembred canus ( the highest part of the pyrene hilles ) to haue obtained that name . and as festus supposeth the alpes , for the same cause , to haue gayned theirs , that in the sabine dialect being termed ( saith he ) alpum , which the romans in theirs named album . for so touching the originall of the name libanus , isidor . origin l 14. c 8. had i much rather think , then be led by the phantasie of isidorus & some * * stuk. in cō . ad arrian . ●e ●plum m●r. ●rythrae . p. 47. adricom . theatr terr . sanct . in . nephtalim . num. 63. others , namely , that libanus , should purchase that name of frankincense which the grecians cal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the iewes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . for , if it bee not true , which yet theophrastus and plinie write , that frankincense is gotten onely in arabia foelix , ( according with that of virgil , solis est thurea virga sabaeis ) by reason of which propertie of place , to burne incense is termed in tertullian , aliquid arabiae incendere : if that i say be not true , for indeed , i finde in dioscorides , record of frankincense gotten in india , & in pedro cieza of the like in some part of america , yet is there no mention or remembrance in any history of nature , or other , as i take it , that frankincense was euer gotten in the hill of libanus . the patriarch of the maronites ( to come nearer to our pupose ) who is noted to be a monke of s t. antonie , and to haue vnder his iurisdiction theophrast . hist plantat . l. 9. c. 5. plin. l. 12. c. 14 virg. georg. l. 2. tertull. de coron . 〈◊〉 circa med. dioscorid de medic. mate● l. 1. c. 7. 8. or 9. bishops , keepeth residence for the most part in libanus , in a monasterie of s t. anthonie , and now and then in tripolie : and is * * posseuin . appar . sacr . 〈◊〉 maronitae . one of them , that challenge the title of the patriarch of antiochia , keeping euer the name of peter as the patriarch of the iacobites , the other challenger of the same dignitie , doth of ignatius . but touching religion , the patriarch of the maronites professeth obedience at this present , to the bishop of rome , yet but lately , in clement the 8. his time : and both hee , and all the * * boter . re● ▪ pa. 3. l. 2. c. de maroniti . poss●uin . loc . citato . maronites , are become of the roman religion ( being the onely nation of the east , except the indians , lately brought also to the roman communion , that acknowledgeth that obedience ) and haue * * posseu . loc . citat . boter . loc . citato . mirae : notitiae episcop . orbis pag. 34. tho. a ies. de conu gent. l. 3. c. 3. a seminary in rome of gregory the xiii his foundation , for the trayning vp of the youth of their nation in that religion . but before that alteration , these were the characters of their religion , 1. that the holy ghost proceedeth only from the father . th. a ies. l. 7. pa. 2. c. 6. 2. that the soules of men were all created together from the beginning . id. loc . citato . 3. not to baptise male children together . interrog . patriarch . maronit . ap . th. a ies. l. 7. pa. 2. c. 5. 3. that heretiques returning to the church are to be rebaptised . th. a ies. l. 7. pa. 1. c. 6. 5. that the childe is made vnclean by the touch of the mother till she bee purified , which after a male childe is 40 dayes , and 80 after a female , for which reason they baptise not their infants afore those termes . th. a ies. loc . citat . 6. that they celebrated the sacrament of the eucharist in both kindes . posseuin . appar . sac . in maronitae . patriarch . maronit . interrog . 3. ap . tho. a ies. l. 7. pa. 2. c. 5. 7. and in leauened bread . th. a ies. l. 7. pa. c. 6. 8. distributing to all the communicants each one a peece of the same bread ( which they consecrate in great masses ) together with these words of the gospell , hee blessed and brake and gaue to his disciples , saying take eate &c. mat. 26.26 . id. patriarch . interrog . 3. ap . th. a ies. loc . citat . 9. to distribute the sacrament of the eucharist to children before the vse of reason , & first presently after baptisme . th. a ies. l. 7. p. 2. c. 5. § . 9. & cap. 6. 10. not to reserue the sacrament of the eucharih . patriarc . maron . vbi supra . 11. nor to carry it to any sicke person in danger of death . th. a ies. l. 7. pa. 2. c , 5. 12. to omit confirmation by the bishop . patr. maron , int. 2. vbi supr . 13. to exclude the fourth matrimonie , in euery person as vtterly vnlawfull . id. ibid. interrog . 5. 14. that marriage is not inferiour to single life . th. a ies. l. 7. pa. 2 , c. 6. 15. vtterly to dissolue matrimony in case of adultery and marry another patr. maronit . inter. 5. vbi supra . 16. that the father may dissolue the matrimonie of his sonne of daughter if he mislike it . th. a ies. l. 7. pa. 2. c. 6. 17. not to ordaine young men priests or deacons except they were married . patriarch . maronites inter. 6. vbi supra . posseuin . in appar . sacr . in maronitae . but yet to restraine their second marriage . th. a ies. ibid. 18. to create children 5 or 6 yeares old subdeacons . patriarch . maronit . inter. 5 vbi supra . 19. that no man entreth the kingdome of heauen before the generall iudgement . th. a ies. l. 7. pa. 2. c. 6. 20. not to fast on the lords day nor on the sabbath . th. a ies. loc . citat . 21. in the daies of fasting not to celebrate masse till the euening . patr. maron . ap . th. a ies. l. 7. pa. 2. c. 5. 22. not to eate of any thing strangled or of bloud . id. l. 7. pa. 2. c. 6. 23. to exclude women during their monthly issues both from the eucharist , and from the church . vitriac histor . o●ient . c. 78. tyrius de bello sacro . l. 22. ca. 8. patriar . maronit . interr . 8. vbi supra . 34. their maine errour was , the heresie of the monothelites , touching one onely will and action in christ. which errour although they renounced about 400 yeares agoe , and reconciled themselues then , saligniac . itinor . tom. 8. c. ● . to the roman church , at what time those parts of palestine and syria , were in the christians hands , as * * vitriac . & tit locis ●am 〈◊〉 . iacobus a vitriaco , and guilielmus tyrius , the one bishop of acon , and the other of tyre , haue recorded : yet shortly after , when those parts were by saladin , the king of aegypt and syria , recouered from the christians , those maronites relapsed , and forsooke againe the roman communion , till the late times of pope gregorie the xiii . and clement the viii . with whom they againe renewed it . and , this heresie of the monothelites , springing out of that bitter roote of the iacobites , touching one onely nature in christ , was the last of that lōg and wicked traine of heresies , which vpon the contempt of the councell of chalcedon , exceedingly wasted and ruined the east church , for after that the detestation of nestorius heresie , touching two persons in our sauiour , ( condemned in the third generall councel ) had so immoderately distempered the phantasies of eutiches in constantinople , & of the patriarch of alexandria , dioscorus with other their adherents , that they thought not themselues safe enough from the heresie of two persons , till they were fallen into the other and opposite extremity of one nature in christ , the diuine and humane natures in christ ( in their conceits ) by permixtion and confusion of substances , & of properties growing into one , vpon their adunation : and withall , that the humane nature of christ , was not consubstantiall to ours , but of another kind , & condition , which phantasies the fourth generall councell condemned . after i say this heresie of eutiches and dioscorus , had growne to that head in aegypt & syria , that like a violent & furious streame , whose course would not bee stayed , it bare downe before it all oppositions , and among the rest , that great & reuerend councell of chalcedon , that had condemned it , and was contemned by it , it gaue occasion for an infinite traine of heresies to follow at the breach , which it had made . for first ( to omit infinite extrauagant branches , vid. nicepl or histor. eccles. l. 18 c 45. & ●●quent . leont . de sectis . action , 5. &c. that sprang from it , and infinitely deformed the church , renting with many schismes the vnity , & with as many heresies wounding the faith of it ) it drew after it , the heresie of the passiblenesse of the deitie , because the deity of christ , was become ( in their conceits ) the same nature with the humanity , that was passible . secondly , ( the absurdity of that being discerned ) it occasioned an other extremely opposite , namely of the impassibility of the humanity of our sauiour , ( but on the same ground ) because namely , it was become one nature with the deitie , which now we know to bee vnpassible . thirdly , when the fondnesse of both were discouered , it bred a new deuise , touching one nature in our sauiour ( as the wit of heretiques will better serue them , to deuise a thousand shifts to delude the truth , then their pride will suffer them once to yeelde and acknowledge it ) it bred i say a new deuise , namely , to be one , not by permixtion or confusion of substances , as eutyches first taught , but onely by composition , the deitie and humanitie , by coalition becomming one nature in christ , as the bodie and soule grow into one nature in man. and fourthly , when this phantasie began also somewhat to abate , and relent in manie : yet still a fraction as it were or rather a consequent of it was retained ( for indeede it implieth by necessarie consequence the vnitie of nature ) namely that there was but one will , and one action of both natures in the person of our sauiour . and god knowes what a traine and succession of heresies might haue followed these , if that lord , whom they had infinitely wronged by their wanton and wandring conceats of him , had not , to stop the course and streame of their wickednesse and follie , brought on them , the sarracens of arabia , for euen while the church , specially that of the easterne parts , was in great perplexitie and trauaile , with the heresie of the monethelites ( which i last mentioned ) the mahumetans of arabia , like a mightie inundation brake forth , and ouerwhelmed all , and them first , that first , and most had wronged the sonne of god , by fostering the forenamed heresies , and the infinite brood that sprung of them , i meane aegypt and syria , and to this day , both they , and the neighbouring nations that had beene infected by them , remaine in thraldome . but yet as in the diseases and distempers of our bodies , contraries are vsually healed by contraries , so seemeth it to haue fallen out in the distempers of these mens religions , for as worldly prosperitie and wantonnesse of wit ( ordinarie companions ) wherewith these nations in those times abounded , bred in them their ordinarie children , namely , prosperitie of the world , pride , and wantonnesse of wit , errour , which couple in matter of faith and religion , is wont to produce no better issue then heresie . so on the other side hauing now at length , their harts humbled , and their wits taimed by that pouertie and affliction , wherein the tyrannie and oppression of the arabians and turkes hath long holden them , it seemeth the lord hath taken pi●tie on them ( as it is his propertie not to dispise humble and broken spirits , and to remember mercie in the middest of iudgement ) and reduced them , or the most of them , to the right acknowledgement of his sonne againe . for certainely , that they and other christians of the east , haue ( at least in these later times ) disclaimed and abandoned , those hereticall phantasies touching our sauiour , wherein by their misleaders they had beene aunciently plunged ( and which many christians of these west parts , still charge them with all ) doth manifestly appear , first of ** ** biblioth . vot . patr. tom. 4 pag. 1049 & . 1●3 . the iacobites , and secondly of the * * confess . armen . de trinitate art. 26.27.28.29.30 . nestorians , by their seuerall confessions , translated out of the syriaque tongue by masius , and extant in bibliotheca veterum patrum . thirdly of the * * baron tom 6. annal. in fine . armenians , by their owne confession also , translated by pretorius . fourthly , of the * * de relig & morib . aethiop . ap . domian . a goes . cophti , by the profession of their faith extant in baronius . fiftly of the * * posseuin . appar . sac . in nestoriani . habassines , by the relation of zaga zubo a bishop of their owne . sixtly , of the * * posseu●n . lib. citat . in maronitae . indians , by their reconcilement to the church of rome mentioned by posseuine . and seuenthly , of the boter rel. pa. 3. l. 2. c. maroniti . maronites , by their like reconcilement , recorded by him and by others . of the seuerall languages wherein the liturgies of christians in seuerall parts of the world are celebrated . chap. xxvi . and thus haue i related , the seuerall sects of christians , that are abroad in the world , with the places of their habitations , and the special characters ( that are recorded ) of their religions . one point notwithstanding of their difference , haue i left purposely as yet vntouched , both for the amplenesse of the matter , and because i conceaue you would haue it declared seuerally . namely , touching the different languages , in which all these seuerall sorts of christians , celebrate their liturgies or diuine seruice . but first , to speake a word or two , of the publique seruice of the iewes , and of the mahumetans , in their synagogues , and meskeds ( seeing i intreated before of those religions . ) the iewes where they obtaine libertie for their synagogues , celebrate theirs , in the auncient hebrew tongue , michou . l. 2. de sarmatia . c. 1. crus . turcog . l. 7. pa. 487. &c as michouius , with manie others , hath related , and as in manifest , by their owne editions of their publique praiers , printed both at venice , and in polonia , in that language . but the mahumetans haue theirs in the arabique tongue ( the natiue language of their prophet ) as georgeuitz , george● . de r●u● . 〈◊〉 l 2. c. 1. richer . l. 2. de mo●b & instit . turca● . c●● . turcog l. 7 pa● . 487. richerius , and sundrie others haue recorded : so that not onely in arabia , and aegypt , and barbarie , and palestine , and syria , and mesopotamia ( in which parts the arabique tongue is become the vulgar language ) the alchoran is read , and their publique deuotions exercised , in arabique : but also in greece , and natolia , and other parts of the turkish dominion , where the greeke , and turkish , and slau●nique tongues are vulgar , as also in persia , in tartar●e , in india , where they haue other natiue , and peculiar languages , the mahumetans reade the alchoran * * georgeuit● de riti●i . turcar . l. 2. c. de sacerdotibus . ( which they suppose were profaned if it were translated into vulgar tongues ) and performe their publique deuotions , in that language . but christians in celebrating of their diuine liturgies , differ touching the language verie much , durand rationat . ●iti●nor . l. 4. ¶ . 10. indeede i finde it recorded in durandus ( but vpon what warrant and authoritie i cannot finde ) that til the time of hadrian the emperour ( that is about 120 yeares after christ ) their liturgies were all celebrated in the hebrew tongue : and that then , the orientall church began , first to celebrate them in greeke . indeede mee thinkes it is possible , that the christians of the gentiles might in honour of the apostles , retaine the apostles liturgies , in the verie tongue wherein by the apostles themselues , they had beene first ordained , for it is not to be doubted , but * * vide baronium . tom. 1. annal. ad an ch . 4● . §. 14. many yeares passing ( about tenne ) after our sauiours assention , before the apostles left syria , and sundred themselues to preach the gospell abroad in the world among the gentile & forraine nations . it is not to be doubted i say , but the apostles , while they remained in iurie , ordained liturgies in the iewish tongue , for the vse of those iewes , whom they had conuerted to christianitie : which liturgies by the christian disciples of the iewish nation , dispersed in manie prouinces of the gentiles , might together with christian religion , be carried abroad , and gladly entertained among the gentiles . this is possible i say , but if it be also true ( as i haue not obserued any thing in antiquitie that may certainly impeach the truth of it ) yet that which is spoken by durandus of those liturgies in the hebrew tongue , must be vnderstood ( i doubt not ) of the hebrew then vulgar and vsuall , that is to say the syriaque tongue : not onely , because in that language , we finde them in these times , celebrated by the christians of the east : but also because i can conceaue no reason , either , why the liturgies should bee ordained by the apostles in that language which the iewes thēselues ( the learned excepted ) vnderstood not , if it were done for the iewes : or else why the gentiles , should translate them ( or vse them so translated ) out of the hebrew into the syriaque , seeing both were to them alike , vulgarly vnknowne , and not vnderstood . but howsoeuer it was in that most auncient and primitiue state of the church , in and immediately following the apostles times , the difference certainely among christians in these present times , in that behalfe is verie great , some of them celebrating their liturgies in their owne natiue and vulgar , and some other in learned and forraine tongues . the christians then ( to speake first of the first sort ) that celebrate them in their owne vulgar languages , are the armenians , habassines , moscouttes with russians , sclauonians , and protestants . for that the armenians ( howsoeuer otherwise in their ceremonies belonging to diuine seruice , they approch neerer as * * bellon . obseru . l. 3. ca 12. vitriac . hilt. or. c. 79. brocard . descript . terrae sanct . michou . de sa●mat l. 2. c. 1 breitenbach . peregrin . c. de armen . postel . de ling●a armenica . bellon loco . ●i . tato . nichol. peregrin . orient . l. 4. c. 19. villamont de voyages . l. 2. c. 23. boter . relat. pa. 3 l. 2. & alij plures . bellonius and others report , to the rites of the latine church , then any other sect of christians ) that they i say exercise their common diuine seruice in the armenian tongue , iacobus a vitriaco , brocardus , michouius , breitenbachtus , and manie others , some of their owne experience , and others of certaine relation , haue left recorded . and namely , as touching the translation of the holy scripture into the armenian tongue , which at this present , is in solemne vse among them , the armenians themselues as * * sixt. senens . l. 4 biblioth . sanct in ●oannes constantinopolitanus sixtus senensis hath recorded , attribute it , to no other author then to chrysostome : who also , out of the historie of george patriarch of alexandria , written of the life of chrysostome , remembreth it specially to haue beene chrysostomes worke after his banishment from constantinople , while he liued in those parts of armenia , to which as wee reade * * sozomen . h●st . l. 8 c. 22. theodoret. l. 5. de curand . graecor . affect . b. post . med . roccha . in bibliotheca vaticana . p. ●57 . sozomen , hee was by the emperours decree confined , and there died . and certainely , that the holy scriptures , were translated into the armenian tongue , before theodorets time , who liued soone after chrysostome , for he flourished about the yeare 440 , theodoret himselfe ( although he name not the author of the translation ) hath left recorded : as i finde also acknowledged by angelus roccha , in his discourse of the vatican librarie , not onely that chrysostome is sayd to haue translated of the scriptures into the armenian tongue , but , that he is also celebrated among the monuments of the same vatican , as the * * id pag. 155. & m●● . pansa de biblioth . vaticana , pa. 4 discors . 21. aluarez . histor . aethiop . ca. 159. inuentor of the armenian characters still in vse . and touching the habassines , aluarez a portuguez that liued many yeares among them hath not only left recorded , that they reade scriptures in the tigian tongue , which is a dialect of the habassin , ( for tigia he noteth to bee that part of habassia , which first receiued christianity ) into which language sabellicus supplem . histor. l. 8. recordeth both the old and new testament to haue beene translated out of the chaldee . but idem c. 11. hee , with many * * postell . de ling. indica . theu . cos. l. 2. ca. 14. villamont . l. 2. ca. 24. biblioth . vet. pat. tom. 6. pag 55. michou . l. de sarmat . 2 c 1. sigum . l. de reb. moscou pag. 46. posseum . l. de rebus mose pag. 4. theu . co● . l. 19. ca. 12. others , that they celebarte their liturgy in their owne language , though the chaldee be esteemed among them , as their learnd tongue , which also the liturgie it selfe ( you may finde it in the new edition of bibliotheca veterum patrum ) if you marke the long answers of the people to the priest , in their praiers doth euidently import . and no lesse certaine is it also , of the muscouites and russians , that their liturgies are likewise ministred in their vulgar tongue ( being a kinde of slauonian ) though sometimes intermingling greeke hymnes as guaguinus hath obserued : descript. moscou . ca. 2. as is testified by mathias michou , by sigismund , by posseuine , by theuet , and sundry others . and as euident is it of the illyrians , whom wee commonly call slauonians * * bapt. palat. de ra● . scribend . roccha in biblioth vatican pag. 162 that they also exercise their publique diuine seruice in their owne language : which to haue beene allowed them by the pope , at the suit of cyrill their bishop , or as * * auentin . l 4. annal. others say , of methodius ( but the difference is of no importance , for they both liued in the same time , and were companions in preaching the gospell to barbarous nations ) aeneas siluius and others haue recorded . aen. silu in hist. bohemica . c. 13. auentin . loc . citat . rocch . loc . citato . and , in particular of the liburnians , ( the more westerly part of the slauouians ) it is affirmed by auentine : and of the dalmatians , ( the more easterly part of them ) by angelus roccha , that they celebrate their liturgies in their owne language : which , roccha saith the dalmatians are most certainely perswaded to haue beene of hieromes deuising . but yet in determining the antiquity of that custome , roccha that referreth it to pope paul the second is greatly mistaken : because wee finde it to haue beene much more anciently granted them by pope iohn the eighth that they might both reade the scriptures , and celebrate masse , in their owne tongue , as appeareth by the same * * epist. 247. ioan. papae . 8. in tom. 3. concil . par . 2. ap . bin. pag. 990. roccha . lib. citato p. 168. popes epistle extant , to sfentopulcher . and euen roccha himselfe ( forgetting himselfe ) confesseth it in another place , to haue beene obtayned of the pope by cyrill , who was about 600 yeares ancienter then paul the second . and certainely ( now i am speaking of popes ) of no other iudgement touching diuine seruice in vulgar tongues , seemeth pope innocent the third to haue beene ( and perhaps it was also the decree of the councell of lateran ) charging that in citties , concil lateran . c 9. & in decret . l. 1. tit. 31. ca. 14 where there as concourse of diuerse nations , that differed in languages , and ceremonies , diuine seruice and the sacraments , should be celebrated according to that difference . but to speake a little in particular of the vulgar translation of the holy scripture vsed among the dalmatians : it is not onely affirmed by sundry writers to be the worke of hierome , but hierome himselfe in his epistle to sophronius , seemeth to * * hosius de sacro vernacul . legendo . postell ▪ de lingua illyrica . eraim . de clarat 37. ad censur . theolog . paris . some learned men to intimate so much , but yet there is another translation also of the scriptures into the slanonique tongue , later then that of hieromes as sixt senens . l 4 biblioth . sanct. in hieronymus stridonensis scalig diatrib . de ling●●s europae . & alij plu●es . scaliger hath obserued , being written in the seruian character ( as the former is in the dalmatian ) vsed in rascia , bosina , bulgaria , moldauia , russia , moscouia , and other nations of the slauonian language in the easterne parts , that celebrate their liturgies after the greeke ceremonie , and professe obedience to the patriarch of constantinople : of which later translation * * sixt. senens . loco citato . hieron . in epist ad sophron . tom. 3 scalig. loc . iam citato . auentin . l. 4. annal. pansa de biblioth . vatican par . 4. discor . 23. methodius the companion of cyrill in preaching of the gospell to gentile nations is certainely reported to haue been the author . which cyrill ( if you question what hee was ) was neither he of alexandria , nor he of ierusalem , as mutius pansa hath vainely imagined , but another , farre later then either of them , whom in the slauonique tong they call chiurill , one that liued about the yeare 860. namely , he that in the time of the emperour michael the third , and pope nicholas the first together with methodius , first brought the mengrelians , circassians and gazarans , and after that * * martyrolog . rom. martij . 9 michou . de sarmatia . l. 1. c 7. many of the slauonians ) to the faith of christ , as michouius hath recorded . neither neede we any other testimony , to refell the phantasie of pansa touching cyrill of ierusalem , then pansa himselfe , as namely ac-acknowledging , that cyrill was the inuenter of another sort of illyrian characters then by hierome had beene formerly deuised ( for of the dalmatian characters , that are in vse in dalmatia , liburnia , istria , morauia , * * postell de ling. dalmatica . roccha . biblioth . vatican . pag ▪ ●61 . & al●j plu●●mi . silesia , bohemia , polonia &c. hierome is acknowledged to be the author ) it could not bee therefore cyrill of ierusalem , as being ancienter then hierome , and by him registred in his catalogue of writers . and indeede ( to make an end ) what reason or occasion might the bishop of ierusalem haue to deuise characters for the illyrians ? but to intreate a little more ( on this occasion ) of translations of the holy scripture , made by the ancient fathers into vulgar languages : besides those already mentioned , of hierome and chrysostome , by the one , into the dalmatian , and by the other into the armenian tongue ; it is also recorded by socrates , and nicephorus , and sundry socrat. hist. eccles. l. 4. c. 27. niceph hist. eccles. l 11. c. 48. tripart . histor . l. 8. c. 13. paul. diacon . hist. miscell . l. 12. sozomen . l. 2. c. 37. socrat l. 2. c. 32. vulcan . in praef . de littur . & lingua getarum . inscrip . vet. pag. 146. others of vulphilas , bishop of the gothes one more ancient then either of the former , for hee flourished in the time of constantius the emperour , and was successor to theophilus , whose subscription wee finde in the first nicene councell ( being the same man , to whom the inuention of the gothique alphabet is likewise attributed by the same authors ) that hee translated the holy scripture into the gothique tongue . a copie of which translation is remembred by bonauentura vulcanius , to be yet remaining in some librarie of germany : and it may be , that the gothique translation of the foure euangelists , mentioned by gruter in the booke of ancient inscriptions , to be of a thousand yeares antiquity and remaining in the abbey of werdin , might be part of that translation of vulphilas : but yet that besides these translations into vulgar languages , hitherto mentioned of vulphilas , chrysostome , and hierome , the holie scriptures were likewise aunciently translated into the languages of many nations , is affirmed by hierome : and in particular ( although the translators names be not recorded ) into the aegyptian , hieron . in praesat . in 4. euangel . persian , indian , scythian , & sarmatian tongues , nay into all the languages of other nations , as theodoret , theodoret. l. 5. de carand . graecor affe ●●ibus post med . that flourished in the time of the ephesine and chalcedon councels ( almost 1200 yeares agoe ) hath left testified : as also in the following times ( yet aunciēt ) we reade of the like translations of the scriptures , to haue beene made by * * v●sco . in chron. hisp●n ad an. 717. iohn archbishop of siuill into the arabique , about an. 717 , which then was the vulgar speech of that part of spaine and some part of it , into the saxon or english by beda , about the same time : into the slauonique by * * io●n . treuis . l. 5. c. 24. methodius about an. 860. &c. into the italian by * * auentin . l. 4. annal. iacobus de voragine about an. 1290. &c. * * sixt. senens . b●bl sa●ct l. 4. in iacobus archiepiscopus genuensis . and now to intreate of those sects of christians that celebrate their liturgies in learned and forraine tongues : which the vulgar people doe not vnderstand : i finde onely three languages , wherein they are all performed . vitriac . histor . orient . ●a . 77. barbos . in vol. ● . de viaggi . apud ra●u●● . pag. 3●3 . v●liam l 2. c. 1● boter rel. par 3. l. 2. c d. nestoriani . namely , the greeke , the latine , and the chaldee , or syriaque tongues . and first , touching the chaldee or syriaque , in it are celebrated the liturgies of the nestorians , as vitriacus , ba●bosa , v●llamont , boter● , and others haue recorded : for genebrard that pronounceth peremptorily the hebrew tongue , and not the syriaque to be the vsuall language wherein all the orientall nations minister their diuine seruice , bewraies but too much , genebrard . chronog . l. 3. ad . an. chr. 3● . both his bouldnesse and his ignorance , as being not able , i am certainely perswaded , to produce any historie , or other lawfull testimonie , that recordeth the liturgies of any christians in all the east , to be performed in the hebrew tongue . but yet it may bee obserued , that where in sundrie writers we finde it mentioned , that the n●storians exercise their diuine offices in the chaldee , we are not to vnderstand them of the pure and auncient , but of the degenerate or iewish chaldee , which beside the chaldee and hebrew whereof it is principally tempered and compounded , hath much mixture also both of greeke and arabique , such as the iewes language was after our sauiour and his apostles time , that is ( in a word ) the syriaque , for the iewish chaldee ( to declare this point a little better ) is of two sorts : one of those that returned not againe after the captiuitie to ierusalem , but setled themselues to inhabite about babilon , whose language ( although somewhat degenerating also from the right chaldee ) is termed the babilonian tongue , of which sort , the iewes dialect of neardea in mesopotamia ( the compilers of the babilonian talmud ) was : the other of those that returned from the captiuitie , whose language is properly termed the syrian or ierusalem chaldee , varying somewhat farther from the natiue chaldee then the former , by reason of the mixture of forraine words , arabique , greeke , roman , and others , which in course of time it contracted : in which dialect , the talmud and targum , both named of ierusalem , and the bookes of the later rabbines , are written . and in this second sort of chaldee , is the holy scripture by the east christians translated , and their liturgies at this day celebrated . oser . de r●b . emmanuel . l. 3 posseuin . in appar . sacr . in diam●eriense concilium . linschot . l. 1. c. 15. secondly of the indians , that they in like sort performe their liturgie ( not in the hebrew , as is confidently affirmed by genebrard , but ) in the chaldee or syriaque , is testified by osorius , posseuine , linschot , &c. and confirmed by their liturgie , extant in bibliotheca veterum patrum , which is there remembred to be translated out of the syriaque . bibl. vet. patr. in auctario . tom. 2. in fine . and so doe thirdly the iacobites : namely , they of mesopotamia , of babilon , of palestine , of syria , and of cyprus , which are peculiarly knowne by that appellation . vitriac . histor orient . c. 76. of whom vitriacus long since obserued , that they read the diuine scriptures , in a language vnknowne to the lay people : and that language by the new testament * * vide widmanstad . in paraefat . testamenti . syriaci . brought from them by moses mardenus into europe , to bee printed ( for the more commodious dispersing of it abroade in their churches ) we now certainely know to be the syriaque tongue , euen as it is also knowne and * * post. de lingua . chaldaic . boter . rel. pa. 3. l. 2. c. de gia cobiti . recorded touching the rest of their diuine seruice , that it is performed in the same syriaque language , which they terme the chaldee . and it is thought , that the liturgie commonly termed anaphora basi●ij , which , we haue by masius translated out of the syriaque into latine ( and is found in bibliotheca veterum patrum ) is the iacobites liturgie : biblioth . vet. pa● . tom. 6. pag. 27. which language although it be now vnknowne among them , ( their clarkes or learned men excepted ) yet that it was vulgarly vnderstood , when that liturgie was first ordained , the long answers of the people to the priest , in their praiers which wee finde in it , may be demonstrations . but touching the old testament , which they haue also ( as arias writes he hath heard from their owne relations , arias . montan. in admonit . praefix . biblijs reg. de versione syriaca . postel . i● lingua chaldaica and postell , that he hath seene ) vsuall in all those east parts in the syriaque tongue , it is specially obserued by arias monatanus , to be translated , not out of the hebrew , but out of the greeke of origens emendation . and fourthly , of the cophti or christians of aegypt , it is likewise * * boter . relat. pa. 3. l. 3. c de christiani dell egitto . obserued , that they celebrate their liturgies in the same language : ( reading yet the gospell after it is done in the chaldee , in the arabique tongue , which is now , and long hath beene the vulgar language of aegypt . ) and it may further appeare , beside the testimonie of histories , by the liturgie of seuerus , patriarch of alexandria , in vse among them , translated out of syriaque into latine by guido fabritius . and fifthly , posscu●n . in appar . sacro in maronitae . postel . de ling. chaldaica . villam . l. 2. c. 24. the maronites in their liturgies , ( which posseuine obserueth to bee the liturgies of peter , of iames , and of sixtus ) vse the same syriaque language ( the arabique being also their vulgar ) as beside posseuine , postell , also , and villamont , and others haue recorded . and so doe sixtly , and lastly ( to make an end of this reckoning ) the poore christians of the isle of zocotora ( an island after barros his dimension of 60 miles in length and 27 in bredth ) without the bay of arabia , barros . de asia . decad. 2. l. 1. cap. 3. for although i finde it questioned touching the religion , whether they bee iacobites or nestorians ; iuan barros affirming the first ( and it may seem so for their nerenesse to the dominions of habassia ) and ananias proouing the latter because they are vncircumcised , anan . fab. ic . del . mondo . trat . 3. p. 292. which iacobites are not , and professe obedience to the patriarch of mozal , who is knowne to be patriarch of the nestorians : yet in this they both agree , that their diuine seruice ( such as it is ) is performed in the chaldee tongue . boter . relat. par . 3. l. 3. de christiani di socotena . and although botero relate it to be done in the hebrew , yet hee meaneth ( out of doubt ) not the auncient and pure hebrew , but the latter or degenerate language of the hebrew , that is to say the syriaque . as the other also that affirme the publique and solemne deuotions either of these zocotorini , or anie other christians in all the east , or south parts of the world , to be red in the chaldee , require also the like interpretation : namely to be vnderstoode , not of the right , and babilonian , but of the iewish and corrupted chaldee . but now to speake of those christians , that celebrate their liturgies in the greeke tongue : i obserue them to be these . 1. the graecians themselues : namely all they whose vulgar speech the greeke tongue is , inhabiting in greece , and a great part of n●tolia , of macedon , and of thrace , together with all the islands of the aegaean sea , and the other manie scattered islands , about the coasts of greece . but yet they doe it , not in the present vulgar , but in the pure and auncient greeke tongue , whereof as i before obserued , the common people vnderstande but little : vsing namely , on festiuall daies , the auncient liturgie of basil , and on common daies that of chrysostome , as ieremie a late patriarch of constantinople hath recorded . ierem. resp. 1. ad germano● cap. 13. and namely , as touching the holie scriptures , vsing the septuagints greeke translation , and specially that of lucians emendation . at least it was so with them in hieromes time ( and i finde no mention at all recorded of any alteration ) who obserueth the edition of the 70 interpreters by lucianus , hieron . in praef ad lib. paralipom . to haue beene receiued in vse from constantinople as farre as antiochia : as also that of origens emendatiō , from antiochia to aegypt and in aegypt , that of hesychius . but ( howsoeuer it may be touching the edition vsuall among them ) yet certainely , that the graecians haue not the scriptures translated into the vulgar greeke , the * * theodos. zygomal in epist . ad crus . l. 7. turcog●●cae . pag. 431. graecians themselues haue directly recorded . 2. the syrians , namely those , that for distinction of religion from the iacobites ( who likewise inhabite syria ) are termed so , that is to say the melchites , for they ( hauing the arabique for their vulgar language ) as they agree in other points of their religion , and ceremonie , and order of diuine seruice , with the grecians , so doe they as touching their liturgie , in language also , as is obserued by * * vitriac . histor . orient . c. 75. ha●tho . l. de . tartaris ▪ c. 14. b●eitenbach . peregrin . c. de surianis . bau●ngart . peregr . l. 2. c 9. villamont . l. 2 c. 22. boter . rel. pa. 3. l ● . c. d● melchi●i . vitriacus , haiths , breitenbachius , and manie others . 3. the georgians , who hauing for their vulgar speech , a peculiar language of a middle temper ( which well agreeth with the position of their countrie ) betwixt tartarian and armenian , as gesner and postell and r●c●ha in their bookes of languages haue obserued , exercise notwithstanding their liturgies in the greeke tongue , as * * vitriac . lib. citat . c. 80. iacobus a vitriaco , gesner . ●ithrid . in lingua georgian . postel . de 12. ling. tit. de ling. georg. roccha . de dialect i● g●●orgiana , & in grae3●a vet. baumgart . loc 〈◊〉 . villamont . l. ● . c. 23. gesner , postel , roccha , and diuerse others haue certainely recorded . 4. the circassians : who yet in such sort celebrate their diuine seruice in the greeke , that their priests themselues by reason of their grosse ignorance , vnderstand not what they reade * * inter●an . de●la vita de . 1. zychi●ca . 1● bellon . obseruat . l. 1. c. 35. as intireano ( that liued among them ) hath remembred . 5. and lastly , in the greeke tongue are celebrated , the liturgies of all the monasteries , that are of the greeke religion , wheresoeuer dispersed within the turkish dominions , in afrique or asia : as in mount sinai , the cities of petra and eltor in arabia : in ierusalem , alexandria , damascus , and in sundrie other places , as bellonius with others hath left recorded . and to come at last to the nation , that celebrate their liturgies in the latine tongue : to speake of them , euen this little will be enough : namely , that all the christians , that are found of the roman communion , in america , and in africa , celebrate their liturgies in the roman tongue . as all likewise in europe ( except the slauonians aboue mentioned . ) and in asia , except the two new roman purchases , of the maroni●es in syria , and of the christians of saint thomas in india , who retaine still , the old accustomed language , which as i obserued before , is in the liturgies of both those nations , the syriaque tongue . finis . religio medici browne, thomas, sir, 1605-1682. 1682 approx. 441 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 200 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-02 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a29880 wing b5178 estc r12664 13578406 ocm 13578406 100491 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a29880) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 100491) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 837:19) religio medici browne, thomas, sir, 1605-1682. keck, thomas. annotations upon religio medici. digby, kenelm, sir, 1603-1665. observations upon religio medici. the eighth edition, corrected and amended / [16], 371, [3] p., [1] leaf of plates : ill. printed for r. scot, t. basset, j. wright, r. chiswell, london : 1682. "annotations upon religio medici" has special t.p., with imprint london : andrew crook, 1672. "observations upon religio medici" has special t.p. "to the reader" signed: tho. browne. "annotations ..." written by thomas keck. cf. bm. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng browne, thomas, -sir, 1605-1682. -religio medici. religion -early works to 1800. christian life -early works to 1800. christian ethics -early works to 1800. 2005-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-11 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2005-11 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true and full coppy of that which was most imperfectly and surreptitiously printed baefore under the name of religio medici : the 8 edition printed at london . 1682. religio medici . the eighth edition , corrected and amended . with annotations never before published , upon all the obscure passages therein . also observations by sir kenelm digby , now newly added . london , printed for r. scot , t. basset , j. wright , r. chiswell , 1682. a letter sent upon the information of animadversions to come forth , upon the imperfect and surreptitious copy of religio medici , whilst this true one was going to press . honoured sir , give your servant , who hath ever honour'd you , leave to take notice of a book at present in the press , intituled ( as i am informed ) animadversions upon a treatise lately printed under the name of religio medici ; hereof , i am advertised , you have descended to be the author . worthy sir , permit your servant to affirm there is contain'd therein nothing that can deserve the reason of your contradictions , much less the candor of your animadversions : and to certifie the truth thereof , that book ( whereof i do acknowledge my self the author ) was penn'd many years past , and ( what cannot escape your apprehension ) with no intention for the press , or the least desire to oblige the faith of any man to its assertions . but what hath more especially emboldened my pen unto you at present , is , that the same piece , contrived in my private study and as an exercise unto my self , rather than an exercitation for any other , having past from my hand under a broken and imperfect copy , by frequent transcription it still run forward into corruption , and after the addition of some things , omission of others , & transposition of many , without my assent or privacy , the liberty of these times committed it unto the press ; whence it issued so disguised , the author without distinction could not acknowledge it . having thus miscarried , within a few weeks i shall , god willing , deliver unto the press the true and intended original ( whereof in the mean time your worthy self may command a view ; ) otherwise when ever that copy shall be extant , it will most clearly appear how far the text hath been mistaken , and all observations , glosses , or exercitations thereon , will in a great part impugn the printer or transcriber , rather than the author . if after that , you shall esteem it worth your vacant hours to discourse thereon , you shall but take that liberty which i assume my self , that is , freely to abound in your sense as i have done in my own . however you shall determine , you shall sufficiently honour me in the vouchsafe of your refute , and i oblige the whole world in the occasion of your pen. norwich . march 3. 1642. your servant . t. b. worthy sir , speedily upon the receipt of your letter of the third current , i sent to find out the printer that mr. crook ( who delivered me yours ) told me was printing something under my name , concerning your treatise of religio medici , and to forbid him any further proceeding therein ; but my servant could not meet with him ; whereupon i have left with mr. crook a note to that purpose , entreating him to deliver it to the printer . i verily believe there is some mistake in the information given you , and that what is printing must be from some other pen than mine ; for such reflections as i made upon your learn'd and ingenious discourse , are so far from meriting the press , as they can tempt no body to a serious reading of them ; they were notes hastily set down , as i suddenly ran over your excellent piece , which is of so weighty subject , and so strongly penned , as requireth much time , and sharp attention but to comprehend it ; whereas what i writ was the imployment but of one sitting ; and there was not twenty four hours between my receiving my lord of dorset's letter that occasioned what i said , and the finishing my answer to him ; and yet part of that time was taken up in procuring your book , which he desired me to read and give him an account of , for till then i was so unhappy as never to have heard of that worthy discourse . if that letter ever come to your view you will see the high value i set upon your great parts : and if it should be thought i have been something too bold in differing from your sense , i hope i shall easily obtain pardon , when it shall be considered , that his lordship assigned it me as an exercitation to oppose in it , for entertainment , such passages as i might judge capable thereof ; wherein what liberty i took , is to be attributed to the security of a private letter , and to my not knowing ( nor my lord's ) the person whom it concerned . but sir , now that i am so happy as to have that knowledge , i dare assure you , that nothing shall ever issue from me but savouring of all honour , esteem , and reverence both to your felf , and that worthy production of yours . if i had the vanity to give my self reputation by entring the lists in publique with so eminent and learned a man as you are , yet i know right well , i am no ways able to do it ; it would be a very unequal progress : i pretend not to learning ; those slender notions i have , are but disjoynted pieces i have by chance gleaned up here and there . to encounter such a sinewy opposite , or make animadversions upon so smart a piece as yours is , requireth such a solid stock and excercise in school-learning . my superficial besprinkling will serve onely for a private letter , or a familiar discourse with lady-auditors . with longing i expect the coming abroad of the true copy of that book , whose false and stoln one hath already given me so much delight . and so assuring you i shall deem it a great good fortune to deserve your favour and friendship , i kiss your hand and rest winchester house , march 26. 1642. your most humble servant , kenelm digby . to the reader . certainly that man were greedy of life , who should desire to live when all the world were at an end ; and he must needs be very impatient , who would repine at death in the society of all things that suffer under it . had not almost every man suffered by the press or were not the tyranny thereof become universal , i had not wanted reason for complaint : but in times wherein i have lived to behold the highest perversion of that excellent invention , the name of his majesty defamed , the honour of parliament depraved , the writings of both depravedly , anticipatively , counterfeitly imprinted ; complaints may seem ridiculous in private persons ; and men of my condition may be as incapable of affronts , as hopeless of their reparations . and truely had not the duty i owe unto the importunity of friends , and the allegiance i must ever acknowledge unto truth , prevailed with me ; the inactivity of my disposition might have made these sufferings continual , and time that brings other things to light , should have satisfied me in the remedy of its oblivion . but because things evidently false are not onely printed , but many things of truth most falsly set forth , in this latter i could not but think my self engaged . for though we have no power to redress the former , yet in the other , reparation being within our selves , i have at present represented unto the world a full and intended copy of that piece , which was most imperfectly and surreptitiously published before . this i confess , about seven years past , with some others of affinity thereto , for my private exercise and satisfaction , i had at leisurable hours composed ; which being communicated unto one , it became common unto many , and was by transcription successively corrupted , untill it arrived in a most depraued copy at the press . he that shall peruse that work , and shall take notice of sundry particulars and personal expressions therein , will easily discern the intention was not publick : and being a private exercise directed to my self , what is delivered therein , was rather a memorial unto me , than an example or rule unto any other : and therefore if there be any singularity therein correspondent unto the private conceptions of any man , it doth not advantage them : or if dissentaneous thereunto , it no way overthrows them . it was penned in such a place , and with such disadvantage , that ( i protest ) from the first setting of pen unto paper , i had not the assistance of any good book , whereby to promote my invention , or relieve my memory ; and therefore there might be many real lapses therein , which others might take notice of , and more that i suspected my self . it was set down many years past , and was the sense of my conception at that time , not an immutable law unto my advancing judgement at all times ; and therefore there might be many things therein plausible unto my passed apprehension , which are not agreeable unto my present self . there are many things delivered rhetorically , many expressions therein meerly tropical , and as they best illustrate my intention ; and therefore also there are many things to be taken in a soft and flexible sense , and not to be called unto the rigid test of reason . lastly , all that is contained therein , is in submission unto maturer discernments ; and as i have declared , shall no further father them than the best and learned judgments shall authorize them : under favour of which considerations i have made its secrecy publick , and committed the truth there to every ingenuous reader . tho. browne . religio medici . sect. 1 for my religion , though there be several circumstances that might perswade the world i have none at all , as the general scandal of my profession , the natural course of my studies , the indifferency of my behaviour and discourse in matters of religion , neither violently defending one ▪ nor with that common ardour and contention opposing another ; yet in despight hereof , i dare , without usurpation , assume the honourable stile of a christian . not that i meerly owe this title to the font , my education ; or clime wherein i was born , as being bred up either to confirm those principles my parents instilled into my understanding , or by a general consent proceed in the religion of my country : but having in my riper years and confirmed judgment , seen and examined all , i find my self obliged by the principles of grace , and the law of mine own reason , to embrace no other name but this : neither doth herein my zeal so far make me forget the general charity i owe unto humanity , as rather to hate than pity turks , infidels , and ( what is worse ) jews ; rather contenting my self to enjoy that happy stile , than maligning those who refuse so glorious a title . sect. 2 but because the name of a christian is become too general to express our faith , there being a geography of religion as well as lands , and every clime distinguished ; not only by their laws and limits , but circumscribed by their doctrines and rules of faith ; to be particular , i am of that reformed new-cast religion , wherein i dislike nothing but the name ; of the same belief our saviour taught , the apostles disseminated , the fathers authorized , and the martyrs confirmed , but by the sinister ends of princes , the ambition and avarice of prelates , and the fatal corruption of times , so decayed , impaired , and fallen from its native beauty , that it required the careful and charitable hands of these times to restore it to its primitive integrity . now the accidental occasion whereupon , the slender means whereby the low and abject condition of the person by whom so good a work was set on foot , which in our adversaries beget contempt and scorn , fills me with wonder , and is the very same objection the insolent pagans first cast at christ and his disciples . sect. 3 yet have i not so ▪ haken hands with those desperate resolutions , who had rather venture at large their decayed bottom , than bring her in to be new trimm'd in the dock ; who had rather promiscuously retain all , than abridge any , and obstinately be what they are , than what they have been , as to stand in diameter and swords point with them : we have reformed from them , not against them ; for omitting those improperations , and terms of scurrility betwixt us , which only difference our affections , and not our cause , there is between us one common name and appellation , one faith and necessary body of principles common to us both ; and therefore i am not scrupulous to converse and live with them . to enter their churches in defect of ours , and either pray with them , or for them : i could never perceive any rational consequence from those many texts which prohibit the children of israel to pollute themselves with the temples of the heathens ; we being all christians , and not divided by such detested impieties as might prophane our prayers , or the place wherein we make them ; or that a resolved conscience may not adore her creator any where , especially in places devoted to his service ; where if their devotions offend him , mine may please him ; if theirs prophane it , mine may hollow it : holy-water and crucifix ( dangerous to the common people ) deceive not my judgment , nor abuse my devotion at all : i am , i confess , naturally inclined to that , which misguided zeal terms superstition : my common conversation i do acknowledge austere , my behaviour full of rigour , sometimes not without morosity ; yet at my devotion i love to use the civility of my knee , my hat , and hand , with all those outward and sensible motions which may express or promote my invisible devotion . i should violate my own arm rather than a church , nor willingly deface the name of saint or martyr . at the fight of a cross or crucifix i can dispense with my hat , but scarce with the thought or memory of my saviour : i cannot laugh at , but rather pity the fruitless journeys of pilgrims , or contemn the miserable condition of fryars ; for though misplaced in circumstances , there is something in it of devotion . i could never hear the * ave-mary bell without an elevation , or think it a sufficient warrant , because they erred in one circumstance , for me to err in all , that is , in silence and dumb contempt ; whilst therefore they direct their devotions to her , i offered mine to god , and rectifie the errors of their prayers , by rightly ordering mine own : at a solemn procession i have wept abundantly , while my consorts blind with opposition and prejudice ; have fallen into an excess of scorn and laughter : there are questionless both in greek , roman , and african churches , solemnities and ceremonies , whereof the wiser zeals do make a christian use , and stand condemned by us , not as evil in themselves , but as allurements and baits of superstition to those vulgar heads that look asquint on the face of truth , and those unstable judgments that cannot resist in the narrow point and centre of virtue without a reel or stagger to the circumference . sect. 4 as there were many reformers , so likewise many reformations ; every country proceeding in a particular way and method , according as their national interest , together with their constitution and clime inclined them ; some angrily , and with extremity ; others calmly , and with mediocrity , not rending but easily dividing the community , and leaving an honest possibility of a reconciliation ; which though peaceable spirits do desire , and may conceive that revolution of time and the mercies of god may effect , yet that judgment that shall consider the present antipathies between the two extreams , their contrarieties in condition , affection and opinion , may with the same hopes expect an union in the poles of heaven . sect. 5 but to difference my self nearer , and draw into a lesser circle : there is no church , whose every part so squares unto my conscience ; whose articles , constitutions , and customs , seem so consonant unto reason , and as it were framed to my particular devotion , as this whereof i hold my belief , the church of england , to whose faith i am a sworn subject ; and therefore in a double obligation subscribe unto her articles , and endeavour to observe her constitutions ; what soever is , beyond , as points indifferent , i observe according to the rules of my private reason , or the humour and fashion of my devotion ; neither believing this , because luther affirmed it , or disproving that , because calvin hath disavouched it . i condemn not all things in the council of trent , nor approve all in the synod of dort. in brief , where the scripture is silent , the church is my text ; where that speaks , 't is but my comment : where there is a joynt silence of both , i borrow not the rules of my religion from rome or geneva , but the dictates of my own reason . it is an urjust scandal of our adversaries , and a gross errour in our selves , to compute the narivity of our religion from henry the eighth , who though he rejected the pope , refus'd not the faith of rome , and effected no more than what his own predecessors desired and assayed in ages past , and was conceived the state of venice would have attempted in our days . it is as uncharitable a point in us to fall upon those popular scurrilities and opprobrious scoffs of the bishop of rome , to whom as temporal prince , we owe the duty of good language : i confess there is a cause of passion between us ; by his sentence i stand excommunicated , heretick is the best language he affords me ; yet can no ear witness , i ever returned him the name of antichrist , man of sin , or whore of babylon . it is the method of charity to suffer without reaction : those usual satyrs and invectives , of the pulpit may perchance produce a good effect on the vulgar , whose ears are opener to rhetorick than logick ; yet do they in no wise confirm the faith of wiser believers , who know that a good cause needs not to be pardon'd by passion , but can sustain it self upon a temperate dispute . sect. 6 i could never divide my self from any man upon the difference of an opinion , or be angry with his judgement for not agreeing with me in that , from which within a few days i should dissent my self . i have no genius to disputes in religion , and have often thought it wisdom to decline them , especially upon a disadvantage , or when the cause of truth might suffer in the weakness of my patronage : where we desire to be informed , 't is good to contest with men above our selves ; but to confirm and establish our opinions , 't is best to argue with judgments below our own , that the frequent spoils and victories over their reasons , may settle in our selves an esteem and confirmed opinion of our own . every man is not a proper champion for truth , nor fit to take up the gauntlet in the cause of verity : many from the ignorance of these maximes , and an inconsiderate zeal unto truth , have too rashly charged the troops of error , and remain as trophies unto the enemies of truth : a man may be in as just possession of truth as of a city , and yet be forced to surrender ; 't is therefore far better to enjoy her with peace , than to hazzard her on a battle : if therefore there rise any doubts in my way , i do forget them , or at least defer them , till my better setled judgement , and more manly reason be able to resolve them , for i perceive every mans own reason is his best oedipus , and will upon a reasonable truce , find a way to loose those bonds wherewith the subtleties of error have enchained our more flexible and tender judgements . in philosophy , where truth seems double fac'd , there is no man more paradoxical than my self ; but in divinity i love to keep the road ; and though not in an , implicite , yet an humble faith , follow the great wheel of the church , by which i move , not reserving any proper poles or motion from the epicycle of my own brain ; by this means i have no gap for heresie , schismes , or errors , of which at present i hope i shall not injure truth to say i have no taint or tincture : i must confess my greener studies have been polluted with two or three , not any begotten in the latter centuries , but old and obsolete , such as could never have been revived , but by such extravagant and irregular heads as mine ; for indeed heresies perish not with their authors , but like the river arethusa , though they lose their currents in one place , they rise up again in another : one general council is not able to extirpate one single heresie ; it may be cancell'd for the present , but revolution of time , and the like aspects from heaven , will restore it , when it will flourish till it be condemned again . for as though there were metempsuchosis , and the soul of one man passed into another ; opinions do find after certain revolutions , men and minds like those that first begat them . to see our selves again , we need not look for b plato's year : every man is not only himself ; there hath been many diogenes , and as many timons , though but few of that name ; men are liv'd over again , the world is now as it was in ages past ; there was none then , but there hath been some one since that parallels him , and as it were his revived self . now the first of mine was that of the arabians , that the souls of men perished with their bodies , but should yet be raised again at the last day : not that i did absolutely conceive a mortality of the soul ; but if that were , which faith , not philosophy hath yet throughly disproved , and that both entred the grave together , yet i held the same conceit thereof that we all do for the body , that it rile again . surely it is but the merits of our unworthy natures , if we sleep in darkness until the last alarm . a serious reflex upon my own unworthiness did make me backward from challenging this prerogative of my soul ; so that i might enjoy my saviour at the last , i could with patience be nothing almost unto eternity . the second was that of origen , that god would not persist in his vengeance for ever , but after a definite time of his wrath , he would release the damned souls from torture : which error i fell into upon a serious contemplation of the great attribute of god , his mercy ; and did a little cherish it in my self , because i found therein no malice , and a ready weight to sway me from the other extream of despair , whereunto melancholy and contemplative natures are too easily disposed . a third there is which i did never positively maintain or practise , but have often wished it had been consonant to truth , and not offensive to my religion , and that is the prayer for the dead ; whereunto i was inclin'd from some charitable inducements , whereby i could scarce contain my prayers for a friend at the ringing of a bell , or behold his corps without an orison for his corps : 't was a good way methought to be remembred by posterity , and far more noble than an history . these opinions i never maintained with pertinacy , or endeavoured to enveagle any mans belief unto mine , nor so much as ever revealed or disputed them with my dearest friends ; by which means i neither propagated them in others , nor confirmed them in my self ; but suffering them to flame upon their own substance , without addition of new fuel , they went out insensibly of themselves . therefore these opinions , though condemned by lawful councels , were not heresies in me , but bare errors , and single lapses of my understanding without a joynt depravity of my will : those have not onely depraved understandings , but diseased affections , which cannot enjoy a singularity without an heresie , or be the author of an opinion without they be of a sect also ; this was the villany of the first schism of lucifer , who was not content to err alone , but drew into his faction many legions , and upon this experience he tempted only eve , as well understanding the communicable nature of sin , and that to deceive but one , was tacitely and upon consequence to delude them both . sect. 8 that heresies should arise , we have the prophesie of christ ; but that old ones should be abolished , we hold no prediction . that there must be heresies , is true , not only in our church , but also in any other : even in the doctrines heretical , there will be super-heresies ; and arians not only divided from their church , but also among themselves : for heads that are disposed unto schism and complexionably propense to innovation , are naturally disposed for a community ; nor will be ever confined unto the order or oeconomy of one body ; and therefore when they separate from others , they knit but loosely among themselves , nor contented with a general breach or dichotomy with their church , do subdivide and mince themselves almost into atoms . 't is true , that men of singular parts and humours have not been free from singular opinions and conceits in all ages ; retaining something not only beside the opinion of his own church or any other , but also any i particular author ; which notwithstanding a sober judgment may do without offence or heresie ; for there is yet , after all the decrees of councils , and the niceties of schools , many things untouch'd , unimagin'd , wherein the liberty of an honest reason may play and expatiate with security , and far without the circle of an heresie . sect. 9 as for those wingy mysteries in divinity , and airy subtleties in religion , which have unhing'd the brains of better heads , they never stretched the pia mater of mine ; methinks there be not impossibilities enough in religion , for an active faith ; the deepest mysteries ours contains , have not only been illustrated , but maintained by sylogism , and the rule of reason : i love to lose my self in a mystery , to pursue my reason to an o altitudo ! 't is my solitary recreation to pose my apprehension with those involved aenigma's and riddles of the trinity , with incarnation and resurrection . i can answer all the objections of satan and my rebellious reason , with that odd resolution i learned of tertullian , certum est quia impossible est . i desire to exercise my faith in the difficultest point ; for to credit ordinary and visible objects , is not faith , but perswasion . some believe the better for seeing christ's sepulchre ; and when they have seen the red sea , doubt not of the miracle . now contrarily , i bless my self , and am thankful that i lived not in the days of miracles , that i never saw christ nor his disciples ; i would not have been one of those israelites that pass'd the red sea , nor one of christ's patients on whom he wrought his wonders ; then had my faith been thrust upon me ; nor should i enjoy that greater blessing pronounced to all that believe and saw not . 't is an easie and necessary belief , to credit what our eye and sense hath examined : i believe he was dead and buried , and rose again ; and desire to see him in his glory , rather than to contemplate him in his cenotaphe , or sepulchre . nor is this much to believe ; as we have reason , we owe this faith unto history : they only had the advantage of a bold and noble faith , who lived before his coming , who upon obscure prophesies and mystical types could raise a belief , and expect apparent impossibilities . sect. 10 't is true , there is an edge in all sirm belief , and with an easie metaphor we may say the sword of faith ; but in these obscurities i rather use it in the adjunct the apostles gives it , a buckler ; under which i conceive a wary combatant may lye invulnerable . since i was of understanding to know we knew nothing , my reason hath been more pliable to the will of faith ; i am now content to understand a mystery without a rigid definition , in an easie and platonick description . that b allegorical description of hermes , pleaseth me beyond all the metaphysical definitions of divines ; where i cannot satisfie my reason , i love to humour my fancy : i had as live you tell me that anima est angelus hominis , est corpus dei , as entelechia ; lux est umbra dei , as actus perspicui ; where there is an obscurity too deep for our reason , 't is good to sit down with a description , periphrasis , or adumbration ; for by acquainting our reason how unable it is to display the visible and obvious effects of nature , it becomes more humble and submissive unto the subtleties of faith ; and thus i teach my haggard and unreclaimed reason to stoop unto the lure of faith. i believe there was already a tree whose fruit our unhappy parents tasted , though in the same chapter when god forbids it , 't is positively said , the plants of the fields were not yet grown ; for god had not caus'd it to rain upon the earth . i believe that the serpent ( if we shall literally understand it ) from his proper form and figure made his motion on his belly before the curse . i find the tryal of the pucellage and virginity of women , which god ordained the jews , is very fallible . experience and history informs me , that not onely many particular women , bur likewise whole nations have escaped the curse of childbirth , which god seems to pronounce upon the whole sex ; yet do i believe that all this is true , which indeed my reason would perswade me to be false ; and this i think is no vulgar part of faith , to believe a thing not only above , but contrary to reason , and against the arguments of our proper senses . sect. 11 in my solitary and retired imagination , ( neque enim cum porticus , aut me lectulus accepit desum mihi ) i remember i am not alone , and therefore forget not to contemplate him and his attributes who is ever with me , especially those two mighty ones , his wisdom and eternity ; with the one i recreate , with the other i confound my understanding : for who can speak of eternity without a soloecism , or think thereof without an extasie ? time we may comprehend : 't is but five days elder then our selves , and hath the same horoscope with the world ; but to retire so far back as to apprehend a beginning , to give such an infinite start forwards as to conceive an end in an essence that we affirm hath neither the one nor the other , it puts my reason to st. paul's sanctuary : my philosophy dares not say the angels can do it ; god hath not made a creature that can comprehend him ; 't is a priviledge of his own nature : i am that i am , was his own definition unto moses ; and 't was a short one , to confound mortality , that durst question god , or ask him what he was ; indeed he onely is ; all others have and shall be : but in eternity there is no distinction of tenses ; and therefore that terrible term predestination , which hath troubled so many weak heads to conceive , and the wisest to explain , is in respect to god no prescious determination of our estates to come , but a definitive blast of his will already fulfilled , and at the instant that he first decreed it ; for to his eternity which is indivisible , and all together the last trump is already sounded , the reprobates in the flame , and the blessed in abraham's bosome . st. peter speaks modestly , when he saith , a thousand years to god are but as one day : for to speak like a philosopher , those continued instances of time which flow into a thousand years , make not to him one moment ; what to us is to come , to his eternity is present , his whole duration being but one permanent point , without succession , parts , flux , or division . sect. 12 there is no attribute that adds more difficulty to the mystery of the trinity , where , though in a relative way of father and son , we must deny a priority . i wonder how aristotle could conceive the world-eternal , or how he could make good two eternities : his similitude of a triangle , comprehended in a square , doth somewhat illustrate the trinity of our souls , and that the triple unity of god ; for there is in us not three , but a trinity of souls , because there is in us , if not three distinct souls , yet differing faculties , that can , and do subsist apart in different subjects , and yet in us are thus united as to make but one soul and substance : if one soul were so perfect as to inform three distinct bodies , that were a petty trinity : conceive , the distinct number of three , not divided nor separated by the intellect , but actually comprehended in its unity , and that is a perfect trinity . i have often admired the mystical way of pythagoras , and the secret magick of numbers . beware of philosophy , is a precept not to be received in too large a sense ; for in this mass of nature there is a set of things that carry in their front , though not in capital letters , yet in stenography , and short characters , something of divinity , which to wiser reasons serve as luminaries in the abyss of knowledge , and to judicious beliefs , as scales and roundles to mount the pinacles and highest pieces of divinity the severe schools shall never laugh me out of the philosophy of hermes , that this visible world is but a picture of the invisible , wherein as in a pourtraict , things are not truely , but in equivocal shapes , and as they counterfeit some real substance in that invisible fabrick . sect. 13 that other attribute wherewith i recreate my devotion , is his wisdom , in which i am happy ; and for the contemplation of this only , do not repent me that i was bred in the way of study : the advantage i have of the vulgar , with the content and happiness i conceive therein , is an ample recompence for all my endeavours , in what part of knowledge soever . wisdom is his most beauteous attribute , no man can attain unto it , yet solomon pleased god when he desired it . he is wise , because he knows all things ; and he knoweth all things , because he made them all : but his greatest knowledge is in comprehending that he made not , that is , himself . and this is also the greatest knowledge in man. for this do i honour my own profession , and embrace the counsel even of the devil himself : had he read such a lecture in paradise , as he did at * delphos , we had better known our selves ; nor had we stood in fear to know him . i know he is wise in all , wonderful in what we conceive , but far more in what we comprehend not ; for we behold him but asquint , upon reflex or shadow ; our understanding is dimmer than moses eye ; we are ignorant of the back-parts or lower side of his divinity ; therefore to prie into the maze of his counsels , is not only folly in man , but presumption even in angels ; like us , they are his servants , not his senators ; he holds no counsel , but that mystical one of the trinity , wherein though there be three persons , there is but one mind that decrees without contradiction : nor needs he any ; his actions are not begot with deliberation , his wisdom naturally knows what 's best ; his intellect stands ready fraught with the superlative and purest idea's of goodness ; consultation and election , which are two motions in us , make but one in him ; his action springing from his power , at the first touch of his will. these are contemplations metaphysical : my humble speculations have another method , and are content to trace and discover those expressions he hath left in his creatures , and ▪ the obvious effects of nature ; there is no danger to profound these mysteries , no sanctum sanctorum in philosophy : the world was made to be inhabited by beasts ; but studied and contemplated by man : 't is the debt of our reason we owe unto god , and the homage we pay for not being beasts ; without this , the world is still as though it had not been , or as it was before the sixth day , when as yet there was not a creature that could conceive , or say there was a world. the wisdom of god receives small honour from those vulgar heads that rudely stare about , and with a gross rusticity admire his works ; those highly magnifie him , whose judicious inquiry into his acts , and deliberate research into his creatures , return the duty of a devout and learned admiration . therefore , search while thou wilt , and let thy reason go to ransome truth even to th' abyss below ; rally the scattered causes ; and that line which nature twists , be able to untwine : it is thy makers will , for unto none , but unto reason can he e're be known . the devils do know thee , but those damn'd meteors build not thy glory , but confound thy creatures . teach my indeavours so thy works to read , that learning them in thee , i may proceed . give thou my reason that instructive flight , whose weary wings may on thy hands still light . teach me so to soar aloft , yet ever so , when near the sun , to stoop again below . thus shall my humble feathers safely hover , and though neer earth , more than the heavens discover . and then at last , when homeward l shall drive rich with the spoils of nature to my hive , there will i sit like that industrious flie , buzzing thy praises , which shall never die , till death abrupts them , and succeeding glory bid me go on in a more lasting story . and this is almost all wherein an humble creature may endeavour to requite , and some way to retribute unto his creator : for if not he that saith , lord , lord , but he that doth the will of his father , shall be saved ; certainly our wills must be our performances , and our intents make out our actions ; otherwise our pious labours shall find anxiety in our graves , and our best endeavours not hope , but fear a resurrection . sect. 14 there is but our first cause , and four second causes of all things ; some are without efficient , as god ; others without matter , as angels ; some without form , as the first matter : but every essence created or uncreated , hath its final cause , and some positive end both of its essence and operation ; this is the cause i grope after in the works of nature ; on this hangs the providence of god : to raise so beauteous a structure , as the world and the creatures thereof , was but his art ; but their sundry and divided operations , with their predestinated ends , are from the treasure of his wisdom . in the causes , nature and affections of the eclipses of the sun and moon , there is most excellent speculation ; but to profound farther , and to contemplate a reason why his providence hath so disposed and ordered their motions in that vast circle , as to conjoyn and obscure each other , is a sweeter piece of reason , and a diviner point of philosophy ; therefore sometimes , and in some things , there appears to me as much divinity in galen his books de usu partium , as in suarez metaphysicks : had aristotle been as curious in the enquiry of this cause as he was of the other , he had not left behind him an imperfect piece of philosophy , but an absolute tract of divinity . sect. 15 natura nihil aget frustra , is the only indisputed axiome in philosophy ; there are no grotesques in nature ; not any thing framed to fill up empty cantons , and unnecessary spaces : in the most imperfect creatures , and such as were not preserved in the ark , but having their seeds and principles in the womb of nature , are every where , where the power of the sun is ; in these is the wisdom of his hand discovered : out of this rank solomon chose the object of admiration ; indeed what reason may not go to school to the wisdom of bees , ants , and spiders ? what wise hand teacheth them to do what reason cannot teach us ? ruder heads stand amazed at those prodigious pieces of nature , whales , elephants , dromidaries and camels ; these , i confess , are the colossus and majestick pieces of her hand : but in these narrow engines there is more curious mathematicks ; and the civility of these little citizens , more neatly sets forth the wisdom of their maker . who admires not regio montanus his fly beyond his eagle , or wonders not more at the operation of two souls in those little bodies , than but one in the trunk of a cedar ? i could never content my contemplation with those general pieces of wonder , the flux and reflux of the sea , the increase of nile , the conversion of the needle to the north ; and have studied to match and parallel those in the more obvious and neglected pieces of nature , which without further travel i can do in the cosmography of my self ; we carry with us the wonders we seek without us : there is is all africa and her prodigies in us ; we are that bold and adventurous piece of nature , which he that studies wisely learns in a compendium , what others labour at in a divided piece and endless volume . thus there are two books from whence i collect my divinity ; besides that written one of god , another of his servant nature , that universal and publick manuscript , that lies expans'd unto the eyes of all , those that never saw him in the one , have discoveerd him in the other : this was the scripture and theology of the heathens ; the natural motion of the sun made them more admire him , than its supernatural station did the children of israel ; the ordinary effects of nature wrought more admiration in them , than in the other all his miracles ; surely the heathens knew better how to joyn and read these mystical letters , than we chiristians , who cast a more careless eye on these common hieroglyphicks , and disdain to suck divinity from the flowers of nature . nor do i so forget god as to adore the name of nature ; which i define not with the schools , to be the principle of motion and rest , but that streight and regular line , that settled and constant course the wisdom of god hath ordained the actions of his creatures , according to their several kinds . to make a revolution every day , is the nature of the sun , because of that necessary course which god hath ordained it , from which it cannot swerve , by a faculty from that voice which first did give it motion . now this course of nature god seldome alters or perverts , but like an excellent artist hath so contrived his work , that with the self same instrument , without a new creation , he may effect his obscurest designs . thus he sweetneth the water with a word , preserveth the creatures in the ark , which the blast of his mouth might have as easily created ; for god is like a skilful geometrician who when more easily , and with one stroak of his compass he i might describe or divide a right line , had yet rather do this in a circle or longer way ; according to the constituted and fore-laid principles of his art : yet this rule of his he doth sometimes pervert , to acquaint the world with his prerogative , lest the arrogancy of our reason should question his power , and conclude he could not : and thus i call the effects of nature the works of god , whose hand and instrument she only is ; and therefore to ascribe his actions unto her , is to devolve the honour of the principal agent , upon the instrument ; which if with reason we may do , then let our hammers rise up and boast they have built our houses , and our pens receive the honour of our writing . i hold there is a general beauty in the works of god , and therefore no deformity in any kind of species of creature whatsoever : i cannot tell by what logick i we call a toad , a bear , or an elephant ugly , they being created in those outward shapes and figures which best express those actions of their inward forms . and having past that general visitation of god , who saw that all that he had made was good , that is , conformable to his will , which abhors deformity , and is the rule of order and beauty ; there is no deformity but in monstrosity , wherein notwithstanding there is a kind of beauty . nature so ingeniously contriving the irregular parts , as they become sometimes more remarkable than the principal fabrick . to speak yet more narrowly , there was never any thing ugly or mis-shapen , but the chaos ; wherein notwithstanding , to speak strictly , there was no deformity , because no form , nor was it yet impregnant by the voice of god ; now nature is not at variance with art , nor art with nature ; they being both servants of his providence : art is the perfection of nature : were the world now as it was the sixth day , there were yet , a chaos : nature hath made one world , and art another . in brief , all things are artificial ; for nature is the art of god. this is the ordinary and open way of his providence , which art and industry have in a good part discovered , whose effects we may foretel without an oracle : to foreshew these , is not prophesie , but pognostication . there is another way full of meanders and labyrinths , whereof the devil and spirits have no exact ephimerides , and that is a more particular and obscure method of his providence , directing the operations of individuals and single essences : this we call fortune , that serpentine and crooked line , whereby he draws those actions his wisdom intends in a more unknown and secret way : this cryptick and involved method of his providence have i ever admired , nor can i relate the history of my life , the occurrences of my days , the escapes of dangers , and hits of chance , with a bezo las manos to fortune , or a bare gramercy to my good stars : abraham might have thought the ram in the thicket came thither by accident ; humane reason would have said , that meer chance conveyed moses in the ark to the sight of pharaoh's daughter : what a labyrinth is there in the story of joseph , able to convert a stoick ? surely there are in every man's life certain rubs , doublings and wrenches , which pass a while under the effects of chance , but at the last well examined , prove the meer hand of god. 't was not dumb chance , that to discover the fougade or powder-plot , contrived a miscarriage in the letter . i like the victory of 88. the better for that one occurrence which our enemies imputed to our dishonour , and the partiality of fortune , to wit , the tempests and contrariety of winds , king philip did not detract from the nation , when he said , he sent his armado to fight with men , and not to combate with the winds . where there is a manifest disproportion between the powers and forces of two several agents , upon a maxime of reason we may promise the victory to the superiour ; but when unexpected accidents slip in , and unthought of occurrences intervene , these must proceed from a power that owes no obedience to those axioms : where , as in the writing upon the wall , we may behold the hand , but see not the spring that moves it . the success of that petty province of holland ( of which the grand seignour proudly said , if they should trouble him as they did the spaniard , he would send his men with shovels and pick axes , and throw it into the sea ) i cannot altogether ascribe to the ingenuity and industry of the people , but the mercy of god , that hath disposed them to such a thriving genius ; and to the will of his providence , that disposeth her favour to each country in their pre-ordinate season . all cannot be happy at once ; for because the glory of one state depends upon the ruine of another , there is a revolution and vicissitude of their greatness , and must obey the swing of that wheel , not moved , by intelligences , but by the hand of god , whereby all estates arise to their zenith and vertical points , according to their predestinated periods . for the lives , not only of men , but of common-wealths and the whole world , run not upon a helix that still enlargeth ; but on a circle , where arriving to their meridian , they decline in obscurity , and fall under the horizon again . sect. 18 these must not therefore be named the effects of fortune , but in a relative way , and as we term the works of nature : it was the ignorance of mans reason that begat this very name , and by a careless term miscalled the providence of god : for there is no liberty for causes to operate in a loose and stragling way ; nor any effect whatsoever , but hath its warrant from some universal or superiour cause . 't is not a ridiculous devotion to say a prayer before a game at tables ; for even in sortiligies and matters of greatest uncertainty , there is a setled and pre-ordered course of effects . it is we that are blind , not fortune : because our eye is too dim to discover the mystery of her effects , we foolishly paint her blind , and hoodwink the providence of the almighty . i cannot justifie that contemptible proverb , that fools only are fortunate ; or that insolent paradox , that a wise man is cut of the reach of fortune ; much less those opprobrious epithets of poets , whore , bawd , and strumpet . 't is , i confess , the common fate of men of singular gifts of mind , to be destitute of those of fortune ; which doth not any way deject the spirit of wiser judgements , who throughly understand the justice of this proceeding ; and being inrich'd with higher donatives , cast a more careless eye on these vulgar parts of felicity . it is a most unjust ambition to desire to engross the mercies of the almighty , not to be content with the goods of mind , without a possession of those of body or fortune : and it is an error worse than heresie , to adore these complemental and circumstantial pieces of felicity , and undervalue those perfections and essential points of happiness , wherein we resemble our maker . to wiser desires it is satisfaction enough to deserve , though not to enjoy the favours of fortune ; let providence provide for fools : 't is not partiality , but equity in god , who deals with us but as our natural parents ; those that are able of body and mind , he leaves to their deserts ; to those of weaker merits he imparts a larger portion , and pieces out the defect of one , by the access of the other . thus have we no just quarrel with nature , for leaving us naked ; or to envy the horns , hoofs , skins and furs of other creatures , being provided with reason , that can supply them all . we need not labour with so many arguments to confute judicial astrology ; for if there be a truth therein , it doth not injure divinity : if to be born under mercury disposeth us to be witty , under jupiter to be wealthy ; i do not owe a knee unto these , but unto that merciful hand that hath ordered my indifferent and uncertain nativity unto such benevolous aspects . those that hold that all things are governed by fortune , had not erred , had they not persisted there : the romans that erected a temple to fortune , acknowledged therein , though in a blinder way , somewhat of divinity ; for in a wise supputation all things begin and end in the almighty . there is a nearer way to heaven than homer's chain ; an easie logick may conjoyn heaven and earth , in one argument , and with less than a sorites resolve all things into god. far though we christen effects by their most sensible and nearest causes , yet is god the true and infallible cause of all , whose concourse though it be general , yet doth it subdivide it self into the particular actions of every thing , and is that spirit , by which each singular essence not only subsists , but performs its operation . sect. 19 the bad construction , and perverse comment on these pair of second causes , or visible hands of god , have perverted the devotion of many unto atheism ; who forgetting the honest advisoes of faith , have listened unto the conspiracy of passion and reason . i have therefore always endeavoured to compose those feuds and angry dissentions between affection , faith and reason : for there is in our soul a kind of triumvirate , or triple government of three competitors , which distract the peace of this our common-wealth , not less than did that other the state of rome . as reason is a rebel unto faith , so passion unto reason : as the propositions of faith seem absurd unto reason , so the theorems of reason unto passion , and both unto reason ; yet a moderate and peaceable discretion may so state and order the matter , that they may be all kings , and yet make but one monarchy , every one exercising his soveraignty and prerogative in a due time and place , according to the restraint and limit of circumstance , there is , as in philosophy , so in divinity , sturdy doubts , and boisterous objections , wherewith the unhappiness of our knowledge too nearly acquainteth us . more of these no man hath known than my self , which i confess i conquered , not in a martial posture , but on my knees . for our endeavours are not only to combat with doubts , but always to dispute with the devil : the villany of that spirit takes a hint of infidelity from our studies , and by demonstrating a naturality in one way , makes us mistrust a miracle in another . thus having , perused the archidoxes , and read the secret sympathies of things , he would disswade my belief from the miracle of the brazen serpent , make me conceit that image worked by sympathy , and was but an aegyptian trick to cure their diseases without a miracle . again , having seen some experiments of bitumen , and having read far more of naphtha , he whispered to my curiosity the fire of the altar might be natural : and bid me mistrust a miracle in elias , when he entrenched the altar round with water : for that inflamable substance yields not easily unto water , but flames in the arms of its antagonist . and thus would he inveagle my belief to think the combustion of sodom might be natural , and that there was an asphaltick and bituminous nature in that lake before the fire of gomorrah . i know that manna is now plentifully gathered in calabria ; and josephus tells me , in his days it was as plentiful in arabia ; the devil therefore made the quaere , where was then the miracle in the days of moses : the israelite saw but that in his time , the natives of those countries behold in ours . thus the devil played at chess with me , and yielding a pawn , thought to gain a queen of me , taking advantage of my honest endeavours ; and whilst i laboured to raise the structure of my reason , he strived to undermine the edifice of my faith. sect. 20 neither had these or any other ever such advantage of me , as to incline me to any point of infidelity or desperate positions of atheism ; for i have been these many years of opinion there was never any . those that held religion was the difference of man from beasts , have spoken probably , and proceed upon a principle as inductive as the other . that doctrine of epicurus , that denied the providence of god , was no atheism , but a magnificent and high strained conceit of his majesty , which he deemed too sublime to mind the trivial actions of those inferiour creatures . that fatal necessity of the stoicks , is nothing but the immutable law of his will. those that heretofore denied the divinity of the holy ghost , have been condemned , but as hereticks ; and those that now deny our saviour ( though more than hereticks ) are not so much as atheists : for though they deny two persons in the trinity , they hold as we do , there is but one god. that villain and secretary of hell , that composed that miscreant piece of the three impostors , though divided from all religions , and was neither jew , turk nor christian ; was not a positive atheist . i confess every country hath its machiavel , every age its lciuan , whereof common heads must not hear , nor more advanced judgments too rashly venture on : it is the rhetorick of satan , and may pervert a loose or prejudicate belief . sect. 22 i confess i have perused them all , and can discover nothing that may startle a discreet belief ; yet are their heads carried off with the wind and breath of such motives . i remember a doctor in physick of italy , who could perfectly believe the immortality of the soul , because galen seemed to make a doubt thereof . with another i was familiarly acquainted in france , a divine , and a man of singular parts , that on the same point was so plunged and gravelled with * three lines of seneca , that all our antidotes , drawn from both scripture and philosophy , could not expel the poyson of his errour . there are a set of heads , that can credit the relations of mariners , yet question the testimonies of st. paul ; and peremptorily maintain the traditions of aelian or pliny , yet in histories of scripture raise queries and objections , believing no more than they can parallel in humane authors . i confess there are in scripture stories that do exceed the fables of poets , and to a captious reader found like garagantua or bevis : search all the legends of times past , and the fabulous comnceits or these present , and 't will be hard to find one that deserves to carry the buckler unto sampson ; yet is all this of an easie possibility , if we conceive a divine concourse , or an influence from the little finger of the almighty . it is impossible that either in the discourse of man , or in the infallible voice of god , to the weakness of our apprehensions , there should not appear irregularities , contradictions , and antinomies : my self could shew a catalogue of doubts , never yet imagined nor questioned , as i know , which are not resolved at the first hearing ; not fantastick queries or objections of air ; for i cannot hear of atoms in divinity . i can read the history of the pigeon that was sent out of the ark , and returned no more , yet not question how she found out her mate that was left behind : that lazarus was raised from the dead , yet not demand where in the interim his soul awaited ; or raise a law-case , whether his heir might lawfully detain his inheritance bequeathed unto him by his death , and he , though restored to life , have no plea or title unto his former possessions . whether eve was framed out of the left side of adam , i dispute not ; because i stand not yet assured which is the right side of a man ; or whether there be any such distinction in nature : that she was edified out of the rib of adam , i believe , yet raise no question who shall arise with that rib at the resurrection : whether adam was an hermaphrodite , as the rabbins contend upon the letter of the text , because it is contrary to reason , there should be an hermaphrodite , before there was a woman ; or a composition of two natures , before there was a second composed . likewise , * whether the world was created in autumn , summer , or the spring ] because it was created in them all ; for whatsoever sign the sun possesseth , those four seasons are actually existent : it is the nature of this luminary to distinguish the several seasons of the year , all which it makes at one time in the whole earth , and successively in any part thereof . there are a bundle of curiosities , not only in philosophy , but in divinity , proposed and discussed by men of most supposed abilities , which indeed are not worthy our vacant hours , much less our serious studies . pieces only fit to be placed in pantagruel's library , or bound up with tartaretus de modo cacandi . sect. 22 these are niceties that become not those that peruse so serious a mystery : there are others more generally questioned and called to the bar , yet methinks of an easie and possible truth . 't is ridiculous to put off , or down the general flood of noah , in that particular inundation of deucalion : ] that there was a deluge once , seems not to me so great a miracle , as that there is not one always . ‖ how all the kinds of creatures , not only in their own bulks , but with a competency of food and sustenance , might be preserved in one ark , and within the extent of three hundred cubits , to a reason that rightly examines , it will appear very feasible . ] there is another secret not contained in the scripture , which is more hard to comprehend , * and put the honest father to the refuge of a miracle : ] and that is , not only how the distinct pieces of the world , and divided islands should be first planted by men , but inhabited by tigers , panthers , and bears . how america abounded with beasts of prey , and noxious animals , yet contained not in it that necessary creature , a horse , is very strange . by what passage those , not only birds , but dangerous and unwelcome beasts came over : how there be creatures there , ( which are not found in this triple continent ; ) all which must needs be strange unto us , that hold but one ark , and that the creatures began their progress from the mountains of ararat : they who to salve this would make the deluge particular , proceed upon a principle that i can no way grant ; not only upon the negative of holy scriptures , but of mine own reason , whereby i can make it probable , that the world was as well peopled in the time of noah , as in ours ; * and fifteen hundred years to people the world , as full a time for them , as four thousand years since have been to us . ] there are other assertions and common tenents drawn from scripture , and generally believed as scripture , whereunto notwithstanding , i would never betray the liberty of my reason . 't is a paradox to me , ‖ that methusalem was the longest liv'd of all the children of adam ] and no man will be able to prove it ; when from the process of the text , i can manifest it may be otherwise . * that judas perished by hanging himself , there is no certainty in scripture : though in one place it seems to affirm it , and by a doubtful word hath given occasion to translate it ; yet in another place , in a more punctual description , it makes it improbable , and seems to overthrow it . ] that our fathers , after the flood , erected the tower of babel , to preserve th●mselves against a second deluge , is generally opinioned and believed , yet is there another intention of theirs expressed in scripture : besides , it is improbable from the circumstance of the place , that is , a plain in the land of shinar : these are no points of faith , and therefore may admit a free dispute . there are yet others , and those familiarly conclude from the text , wherein ( under favour ) i see no consequence : the church of rome , confidently proves the opinion of tutelary angels , from that answer when peter knockt at the door ; 't is not he , but his angel ; that is , might some say , his messenger , or some body from him ; for so the original signifies ; and is as likely to be the doubtful families meaning ▪ this exposition i once suggested to a young divine , that answered upon this point ; to which i remember the franciscan opponent replyed no more ; but that it was a new , and no authentick interpretation . sect. 23 these are but the conclusions and fallible discourses of man upon the word of god , for such i do believe the holy scriptures ; yet were it of man , i could not chuse but say , it was the singularest , and superlative piece that hath been extant since the creation : were i a pagan , i should not refrain the lecture of it ; * and cannot but commend the judgment of ptolomy , ] that thought not his library compleat without it . ‖ the alcoran of the turks ( i speak without prejudice ) is an ill composed piece , containing in it vain and ridiculous errors in philosophy ] impossibilities , fictions , and vanities beyond laughter , maintained by evident and open sophisms , the policy of ignorance , deposition of universities , and banishment of learning ; that hath gotten foot by arms and violence ; this without a blow , hath disseminated it self through the whole earth . it is not unremarkable what philo first observed , that the law of moses continued two thousand years without the least alteration ; whereas , we see , the laws of other common-weals do alter with occasions ; and even those , that pretended their original from some divinity , to have vanished without trace or memory . * i believe besides zoroaster , there were divers that writ before moses ] who , notwithstanding have suffered the common fate of time . mens works have an age like themselves ; and though they out live their authors , yet have they a stint and period to their duration : this only is a work too hard for the teeth of time , and cannot perish but in the general flames , when all things shall confess their ashes . sect. 24 i have heard some with deep sighs lament the lost lines of cicero ; ‖ others with as many groans deplore the combustion of the library of alexandria : for my own part , i think there be too many in the world , and could with patience behold the urn and ashes of the vatican , could i , with a few others , recover the perished leaves of solomon . * i would not omit a copy of enoch's pillars , had they many nearer authors than josephus ] or did not relish somewhat of the fable . some men have written more than others have spoken ; * pineda quotes more authors in one work , than are necessary in a whole world. ‖ of those three great inventions in germany , there are two which are not without their incommodities , ] and 't is disputable whether they exceed not their use and commodities . 't is not a melancholy utinam of my own , but the desires of better beads , that there were a general synod ; not to unite the incompatible difference of religion , but for the benefit of learning , to reduce it as it lay at first , in a few , and solid authors ; and to condemn to the fire those swarms & millions of rhapsodies begotten only to distract and abuse the weaker judgements of scholars , and to maintain the trade and mystery of typographers . sect. 25 i cannot but wonder with what exception the samaritans could confine their belief to the pentateuch , or five books , of moses . i am ashamed at the rabbinical interpretation of the jews , upon the old testament , as much as their defection from the new. and truly it is beyond wonder , how that contemptible and degenerate issue of jacob , once so devoted to ethnick superstition , and so easily seduced to the idolatry of their neighbours , should now in such an obstinate and peremptory belief adhere unto their own doctrine expect impossibilities , and in the face and eye of the church , persist without the least hope of conversion . this is a vice in them , that were a vertue in us ; for obstinacy in a bad cause , is but constancy in a good . and herein i must accuse those of my own religion ; for there is not any of such a fugitive faith , such an unstable belief , as a christian ; none that do so oft transform themselves , not unto several shapes of christianity and of the same species , but unto more unnatural and contrary forms , of jew and mahometan ; that from the name of saviour , can condescend to the bare term of prophet ; and from an old belief that he is come , fall to a new expectation of his coming . it is the promise of christ to make us all one flock ; but how and when this union shall be , is as obscure to me as the last day . of those four members of religion we hold a slender proportion ; there are , i confess , some new additions , yet small to those which accrew to our adversaries , and those only drawn from the revolt of pagans , men but of negative impieties , and such as deny christ , but because they never heard of him : but the religion of the jew is expresly against the christian , and the mahometan against both . for * the turk , in the bulk he now stands , he is beyond all hope of conversion : ] if he fall asunder , there may be conceived hopes , but not without strong improbabilities . the jew is obstinate in all fortunes ; the persecution of fifteen hundred years hath but confirmed them in their errour : they have already endured whatsoever may be inflicted , and have suffered , in a bad cause , even to the condemnation of their enemies . persecution is a bad and indirect way to plant religion ; it hath been the unhappy method of angry devotions , not only to confirm honest religion , but wicked heresies , and extravagant opinions . it was the first stone and basis of our faith , * none can more justly boast of persecutions , and glory in the number and valour of martyrs ; ] for , to speak properly , those are true and almost only examples of fortitude : those that are fetch'd from the field , or drawn from the actions of the camp , are not oft-times so truely precedents of valour as audacity , and at the best attain but to some bastard piece of fortitude : ‖ if we shall strictly examine the circumstances and requisites which aristotle requires to true and perfect valour , we shall find the name only in his master alexander , and as little in that roman worthy , julius caesar ; ] and if any , in that easie and active way , have done so nobly as to deserve that name , yet in the passive and more terrible piece these have surpassed , and in a more heroical way may claim the honour of that title . 't is not in the power of every honest faith to proceed thus far , or pass to heaven through the flames ; every one hath it not in that full measure , nor in so audacious and resolute a temper , as to endure those terrible tests and trials ; who notwithstanding in a peaceable way do truely adore their saviour , and have ( no doubt ) a faith acceptable in the eyes of god. sect. 26 now as all that dye in the war are not termed souldiers ; so neither can i properly term all those that suffer in matters of religion , martyrs . * the council of constance condemns john huss for an heretick ; the stories of his own party stile him a martyr : ] he must need offend the divinity of both , that says he was neither the one nor the other : there are many ( questionless ) canonized on earth , that shall never be saints in heaven ; and have their names in histories and martyrologies , who in the eyes of god are not so perfect martyrs , as was * that wise heathen socrates , that suffered on a fundamental point of religion , the unity of god. ] * i have often pitied the miserable bishop that suffered in the cause of antipodes , ] yet cannot chuse but accuse him of as much madness , for exposing his living on such a trifle ; as those of ignorance and folly , that condemned him . i think my , conscience will not give me the lye , if i say there are not many extant that in a noble way fear the face of death less than my self ; yet from the moral duty i owe to the commandment of god , and the natural , respects that i tender unto the conservation of my essence and being , i would not perish upon a ceremony , politick points , or indifferency : nor is my belief of that untractible temper , as not to bow at their obstacles , or connive at matters wherein there are not manifest impieties : the leaven therefore and ferment of all , not only civil , but religious actions , is wisdom ; without which , to commit our selves to the flames , is homicide , and ( i fear ) but to pass through one fire into another . sect. 27 that miracles are ceased , i can neither prove , nor absolutely deny , much less define the time and period of their cessation : that they survived christ , is manifest upon the record of scripture : that they out-lived the apostles also , and were revived at the conversion of nations , many years after , we cannot deny , if we shall not question those writers whose testimonies we do not controvert , in points that make for our own opinions ; therefore that may have some truth in it that is reported by the jesuites of their miracles in the indies ; i could wish it were true , or had any other testimony than their own pens . they may easily believe those miracles abroad , who daily conceive a greater at home , the transmutation of those visible elements into the body and blood of our saviour : for the conversion of water into wine , which he wrought in cana , or what the devil would have had him done in the wilderness , of stones into bread , compared to this , will scarce deserve the name of a miracle . though indeed to speak properly , there is not one miracle greater than another , they being the extraordinary effects of the hand of god , to which all things are of an equal facility ; and to create the world as easie as one single creature . for this is also a miracle , not onely to produce effects against , or above nature , but before nature ; and to create nature as great a miracle , as to contradict or transcend her . we do too narrowly define the power of god , restraining it to our capacities . * i hold that god can do all things ; how he should work contradictions i do not understand , yet dare not therefore deny . ‖ i cannot see why the angel of god should question esdras to recal the time past , if it were beyond his own power ; or that god should pose mortality in that , which he was not able to perform himself . i will not say god cannot , but he will not perform many things , which we plainly affirm he cannot : this i am sure is the mannerliest proposition , wherein , notwithstanding , i hold no paradox . for strictly his power is the same with his will , and they both with all the rest do make but one god. sect. 28 therefore that miracles have been , i do believe ; that they may yet be wrought by the living , i do not deny : but have no confidence in those which are fathered on the dead ; and this hath ever made me suspect the efficacy of reliques , to examine the bones , question the habits and appurtenances of saints , and even of christ himself i cannot conceive why the cross that helena found , and whereon christ himself . dyed , should have power to restore others unto life : * i excuse not constantine from a fall off his horse , or a mischief from his enemies , upon the wearing those nails ] on his bridle , which our saviour bore upon the cross in his hands . i compute among piae fraudes , nor many degrees before consecrated swords and roses , that which baldwyn king of jerusalem return'd the genovese for their cost and pains in his war , to wit , the ashes of john the baptist . those that hold the sanctity of their souls doth leave behind a tincture and sacred faculty on their bodies , speak naturally of miracles , and do not salve the doubt . now one reason i tender so little devotion unto reliques is , i think , the slender and doubtful respect i have always held unto antiquities : for that indeed which i admire is far before antiquity , that is , eternity ; and that is god himself ; who though he be styled the ancient of days , cannot receive the adjunct of antiquity , who was before the world , and shall be after it , yet is not older than it ; for in his years there is no climacter ; his duration is eternity , and far more venerable than antiquity . sect. 29 * but above all things i wonder how the curiosity of wiser heads coulds pass that great and indisputable miracle , the cessation of oracles ; ] and in what swoun their reasons lay , to content themselves , and sit down with such a far-fetch'd and ridiculous reason as plutarch alleadgeth for it . the jews that can believe the supernatural solstice of the sun in the days of joshua , have yet the impudence to deny the eclipse , which every pagan confessed , at his death : but for this , it is evident beyond all contradiction , * the devil himself confessed it . certainly it is not a warrantable curiosity , to examine the verity of scripture by the concordance of humane history , or seek to confirm the chronicle of hester or daniel , by the authority of magasthenes or herodotus , i confess i have had an unhappy curiosity this way , * till i laughed my self out of it with a piece of justine , where he delivers that the children of israel for being scabbed were banished out of egypt . ] and truely since i have understood the occurrences of the world , and know in what counterfeit shapes , and deceitful vizards times present represent on the stage things past ; i do believe them little more then things to come . some have been of my opinion , and endeavoured to write the history of their own lives ; wherein moses hath out-gone them all , and left not onely the story of his life , but as some will have it , of his death also . sect. 30 it is a riddle to me , how this story of oracles hath not worm'd out of the world that doubtful conceit of spirits and witches ; how so many learned heads should so far forget their metaphysicks , and destroy the ladder and scale of creatures , as to question the existence of spirits : for my part , * i have ever believed , and do now know , that there are witches : ] they that doubt of these do not onely deny them , but spirits ; and are obliquely , and upon consequence a sort not of infidels , but atheists . those that to confute their incredulity desire to see apparitions , shall questionless never behold any , ‖ nor have the power to be so much as witches : ] the devil hath them already in a heresie as capital as witchcraft ; and to appear to them , were but to convert them . of all the delusions wherewith he deceives mortality , there is not any that puzleth me more than the legerdemain of changelings ; i do not credit those transformations of reasonable creatures into beasts , or that the devil hath a power to transpeciate a man into a horse , who tempted christ ( as a trial of his divinity ) to convert but stones into bread . i could believe that spirits use with man the act of carnality , and that in both sexes ; i conceive they may assume , steal , or contrive a body , wherein there may be action enough to content decrepit lust , or passion to satisfie more active veneries ; yet in both , without a possibility of generation : and therefore that opinion that antichrist should be born of the tribe of * dan , by conjunction with the divil , ] is ridiculous , and a conceit fitter for a rabbin than a christian . i hold that the devil doth really possess some men , the spirit of melancholly others , the spirit of delusion others ; that as the devil is concealed and denyed by some . so god and good angels are pretended by others whereof the late defection of the maid of germany hath left a pregnant example . sect. 31 again , i believe that all that use sorceries , incantations , and spells , are not witches , or as we term them , magicians ; i conceive there is a traditional magick , not learned immediately from the devil , but at second hand from his scholars , who having once the secret betrayed , are able , and do emperically practise without his advice , they proceeding upon the principles of nature ; where actives aptly conjoyned to disposed passives , will under any master produce their effects . thus i think at first a part of philosophy was witchcraft , which being afterward derived to one another , proved but philosophy , and was indeed no more but the honest effects of nature : what invented by us is philosophy , learned from him is magick . we do surely owe the discovery of many secrets to the discovery of good and bad angels . i could never pass that sentence of paracelsus , without an asterisk , or annotation ; * ascendens constellatum multa revelat , quaerentibus magnalia naturae , i. e. opera dei. i do think that many mysteries ascribed to our own inventions , have been the courteous revelations of spirits ; for those noble essences in heaven bear a friendly regard unto their fellow nature on earth ; and therefore believe that those many prodigies and ominous prognosticks , which fore-run the ruines of states , princes , and private persons , are the charitable premonitions of good angels , which more careless enquiries term but the effects of chance and nature . sect. 32 now besides these particular and divided spirits , there may be ( for ought i know ) an universal and common spirit to the whole world. it was the opinion of plato , and it is yet of the hermetical philosophers ; if there be a common nature that unites and tyes the scattered and divided individuals into one species , why may there not be one that unites them all ? however , i am sure there is a common spirit that plays within us , yet makes no part in us ; and that is the spirit of god , the fire and fcintillation of that noble and mighty essence , which is the life and radical heat of spirits , and those essences that know not the vertue of the sun , a fire quite contrary to the fire of hell : this is that gentle heat that brooded on the waters , and in six days hatched the world ; this is that irradiation that dispels the mists of hell , the clouds of horrour , fear , sorrow , despair ; and preserves the region of the mind in serenity : whatsoever feels not the warm gale , and gentle ventilation of this spirit , ( though i feel his pulse ) i dare not say he lives ; for truely without this , to me there is no heat under the tropick ; nor any light , though i dwelt in the body of the sun. as when the labouring sun hath wrought his track vp to the top of lofty cancers back , the ycie ocean cracks , the frozen pole thaws with the heat of the celestial coale ; so when thy absent beams begin t' impart again a solstice on my frozen heart , my winter's ov'r ; my drooping spirits sing , and every part revives into a spring . but if thy quickning beams a while decline , and with their light bless not this orb of mine , a chilly frost surpriseth every member , and in the midst of june i feel december . o how this earthly temper doth debase the noble soul , in this her humble place . whose wingy nature ever doth aspire to reach that place whence first it took its fire . these flames i feel , which in my heart do dwell are not thy beams , but take their fire from hell o quench them all , and let thy light divine be as the sun to this poor orb of mine ; and to thy sacred spirit convert those fires , whose earthly fumes choak my devout aspires . sect. 33 therefore for spirits , i am so far from denying their existence , that i could easily believe , that not onely whole countries , but particular persons have their tutelary and guardian angels : * it is not a new opinion of the church of rome , but an old one of pythagoras and plato ; ] there is no heresie in it , and if not manifestly defin'd in scripture , yet is an opinion of a good and wholesome use in the course and actions of a mans life , and would serve as an hypothesis to salve many doubts , whereof common philosophy affordeth no solution . now if you demand my opinion and metaphysicks of their natures , i confess them very shallow , most of them in a negative way , like that of god ; or in a comparative , between our selves and fellow-creatures ; for there is in this universe a stair , or manifest scale of creatures , rising not disorderly , or in confusion , but with a comely method and proportion . between creatures of meer existence and things of life , there is a large disproportion of nature ; between plants and animals of creatures of sense , a wider difference ; between them and man , a far greater : and if the proportion hold one , between man an angels there should be yet a greater . we do not comprehend their natures , who retain the first definition of porphyry , and distinguish them from our selves by immortality ; for before his fall , 't is thought , man also was immortal ; yet must we needs affirm that he had a different essence from the angels ; having therefore no certain knowledge of their natures , 't is no bad method of the schools , whatsoever perfection we find obscurely in our selves , in a more compleat and absolute way to ascribe unto them . i believe they have an extemporary knowledge , and upon the first motion of their reason do what we cannot without study or deliberation ; that they know things by their forms , and define by specifical difference what we describe by accidents and properties ; and therefore probabilities to us may be demonstrations unto them : that they have knowledge not onely of the specifical , but numerical forms of individuals , and understand by what reserved difference each single hypostasis , ( besides the relation to its species ) becomes its numerical self . that as the soul hath a power to move the body it informs , so there 's a faculty to move any , though inform none ; ours upon restraint of time , place , and distance ; but that invisible hand that conveyed habakkuk to the lyons den , or philip to azotus , infringeth this rule , and hath a secret conveyance , wherewith mortality is not acquainted : if they have that intuitive knowledge , whereby as in reflexion they behold the thoughts of one another , i cannot peremptorily deny but they know a great part of ours . they that to refute the invocation of saints , have denied that they have any knowledge of our affairs below , have proceeded too far , and must pardon my opinion , till i can throughly answer that piece of scripture , at the conversion of a sinner the angels in heaven rejoyce . * i cannot with those in that great father securely interpret the work of the first day , fiat lux , to the creation of angels . ] though ( i confess there is not any creature that hath so neer a glympse of their nature , as light in the sun and elements . we stile it a bare accident , but ‖ where it subsists alone , 't is a spiritual substance , and may be an angel : ] in brief , conceive light invisible , and that is a spirit . sect. 34 these are certainly the magisterial and master pieces of the creator , the flower or ( as we may say ) the best part of nothing , actually existing , what we are but in hopes , and probability ; we are onely that amphibious piece between a corporal and spiritual essence , that middle form that links those two together , and makes good the method of god and nature , that jumps not from extreams , but unites the incompatible distances by some middle and participating natures : that we are the breath and similitude of god , it is indisputable , and upon record of holy scripture ; but to call our selves a microcosm , or little world , i thought it onely a pleasant trope of rhetorick , till my neer judgement and second thoughts told me there was a real truth therein : for first we are a rude mass , and in the rank of creatures , which onely are , and have a dull kind of being not yet priviledged with life , or preferred to sense or reason ; next we live the life of plants , the life of animals , the life of men , and at last the life of spirits , running on in one mysterious nature those five kinds of existences , which comprehend the creatures not onely of the world , but of the universe : thus is man that great and true amphibium , whose nature is disposed to live not onely like other creatures in divers elements , but in divided and distinguished worlds : for though there be but one to sense , there are two to reason ; the one visible , the other invisible , whereof moses seems to have left description , and of the other so obscurely , that some parts thereof are yet in controversie . and truely for the first chapters of genesis , i must confess a great deal of obscurity ; though divines have to the power of humane reason endeavoured to make all go in a literal meaning , yet those allegorical interpretations are also probable , and perhaps the mystical method of moses bred up in the hieroglyphical schools of the egyptians . now for that immaterial world , methinks we need not wander so far as beyond the first moveable ; for even in this material fabrick the spirits walk as freely exempt from the affection of time , place , and motion , as beyond the extreamest circumference : do but extract from the corpulency of bodies , or resolve things beyond their first matter , and you discover the habitation of angels , which if i call the ubiquitary , and omnipresent essence of god , i hope i shall not offend divinity : for before the creation of the world , god was really all things . for the angels he created no new world , or determinate mansion , and therefore they are everywhere where is his essence , and do live at a distance even in himself . that god made all things for man , is in some sense true , yet not so far as to subordinate the creation of those purer creatures unto ours , though as ministring spirits they do , and are willing to fulfil the will of god in these lower and sublunary affairs of man : god made all things for himself , and it is impossible he should make them for any other end than his own glory ; it is all he can receive , and all that is without himself : for honour being an external adjunct , and in the honourer rather than in the person honoured , it was necessary to make a creature , from whom he might receive his homage , and that is in the other world angels , in this , man ; which when we neglect , we forget the very end of our creation , and may justly provoke god , not onely to repent that he hath made the world , but that he hath sworn he would not destroy it . that there is but one world , is a conclusion of faith. aristotle with all his philosophy hath not been able to prove it , and as weakly that the world was eternal ; that dispute much troubled the pen of the philosophers , * but moses decided that question , and all is salved with the new term of a creation , ] that is , a production of something out of nothing ; and what is that ? whatsoever is opposite to something ; or more exactly , that which is truely contrary unto god : for he onely is , all others have an existence with dependency , and are sometime but by a distinction ; and herein is divinity conformant unto philosophy , and generation not onely founded on contrarieties , but also creation ; god being all things , is contrary unto nothing , out of which were made all things , and so nothing became something , and omniety informed nullity into an essence . sect. 36 the whole creation is a mystery , and particularly that of man ; at the blast of his mouth were the rest of the creatures made , and at his bare word they started out of nothing : but in the frame of man ( as the text describes it ) he played the sensible operator , and seemed not so much to create , as make him ; when he had separated the materials of other creatures , there consequently resulted a form and soul ; but having raised the walls of man , he has driven to a second and harder creation of a substance like himself , an incorruptible and immortal soul. for these two affections we have the philosophy and opinion of the heathens , the flat affirmative of plato , and not a negative from aristotle : there is another scruple cast in by divinity ( concerning its production ) much disputed in the germane auditories , and with that indifferency and equality of arguments , as leave the controversie undetermined . i am not of paracelsus mind , that boldly delivers a receipt to make a man without conjunction ; yet cannot but wonder at the multitude of heads that do deny traduction , having no other argument to confirm their belief , then that rhetorical sentence , and antimetathesis of augustine , creando infunditur , infundendo creatur : either opinion will consist well enough with religion ; yet i should rather incline to this , did not one objection haunt me , not wrung from speculations and subtilties , but from common sense , and observation ; not pickt from the leaves of any author , but bred amongst the weeds and tares of mine own brain : and this is a conclusion from the equivocal and monstrous productions in the copulation of a man with a beast ; for if the soul of man be not transmitted , and transfused in the seed of the parents , why are not those productions meerly beasts , but have also an impression and tincture of reason in as high a measure , as it can evidence it self in those improper organs ? nor truely can i peremptorily deny , that the soul in this her sublunary estate , is wholly , and in all acceptions inorganical , but that for the performance of her ordinary actions , there is required not onely a symmetry and proper disposition of organs , but a crasis and temper correspondent to its operations . yet is not this mass of flesh and visible structure the instrument and proper corps of the soul , but rather of sense , and that the hand of reason . * in our study of anatomy there is a mass of mysterious philosophy , and such as reduced the very heathens to divinity : ] yet amongst all those rare discourses , and curious pieces i find in the fabrick of man , i do not so much content my self , as in that i find not , there is no organ or instrument for the rational soul : for in the brain , which we term the seat of reason , there is not any thing of moment more than i can discover in the crany of a beast : and this is a sensible and no inconsiderable argument of the inorganity of the soul , at least in that sense we usually so conceive it . thus we are men , and we know not how ; there is something in us that can be without us , and will be after us , though it is strange that it hath no history , what it was before us , nor cannot tell how it entred in us . sect. 37 now for these walls of flesh , wherein the soul doth seem to be immured , before the resurrection , it is nothing but an elemental composition , and a fabrick that must fall to ashes . all flesh is grass , is not onely metaphorically , but litterally true ; for all those creatures we behold , are but the herbs of the field , digested into flesh in them , or more remotely carnified in our selves . nay further , we are what we all abhor , anthropophagi and cannibals , devourers not onely of men , but of our selves ; and that not in an allegory , but a positive truth : for all this mass of flesh which we behold , came in at our mouths ; this frame we look upon , hath been upon our trenchers ; in brief , we have devour'd our selves . * i cannot believe the wisdom of pythagoras did ever positively , and in a literal sense affirm his metempsycosis , or impossible transmigration of the souls of men into beasts : of all metamorphoses , or transmigrations , i believe only one , that is of lots wife ; for that of nebuchodonosor proceeded not so far ; in all others i conceive there is no further verity than is contained in their implicite sense and morality . i believe that the whole frame of a beast doth perish , and is left in the tame slate after death , as before it was materialled unto life ; that the souls of men know neither contrary nor corruption ; that they subsist beyond the body , and out-live death by the priviledge of their proper natures , and without a miracle ; that the souls of the faithful , as they leave earth , take possession of heaven ; that those apparitions and ghosts of departed persons are not the wandring souls of men , but the unquiet walks of devils , prompting and suggesting us unto mischief , blood , and villany , instilling , and stealing into our hearts ; that the blessed spirits are not at rest in their graves , but wander sollicitous of the affairs of the world ; but that those phantasms appear often , and do frequent coemeteries , charnel-houses , and churches , it is because those are the dormitories of the dead , where the devil like an insolent champion beholds with pride the spoils and trophies of his victory over adam . sect. 38 this is that dismal conquest we all deplore , that makes us so often cry ( o ) adam quid fecisti ? i thank god i have not those strait ligaments , or narrow obligations to the world , as to dote on life , or be convulst and tremble at the name of death : not that i am insensible of the dread and horrour thereof , or by raking into the bowels of the deceased , continual sight of anatomies , skeletons , or cadaverous reliques , like vespilloes , or grave-makers , i am become stupid , or have forgot the apprehension of mortality ; but that marshalling all the horrours ; and contemplating the extremities thereof , i find not any thing therein able to daunt the courage of a man , much less a well-resolved christian . and therefore am not angry at the errour of our first parents , or unwilling to bear a part of this common fate , and like the best of them to dye , that is , to cease to breathe , to take a farewel of the elements , to be a kind of nothing for a moment , to be within one instant of a spirit . when i take a full view and circle of my self , without this reasonable moderator , and equal piece of justice , death , i do conceive my self the miserablest person extant ; were there not another life that i hope for , all the vanities of this world should not intreat a moments breath from me : could the devil work my belief to imagine i could never dye , i would not outlive that very thought ; i have so abject a conceit of this common way of existence , this retaining to the sun and elements , i cannot think this is to be a man , or to live according to the dignity of humanity : in exspectation of a better , i can with patience embrace this life , yet in my best meditations do often defie death : i honour any man that contemns it , nor can i highly love any that is afraid of it : this makes me naturally love a souldier , and honour those tattered and contemptible regiments , that will dye at the command of a sergeant . for a pagan there may be some motives to be in love with life ; but for a christian to be amazed at death , i see not how he can escape this dilemma , that he is too sensible of this life , or hopeless of the life to come . sect. 39 some divines count adam 30 years old at his creation , because they suppose him created in the perfect age and stature of man. and surely we are all out of the computation of our age , and every man is some months elder than he bethinks him ; for we live , move , have a being , and are subject to the actions of the elements , and the malice of diseases , in that other world , the truest microcosm , the womb of our mother . for besides that general and common existence we are conceived to hold in our chaos , and whilst we sleep within the bosome of our causes , we enjoy a being and life in three distinct worlds , wherein we receive most manifest graduations : in that obscure world and womb of our mother , our time is short , computed by the moon ; yet longer then the days of many creatures that behold the sun , our selves being not yet without life , sense , and reason ; though for the manifestation of its actions , it awaits the opportunity of objects , and seems to live there but in its root and soul of vegetation ; entring afterwards upon the scene of the world , we arise up and become another creature , performing the reasonable actions of man , and obscurely manifesting that part of divinity in us , but not in complement and perfection till we have once more cast our secondine , that is , this slough of flesh , and are delivered into the last world , that is , that ineffable place of paul , that proper ubi of spirits . the smattering i have of the philosophers stone ( which is something more then the perfect exaltation of gold ) hath taught me a great deal of divinity , and instructed my belief , how that immortal spirit , and incorruptible substance of my soul may lye obscure , and sleep a while within this house of flesh . those strange and mystical transmigrations that i have observed in silk-worms , turned my philosophy into divinity . there is in these works of nature , which seem to puzzle reason , something divine , and hath more in it then the eye of a common spectator doth discover . sect. 40 i am naturally bashful , nor hath conversation , age or travel , been able to effront , or enharden me ; yet i have one part of modesty , which i have seldom discovered in another , that is , ( to speak truely ) i am not so much afraid of death , as ashamed thereof ; 't is the very disgrace and ignominy of our natures , that in a moment can so disfigure us , that our nearest friends , wife and children stand afraid and start at us . the birds and beasts of the field , that before in a natural fear obeyed us , forgetting all allegiance begin to prey upon us . this very conceit hath in a tempest disposed and left me willing to be swallowed up in the abyss of waters ; wherein i had perished unseen , unpityed , without wondering eyes , tears of pity , lectures of mortality , and none had said , quantum mutatus ab illo ! not that i am ashamed of the anatomy of my parts , or can accuse nature for playing the bungler in any part of me , or my own vitious life for contracting any shameful disease upon me , whereby i might not call my self as , wholesome a morsel for the worms as any . sect. 41 some upon the courage of a fruitful issue , wherein , as in the truest chronicle , they seem to outlive themselves , can with greater patience away with death . this conceit and counterfeit subsisting in our progenies , seems to be a meer fallacy , unworthy the desires of a man , that can but conceive a thought of the next world ; who , in a nobler ambition , should desire to live in his substance in heaven , rather than his name and shadow in the earth . and therefore at my death i mean to take a total adieu of the world , not caring for a monument , history , or epitaph , not so much as the memory of my name to be found any where , but in the universal register of god. i am not yet so cynical , as to approve the * testament of diogenes , nor do i altogether allow that rodomontado of lucan ; — coelo tegitur , qui non habet urnam . he that unburied lies wants not his herse , for unto him a tomb's the vniverse . but commend in my calmer judgement , those ingenuous intentions that desire to sleep by the urns of theirs fathers , and strive to go the neatest way unto corruption . * i do not envy the temper of crows and daws , ] nor the numerous and weary days of our fathers before the flood . if there be any truth in astrology , i may outlive a jubilee ; as yet i have not seen one revolution of saturn , nor hath my pulse beat thirty years ; and yet excepting one , have seen the ashes , & left underground , all the kings of europe ; have been contemporary to three emperours , four grand signiours , and as many popes : methinks i have outlived my self , and begin to be weary of the sun ; i have shaken hands with delight : in my warm blood and canicular days , i perceive i do anticipate the vices of age ; the world to me is but a dream or mock-show , and we all therein but pantalones and anticks , to my severer contemplations . sect. 42 it is not , i confess , an unlawful prayer to desire to surpass the days of our saviour , or wish to outlive that age wherein he thought fittest to dye ; yet if ( as divinity affirms ) there shall be no gray hairs in heaven , but all shall rise in the perfect state of men , we do but outlive those perfections in this world , to be recalled unto them by a greater miracle in the next , and run on here but to be retrograde hereafter . were there any hopes to outlive vice , or a point to be super-annuated from sin , it were worthy our knees to implore the days of methuselah . but age doth not rectifie , but incurvate our natures , turning bad dispositions into worser habits , and ( like diseases ) brings on incurable vices ; for every day as we grow weaker in age , we grow stronger in sin ; and the number of our days doth but make our sins innumerable . the same vice committed at sixteen , is not the same , though it agrees in all other circumstances , as at forty , but swells and doubles from that circumstance of our ages , wherein , besides the constant and inexcusable habit of transgressing , the maturity of our judgement cuts off pretence unto excuse or pardon : every sin the oftner it is committed , the more it acquireth in the quality of evil ; as it succeeds in time , so it proceeds in degrees of badness ; for as they proceed they ever multiply , and like figures in arithmetick , the last stands for more than all that went before it . and though i think no man can live well once , but he that could live twice , yet for my own part i would not live over my hours past , or begin again the thred of my days : * not upon cicero's ground , because i have lived them well , but for fear i should live them worse : ] i find my growing judgment daily instruct me how to be better , but my untamed affections and confirmed vitiosity makes me daily do worse ; i find in my confirmed age the same sins i discovered in my youth ; i committed many then because i was a child , and because i commit them still , i am yet an infant . therefore i perceive a man may be twice a child before the days of dotage , ‖ and stand in need of aesons bath before threescore . ] sect. 43 and truely there goes a great deal of providence to produce a mans life unto threescore ; there is more required than an able temper for those years ; though the radical humour contain in it sufficient oyl for seventy , yet i perceive in some it gives no light past thirty : men assign not all the causes of long life , that write whole books thereof . they that found themselves on the radical balsome , or vital sulphur of the parts , determine not why abel lived not so long as adam . there is therefore a secret glome or bottome of our days ; 't was his wisdom to determine them , but his perpetual and waking providence that fulfils and accomplisheth them ; wherein the spirits , our selves , and all the creatures of god in a secret and disputed way do execute his will. let them not therefore complain of immaturity that dye about thirty ; they fall but like the whole world , whose solid and well-composed substance must not expect the duration and period of its constitution : when all things are compleated in it , its age is accomplished ; and the last and general fever may as naturally destroy it before six thousand , as me before forty ; there is therefore some other hand that twines the thread of life than that of nature : we are not onely ignorant in antipathies and occult qualities ; our ends are as obscure as our beginnings ; the line of our days is drawn by night , and the various effects therein by a pensil that is invisible ; wherein though we confess our ignorance , i am sure we do not err if we say it is the hand of god. sect. 44 i am much taken with two verses of lucan , since i have been able not onely as we do at school , to construe , but understand . victurosque dei celant ut vivere durent , felix esse mori . we 're all deluded , vainly searching ways to make us happy by the length of days ; for cunningly to make's protract his breath , the gods conceal the happiness of death . there be many excellent strains in that poet , wherewith his stoical genius hath liberally supplied him ; and truely there are singular pieces in the philosophy of zeno , and doctrine of the stoicks , which i perceive , delivered in a pulpit , pass for current divinity : yet herein are they in extreams , that can allow a man to be his own assassine , and so highly* extol the end and suicide of cato : ] this is indeed not to fear death , but yet to be afraid of life . it is a brave act of valour to contemn death ; but where life is more terrible than deathd , it is then the truest : valour to dare to live ; and herein religion hath taught us a noble example : for all the valiant acts of curtius , scevola , or codrus , do not parallel or match that one of job ; and sure there is no torture to the rack of a disease ; nor any ponyards in death it self , like those in the way or prologue to it . * emori nolo , sed me esse mortuum nihil curo ; ] i would not dye , but care not to be dead . were i of caesar's religion , i should be of his desires , and wish rather to go off at one blow , then to be sawed in pieces by the grating torture of a disease . men that look no farther than their outsides , think health an appurtenance unto life , and quarrel with their constitutions for being sick ; but i that have examined the parts of man , and know upon what tender filaments that fabrick hangs , do wonder that we are not always so ; and considering the thousand doors that lead to death , do thank my god that we can die but once . 't is not onely the mischief of diseases , and villany of poysons , that make an end of us ; we vainly accuse the fury of guns , and the new inventions of death ; it is in the power of every hand to destroy us , and we are beholding unto every one we meet , he doth not kill us . there is therefore but one comfort left , that though it be in the power of the weakest arm to take away life , it is not in the strongest to deprive us of death : god would not exempt himself from that , the misery of immortality in the flesh ; he undertook not that was immortal . certainly there is no happiness within this circle of flesh , nor is it in the opticks of these eyes to behold felicity ; the first day of our jubilee is death ; the devil hath therefore failed of his desires ; we are happier with death than we should have been without it : there is no misery but in himself , where there is no end of misery ; and so indeed in his own sense , the stoick is in the right . he forgets that he can dye who complains of misery ; we are in the power of no calamity while death is in our own . sect. 45 now besides the literal and positive kind of death , there are others whereof divines makes mention and those i think , not meerly metaphorical , as mortification , dying unto sin and the world ; therefore , i say , every man hath a double horoscope , one of his humanity , his birth ; another of his christianity , his baptism , and from this do i compute or calculate my nativity ; not reckoning those horae combustae and odd days , or esteeming my self any thing , before i was my saviours , and inrolled in the register of christ : whosoever enjoys not this life , i count him but an apparition , though he wear about him the sensible affections of flesh . in these moral acceptions , the way to be immortal is to dye daily ; nor can i think i have the true theory of death , when i contemplate a skull , or behold a skeleton with those vulgar imaginations it casts upon us ; i have therefore inlarged that common memento mori , into a more christian memorandum , memento quatuor novissima , those four inevitable points of us all , death , judgement , heaven and hell. neither did the contemplations of the heathens rest in their graves , without further thought of rhadamanth or some judicial proceeding after death , though in another way , and upon suggestion of their natural reasons . i cannot but marvail from what sibyl or oracle they stole the prophesie of the worlds destruction by fire , or whence lucan learned to , say , communis mundo superest rogus , ossibus astra mist urus . — there yet remains to th' world one common fire , wherein our bones with stars shall make one pyre . i believe the world grows near its end , yet is neither old nor decayed , nor shall ever perish upon the ruines of its own principles . as the work of creation was above nature , so its adversary annihilation ; without which the world hath not its end , but its mutation . now what force should be able to consume it thus far , without the breath of god , which is the truest consuming flame , my philosophy cannot inform me . some believe there went not a minute to the worlds creation , nor shall there go to its destruction ; those six days so punctually described , make not to them one moment , but rather seem to manifest the method and idea of the great work of the intellect of god , than the manner how he proceeded in its operation . i cannot dream that there should be at the last day any such judicial proceeding , or calling to the bar , as indeed the scripture seems to imply , and the literal commentators do conceive : for unspeakable mysteries in the scriptures are often delivered in a vulgar and illustrative way ; and being written unto man , are delivered , not as they truely are , but as they may be understood ; wherein notwithstanding the different interpretations according to different capacities may stand firm with our devotion , nor be any way prejudicial to each single edification . sect. 46 now to determine the day and year of this inevitable time , is not onely convincible and statute-madness , but also manifest impiety : * how shall we interpret elias 6000 years , ] or imagine the secret communicated to a rabbi , which god hath denyed unto his angels ? it had been an excellent quaere to have posed the devil of delphos , and must needs have forced him to some strange amphibology ; it hath not onely mocked the predictions of sundry astrologers in ages past , but the prophesies of many melancholy heads in these present , who neither understanding reasonably things past or present , pretend a knowledge of things to come ; heads ordained onely to manifest the incredible effects of melancholy , and to fulfil old prophecies , rather than be the authors of new . [ in those days there shall come wars , and rumours of wars , ] to me seems no prophecy , but a constant truth , in all times verified since it was pronounced : there shall be signs in the moon and stars ; how comes he then like a thief in the night , when he gives an item of his coming ? that common sign drawn from the revelation of antichrist , is as obscure as any ; in our common compute he hath been come these many years ; but for my own part to speak freely , i am half of opinion that anti-christ is the philosophers stone in divinity ; for the discovery and invention thereof , though there be prescribed rules , and probable inductions , yet hath hardly any man attained the perfect discovery thereof . that general opinion that the world grows neer its end , hath possessed all ages past as neerly as ours ; i am afraid that the souls that now depart , cannot escape that lingring expostulation of the saints under the altar , quousqae domine ? how long , o lord ? and groan in the expectation of that great jubilee . sect. 47 this is the day that must make good that great attribute of god , his justice ; that must reconcile those unanswerable doubts that torment the wisest understandings , and reduce those seeming inequalities , and respective distributions in this world , to an equality and recompensive justice in the next . this is that one day , that shall include and comprehend all that went before it ; wherein , as in the last scene , all the actors must enter , to compleat and make up the catastrophe of this great piece . this is the day whose memory hath onely power to make us honest in the dark , and to be vertuous without a witness . * ipsa sui pretium virtus sibi , ] that vertue is her own reward , is but a cold principle , and not able to maintain our variable resolutions in a constant and setled way of goodness . i have practised ‖ that honest artifice of seneca , ] and in my retired and solitary imaginations , to detain me from the foulness of vice , have fancied to my self the presence of my dear and worthiest friends , before whom i should lose my head , rather then be vitious ; yet herein i found that there was nought but moral honesty , and this was not to be vertuous for his sake who must reward us at the last . * i have tryed if i could reach that great resolution of his , to be honest without a thought of heaven or hell ; ] and indeed i found upon a natural inclination , and inbred loyalty unto virtue , that i could serve her without a livery ; yet not in that resolved and venerable way , but that the frailty of my nature , upon easie temptation , might be induced to forget her . the life therefore and spirit of all our actions , is the resurrection , and a stable apprehension that our ashes shall enjoy the fruit of our pious endeavours ; without this , all religion is a fallacy , and those impieties of lucian , euripides , and julian , are no blasphemies , but subtle verities , * and atheists have been the onely philosophers . ] sect. 48 how shall the dead arise , is no question of my faith ; to believe onely possibilities , is not faith , but meer philosophy . many things are true in divinity , which are neither inducible by reason , nor confirmable by sense ; and many things in philosophy confirmable by sense , yet not inducible by reason . thus it is impossible by any solid or demonstrative reasons to perswade a man to believe the conversion of the needle to the north ; though this be possible and true , and easily credible , upon a single experiment unto the sense . i believe that our estranged and divided ashes shall unite again ; that our separated dust after so many pilgrimages and transformations into the parts of minerals , plants , animals , elements , shall at the voice of god return into their primitive shapes , and joyn again to make up their primary and predestinate forms . as at the creation there was a separation of that confused mass into its pieces ; so at the destruction thereof there shall be a separation into its distinct individuals . as at the creation of the world , all the distinct species that we behold , lay involved in one mass , till the fruitful voice of god separated this united multitude into its several species : so at the last day , when those corrupted reliques shall be scattered in the wilderness of forms , and seem to have forgot their proper habits , * god by a powerful voice shall command them back into their proper shapes , ] and call them out by their single individuals : then shall appear the fertility of adam , and the magick of that sperm that hath dilated into so many millions . i have often beheld as a miracle , that artificial resurrection and revification of mercury , how being mortified into a thousand shapes , it assumes again its own , and returns into its numerical self . let us speak naturally , and like philosophers , the forms of alterable bodies in these sensible corruptions perish not ; nor as we imagine , wholly quit their mansions , but retire and contract themselves into their secret and unaccessible parts , where they may best protect themselves from the action of their antagonist . a plant or vegetable consumed to ashes , by a contemplative and school-philosopher seems utterly destroyed , and the form to have taken his leave for ever : but to a sensible artist the forms are not perished , but withdrawn into their incombustible part , where they lie secure from the action of that devouring element . this is made good by experience , which can from the ashes of a plant revive the plant , and from its cinders recal it into its stalk and leaves again . what the art of man can do in these inferiour pieces , what blasphemy is it to affirm the finger of god cannot do in these more perfect and sensible structures ? this is that mystical philosophy , from whence no true scholar becomes an atheist , but from the visible effects of nature grows up a real divine ; and beholds not in a dream , as ezekiel , but in an ocular and visible object the types of his resurrection . sect. 49 now , the necessary mansions of our restored selves , are those two contrary and incompatible places we call heaven and hell ; to define them , or strictly to determine what and where these are , surpasseth my divinity . that elegant apostle which seemed to have a glimpse of heaven , hath left but a negative description thereof ; which neither eye hath seen , nor ear hath heard , nor can enter into the heart of man : he was translated out of himself to behold it ; but being returned into himself , could not express it . st. john's description by emerals , chrysolites , and precious stones , is too weak to express the material heaven we behold . briefly therefore , where the soul hath the full measure , and complement of happiness ; where the boundless appetite of that spirit remains compleatly satisfied , that it can neither desire addition nor alteration , that i think is truly heaven : and this can onely be in the injoyment of that essence , whose infinite goodness is able to terminate the desires of it self , and the unsatiable wishes of ours ; wherever god will thus manifest himself , there is heaven though within the circle of this sensible world . thus the soul of man may be in heaven any where , even within the limits of his own proper body ; and when it ceaseth to live in the body , it may remain in its own soul , that is , its creator . and thus we may say that st. paul , whether in the body , or out of the body , was yet in heaven . to place it in the empyreal , or beyond the tenth sphear , is to forget , the worlds destruction ; for when this sensible world shall be destroyed , all shall then be here as it is now there , an empyreal heaven , a quasi vacuity ; when to ask where heaven is , is to demand where the presence of god is , or where we have the glory of that happy vision . moses that was bred up in all the learning of the egyptians , committed a gross absurdity in philosophy , when with these eyes of flesh he desired to see god , and petitioned his maker , that is truth it self , to a contradiction . those that imagine heaven and hell neighbours , and conceive a vicinity between those two extreams , upon consequence of the parable , where dives discoursed with lazarus in abraham's bosome , do too grosly conceive of those glorified creatures , whose eyes shall easily out-see the sun , and behold without a perspective the extreamest distances ? for if there shall be in our glorified eyes , the faculty of sight and reception of objects , i could think the visible species there to be in as unlimitable a way as now the intellectual . i grant that two bodies placed beyond the tenth sphear , of in a vacuity , according to aristotle's philosophy , could not behold each other , because there wants a body or medium to hand and transport the visible rays of the object unto the sense ; but when there shall be a general defect of either medium to convey , or light to prepare and dispose that medium , and yet a perfect vision , we must suspend the rules of our philosophy , and make all good by a more absolute piece of opticks . i cannot tell how to say that fire is the essence of hell ; i know not what to make of purgatory , * or conceive a flame that can either prey upon , or purifie the substance of a soul : ] those flames of sulphur mention'd in the scriptures , i take not to be understood of this present hell , but of that to come , where fire shall make up the complement of our tortures , and have a body or subject wherein to manifest its tyranny . some who have had the honour to be textuary in divinity , are of opinion it shall be the same specifical fire with ours . this is hard to conceive , yet can i make good how even that may prey upon our bodies , and yet not consume us : for in this material world , there are bodies that persist invincible in the powerfullest flames ; and though by the action of fire they fall into ignition and liquation , yet will they never suffer a destruction . i would gladly know how moses with an actual fire calcin'd , or burnt the golden calf unto powder : for that mystical metal of gold , whose solary and celestial nature i admire , exposed unto the violence of fire , grows onely hot and liquifies , but consumaeth not : so when the consumble and volatile pieces of our bodies shall be refined into a more impregnable and fixed temper , like gold , though they suffer from the actions of flames , they shall never perish , but lye immortal in the arms of fire . and surely if this frame must suffer onely by the action of this element , there will many bodies escape , and not onely heaven , but earth will not be at an end , but rather a beginning . for at present it is not earth , but a composition of fire , water , earth , and air ; but at that time , spoiled of these ingredients , it shall appear in a substance more like it self , its ashes . philosophers that opinioned the worlds destruction by fire , did never dream of annihilation , which is beyond the power of sublunary causes ; for the last action of that element is but vitrification , or a reduction of a body into glass ; and therefore some of our chymicks facetiously affirm , that at the last fire all shall be christallized and reverberated into glass , which is the utmost action of that element . nor need we fear this term [ annihilation ] or wonder that god will destroy the works of his creation : for man subsisting , who is , and will then truely appear a microcosm , the world cannot be said to be destroyed . for the eyes of god , and perhaps also of our glorified selves ▪ shall as really behold and contemplate the world in its epitome or contracted essence , as now it doth at large and in its dilated substance , in the seed of a plant , to the eyes of god , and to the understanding of man , there exists , though in an invisible way , the perfect leaves , flowers and fruit thereof : ( for things that are in posse to the sense , are actually existent to the understanding . ) thus god beholds all things , who contemplates as fully his works in their epitome , as in their full volume ; and beheld as amply the whole world in that little compendium of the sixth day , as in the scattered and dilated pieces of those five before . sect. 51 men commonly set forth the torments of hell by fire , and the extremity of corporal afflictions , and describe hell in the same method that mahomet doth heaven . this indeed makes a noise , and drums in popular ears : but if this be the terrible piece thereof , it is not worthy to stand in diameter with heaven , whose happiness consists in that part that is best able to comprehend it , that immortal essence , that translated divinity and colony of god , the soul. surely though we place hell under earth , the devil's walk and purlue is about it : men speak too popularly who place it in those flaming mountains , which to grosser apprehensions represent hell. the heart of man is the place the devils dwell in ; i feel sometimes a hell within my self ; lucifer keeps his court in my breast ; legion is revived in me : * there are as many hells , as anaxagoras conceited worlds : ] there was more than one hell in magdalene , when there were seven devils ; for every devil is an hell unto himself ; he holds enough of torture in his own ubi , and needs not the misery of circumference to afflict him . and thus a distracted conscience here , is a shadow or introduction unto hell hereafter . who can but pity the merciful intention of those hands that do destroy themselves ? the devil , were it in his power , would do the like ; which being impossible , his miseries are endless , and he suffers most in that attribute wherein he is impassible , his immortality . sect. 52 i thank god that with joy i mention it , i was never afraid of hell , nor never grew pale at the description of that place ; i have so fixed my contemplations on heaven , that i have almost forgot the idea of hell , and am afraid rather to lose the joys of the one , than endure the misery of the other ; to be deprived of them , is a perfect hell , and needs methinks no addition to compleat our afflictions ; that terrible term hath never detained me from sin , nor do i owe any good action to the name thereof : i fear god , yet am not afraid of him ; his mercies make me ashamed of my sins , before his judgements afraid thereof : these are the forced and secondary method of his wisdom , which he useth but as the last remedy , and upon provocation ; a course rather to deter the wicked , than incite the virtuous to his worship . i can hardly think there was ever any scared into heaven ; they go the fairest way to heaven , that would serve god without a hell ; other mercenaries , that crouch unto him in fear of hell , though they term themselves the servants , are indeed but the slaves of the almighty . sect. 53 and to be true , and speak my soul , when i survey the occurrences of my life , and call into account the finger of god , i can perceive nothing but an abyss and mass of mercies , either in general to mankind , or in particular to my self : and whether out of the prejudice of my affection , or an inverting and partial conceit of his mercies , i know not ; but those which others term crosses , afflictions , judgements , misfortunes , to me who inquire farther into them then their visible effects , they both appear , and in event have ever proved the secret and dissembled favours of his affection . it is a singular piece of wisdom to apprehend truly , and without passion , the works of god ; and so well to distinguish his justice from his mercy , as not miscall those noble attributes : yet it is likewise an honest piece of logick , so to dispute and argue the proceedings of god , as to distinguish even his judgments into mercies . for god is merciful unto all , because better to the worst , than the best deserve ; and to say he punisheth none in this world , though it be a paradox , is no absurdity . to one that hath committed murther , if the judge should only ordain a fine , it were a madness to call this a punishment , and to repine at the sentence , rather than admire the clemency of the judge . thus our offences being mortal , and deserving not onely death , but damnation ; if the goodness of god be content to traverse and pass them over with a loss , misfortune , or disease ; what frensie were it to term this a punishment , rather than an extremity of mercy ; and to groan under the rod of his judgements , rather than admire the scepter of his mercies ? therefore to adore , honour , and admire him , is a debt of gratitude due from the obligation of our nature , states , and conditions ; and with these thoughts , he that knows them best , will not deny that i adore him . that i obtain heaven , and the bliss thereof , is accidental , and not the intended work of my devotion ; it being a felicity i can neither think to deserve , nor scarce in modesty to expect . for those two ends of us all , either as rewards or punishments , are mercifully ordained and disproportionably disposed unto our actions ; the one being so far beyond our deserts , the other so infinitely below our demerits . sect. 54 there is no salvation to those that believe not in christ , that is , say some , since his nativity , and as divinity affirmeth , before also ; which makes me much apprehend the ends of those honest worthies and philosophers which dyed before his incarnation . * it is hard to place those souls in hell ] whose worthy lives do teach us virtue on earth : methinks amongst those many subdivisions of hell , there might have been one limbo left for these . what a strange vision will it be to see their poetical fictions converted into verities , and their imagined and fancied furies , into real devils ? how strange to them will sound the history of adam , when they shall suffer for him they never heard of ? when they who derive their genealogy from the gods , shall know they are the unhappy issue of sinful man ? it is an insolent part of reason , to controvert the works of god , or question the justice of his proceedings . could humility teach others , as it hath instructed me , to contemplate the infinite and incomprehensible distance betwixt the creator and the creature ; or did we seriously perpend that one simile of st. paul , shall the vessel say to the potter , why hast thou made me thus ? it would prevent these arrogant disputes of reason , nor would we argue the definitive sentence of god , either to heaven or hell. men that live according to the right rule and law of reason , live but in their own kind , as beasts do in theirs ; who justly obey the prescript of their natures , and therefore cannot reasonably demand a reward of their actions , as onely obeying the natural dictates of their reason . it will therefore , and must at last appear , that all salvation is through christ ; which verity i fear these great examples of virtue must confirm , and make it good , how the perfectest actions of earth have no title or claim unto heaven . sect. 55 nor truely do i think the lives of these or of any other were ever correspondent , or in all points conformable unto their doctrines . it is evident that* aristotle transgressed the rule of his own ethicks : ] the stoicks that condemn passion , and command a man to laugh in phalaris his bull , could not endure without a groan a fit of the stone or colick . ‖ the scepticks that affirmed they knew nothing , ] even in that opinion confute themselves , and thought they knew more than all the world beside . diogenes i hold to be the most vain-glorious man of his time , and more ambitious in refusing all honours , than alexander in rejecting none . vice and the devil put a fallacy upon our reasons , and provoking us too hastily to run from it , entangle and profound us deeper in it . * the duke of venice , that weds himself unto the sea , by a ring of gold ] i will not argue of prodigality , because it is a solemnity of good use and consequence in the state : ‖ but the philosopher that threw his money into the sea to avoid avarice , was a notorious prodigal . ] there is no road or ready way to virtue ; it is not an easie point of art to disentangle our selves from this riddle , or web of sin : to perfect virtue , as to religion , there is required a panoplia , or compleat armour ; that whilst we lye at close ward against one vice , we lye not open to the venny of another . and indeed wiser discretions that have the thred of reason to conduct them , offend without pardon ; whereas , under-heads may stumble without dishonour . * there go so many circumstances to piece up one good action , that it is a lesson to be good , and we are forced to be virtuous by the book . ] again , the practice of men holds not an equal pace , yea , and often runs counter to their theory ; we naturally know what is good , but naturally pursue what is evil : the rhetorick wherewith i perswade another , cannot perswade my self : there is a depraved appetite in us , that will with patience hear the learned instructions of reason , but yet perform no farther than agrees to its own irregular humour . in brief , we all are monsters , that is , a composition of man and beast ; wherein we must endeavour to be as the poets fancy that wise man chiron , that is , to have the region of man above that of beast , and sense to sit but at the feet of reason . lastly , i do desire with god , that all , but yet affirm with men , that few shall know salvation ; that the bridge is narrow , the passage straight unto life : yet those who do confine the church of god , either to particular nations , churches or families , have made it far narrower then our saviour ever meant it . sect. 56 * the vulgarity of those judgements that wrap the church of god in strabo's cloak , and restrain it unto europe , ] seem to me as bad geographers as alexander , who thought he had conquer'd all the world , when he had not subdued the half of any part thereof . for we cannot deny the church of god both in asia and africa , if we do not forget the peregrinations of the apostles , the deaths of the martyrs , the sessions of many , and , even in our reformed judgement , lawful councils , held in those parts in the minority and nonage of ours . nor must a few differences , more remarkable in the eyes of man , than perhaps in the judgement of god , excommunicate from heaven one another , much less those christians who are in a manner all martyrs , maintaining their faith , in the noble way of perfecution , and serving god in the fire , whereas we honour him in the sunshine . 't is true , we all hold there is a number of elect , and many to be saved ; yet take our opinions together , and from the confusion thereof there will be no such thing as salvation , nor shall any one be saved . for first , the church of rome condemneth us , we likewise them ; the sub-reformists and sectaries sentence the doctrine of our church as damnable ; the atomist , or familist , reprobates all these ; and all these , them again . thus whilst the mercies of god do promise us heaven , our conceits and opinions exclude us from that place . there must be therefore more than one st. peter ; particular churches and sects usurp the gates of heaven , and turn the key against each other : and thus we go to heaven against each others wills , conceits and opinions ; and with as much uncharity as ignorance , do err i fear in points not only of our own , but one anothers salvation . sect. 57 i believe many are saved , who to man seem reprobated ; and many are reprobated , who in the opinion and sentence of man stand elected : there will appear at the last day , strange and unexpected examples , both of his justice and his mercy ; and therefore to define either , is folly in man , and insolency even in the devils : those acute and subtil spirits in all their sagacity , can hardly divine who shall be saved ; which if they could prognostick , their labour were at an end ; nor need they compass the earth seeking whom they may devour . * those who upon a rigid application of the law , sentence solomon unto damnation , ] condemn not onely him , but themselves , and the whole world ; for by the letter , and written word of god , we are without exception in the state of death ; but there is a prerogative of god , and an arbitrary pleasure above the letter of his own law , by which alone we can pretend unto salvation , and through which solomon might be as easily saved as those who condemn him . sect. 58 the number of those who pretend unto salvation , and those infinite swarms who think to pass through the eye of this needle , have much amazed me . that name and compellation of little flock , doth not comfort , but deject my devotion , especially when i reflect upon mine own unworthiness , wherein , according to my humble apprehensions , i am below them all . i believe there shall never be an anarchy in heaven , but as there are hierarchies amongst the angels , so shall there be degrees of priority amongst the saints . yet is it ( i protest ) beyond my ambition to aspire unto the first ranks ; my desires onely are , and i shall be happy therein , to be but the last man , and bring up the rere in heaven . sect. 59 again , i am confident , and fully perswaded , yet dare not take my oath of my salvation : i am as it were sure , and do believe without all doubt , that there is such a city as constantinople ; yet for me to take my oath thereon , were a kind of perjury , because i hold no infallible warrant from my own sense to confirm me in the certainty thereof : and truly , though many pretend an absolute certainty of their salvation , yet when an humble soul shall contemplate our own unworthiness , she shall meet with many doubts , and suddenly find how little we stand in need of the precept of st. paul , work out your salvation with fear and trembling . that which is the cause of my election , i hold to be the cause of my salvation , which was the mercy and beneplacit of god , before i was , or the foundation of the world. before abraham was , i am , is the saying of christ ; yet is it true in some sense , if i say it of my self ; for i was not onely before my self , but adam , that is , in the idea of god , and the decree of that synod held from all eternity . and in this sense , i say , the world was before the creation , and at an end before it had a beginning ; and thus was i dead before i was alive ; though my grave be england , my dying place was paradise ; and eve miscarried of me , before she conceiv'd of cain . sect. 60 insolent zeals that do decry good works , and rely onely upon faith , take not away merit : for depending upon the efficacy of their faith , they enforce the condition of god , and in a more sophistical way do seem to challenge heaven . it was decreed by god , that only those that lapt in the water like dogs , should have the honour to destroy the midianites ; yet could none of those justly challenge , or imagine he deserved that honour thereupon . i do not deny , but that true faith , and such as god requires , is not onely a mark or token , but also a means of our salvation ; but where to find this , is as obscure to me , as my last end . and if our saviour could object unto his own disciples and favourites , a faith , that , to the quantity of a grain of mustard-seed , is able to remove mountains ; surely that which we boast of , is not any thing , or at the most , but a remove from nothing . this is the tenor of my belief ; wherein , though there be many things singular , and to the humour of my irregular self ; yet if they square not with maturer judgements i disclaim them , and do no further favour them , than the learned and best judgements shall authorize them . the second part. sect. 1 now for that other virtue of charity , without which faith is a meer notion , and of no existence , i have ever endeavoured to nourish the merciful disposition and humane inclination i borrowed from my parents , and regulate it to the written and prescribed laws of charity ; and if i hold the true anatomy of my self , i am delineated and naturally framed to such a piece of virtue . for i am of a constitution so general , that it comforts and sympathizeth with all things ; i have no antipathy , or rather idio-syncrasie , in dyet , humour , air , any thing : * i wonder not at the french for their dishes of frogs , snails , ] and toadstools ; not at the jews for locusts and grass-hoppers ; but being amongst them , make them my common viands ; and i find they agree with my stomach as well as theirs . i could digest a sallad gathered in a church-yard , as well as in a garden . i cannot start at the presence of a serpent , scorpion , lizard , or salamander : at the sight of a toad or viper , i find in me no desire to take up a stone to destroy them . i feell not in my self those common antipathies that i can discover in others : those national repugnances do not touch me , nor do i behold with prejudice the french , italian , spaniard and dutch ; but where i find their actions in ballance with my country-men's , i honour , love , and embrace them in some degree . i was born in the eighth climate , but seem for to be framed and constellated unto all : i am no plant that will not prosper out of a garden : all places , all airs make unto me one countrey ; i am in england , every where , and under any meridian . i have been shipwrackt , yet am not enemy with the sea or winds ; i can study , play , or sleep in a tempest . in brief , i am averse from nothing ; my conscience would give me the lye if i should absolutely detest or hate any essence but the devil ; or so at least abhor any thing , but that we might come to composition . if there be any among those common objects of hatred i do contemn and laugh at , it is that great enemy of reason , virtue and religion , the multitude ; that numerous piece of monstrosity , which taken asunder seem men , and the reasonable creatures of god ; but confused together , make but one great beast , and a monstrosity more prodigious then hydra : it is no breach of charity to call these fools ; it is the style all holy writers have afforded them , set down by solomon in canonical scripture , and a point of our faith to believe so . neither in name of multitude do i onely include the base and minor sort of people ; there is a rabble even amongst the gentry , a sort of plebeian heads , whose fancy moves with the same wheel as these ; men in the same level with mechanicks , though their fortunes do somewhat guild their infirmities , and their purses compound for their follies . but as in casting account , three or four men together come short in account of one man placed by himself below them : so neither are a troop of these ignorant doradoes , of that true esteem and value , as many a forlorn person , whose condition doth place them below their feet . let us speak like politicians , there is a nobility without heraldry , a natural dignity , whereby one man is ranked with another ; another filed before him , according to the quality of his desert , and preheminence of his good parts : though the corruption of these times , and the byas of present practice wheel another way . thus it was in the first and primitive common-wealths , and is yet in the integrity and cradle of well-order'd polities , till corruption getteth ground , ruder desires labouring after that which wiser considerations contemn ; every one having a liberty to amass and heap up riches , and they a license or faculty to do or purchase any thing . sect. 2 this general and indifferent temper of mine , doth more neerly dispose me to this noble virtue . it is a happiness to be born and framed unto virtue , and to grow up from the seeds of nature . rather than the inoculation and forced graffs of education : yet if we are directed only by our particular natures , and regulate our inclinations by no higher rule than that of our reasons , we are but moralists ; divinity will still call us heathens , therefore this great work of charity , must have other motives , ends , and impulsions : i give no alms only to satisfie the hunger of my brother , but to fulfil and accomplish the will and command of my god ; i draw not my purse for his sake that demands it , but his that enjoyned it ; i relieve no man upon the rhetorick of his miseries , nor to content mine own commiserating disposition : for this is still but moral charity , and an act that oweth more to passion than reason . he that relieves another upon the bare suggestion and bowels of pity , doth not this so much for his sake , as for his own : for by compassion we make others misery our own ; and so by relieving them , we relieve our selves also . it is as erroneous a conceit to redress other mens misfortunes upon the common considerations or merciful natures , that it may be one day our own case ; for this is a sinister and politick kind of charity , whereby we seem to bespeak the pities of men in the like occasions : and truly i have observed that those professed eleemosynaries , though in a croud or multitude , do yet direct and place their petitions on a few and selected persons : there is surely a physiognomy , which those experienced and master-mendicants observe ; whereby they instantly discover a merciful aspect , and will single out a face , wherein they spy the signatures and marks of mercy : for there are mystically in our faces certain characters which carry in them the motto of our souls , wherein he that can read a. b. c. may read our natures . i hold moreover that there is a phytognomy , or physiognomy , not only of men ; but of plants and vegetables ; and in every one of them , some outward figures which hang as signs or bushes of their inward forms . the finger of god hath left an inscription upon all his works , not graphical , or composed of letters , but of their several forms , constitutions , parts , and operations ; which aptly joyned together do make one word that doth express their natures . by these letters god calls the stars by their names ; and by this alphabet adam assigned to every creature a name peculiar to its nature . now there are besides these characters in our faces , certain mystical figures in our hands , which i dare not call meer dashes , strokes , a la volee , or at random , because delineated by a pencil that never works in vain ; and hereof i take more particular notice , because i carry that in mine own hand , which i could never read of , nor discover in another . aristotle i confess , in his acute , and singular book of physiognomy , hath made no mention of chiromancy ; yet i believe the egyptians , who were neerer addicted to those abstruse and mystical sciences , had a knowledge therein ; to which those vagabond and counterfeit egyptians did after pretend , and perhaps retained a few corrupted principles , which sometimes might verifie their prognosticks . it is the common wonder of all men , * how among so many millions of faces , there should be none alike : ] now contrary , i wonder as much how there should be any . he that shall consider how many thousand several words have been carelesly and without study composed out of 24 letters ; withal , how many hundred lines there are to be drawn in the fabrick of one man ; shall easily find that this variety is necessary : and it will be very hard that they shall so concur , as to make one portract like another . let a painter carelesly limb out a million of faces , and you shall find them all different ; yea let him have his copy before him , yet after all his art there will remain a sensible distinction ; for the pattern or example of every thing is the perfectest in that kind , whereof we still come short , though we transcend or go beyond it , because herein it is wide , and agrees not in all points unto the copy . nor doth the similitude of creatures disparage the variety of nature , nor any way confound the works of god. for even in things alike there is diversity ; and those that do seem to accord , do manifestly disagree . and thus is man like god ; for in the same things that we resemble him , we are utterly different from him . there was never any thing so like another , as in all points to concur ; there will ever some reserved difference slip in , to prevent the identity , without which , two several things would not be alike , but the same , which is impossible . sect. 3 but to return from philosophy to charity : i hold not so narrow a conceit of this virtue , as to conceive that to give alms , is onely to be charitable , or think a piece of liberality can comprehend the total of charity . divinity hath wisely divided the acts thereof into many branches , and hath taught us in this narrow way , many paths unto goodness : as many ways as we may do good , so many ways we may be charitable : there are infirmities , not onely of body , but of soul and fortunes , which do require the merciful hand of our abilities . i cannot contemn a man for ignorance , but behold him with as much pity as i do lazarus . it is no greater charity to cloath his body , than apparel the nakedness of his soul. it is an honourable object to see the reasons of other men wear our liveries , and their borrowed understandings do homage to the bounty of ours : it is the cheapest way of beneficence , and like the natural charity of the sun , illuminates another without obscuring it self . to be reserved and caitiff in this part of goodness , is the sordidest piece of covetousness , and more contemptible than pecuniary avarice . to this ( as calling my self a scholar ) i am obliged by the duty of my condition : i make not therefore my head a grave , but a treasure of knowledge ; i intend no monopoly , but a community in learning ; i study not for my own sake only , but for theirs that study not for themselves . i envy no man that knows more than my self , but pity them that know less . i instruct no man as an exercise of my knowledge , or with an intent rather to nourish and keep it alive in mine own head , then beget and propagate it in his ; and in the midst of all my endeavours , there is but one thought that dejects me , that my acquired parts must perish with my self , nor can be legacied among my honoured friends . i cannot fall out , or contemn a man for an errour , or conceive why a difference in opinion should divide an affection : for controversies , disputes , and argumentations , both in philosophy , and in divinity , if they meet with discreet and peaceable natures , do not infringe the laws of charity : in all disputes , so much as there is of passion , so much there is of nothing to the purpose ; for then reason , like a bad hound , spends upon a false scent , and forsakes the question first started . and this is one reason why controversies are never determined ; for though they be amply proposed , they are scarce at all handled , they do so swell with unnecessary digressions ; and the parenthesis on the party , is often as large as the main discourse upon the subject . the foundations of religion are already established , and the principles of salvation subscribed unto by all ; there remains not many controversies worth a passion , and yet never any disputed without , not only in divinity , but inferiour arts : * what a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and hot skirmish is betwixt s. and t. in lucian : ] how do grammarians hack and slash for the genitive case in jupiter ? how do they break their own pates , to salve that of priscian : si foret in terris , rideret democritus . yea , even amongst wiser militants , how many wounds have been given , and credits slain , for the poor victory of an opinion , or beggerly conquest of a distinction ? scholars are men of peace , they bear no arms , ‖ but their tongues are sharper than actus his razor ; ] their pens carry farther , and give a lowder report tban thunder : i had rather stand the shock of a basilisco , than the fury of a merciless pen. it is not meer zeal to learning , or devotion to the muses , that wiser princes patron the arts , and carry an indulgent aspect unto scholars ; but a desire to have their names eternized by the memory of their writings , and a fear of the revengeful pen of succeeding ages : for these are the men , that when they have played their parts , and had their exits , must step out and give the moral of their scenes , and deliver unto posterity an inventory of their virtues and vices . and surely there goes a great deal of conscience to the compiling of an history : there is no reproach to the scandal of a story ; it is such an authentick kind of falshood , that with authority belies our good names to all nations and posterity . sect. 4 there is another offence unto charity , which no author hath ever written of , and few take notice of ; and that 's the reproach , not of whole professions , mysteries and conditions , but of whole nations ; wherein by opprobrious epithets we miscal each other , and by an uncharitable logick , from a disposition in a few , conclude a habit in all . le mutin anglois , & le bravache escossois ; le bougre italian , & le fol francois ; le poultron romani , le larron de gasnongne , l' espagnol superbe , & l' aleman yurongne . * st. paul , that calls the cretians lyars , doth it but indirectly , and upon quotation of their own poet. ] ‖ it is as bloody a thought in one way , as nero's was in another . for by a word we wound a thousand , ] and at one blow assassine the honour of a nation . it is as compleat a piece of madness to miscal and rave against the times ; or think to recal men to reason , by a fit of passion : democritus , that thought to laugh the times into goodness , seems to me as deeply hypochondriack , as heraclitus that bewailed them . it moves not my spleen to behold the multitude in their proper humours , that is , in their fits of folly and madness , as well understanding that wisdom is not prophan'd unto the world , and 't is the priviledge of a few to be vertuous . they that endeavour to abolish vice , destroy also virtue , for contraries , though they destroy one another ; are yet in life of one another . thus virtue ( abolish vice ) is an idea : again , the community of sin doth not disparage goodness ; for when vice gains upon the major part , virtue , in whom it remains , becomes more excellent ; and being lost in some , multiplies its goodness in others , which remain untouched , and persist intire in the general inundation . i can therefore behold vice without a satyr , content only with an admonition , or instructive reprehension , , for noble natures , and such as are capable of goodness , are railed into vice , that might as easily be admonished into virtue ; and we should be all so far the orators of goodness , as to protract her from the power of vice , and maintain the cause of injured truth . no man can justly censure or condemn another , because indeed no man truly knows another . this i perceive in my self ; for i am in the dark to all the world , and my nearest friends behold me but in a cloud : those that know me but superficially , think less of me than i do of my self ; those of my neer acquaintance think more : god , who truly knows me , knows that i am nothing ; for he only beholds me , and all the world ; who looks not on us through a derived ray , or a trajection of a sensible species , but beholds the substance without the helps of accidents , and the forms of things , as we their operations . further , no man can judge another , because no man knows himself ; for we censure others but as they disagree from that humour which we fancy laudible in our selves , and commend others but for that wherein they seem to quadrate and consent with us . so that in conclusion , all is but that we all condem , self-love . 't is the general complaint of these times , and perhaps of those past , that charity grows cold ; which i perceive most verified in those which most do manifest the fires and flames of zeal ; for it is a virtue that best agrees with coldest natures , and such as are complexioned for humility . but how shall we expect charity towards others , when we are uncharitable to our selves ? charity begins at home , is the voice of the world ; yet is every man his greatest enemy , and as it were , his own executioner . non occides , is the commandment of god , yet scarce observed by any man ; for i perceive every man is his own atropos , and lends a hand to cut the thred of his own days . cain was not therefore the first murtherer , but adam , who brought in death ; whereof he beheld the practice and example in his own son abel , and saw that verified in the experience of another , which faith could not perswade him in the theory of himself . sect. 5 there is , i think , no man that apprehends his own miseries less than my self , and no man that so neerly apprehends anothers . i could lose an arm without a tear , and with few groans , methinks , be quartered into pieces ; yet can i weep most seriously at a play , and receive with true passion , the counterfeit grief of those known and professed impostures . it is a barbarous part of inhumanity to add unto any afflicted parties misery , or indeavour to multiply in any man , a passion , whose single nature is already above his patience : this was the greatest affliction of job ; and those oblique expostulations of his friends , a deeper injury than the down-right blows of the devil . it is not the tears of our own eyes only , but of our friends also , that do exhaust the current of our sorrows ; which falling into many streams , runs more peaceably , and is contented with a narrower channel . it is an act within the power of charity , to translate a passion out of one brest into another , and to divide a sorrow almost out of it self ; for an affliction , like a dimension , may be so divided , as if not indivisible , at least to become insensible . now with my friend i desire not to share or participate , but to engross his sorrows , that by making them mine own , i may more easily discuss them ; for in mine own reason , and within my self , i can command that , which i cannot intreat without my self , and within the circle of another . i have often thought those noble pairs and examples of friendship not so truly histories of what had been , as fictions of what should be ; but i now perceive nothing in them but possibilities , nor any thing in the heroick examples of damon and pythias , achilles and patroclus , which methinks upon some grounds i could not perform within the narrow compass of my self . that a man should lay down his life for his friend , seems strange to vulgar affections , and such as confine themselves within that worldly principle , charity begins at home . for my own part , i could never remember the relations that i held unto my self , nor the respect that i owe unto my own nature , in the cause of god , my country , and my friends . next to these three i do embrace my self : i confess i do not observe that order that the schools ordain our affections , to love our parents , wives , children , and then our friends ; for excepting the injunctions of religior , i do not find in my self such a necessary and indissoluble sympathy to all those of my blood . i hope i do not break the fifth commandment , if i conceive i may love my friend before the nearest of my blood , even those to whom i owe the principles of life : i never yet cast a true affection on a woman , but i have loved my friend as i do virtue , my soul , my god. from hence me thinks i do conceive how god loves man , what happiness there is in the love of god. omitting all other , there are three most mystical unions ; two natures in one person ; three persons in one nature ; one soul in two bodies . for though indeed they be really divided , yet are they so united , as they seem but one , and make rather a duality than two distinct souls . sect. 6 there are wonders in true affection ; it is a body of enigma 's , mysteries and riddles ; wherein two so become one , as they both become two : i love my friend before my self , and yet methinks i do not love him enough : some few months hence , my multiplied affection will make me believe i have not loved him at all : when i am from him , i am dead till i be with him ; when i am with him , i am not satisfied , but would still be nearer him . united souls are not satisfied with imbraces , but desire to be truly each other ; which being impossible , their desires are infinite , and proceed without a possibility of satisfaction . another misery there is in affection , that whom we truly love like our own , we forget their looks , nor can our memory retain the idea of their faces ; and it is no wonder : for they are our selves , and our affection makes their looks our own . this noble affection falls not on vulgar and common constitutions , but on such as are mark'd for virtue : he that can love his friend with this noble ardour , will in a competent degree effect all . now if we can bring our affections to look beyond the body , and cast an eye upon the soul , we have found out the true object , not only of friendship , but charity ; and the greatest happiness that we can bequeath the soul , is that wherein we all do place our last felicity , salvation ; which though it be not in our power to bestow , it is in our charity , and pious invocations to desire , if not procure and further . i cannot contentedly frame a prayer for my self in particular , without a catalogue for my friends ; nor request a happiness wherein my sociable disposition doth not desire the fellowship of my neighbour . i never hear the toll of a passing bell , though in my mirth , without my prayers and best wishes for the departing spirit : i cannot go to cure the body of my patient , but i forget my profession , and call unto god for his soul : i cannot see one say his prayers , but in stead of imitating him , i fall into a supplication for him , who perhaps is no more to me than a common nature : and if god hath vouchsafed an ear to my supplications , there are surely many happy that never saw me , and enjoy the blessing of mine unknown devotions . to pray for enemies , that is , for their salvation , is no harsh precept , but the practice of our daily and ordinary devotions . * i cannot believe the story of the italian ; ] our bad wishes and uncharitable desires proceed no further than this life ; it is the devil , and the uncharitable votes of hell , that desire our misery in the world to come . sect. 7 to do no injury , nor take none , was a principle , which to my former years , and impatient affections , seemed to contain enough of morality ; but my more setled years , and christian constitution , have fallen upon severer resolutions . i can hold there is no such thing as injury ; that if there be , there is no such injury as revenge , and no such revenge as the contempt of an injury ; that to hate another , is to malign himself ; that the truest way to love another , is to despise our selves . i were unjust unto mine own conscience , if i should say i am at variance with any thing like my self . i find there are many pieces in this one fabrick of man ; this frame is raised upon a mass of antipathies : i am one methinks , but as the world ; wherein notwithstanding there are a swarm of distinct essences , and in them another world of contrarieties ; we carry private and domestick enemies within , publick and more hostile adversaries without . the devil , that did but buffet st. paul , plays methinks at sharp with me . let me be nothing , if within the compass of my self , i do not find the battail of lepanto , passion against reason , reason against faith , faith against the devil , and my conscience against all . there is another man within me , that 's angry with me , rebukes , commands , and dastards me . i have no conscience of marble , to resist the hammer of more heavy offences ; nor yet too soft and waxen , as to take the impression of each single peccadillo or scape of infirmity : i am of a strange belief , that it is as easie to be forgiven some sins , as to commit some others . eor my original sin , i hold it to be washed away in my baptism ; for my actual transgressions , i compute and reckon with god , but from my last repentance , sacrament , or general absolution ; and therefore am not terrified with the sins or madness of my youth . i thank the goodness of god , * i have no sins that want a name , ] i am not singular in offences ; my transgressions are epidemical , and from the common breath of our corruption . for there are certain tempers of body , which matcht with an humorous depravity of mind , do hatch and produce vitiosities , whose newness and monstrosity of nature admits no name ; ‖ this was the temper of that lecher that carnal'd with a statua , ] * and constitution of nero in his spintrian recreations . ] for the heavens are not only fruitful in new and unheard-of stars , the earth in plants and animals ; but mens minds also in villany and vices : now the dulness of my reason , and the vulgarity of my disposition , never prompted my invention , nor sollicited my affection unto any of those ; yet even those common and quotidian infirmities that so necessarily attend me , and do seem to be my very nature , have so dejected me , so broken the estimation that i should have otherwise of my self , that i repute my self the most abjectest piece of mortality . divines prescribe a fit of sorrow to repentance ; there goes indignation , anger , sorrow , hatred , into mine ; passions of a contrary nature , which neither seem to sute with this action , nor my proper constitution . it is no breach of charity to our selves , to be at variance with our vices ; nor to abhor that part of us , which is an enemy to the ground of charity , our god ; wherein we do but imitate our great selves the world , whose divided antipathies and contrary faces do yet carry a charitable regard unto the whole by their particular discords , preserving the common harmony , and keeping in fetters those powers , whose rebellions once masters , might be the ruine of all . sect. 8 i thank god , amongst those millions of vices i do inherit and hold from adam , i have escaped one , and that a mortal enemy to charity , the first and farther-sin , not onely of man , but of the devil , pride ; a vice whose name is comprehended in a monosyllable , but in its nature not circumscribed with a world. i have escaped it in a condition that can hardly avoid it . those petty acquisitions and reputed perfections that advance and elevate the conceits of other men , add no feathers unto mine . * i have seen a grammarian towr and plume himself over a single line in horace , ] and shew more pride in the construction of one ode , than the author in the composure of the whole book . for my own part , besides the jargon and patois of several provinces , i understand no less than six languages ; yet i protest i have no higher conceit of my self , than had our fathers before the consusion of babel , when there was but one language in the world , and none to boast himself either linguist or critick . i have not onely seen several countries , beheld the nature of their climes , the chorography of their provinces , topography of their cities , but understood their several laws , customs and policies ; yet cannot all this perswade the dulness of my spirit unto such an opinion of my self , as i behold in nimbler and conceited heads , that never looked a degree beyond their nests . i know the names , and somewhat more , of all the constellations in my horizon ; yet i have seen a prating mariner , that could onely name the pointers and the north star , out-talk me , and conceit himself a whole sphere above me . i know most of the plants of my countrey , and of those about me ; yet methinks i do not know so many as when i did but know a hundred , and had scarcely ever simpled further than cheap-side . for indeed , heads of capacity , and such as are not full with a handful , or easie measure of knowledge , think they know nothing , till they know all ; which being impossible , they fall upon the opinion of socrates , and only know they know not any thing . * i cannot think that homer pin'd away upon the riddle of the fisherman , ] or ‖ that aristotle , who understood the uncertainty of knowledge , and confessed so often the reason of man too weak for the works of nature , did ever drown himself upon the flux and reflux of euripus . ] we do but learn to day , what our better advanced judgements will unteach to morrow : and ‖ aristotle doth not instruct us , as plato did him ; that is , to confute himself . ] i have run through all sorts , yet find no rest in any : though our first studies and junior endeavours may style us peripateticks , stoicks , or academicks , yet i perceive the wisest heads prove , at last , almost all scepticks , and stand like janus in the field of knowledge . i have therefore one common and authentick philosophy i learned in the schools , whereby i discourse and satisfie the reason of other men ; another more reserved , and drawn from experience , whereby i content mine own . solomon , that complained of ignorance in the height of knowledge , hath not only humbled my conceits , but discouraged my endeavours . there is yet another conceit that hath sometimes made me shut my books , which tells me it is a vanity to waste our days in the blind pursuit of knowledge ; it is but attending a little longer , and we shall enjoy that by instinct and infusion , which we endeavour at hereby labour and inquisition . it is better to sit down in a modest ignorance ; and rest contented with the natural blessing of our own reasons , than buy the uncertain knowledge of this life , with sweat and vexation , which death gives every fool gratis , and is an accessary of our glorification . sect. 9 i was never yet once , and commend their resolutions who never marry twice : not that i dissallow of second marriage ; as neither in all cases of polygamy , which considering some times , and the unequal number of both sexes , may be also necessary . the whole world was made for man , but the twelfth part of man for woman : man is the whole world , and the breath of god ; woman the rib , and crooked piece of man. * i could be content that we might procreate like trees ] without conjunction , or that there were any way to perpetuate the world without this trivial and vulgar way of coition ; it is the foolishest act a wise man commits in all his life , nor is there any thing that will more deject his cool'd imagination , when he shall consider what an odd and unworthy piece of folly he hath committed . i speak not in prejudice , nor am averse from that sweet sex , but naturally amorous of all that is beautiful ; i can look a whole day with delight upon a handsome picture , though it be but of an horse . it is my temper , and i like it the better , to affect all harmony ; and sure there is musick even in the beauty , and the silent note which cupid strikes , far sweeter than the sound of an instrument . for there is a musick where ever there is a harmony , order or proportion ; and thus far we may maintain the musick of the sphears : for those well-ordered motions , and regular paces , though they give no sound unto the ear , yet to the understanding they strike a note most full of harmony . whosoever is harmonically composed , delights in harmony ; which makes me much distrust the symmetry of those heads which declaim against all church-musick . for my self , not only from my obedience , but my particular genius , i do embrace it : for even that vulgar and tavern-musick , which makes one man merry , another mad , strikes in me a deep fit of devotion , and a profound contemplation of the first composer . there is something in it of divinity more than the ear discovers : it is an hieroglyphical and shadowed lesson of the whole world , and creatures of god ; such a melody to the ear , as the whole world well understood , would afford the understanding . in brief , it is a sensible fit of that harmony , which intellectually sounds in the ears of god. i will not say with plato , the soul is an harmony , but harmonical , and hath its nearest sympathy unto musick : thus some whose temper of body agrees , and humours the constitution of their souls , are born poets , though indeed all are naturally inclined unto rhythme . † this made tacitus in the very first line of his story , fall upon a verse , and cicero the worst of poets , but * declaiming for a poet , falls in the very first sentence upon a perfect hexameter . † i feel not in me those sordid and unchristian desires of my profession ; i do not secretly implore and wish for plagues , rejoyce at famines , revolve ephemerides and almanacks , in expectation of malignant aspects , fatal conjunctions and eclipses : i rejoyce not at unwholesome springs , nor unseasonable winters ; my prayer goes with the husbandman's ; i desire every thing in its proper season , that neither men nor the times be put out of temper . let me be sick my self , if sometimes the malady of my patient be not a disease unto me ; i desire rather to cure his infirmities than my own necessities : where i do him no good , methinks it is scarce honest gain ; though i confess 't is but the worthy salary of our well-intended endeavours . i am not only ashamed , but heartily sorry , that besides death , there are diseases incurable ; yet not for my own sake , or that they be beyond my art , but for the general cause and sake of humanity , whose common cause i apprehend as mine own . and to speak more generally , those three noble professions which all civil common-wealths do honour , are raised upon the fall of adam , and are not exempt from their infirmities ; there are not only diseases incurable in physick , but cases indissolvable in laws , vices incorrigible in divinity : if general councils may err , i do not see why particular courts should be infallible ; their perfectest rules are raised upon the erroneous reasons of man ; and , the laws of one , do but condemn the rules of another ; as aristotle oft-times the opinions of his predecessours , because , , though agreeable to reason , yet were not consonant to his own rules , and logick of his proper principles . again , to speak nothing of the sin against the holy ghost , whose cure not onely , but whose nature is unknown ; i can cure the gout or stone in some , sooner than divinity pride or avarice in others . i can cure vices by physick , when they remain incurable by divinity ; and shall obey my pills , when they contemn their precepts . i boast nothing , but plainly say , we all labour against our own cure ; for death is the cure of all diseases . there is no catholicon or universal remedy i know but this , which though nauseous to queasie stomacks , yet to prepared appetites is nectar , and a pleasant potion of immortality . sect. 10 for my conversation , it is like the sun 's , with all men , and with a friendly aspect to good and bad . methinks there is no man bad , and the worst , best ; that is , while they are kept within the circle of those qualities , wherein they are good ; there is no mans mind of such discordant and jarring a temper , to which a tunable disposition may not strike a harmony . magnae virtutes , nec minora vitia ; it is the posie of the best natures , * and may be inverted on the worst ; ] there are in the most depraved and venemous dispositions , certain pieces that remain untoucht , which by an antiperistasis become more excellent , or by the excellency of their antipathies are able to preserve themselves from the contagion of their enemy vices , and persist intire beyond the general corruption . for it is also thus in nature . the greatest balsomes do lie enveloped in the bodies of most powerful corrosives ; i say moreover , and i ground upon experience , * that poisons contain within themselves their own antidote , ] and that which preserves them from the venome of themselves , without which they were not deleterious to others onely , but to themselves also . but it is the corruption that i fear within me , not the contagion of commerce without me . 't is that unruly regiment within me , that will destroy me ; 't is i that do infect my self , ‖ the man without a navel yet lives in me ; ] i feel that original canker corrode and devour me ; and therefore defenda me dios de me , lord deliver me from my self , is a part of my letany , and the first voice of my retired imaginations . there is no man alone , because every man is a microcosm , and carries the whole world about him ; nunquam minus solus quàm cum solus , / though it be the apothegme of a wise man , is yet true in the mouth of a fool ; indeed , though in a wilderness , a man is never alone , not only because he is with himself , and his own thoughts , but because he is with the devil ; who ever consorts with our solitude , and is that unruly rebel that musters up those disordered motions which accompany our sequestred imaginations . and to speak more narrowly , there is no such thing as solitude , nor any thing that can be said to be alone , and by it self , but god , who is his own circle , and can subsist by himself ; all others , besides their dissimilary and heterogeneous parts , which in a manner multiply their natures , cannot subsist without the concourse of god , and the society of that hand which doth uphold their natures . in brief , there can be nothing truly alone , and by its self , which is not truly one ; and such is only god : all others do transcend an unity , and so by consequence are many . sect. 11 now for my life , it is a miracle of thirty years , which to relate , were not a history , but a piece of poetry , and would sound to common ears like a fable ; for the world , i count it not an inn , but an hospital ; and a place , not to live , but to dye in . the world that i regard is my self ; it is the microcosm of my own frame that i cast mine eye on ; for the other , i use it but like my globe , and turn it round sometimes for my recreation . men that look upon my outside , perusing only my condition and fortunes , do err in my altitude , for i am above atlas his shoulders . the earth is a point not only in respect of the heavens above us , but of that heavenly and celestial part within us : that mass of flesh that circumscribes me , limits not my mind : that surface that tells the heavens it hath an end , cannot perswade me i have any : i take my circle to be above three hundred and sixty ; though the number of the ark do measure my body , it comprehendeth not my mind : whilst i study to find how i am a microcosm or little world , i find my self something more than the great . there is surely a piece of divinity in us , something that was before the elements , and owes no homage unto the sun. nature tells me i am the image of god , as well as scripture : he that understands not thus much , hath not his introduction or first lesson , and is yet to begin the alphabet of man. let me not injure the felicity of others , if i say i am as happy as any ; ruat coelum , fiat voluntas tua , salveth all ; so that whatsoever happens , it is but what our daily prayers desire . in brief , i am content , and what should providence add more ? surely this is it we call happiness , and this do i enjoy ; with this i am happy in a dream , and as content to enjoy a happiness in a fancy , as others in a more apparent truth and realty . there is surely a neerer apprehension of any thing that delights us in our dreams , than in our waked senses ; without this i were unhappy : for my awaked judgment discontents me , ever whispering unto me , that i am from my friend ; but my friendly dreams in night requite me , and make me think i am within his arms . i thank god for my happy dreams , as i do for my good rest , for there is a satisfaction unto reasonable desires , and such as can be content with a fit of happiness . and surely it is not a melancholy conceit to think we are all asleep in this world , and that the conceits of this , life are as meer dreams to those of the next , as the phantasms of the night , to the conceits of the day . there is an equal delusion in both , and the one doth but seem to be the embleme or picture of the other ; we are somewhat more than our selves in our sleeps , and the slumber of the body seems to be but the waking of the soul . it is the ligation of sense , but the liberty of reason , and our waking conceptions do not match the fancies of our sleeps . at my nativity , my ascendant was the watery sign of scorpius ; i was born in the planetary hour of saturn , and i think i have a piece of that leaden planet in me . i am no way facetious , nor disposed for the mirth and galliardize of company ; yet in one dream i can compose a whole comedy , behold the action , apprehend the justs , and laugh my self awake at the conceits thereof : were my memory as faithful as my reason is then fruitful , i would never study but in my dreams ; and this time also would i chuse for my devotions : but * our grosser memories have then so little hold of our abstracted understandings , that they forget the story , ] and can only relate to our awaked souls , a confused and broken tale of that that hath passed . aristotle , who hath written a singular tract of sleep , hath not methinks throughly defined it ; nor yet galen , though he seem to have corrected it : for those noctambuloes / and night-walkers , though in their sleep , do yet injoy the action of their senses : we must therefore say that there is something in us that is not in the jurisdiction of morpheus ; and that those abstracted and ecstatick souls do walk about in their own corps , as spirits with the bodies they assume ; wherein they seem to hear , and feel , though indeed the organs are destitute of sense , and their natures of those faculties that should inform them . thus it is observed , that men sometimes upon the hour of their departure , do speak and reason above themselves , for then the soul beginning to be freed from the ligaments of the body , begins to reason like her self , and to discourse in a strain above mortality . sect. 12 we tearm sleep a death , and yet it is waking that kills us , and destroys those spirits that are the house of life . 't is indeed a part of life that best expresseth death ; for every man truely lives , so long as he acts his nature , or some way makes good the faculties of himself : themistocles therefore that slew his soldier in his sleep , was a merciful executioner ; 't is a kind of punishment the mildness of no laws hath invented ; * i wonder the fancy of lucan and seneca did not discover it . ] it is that death by which we may be literally said to dye daily ; a death which adam dyed before his mortality ; a death whereby we live a middle and moderating point between life and death ; in fine , so like death , i dare not trust it without my prayers , and an half adieu unto the world , and take my farewel in a colloquy with god. the night is come , like to the day ; depart not thou great god away . let not my sins , black as the night , eclipse the lustre of thy light . keep still in my horizon ; for to me the sun makes not the day , but thee . thou whose nature cannot sleep , on my temples centry keep ; guard me ' gainst those watchful foes , whose eyes are open while mine close . let no dreams my head infest , but such as jacob''s temples blest . while i do rest , my soul advance , make my sleep a holy trance . that i may , my rest being wrought , awake into some holy thought ; and with as active vigour run my course , as doth the nimble sun. sleep is a death ; o make me try , by sleeping , what it is to die : and as gently lay my head on my grave , as now my bed . howere i rest , great god , let me awake again at least with thee . and thus assur'd , behold i lie securely , or to awake or die . these are my drowsie days ; in vain i do now wake to sleep again : o come that hour , when i shall never sleep again , but wake for ever . this is the dormative i take to bedward ; i need no other laudanum than this to make me sleep ; after which , i close mine eyes in security , content to take my leave of the sun , and sleep unto the resurrection . sect. 13 the method i should use in distributive justice , i often observe in commutative ; and keep a geometrical proportion in both ; whereby becoming equable to others , i become unjust to my self , and supererogate in that common principle , do unto others as then wouldst he done unto thy self , i was not born unto riches , neither is it i think my star to be wealthy ; or if it were , the freedom of my mind , and frankness of my disposition , were able to contradict and cross my fates . for to me avarice seems not so much a vice , as a deplorable piece of madness ; * to conceive our selves urinals , or be perswaded that we are dead , is not so ridiculous , ] nor so many degrees beyond the power of hellebore , as this . the opinion of theory , and positions of men , are not so void of reason , as their practised conclusions : some have held that snow is black , that the earth moves , that the soul is air , fire , water ; but all this is philosophy , and there is no delirium , if we do but speculate the folly and indisputable dotage of avarice , to that subterraneous idol , and god of the earth . i do confess i am an atheist ; i cannot perswade my self to honour that the world adores ; whatsoever vertue its prepared substance may have within my body , it hath no influence nor operation without : i would not entertain a base design , or an action that should call me villain , for the indies ; and for this only do i love and honour my own soul , and have methinks two arms too few to embrace my self . aristotle is too severe , that will not allow us to be truely liberal without wealth , and the bountiful hand of fortune ; if this be true , i must confess i am charitable only in my liberal intentions , and bountiful well-wishes . but if the example of the mite be not only an act of wonder , but an example of the noblest charity , surely poor men may also build hospitals , and the rich alone have not erected cathedrals . i have a private method which others observe not ; i take the opportunity of my self to do good ; i borrow occasion of charity from mine own necessities , and supply the wants of others , when i am in most need my self ; for it is an honest stratagem to make advantage of our selves , and so to husband the acts of vertue , that where they were defective in one circumstance , they may repay their want , and multiply their goodness in another . i have not peru in my desires , but a competence , and ability to perform those good works , to which he hath inclined my nature . he is rich , who hath enough to be charitable ; and it is hard to be so poor , that a noble mind may not find a way to this piece of goodness . he that giveth to the poor , lendeth to the lord ; there is more rhetorick in that one sentence , than in a library of sermons ; and indeed if those sentences were understood by the reader , with the same emphasis as they are delivered by the author , we needed not those volumes of instructions , but might be honest by an epitome . upon this motive only i cannot behold a beggar without relieving his necessities with my purse , or his soul with my prayers ; these scenical and accidental differences between us , cannot make me forget that common and untoucht part of us both ; there is under these cantoes and miserable outsides , these mutilate and semi bodies , a soul of the same alloy with our own , whose genealogy is gods as well as ours , and is as fair a way to salvation as our selves . statists that labour to contrive a common-wealth without our poverty , take away the object of charity , not understanding only the common wealth of christian , but forgetting the prophecie of christ . sect. 14 now therre is another part of charity , which is the basis and pillar of this , and that is the love of god , for whom we love our neighbour ; for this i think charity , to love god for himself , and our neighbour for god. all that is truly amiable is god , or as it were a divided piece of him , that retains a reflex or shadow of himself . nor is it strange that we should place affection on that which is invisible ; all that we truly love is thus ; what we adore under affection of our senses , deserves not the honour of so pure a title . thus we adore virtue , though to the eyes of sense she be invisible : thus that part of our noble friends that we love , is not that part that we imbrace , but that insensible part that our arms cannot embrace . god being all goodness , can love nothing but himself , and the traduciton of his holy spirit . let us call to assize the loves of our parents , the affection of our wives and children , and they are all dumb shows and dreams , without reality , truth or constancy : for first , there is a strong bond of affection between us and our parents ; yet how easily dissolved ? we betake our selves to a woman , forget our mother in a wife , and the womb that bare us , in that that shall bear our image : this woman blessing us with children , our affection leaves the level it held before , and sinks from our bed unto our issue and picture of posterity , where affection holds no steady mansion . they , growing up in years , desire our ends ; or applying themselves to a woman , take a lawful way to love another better than our selves . thus i perceive a man may be buried alive , and behold his grave in his own issue . sect. 15 i conclude therefore and say , there is no happiness under ( or as copernicus will have it , above ) the sun , nor any crambe in that repeated verity and burthen of all the wisdom of solomon , all is vanity and vexation of spirit . there is no felicity in that the world adores : aristotle whilst he labours to resute the idea's of plato , falls upon one himself : for his summum bonum is a chimaera , and there is no such thing as his felicity . that wherein god himself is happy , the holy angels are happy , in whose defect the devils are unhappy ; that dare i call happiness : whatsoever conduceth unto this , may with an easie metaphor deserve that name ; whatsoever else the world terms happiness , is to me a story out of pliny , a tale of boccace or malizspini ; an apparition or neat delusion , wherein there is no more of happiness , than the name . bless me in this life with but peace of my conscience , command of my affections , the love of thy self and my dearest friends , and i shall be happy enough to pity caesar . these are , o lord , the humble desires of my most reasonable ambition , and all i dare call happiness on earth ; wherein i set no rule or limit to thy hand of providence ; dispose of me according to the wisdom of thy pleasure . * thy will be done , though in my own undoing . ] finis . annotations upon religio medici . nec satis est vulgasse fidem . — pet. arbit . fragment . london , printed for r. scot , t. basset , j. wright , r. chiswel . 1682. the annotator to the reader . a gellius ( noct . attic. l. 20. cap. ult . ) notes some books that had strange titles ; pliny ( praefat. nat. hist . ) speaking of some such , could not pass them over without a jeer : so strange ( saith he ) are the titles of some books , ut multos ad vadimonium deserendum compellant . and seneca saith , some such there are , qui patri obstetricem parturienti filiae accercenti moram injicere possint . of the same fate this present tract religio medici hath pertaken : exception by some hath been taken to it in respect of its inscription , which , say they , seems to imply that physicians have a religion by themselves , which is more than theologie doth warrant : but it is their inference , and not the title , that is to blame ; for no more is meant by that , or endeavoured to be prov'd in the book , then that ( contrary to the opinion of the unlearned . ) physitians have religion as well as other men . for the work it self , the present age hath produced none that has had better reception amongst the learned ; it has been received and fostered by almost all , there having been but one that i know of ( to verifie that books have their fates from the capacity of the reader ) that has had the face to appear against it ; that is mr. alexander * rosse ; but he is dead , and it is uncomely to skirmish with his shadow . it shall be sufficient to remember to the reader , that the noble and most learned knight , sir kenelm digby , has delivered his opinion of it in another sort , who though in some things he differ from the authors sense , yet hath he most candidly and ingeniously allow'd it to be a very learned and excellent piece ; and i think no scholar will say there can be an approbation more authentique . since the time he published his observations upon it , one mr. jo. merryweather a master of arts of the university of cambridge , hath deem'd it worthy to be put into the universal language , which about the year 1644. he performed ; and that hath carried the authors name not only into the low-countries and france ( in both which places the book in latin hath since been printed ) but into italy and germany ; and in germany it has since fallen into the hands of a gentleman of that nation * ( of his name he hath given us no more than l. n. m. e. n. ) who hath written learned annotations upon it in latin , whieh were printed together with the book at strasbourg , 1652. and for the general good opinion the world had entertained both of the work and author , this stranger tells you : * inter alios auctores incidi in librum cui titulus religio medici , jam ante mihi innotuerat lectionem istius libri multos praeclaros viros delectasse , imo occupasse . non ignorabam librum in anglia , galiia , italia , belgio , germania cupidissime legi ; constabat mihi eum non solum in anglia ac batavia , set & parisiis cum praefatione , in qua auctor magnis laudibus fertur esse , typis mandatum compertum mihi erat , multos magnos atque eruditos viros censere autorem ( quantum ex hoc scripto perspici potest ) sanctitate vitae ac pietate elucere , &c. but for the worth of the book , it is so well known to every english-man that is fit to read it , that this attestation of a forrainer may seem superfluous . the german , to do him right , hath in his annotations given a fair specimen of his learning , shewing his skill in the languages , as well antient as modern ; as also his acquaintance with all manner of authors , both sacred and profane , out of which he has amass'd a world of quotations ; but yet , not to mention that he hath not observed some errors of the press , and one or two main ones of the latine translation , whereby the author is much injured ; it cannot be denyed but he hath pass'd over many hard places untoucht , that might deserve a note ; that he hath made annotations on some , where no need was ; in the explication of others hath gone besides the true sense . [ and were we free from all these , yet one great fault there is , he may be justly charg'd with , that is , that he cannot manum de tabula even in matters the most obvious : which is an affectation ill-becoming a scholar ; witness the most learned annotator , claud. minos . divion . in prefat . commentar . alciat . emblemat . praefix . praestat ( saith he ) brevius omnia persequi , & leviter attingere quae nemini esse ignota suspicari possint , quam quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , perque locos communes identidem expatiari . i go not about by finding fault with his , obliquely to commend my own ; i am as far from that , as 't is possible others will be : all i seek , by this preface , next to acquainting the reader with the various entertainment of the book , is , that he would be advertized , that these notes were collected ten * years since , long before the german's were written ; so that i am no plagiary ( as who peruseth his notes and mine will easily perceive : ) and in the second place , that i made this recuil meerly for mine own entertainment , and not with any invention to evulge it ; truth is my witness , the publication proceeds meerly from the importunity of the book-seller ( my special friend ) who being acquainted with what i had done , and about to set out another edition of the book , would not be denied these notes to attex to it ; 't is he ( not i ▪ ) that divulgeth it , and whatever the success be , he alone is concern'd in it ; i only say for my self what my annotations bear in the frontispiece , nec satis est vulgasse fidem — that is , that it was not enough to all persons ( though pretenders to learning ) that our physitian had publish'd his creed , because it wanted an exposition . i say further , that the german's is not full , and that ( — quicquid sum ego quamvis infra lucilli censum ingeniumque — ) my explications do in many things illustrate the text of my author . 24 martii , 1654. annotations upon religio medici . the epistle to the reader . certainly that man were greedy of life , who should desire to live when all the world were at an end . ] this mr. merry weather hath rendred thus ; cupidum esse vitae oportet , qui universo jam expirante mundo vivere cuperet ; and well enough : but it is not amiss to remember ; that we have this saying in seneca the tragoedian , who gives it us thus , vitae est avidus quisquis non vult mundo secum pereunte mori . there are many things delivered rhetorically . ] the author herein imitates the ingenuity of st. austin , who , in his retract , corrects himself for having delivered some things more like a young rhetorician than a sound divine : but though st. aug. doth deservedly acknowledge it a fault in himself , in that he voluntarily published such things , yet cannot it be so in this author , in that he intended no publication of it , as he pofesseth in this epistle , and in that other to sir kenelm digby . the first part . sect. 1 pag. 1 the general scandal of my profession . ] physitians ( of the number whereof it appears by several passages in this book the author is one ) do commonly hear ill in this behalf . it is a common speech ( but onely amongst the unlearned sort ) vbi tres medici , duo athei . the reasons why those of that profession ( i declare my self that i am none , but causarum actor mediocris , to use horace his phrase ) may be thought to deserve that censure , the author rendreth , sect. 19. the natural course of my studies . ] the vulgar lay not the imputation of atheism onely upon physitians , but upon philosophers in general , who for that they give themselves to understand the operations of nature , they calumniate them , as though they rested in the second causes without any respect to the first . hereupon it was , that in the tenth age pope silvester the second pass'd for a magician , because he understood geometry and natural philosophy . baron . annal . 990. and apuleius long before him laboured of the same suspicion upon no better ground ; he was accus'd , and made a learned apology for himself , and in that hath laid down what the ground is of such accusations , in these words : haec fermè communi quodam errore imperitorum philosophis objectantur , ut partem eorum qui corporum causas meras & simplices rimantur , irreligiosas putant , eoque aiunt deos abnuere , ut anaxagoram , & lucippum , & democritum , & epicurum , caeterosque rerum naturae patronos . apul. in apolog. and it is possible that those that look upon the second causes scattered , may rest in them and go no further , as my lord bacon in one of his essayes observeth ; but our author tells us there is a true philosophy , from which no man becomes an atheist . sect. 46. the indifference of my behaviour and discourse in matters of religion . ] bigot's are so oversway'd by a preposterous zeal , that they hate all moderation in discourse of religion ; they are the men forsooth — qui solos credant habendo● esse deos quos ipsi colunt . — erasmus upon this accompt makes a great complaint to sir tho. more in an epistle of his touching one dorpius a divine of lovain , who because , upon occasion of discourse betwixt them , erasmus would not promise him to write against luther , told erasmus , that he was a lutheran , and afterwards published him for such ; and yet as erasmus was reputed no very good catholick , so for certain he was no protestant . not that i meerly owe this title to the font ] as most do , taking up their religion according to the way of their ancestors ; this is to be blamed amongst all persons : it was practised as well amongst heathens as christians . per caput hoc juro , per quod pater antè solebat , saith ascanius in virgil : and apuleius notes it for an absurdity . vtrum philosopho put as turpe scire ista , an nescire ? negligere , an curare ? nosse quanta sit etiam in istis providentiae ratio , an de diis immortalibus matri & patri cedere ? saith he in apolog. and so doth minutius : vnusquisque vestrum non cogitat prius se debere deum nosse quàm colere , dum inconsultè gestiuntur patentibus obedire , dum fieri malunt alieni erroris accessio , quam sibi credere . minut. in octav. but having in my riper years examined , &c. ] according to the apostolical precept , omnia probate , quod bonum est tenete . sect. 2 pag. 2 there being a geography of religions ] i. e. of christian religion , which you may see described in mr. brerewood's enquiries : he means not of the protestant religion ; for though there be a difference in discipline , yet the anglican , scotic , belgic , gallican , and helvetic churches differ not in any essential matter of the doctrine , as by the harmony of confessions appears , 5 epist . theod. bezae edmundo grindallo ep. londinens . wherein i dislike nothing but the name ] that is , lutheran , calvinist , zuinglian , &c. now the accidental occasion wherein , &c. ] this is graphically described by thuanus in his history : but because his words are too large for this purpose , i shall give it you somewhat more briefly , according to the relation of the author of the history of the council of trent . the occasion was the necessity of pope leo tenth , who by his profusion had so exhausted the treasure of the church , that he was constrained to have recourse to the publishing of indulgences to raise monies : some of which he had destined to his own treasury , and other part to his allyes , and particularly to his sister he gave all the money that should be raised in saxony ; and she , that she might make the best profit of the donation , commits it to one aremboldus , a bishop , to appoint treasurers for these indulgences . now the custome was , that whensoever these indulgences were sent into saxony , they were to be divulged by the fryars eremites ( of which order luther then was ) but aremboldus his agents thinking with themselves , that the fryars eremites were so well acquainted with the trade , that if the business should be left to them , they should neither be able to give so good an account of their negotiation , nor yet get so much themselves by it as they might do in case the business were committed to another order ; they thereupon recommend it to ( and the business is undertaken by ) the dominican fryars , who performed it so ill , that the scandal arising both from thence , and from the ill lives of those that set them on work , stirred up luther to write against the abuses of these indulgences ; which was all he did at first ; but then , not long after , being provoked by some sermons and small discourses that had been published against what he had written , he rips up the business from the beginning , and publishes xcv theses against it at wittenberg . against these , tekel a dominican writes ; then luther adds an explication to his eckius and prierius dominicans , thereupon take the controversie against him : and now luther begins to be hot ; and because his adversaries could not found the matter of indulgences upon other foundations then the pope's power and infallibility , that begets a disputation betwixt them concerning the pope's power , which luther insists upon as inferiour to that of a general council ; and so by degrees he came on to oppose the popish doctrine of remission of sins , penances , and purgatory ; and by reason of cardinal cajetans imprudent management of the conference he had with him , it came to pass that he rejected the whole body of popish doctrine . so that by this we may see what was the accidental occasion , wherein the slender means whereby , and the abject condition of the person by whom , the work of reformation of religion was set on foot . sect. 3 pag. 3 yet i have not shaken hands with those desperate resolutions , ( resolvers it should be , without doubt ) who had rather venture at large their dedecayed bottom , than bring her in to be new trimm'd in the dock ; who had rather promiscuously retain all , than abridge any ; and obstinately be what they are , than what they have been , as to stand in a diameter and at swords points with them : we have reformed from them , not against them , &c. ] these words by mr. merryweather are thus rendred , sc . nee tamen in vecordem illum pertinacium hominum gregem memet adjungo , qui labefactatum navigium malunt fortunaoe committere quàm in navale de integro resarciendum deducere , qui malunt omnia promiscuè retinere quàm quicquam inde diminuere , & pertinacitèr esse qui sunt quàm qui olim fuerunt , ita uti isdem ex diametro repugnent : ab illis , non contra illos , reformationem instituimus , &c. and the latine annotator sits down very well satisfied with it , and hath bestowed some notes upon it ; but under the favour both of him and the translator , this translation is so far different from the sense of the author , that it hath no sense in it ; or if there be any construction of sense in it , it is quite besides the author's meaning ; which will appear if we consider the context , by that we shall find that the author in giving an account of his religion , tells us first , that he is a christian , and farther , that he is of the reform'd religion ; but yet he saith , in this place , he is not so rigid a protestant , nor at defiance with papists so far , but that in many things he can comply with them , ( the particulars he afterwards mentions in this section ) for , saith he , we have reform'd from them , not against them ; that is , as the archbishop of canterbury against the jesuit discourseth well , we have made no new religion nor schism from the old ; but in calling for the old , and desiring that which was novel and crept in might be rejected , and the church of rome refusing it , we have reform'd from those upstart novel doctrines , but against none of the old : and other sense the place cannot bear ; therefore how the latine annotator can apply it as though in this place the author intended to note the anabaptists , baptist i see not , unless it were in respect of the expression , vecordem pertinacium hominum gregem , which truly is a description well befitting them , though not intended to them in this place : howsoever , i see not any ground from hence to conclude the author to be any whit inclining to the bulk of popery ( but have great reason from many passages in this book to believe the contrary , ) as he that prefix'd a preface to the parisian edition of this book hath unwarrantably done . but for the mistake of the translator , it is very obvious from whence that arose . i doubt not but it was from the mistake of the sense of the english phrase , shaken hands , which he hath rendred by these words , memet adjungo , wherein he hath too much play'd the scholar , and shew'd himself to be more skilful in forraign and ancient customs , then in the vernacular practise and usage of the language of his own country ; for although amongst the latines protension of the hand were a symbole and sign of peace and concord , ( as alex. ab alexandro ; manum verò protendere , pacem peti significabant , ( saith he ) gen. dier . lib. 4. cap. 〈◊〉 which also is confirmed by cicero pro dejotaro ; and caesar , l. 2. de bello gallico ) and was used in their first meetings , as appears by the phrase , jungere hospitio dextras ; and by that of virgil , oremus pacem , & dextras tendamus inermes . and many like passages that occur in the poets , to which i believe the translator had respect : vet in modern practise , especially with us in england , that ceremony is used as much in our adieu's as in the first congress ; and so the author meant in this place , by saying he had not shaken hands ; that is , that he had not so deserted , or bid farewel to the romanists , as to stand at swords point with them : and then he gives his reasons at those words , for omitting those improperations , &c. so that instead of memet adjungo , the translator should have used some word or phrase of a clean contrary signification ; and instead of ex diametro repugnent , it should be repugnem . sect. 5 pag. 8 henry the eighth , though he rejected the pope , refused not the faith of rome . ] so much buchanan in his own life written by himself testifieth , who speaking of his coming into england about the latter end of that king's time , saith , sed ibitum omnia adeo erant incerta , ut eodem die , ac eodem igne ( very strange ! ) utriusque factionis homines cremarentur , henrico 8. jam seniore suae magnis securitati quàm religionis puritati intento . and for confirmation of this assertion of the author , vide stat. 31 h. 8. cap. 14. and was conceived the state of venice would have attempted in our days . ] this expectation was in the time of pope paul the fifth , who by excommunicating that republique , gave occasion to the senate to banish all such of the clergy as would not by reason of the popes command administer the sacraments ; and upon that account the jesuites were cast out , and never since receiv'd into that state. sect. 6 pag. 9 or be angry with his judgement for not agreeing with me in that , from which perhaps within a few dayes i should dissent my self . ] i cannot think but in this expression the author had respect to that of that excellent french writer , monsieur mountaign ( in whom i often trace him . ) combien diversement jugeons nous de choses ? combien de fois changeons nous nos fantasies ? ce que je tien àujourdhuy , ce que je croy , je le tien & le croy de toute ma creance , mais ne m'est il pas advenu non une fois mais cent , mais mille & tous les jours d'avoir embrasse quelque autre chose ? mountaign . lib. 2. des essais . chap. 12. every man is not a proper champion for truth , &c. a good cause is never betray'd more then when it is prosecuted with much eagerness , and but little sufficiency , and therefore zuinglius , though he were of carolistadius his opinion in the point of the sacrament of the eucharist against luther , yet he blamed him for undertaking the defence of that cause against luther , not judging him able enough for the encounter : non satis habet humerorum , saith he of carolostad , alluding to that of horace , sumite materiam vestris qui scribitis aequam viribus , & versate diu quid ferre recusent quid valeant humeri . — so minutius foelix ; plerumque pro disserentium viribus , & eloquentiae potestate , etiam perspicuae veritatis conditio mutetur . minut. in octav. and lactantius saith , this truth is verified in minutius himself : for him , tertullian and cyprian ; he spares not to blame ( all of them ) as if they had not with dexterity enough defended the christian cause against the ethniques . lactant. de justitia , cap. 1. i could wish that those that succeeded him had not as much cause of complaint against him : surely he is noted to have had many errors contra fidem . in philosophy — there is no man more paradoxical than my self , but in divinity i love to keep the road , &c. ] appositely to the mind of the author , saith the publisher of mr. pembel's book de origine formarum , certe ( saith he ) in locis theologicis ne quid detrimenti capiat vel pax , vel veritas christi — â novarum opiniorum pruritu prorsus abstinendum puto usque adeo ut ad certam requlam etiam loqui debeamus , quod pie & prudenter monet augustinus ( de civ . dei , l. 16 . cap. 23. ) [ ne verborum licentia impia vi gignat opinionem , ] at in pulvere scholastico ubi in nullius verba juramus , & in utramvis partem sine dispendio vel pacis , vel salutis ire liceat , major conceditur cum sentiendi tum loquendi libertas , &c. capet , in ep. dedicat. pembel . de origine form . praef . heresies perish not with their authors , but like the river arethusa , though they lose their currents in one place , they rise again in another . ] who would not think that this expression were taken from mr. mountaigne , l. 2. des ess . cap. 12. where he hath these words , nature enserre dans les termes de son progress ordinaire comme toutes autres choses aussi les creances les judgements & opinions des hommes elles ont leur revolutions ; and that mountaigne took his from tully . non enim hominum interitu sententiae quoque occidunt . tull. de nat . deorum . l. 1. &c. of the river arethusa thus seneca . videbis celebratissimum carminibus fontem arethusam limpidissimi ac perlucidissimi ad imum stagni gelidissimas aquas profundentem , sive illas primum nascentes invenit , sive flumen integrum subter tot maria , & à confusione pejoris undae servatum reddidit . senec. de consolat . ad martiam . sect. 7 pag. 12 now the first of mine was that of the arabians . ] for this heresie , the author here sheweth what it was ; they are called arabians from the place where it was fostered ; and because the heresiarch was not known , euseb . st. aug. and nicephorus do all write of it : the reason of this heresie was so specious , that it drew pope john 22 to be of the same perswasion . where then was his infallibility ? why , bellarmine tells you he was nevertheless infallible for that : for , saith he , he maintained this opinion when he might do it without peril of heresie , for that no definition of the church whereby 't was made heresie , had preceded when he held that opinion . bellar. l. 4. de pontif. roman . cap. 4. now this definition was first made ( 't is true ) by pope banedict in the 14 age : but then i would ask another question , that is , if 'till that time there were nothing defined in the church touching the beatitude of saints , what certainty was there touching the sanctity of any man ? and upon what ground were those canonizations or saints had , that were before the 14 age ? the second was that of origen . ] besides st. augustine , epiphanius , and also s. hierom do relate that origen held , that not onely the souls of men , but the devils themselves should be discharged from torture after a certain time : but genebrard endeavours to clear him of this . vid. coquaeum , in 21 lib. aug. de civ . dei , cap. 17. these opinions , though condemned by lawful councils , were not heresie in me , &c. ] for to make an heretique , there must be not only error in intellectu , but pertinacia in voluntate . so st. aug. qui sententiam suam quamvis falsam atque perversam nulla pertinaci animositate defendunt , quaerunt autem cauta solicitudine veritatem , corrigi parati cum invenerint , nequaquam sunt inter haereticos deputandi . aug. cont . manich. 24. qu. 3. sect. 9 pag. 16 the deepest mysteries that ours contains , have not only been illustrated , but maintained by syllogism and the rule of reason ] and since this book was written , by mr. white in his institutiones sacrae . and when they have seen the red sea , doubt not of the miracle . ] those that have seen it , have been better informed than sir henry blount was ▪ for he tells us , that he desired to view the passage of moses into the red sea ( not being above three days journey off , ) but the jews told him the precise place was not known within less than the space of a days journey along the shore ; wherefore ( saith he ) i left that as too uncertain for any observation . in his voyage into the levant . sect. 10 pag. 19 i had as lieve you tell me , that anima est angelus hominis , est corpus dei , as entelechia ; lux est umbra dei , as actus perspoicui . ] great variety of opinion there hath been amongst the ancient philosophers touching the definition of the soul. thales , his was , that it is a nature without repose . asclepiades , that it is an exercitation of sense . hesiod , that it is a thing composed of earth and water ; parmenides holds , of earth and fire ; galen that it is heat ; hippocrates , that it is a spirit diffused through the body . some others have held it to be light ; plato saith , 't is a substance moving it self ; and after him cometh aristotle ( whom the author here reproveth ) and goeth a degree farther , and saith it is entelechia , that is , that which naturally makes the body to move . but this definition is as rigid as any of the other ; for this tells us not what the essence , origine or nature of the soul is , hut only marks an effect of it , and therefore signifieth no more than if he had said ( as the author's phrase is ) that it is angelus hominis , or an intelligence that moveth man , as he supposed those other to do the heavens . now to come to the definition of light , in which the author is also unsatisfied with the school of aristotle , he saith , it satisfieth him no more to tell him that lux est actus perspicui , than if you should tell him that it is umbra dei. the ground of this definition given by the peripateticks , is taken from a passage in aristot . de anima , l. 2. cap. 7. where aristtotle saith , that the colour of the thing seen doth move that which is perspicuum actu ( i.e. illustratam naturam quae sit in aere aliove corpore transparente ) and that that , in regard of its continuation to the eye , moveth the eye , and by its help the internal sensorium ; and that so vision is perform'd . now as it is true that the sectators of aristotle are too blame , by fastening up on-him by occasion of this passage , that he meant that those things that made this impress upon the organs are meer accidents , and have nothing of substance ; which is more than ever he meant , and cannot be maintained without violence to reason and his own principles ; so for aristotle himself , no man is beholden to him for any science acquir'd by this definition ; for what is any man the near for his telling him that colour ( admitting it to be a body , as indeed it is , and in that place he doth not deny ) doth move actu perspicuum , when as the perspicuity is in relation to the eye ; and he doth not say how it comes to be perspicuous , which is the thing enquired after , but gives it that denomination before the eye hath perform'd its office ; so that if he had said it had been umbra dei , it would have been as intelligible , as what he hath said . he that would be satisfied how vision is perform'd , let him see mr. hobbs in tract . de nat . human . cap. 2. for god had not caused it to rain upon the earth . ] st. aug. de genes . ad literam cap. 5. 6. salves that expression from any inconvenience ; but the author in pseudodox . epidemic . l. 7. cap. 1. shews that we have no reason to be confident that this fruit was an apple . i believe that the serpent ( if we shall literally understand it ) from his proper form and figure made his motion on his belly before the curse , ] yet the author himself sheweth in pseudodox . epidemic . lib. 7 . cap . 1. that the form or kind of this serpent is not agreed on : yet comestor affirm'd it was a dragon , eugubinus a basilisk , delrio a viper , and others a common snake : but of what kind soever it was , he sheweth in the same volume , lib. 5. c. 4. that there was no inconvenience , that the temptation should be perform'd in his proper shape . i find the tryal of the pucelage and virginity of women , which god ordained the jews , is very fallible . ] locus extat . deut. c. 22. the same is affirm'd by laurentius in his anatom . whole nations have escaped the curse of child-birth , which god seems to pronounce upon the whole sex . ] this is attested by mr. montaign , les doleurs de l'enfantiment par les medicines , & pardein mosme estimles grandes , & quae nous pasons avec tant de cetemonies , ily a des notions entieres qui ne'n fuit mul conte . l. 1. des ess . c. 14. sect. 11 pag. 21 who can speak of eternity without a soloecism , or think thereof without an extasie ? time we may comprehend , &c. ] touching the difference betwixt eternity and time , there have been great disputes amongst philosophers ; some affirming it to be no more than duration perpetual consisting of parts ; and others ( to which opinion , it appears by what follows in this section , the author adheres ) affirmed ( to use the author's phrase ) that it hath no distinction of tenses , but is according to boetius ( lib. 5. consol . pros . 6. ) his definition , interminabilis vitae tota simul & perfecta possessio . for me , non nostrum est tantas componere lites . i shall only observe what each of them hath to say against the other . say those of the first opinion against those that follow boetius his definition , that definition was taken by boetius out of plato's timaeus , and is otherwise applyed , though hot by boetius , yet by those that follow him , than ever plato intended it ; for he did not take it in the abstract , but in the concrete , for an eternal thing , a divine substance by which he meant god , or his anima mundi : and this he did , to the intent to establish this truth , that no mutation can befal the divine majesty , as it doth to things subject to generation and corruption ; and that plato there intended not to define or describe any species of duration : and they say that it is impossible to understand any such species of duration that is ( according to the author's expression ) but one permanent point . now that which those that follow boetius , urge against the other definition is , they say it doth not at all difference eternity from the nature of time ; for they say if it be composed of many nunc's , or many instants , by the addition of one more , it is still encreased ; and by that means infinity or eternity is not included , nor ought more than time. for this , see mr. white , de dial . mundo , dial. 3. nod. 4. indeed he only is &c. ] this the author infers from the words of god to moses , i am that i am ; and this to distinguish him from all others , who ( he saith ) have and shall be : but those that are learned in the hebrew , affirm that the words in that place ( exod. 3. ) do not signifie , ego sum qui sum , & qui est , &c. but ero qui ero , & qui erit , &c. vid. gassend . in animad . epicur . physiolog . i wonder how aristotle could conceive the world eternal , or how he could make two eternities : ] ( that is , that god and the world both , were eternal . ) i wonder more at either the ignorance or incogitancy of the conimbricenses , who in their comment upon the eighth book of aristotle's physicks treating of the matter of creation , when they had first said that it was possible to know it , and that actually it was known , ( for aristotle knew it ) yet for all this they afterwards affirm , that considering onely the light of nature , there is nothing can be brought to demonstrate creation : and yet farther , when they had defined creation to be the production of a thing ex nihhilo , and had proved that the world was so created in time , and refused the arguments of the philosophers to the contrary , they added this , that the world might be created ab aeterno : for having propos'd this question [ num aliquid à deo ex aeternitate procreari potuit ▪ ] they defend the affirmative , and assert , that not onely incorporeal substances , as angels ; or permanent , as the celestial bodies ; or corruptible , as men , &c. might be produced and made ab aeterno , and be conserved by an infinite time , ex utraque parte ; and that this is neither repugnant to god the creator , the things created , nor to the nature of creation ; for proof whereof , they bring instances of the sun , which if it had been eternal , had illuminated eternally , ( and the virtue of god is not less than the virtue of the sun. ) another instance they bring of the divine word , which was produc'd ab aeterno : in which discourse , and in the instances brought to maintain it , it is hard to say whether the madness or impiety be greater ; and certainly if christians thus argue , we have the more reason to pardon the poor heathen aristotle . there is not three but a trinity of souls . ] the peripatetiques held that men had three distinct souls ; whom the hereticks , the anomaei , and the jacobites , followed . there arose a great dispute about this matter in oxford , in the year 1276 ; and it was then determined against aristotle . daneus christ . eth. l. 1. c. 4. and suarez in his treatise de causa formali , quaest . an dentur plures formae in uno composito , affirmeth there was a synod that did anathematize all that held with aristotle in this point . sect. 14 pag. 18 there is but one first , and four second causes in all things . ] in that he saith there is but one first cause , he speaketh in opposition to the manichees , who held there were duo principia ; one from whom came all good , and the other from whom came all evil : the reason of protagoras did it seems impose upon their understandings ; he was wont to say , si deus non est , unde igitur bona ? si autem est , unde mala ? in that that he saith , there are but four second causes , he opposeth plato , who to the four causes , material , efficient , formal , and final , adds for a fifth exemplar or idaea , sc . id ad quod respiciens artifex , id quod destinabat , efficit : according to whose mind boetius speaks , lib. 3. mot . 9. de conf . philosoph . o qui perpetua mundum ratione guberna● , terrarum coelique sator , qui tempus ab aevo ire jubes , stabilisque manens das cuncta moveri● quem non externae pepulerunt fingere causae materiae fluitantis opus , verum insita sum● forma boni livore carens : tu cuncta supera ducis ab exemplo , pulchrum pulcherrimus ipse mundum mente gerens , similique in imagi● formans perfectasque jubens perfectum absolvere part●● and st. augustine , l. 83. quaest . 46 ▪ where ( amongst other ) he hath these words , restat ergo ut omnia ration sint condita , nec eadem ratione ho●● qua equus ; hoc enim absurdum est existimare : singula autem propriis sunt creata rationibus . but these plato's scholar aristotle would not allow to make or constitute a different sort of cause from the formal or efficient ; to which purpose he disputes l. 7. metaphysic . but he and his sectators , and the romists also , agree ( as the author ) that there are but the four remembred causes : so that the author in affirming there are but four , hath no adversary but the platonists ; but yet in asserting there are four ( as his words imply ) there are that oppose him , and the schools of aristot . and ramus . i shall bring for instance mr. nat. carpenter , who in his philosophia libera affirmeth , there is no such cause as that which they call the final cause : he argueth thus ; every cause hath an influence upon its effect , but so has not the end , therefore it is not a cause . the major proposition ( he saith ) is evident , because the influence of a cause upon its effect , is either the causality it self , or something that is necessarily conjoyned to it : and the minor as plain ; for either the end hath an influence upon the effect immediately , or mediately , by stirring up the efficient to operate ; not immediately , because so it should enter either the constitution , or production , or conservation of the things ; but the constitution it cannot enter , because the constitution is onely of matter and form ; nor the : production , for so it should concur to the production , either as it is simply the end , or as an exciter of the efficient ; but not simply as the end , because the end as end doth not go before , but followeth the thing produced , and therefore doth not concur to its production : if they say it doth so far concur , as it is desired of the agent or efficient cause , it should not so have an immediate influence upon the effect , but should onely first move the efficient . lastly , saith he , it doth not enter the conservation of a thing , because a thing is often conserved , when it is frustrate of its due end , as when it s converted to a new use and end . divers other arguments he hath to prove there is no such cause as the final cause , nat. carpenter philosop . liber . decad. 3. exercitat . 5. but for all this , the author and he differ not in substance : for 't is not the author's intention to assert that the end is in nature praeexistent to the effect , but only that whatsoever god has made , he hath made to some end or other ; which he doth to oppose the sectators of epicurus , who maintain the contrary , as is to be seen by this of lucretius which follows . illud in his rebus vitium vehementer & istum effugere errorem , vitareque praemeditabor , lamina ne facias oculorum clara creata prospicere ut possimus : & ut proferre viritim proceros passus , ideo fastigia posse surarū ac feminum pedibus fundata plicari : brachia tum porro validis ex apta lacertis esse , manusque datas utraque ex parte ministras . vt facere ad vitam possimus , quae foret usus : caetera de genere hoc , inter quae cunque precatur omnia perversa praepostera sunt ratione : nil ideo quoniam natum'st , incorpore ut uti possemus ; sed quod natum'st , id procreat usū , nec fuit ante videre oculorum lumina nata , nec dictis orare prius , quàm lingua creata'st , sed potius longè linguae praecessit origo sermonem ; multoque creatae sunt prius aures quàm sonus est auditus , & ōnia denique mēbra antè fuere , ut opinor , eorum , quàm foret usus : haud igitur potuere utendi crescere causa . lucret. lib. 4 , sect. 15 pag. 29 there are no grotesques in nature , &c. ] so monsr . montaign . il ny ' a rien d'mutil en nature , non pas l' inutilitè mesmes , rien ne s' est jugere en cet vnivers que n'y tienne place opportun . ess . l. 3. c. 1. who admires not regiomontanus his fly beyond his eagle ? ] of these du bartas . que diray je del ' aigle , d'ont un doct aleman honore nostre siecle aigle qui dislogeant de la maistresse main , aila loin an devant d' un empereur germain , etl'ayant recontrè , soudaind ' une aisle accorte se tour nant le suit an suel de la porte du fort norembergois , que lis piliers dorez , les tapissez chemius , les ares elabourez , les four droyans canons , in la jeusnesse isnelle , in le chenae senat , n'honnoroit tant come elle . vn jour , quae cetominer plus des esbats , que di mets , en privè , festoyoit ses segnieurs plus a mees , vne mousche de fer , dans sa main recolee , prit sans ayde d' autroy , sa gallard evolee : fit une entiere ronde , & puis d'un cerveaulas come ayant jugement , se purcha sur son bras . thus englished by sylvester . why should i not that wooden eagle mention ? ( a learned german's late admir'd invention which mounting from his fist that framed her , flew far to meet an almain emperour : and having met him with her nimble train , and weary wings turning about again , followed him close unto the castle gate of noremberg ; whom all the shews of state , streets hang'd with arras , arches curious built loud thundring canons , columns richly guilt , gray-headed senate , and youth's gallantise , grac'd not so much as onely this device . once as this artist more with mirth than meat , feasted some friends that he esteemed great , from under 's hand an iron fly flew out , which having flown a perfect round about , with weary wings return'd unto her master , and as ( judicious ) on his arm she plac'd her . or wonder not more at the operation of two souls in those little bodies , than but one in the trunk of a cedar ? ] that is , the vegetative , which , according to the common opinion , is supposed to be in trees , though the epetures and stoiques would not allow any soul in plants , but empedocles and plato allowed them not onely a vegetative soul , but affirm'd them to be animals . the manichees went farther , and attributed so much of the rational soul to them , that they accounted it homicide to gather either their flowers or fruit , as st. aug. reports . we carry with us the wonders we seek without us . ] so st. aug l. 10. de civ . c. 3. omni miraculo quod sit , per hominem majus miraculum est homo . sect. 14 pag. 31 another of his servant nature , that publique and universal manuscript , that lies expansed , &c. ] so is the description of du bartas 7. jour de la sepm . oyes ce docteur meut est udie en ce livre qui nuict & jour on vert t' apprendra de bien vivre . all things are artificial , for nature is the art of god. ] so mr. hobbs in his leviathan ( in initio ) nature is the art whereby god governs the world. sect. 17 pag. 34 directing the operations of single and individual essences , &c. ] things singular , or individuals , are in the opinion of philosophers not to be known but by the way of sense , or by that which knows by its essence , and that is onely god. the devils have no such knowledge , because whatsoever knows so , is either the cause or effect of the thing known ; thereupon averroes concluded that god was the cause of all things , because he understands all things by his essence ; and albertus magnus concluded , that the inferiour intelligence understands the superiour , because it is an effect of the superiour : but neither of these can be said of the devil ; for it appears he is not the effect of any of these inferiour things , much less is he the cause , for the power of creation onely belongs to god. all cannot he happy at once , because the glory of one state depends upon the ruine of another . ] this theme is ingeniously handled by mr. montaigne livr . 1. des ess . cap. 22. the title whereof is , le profit de l' un est dommage de l' autre . sect. 18 pag. 39 't is the common fate of men of singular gifts of mind , to be destitute of those of fortune . ] so petron. arbiter . amor ingenii neminem unquam divitem fecit , in satyric . and apuleius in apolog. idem mihi etiam , ( saith he ) paupertatem opprobravit acceptum philosopho crimen & ultro profitendum ; and then a little afterwards , he sheweth that it was the common fate of those that had singular gifts of mind : eadem enim est paupertas apud graecos in aristide justa , in phocyone benigna , in epaminonde strenua , in socrate sapiens , in homero diserta . we need not labour with so many arguments to confute judicial astrology . ] there is nothing in judicial astrology that may render it impious ; but the exception against it is , that it is vain and fallible ; of which any man will be convinced , that has read tully de divinat . and st. aug. 5 bo●● de civ . dei. sect. 19 pag. 41 there is in our soul a kind of triumvirate — that distracts the peace of our commonwealth , not less than did that other the state of rome . ] there were two triumvirates , by which the peace of rom● was distracted ; that of crassus , caesar and pompey , of which lucan , l. 1. — tu causam aliorum — facta tribus dominis communis roma , 〈◊〉 unquam in turbam missi feralia foedera regni . and that other of augustus , antonius , and lepidus , by whom saith florus , respublica convulsa est laceratáque , which comes somewhat near the author's words , and therefore i take it that he means this last triumvirate . would disswade my belief from the miracle of the brazen serpent . ] vid. coqueum in l. 10. aug. de civ . dei , c. 8. and bid me mistrust a miracle in elias , &c. ] the history is 18. 1 reg. it should be elijah . the author in 15. cap. 7. lib , pseudodox , sheweth it was not perform'd naturally ; he was ( as he saith ) a perfect miracle . to think the combustion of sodom might be natural , ] of that opinion was strabo , whereupon he is reprehended by genebrard in these words : strabo falsus est — dum eversionem addicit sulphuri & bitumini è terra erumpentibus , quae erat assignanda coelo , i. e. deo irato . tacitus reports it according to the bible , fulminis ictu arsisse . sect. 20 pag. 43 those that held religion was the difference of man from beasts , &c. ] lactantius was one of those : religioni ergo serviendum est , quam qui non suscipit , ipse se prosternit in terram , & vitam pecudum secutus humanitate se abdicat . lactant. de fals . sapieatia , cap. 10. the doctrine of epicurus that denied the providence of god , was no atheism , but &c. ] i doubt not but he means that delivered in his epistle to menecaeus , and recorded by diogenes laertius , lib. 10. quod beatum aeternumque est , id nec habet ipsum negotii quicquam , nec exhibet alteri , itaque neqae ira , neque gratia tenetur , quod quae talia sunt imbecillia sunt omnia ; which the epicurean poet hath delivered almost in the same words . omnis enim per se divum natura necesse'st immortali aevo summa cum pace fruatur , semota à nostris rebus sejunctaque longè : nam privata dolore omni , privata periclis ipsa suis pollens opibus nihil indiga nostri nec bene pro meritis capitur , nec tangitur ira . lucret. lib. 2. * that villain and secretary of hell , that composed that miscreant piece of the three impostors . ] it was ochinus that composed this piece ; but there was no less a man than the emperour frederick the second , that was as lavish of his tongue , as the other of his pen ; cui saepe in ore , tres fuisse insignes impostores , qui genus humanum seduxerunt , moysem , christum , mahumitem . lips . monit . & exempl . politic. cap. 4. and a greater than he , pope leo the tenth , was as little favourable to our saviour , when he us'd that speech which is reported of him , quantas nobis divitias comparavit ista de christo fabula ! sect. 21 pag. 46 there are in scriptures stories that do exceed the fables of poets . ] so the author of relig. laici . certè mira admodum in s. s. plus quàm in reliquis omnibus historiis traduntur ; ( and then he concludes with the author ) sed quae non retundunt intellectum , sed exercent . yet raise no question who shall rise with that rib at the resurrection . ] the author cap. 2. l. 7. pseudodox . sheweth that it appears in anatomy , that the ribs of men and woman are equal . whether the world were created in autumn , summer , or the spring , &c. ] in this matter there is a consent betwixt two learned poets , lucretius and virgil , that it begins in spring . at novitas mundi nec frigora dura ciebat , nec nimios astus , nec magnis viribus auras , lucretius , which he would have to be understood of autumn , because that resembles old age rather than infancy . he speaks expresly of the fowls . principio genus alituum variaeque volucres ova relinquebant exclusae tempore verno . lucret , then for virgil. non alios prima nascentis origine mundi illuxisse dies aliumve habuisse tenorem crediderim , ver illud erat , ver magnus agebat orbis , & hibernis parcebant flatibus euri. virgil. 2. georgic . but there is great difference about it betwixt church-doctors , some agreeing with these poets , and others affirming the time to be autumn : but truly , in strict speaking , it was not created in any one , but all of the seasons , as the author saith here , and hath shewed at large , pseudodox . epidemic . lib. 6. cap. 2. sect. 22 pag. 49 't is ridiculous to put off or drown the general floud of noah in that particular inundation of deucalion , ] as the heathen some of them sometimes did : confuderunt igitur saepe ethnici particularia illa diluvia , quae longè post secuta sunt , cum illo universali quod praecessit , ut ex fabulis in diluvio deucalionaeo sparsis colligere licet ; non tamen semper nec ubique . author . observat . in mytholog . nat. com. then amongst those that confound them , he reckons ovid and plutarch . how all the kinds of creatures , not onely in their own bulks , but with a competency of food and sustenance , might be preserved in one ark , and within the extent of 300 cubits , to a reason that rightly examines it will appear very feasible . ] yet apelles , the disciple of mercion , took upon him to deride the history of moses in this particular , alledging that it must needs be a fable , for that it was impossible so many creatures should be contain'd in so small a space . origen and st. aug. to answer this pretended difficulty , alleadge , that moses in this place speaks of geometrical ( and not vulgar ) cubits , of which every one was as much as six vulgar ones , and so no difficulty . but perer. l. 10. com . in genes . quaest . 5. de arca , rejects this opinion of origen , as being both against reason and scripture : 1. because that sort of cubit was never in use amongst any people , and therefore absurd to think moses should intend it in this place . 2. if moses should not speak of the same cubits here , that he mentions in other places , there would be great aequivocation in scripture : now in another place , i. e. exod. 27. he saith god commanded him to make an altar three cubits high ; which if it should be intended of geometrical cubits , it will contain 18 vulgar cubits ; which would not only render it useless , but would be contrary to the command which he saith god gave him , exod. 20. thou shalt not go up by steps to my altar . for without steps what man could reach it ? it must therefore be meant of ordinary cubits ; but that being so it was very feasible . i can more easily believe than understand it . and put the honest father to the refuge of a miracle . ] this honest father was st. aug. who delivers his opinion , that it might be miraculously done , lib. 16. de civ . dei , cap. 7. where having propos'd the question how it might be done , he answers , quod si homines eas captas secum adduxerunt , & eo modo ubi habitabant earum genera instituerunt , venandi studio fieri potuisse incredibile non est , quam jussu dei sive permissu etiam opera angelorum negandum non sit potuisse transferri ; but st. aug. saith not , that it could not be done without a miracle . and 1500 years to people the world , as full a time , &c. ] that methusalem was the longest liv'd of all the children of adam , &c. ] see both these points cleared by the author , in pseudodox . epidemic . the first , lib. 6. cap. 6. the other l. 7. cap. 3. that judas perished by hanging himself , there is no certainty in scripture , though in one place it seems to affirm it , and by a doubtful word hath given occasion to translate it ; yet in another place , in a more punctual description it makes it improbable , and seems to overthrow it . ] these two places that seem to contradict one another , are matthew 27. 5. and acts 1. 8. the doubtful word he speaks of is in the place of matthew ; it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth suffocation as well as hanging ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which may signifie literally , after he went out he was choak'd ) but erasmus translates it , abiens laqueo se suspendit : the words in the acts are , when he had thrown down himself headlong , he burst in the mid'st , and all his bowels gushed out , which seems to differ much from the expression of matthew ; yet the ancient writers , and fathers of the church do unanimously agree that he was hanged ; some i shall cite . anastas . sinaita . l. 7. auagog . contempl . vnus latro ingratus cum esset typus diaboli , & serpentis , & judae qui se in ligno suffocavit . gaudentius brixiens . tract . 13. de natal . dom. mortem debitam laqueo sibimet intulit praeparato , &c. drogottoshen . de sacram . dominic . pass . jamdiu erat quidem quòd christo recesserat , & avaritiae laqueo se suspenderat , sed quod fecerat in occulto , palam omnibus innotuit . s. martialis in ep. ad tholosanos . non sustinuit poenitentiam , donec laqueo mortis seipsum consumpsit . ignat. ad philippens . diabolus laqueum ei ostendit , & suspendium docuit . leo. serm. 3. de passion . — ut quia facimus omnem mensuram ultionis excesserat , te haberet impietas tua judicem , te pateretur sua paena carnificem . theodoret . lib. 1. haretic . fabul . ille protiuus strangulatus est , quae fuit merces ejus proditionis . chrysostom . hom. 3. de proditore . pependit coelum terramque intermedius vago funere suffocatus , & cum flagitio fuo tumefacta , viscera crepuerunt , &c. bernard . serm . 8. in psalm . 9. judas in aere crepuit medius . there are those that are so particular that they acquaint us with the manner , as that it was done with a cord. antiochus laurensis . spem omnem à se cùm abjecisset insiliente in eum inimico ( sc . diabolo ) funicülo sibi praefocavit gulam oecumen . in act. fracto funiculo quo erat suffocatus decidit in terram praecipitio , 2. that it was done on a fig-tree , beda . portam david egredientibus fons occurrit in austrum per vallem directus , ad cujus medietatem ab occasu judas se suspendisse narratur . nam & ficus magna ibi & vetustissima stat . juvenc . l. 4. hist . evangelic . exorsusque suas laqueo sibi sumere poenas , informem rapuit ficus de vertice mortem . 3. some acquaint us with the time when it was done , viz. the next day after he had given the kiss . so chrysostom . homil. 1. de proditor . & mysterio caoen . dominic . guttur prophanum quod hodie christo extendis ad osculum , crastinò es illud extensurus ad laqueum . but there are two , that is , euthymius and oecumenius , that tells us , that the hanging did not kill him ; but that either the rope broke , or that he was cut down , and afterwards cast himself down headlong , as it is related in the before-mentioned place of the acts : agnitus à quibusdam depositus est ne praefocaretur , denique postquam in secreto quodam loco modico vixisset tempore praeceps factus sive praecipitatus , inflatus , diruptus , ac diffisus est medius , & effusa sunt omnia viscera ejus ; ut in actis . euthym . cap. 67. in matth. judas suspendio è vita non discessit , sed supervixit , dejectus est enim priusquam praefocaretur , idque apostolorum acta indicant quod pronus crepuit medius . oecumen . in act. and this may serve to reconcile these two seemingly disagreeing scriptures . that our fathers after the flood erected the tower of babel . ] for this see what the author saith in his pseudodox . epidemic . l. 7. cap. 6. sect. 23 pag. 52 and cannot but commend the judgment of ptolemy . ] he means of ptolemaeus philadelphus , who founded the library of alexandria , which he speaks of in the next section , he was king of egypt ; and having built and furnish'd that library with all the choicest book he could get from any part of the world ; and having good correspondence with eleazar the high priest of the jews , by reason that he had released the jews from captivity , wh● were taken by his predecessor pulemaeus lagi ; he did by the advice of demetrius phalereus the athenian whom he had made his library keeper , write to eleazer , desiring him that he would cause the book of the jews , which contained their laws , to be translated for him into greek , that he might have them to put into his library : to which the priest consents ; and for the king 's better satisfaction , sends to him copies of the books , and with the same 72 interpreters skilled both in the greek and hebrew language , to translate them for him into greek ; which afterwards they performed this is for certain ; but whether they translated onely the pentateuch , a st. jerome would have it , or together with that the books of the prophets also , as leo de castro and baronius contend , i undertake not to determine : but as to that part of the story , that these interpreters were put into so many several cells , whilst they were about the work of translation ; and notwithstanding they were thus severed , that they all translated it totidem verbis ; it is but reason to think with st. jerome ( notwithstanding the great current of authority against him ) that it is no better than a fable . the alcoran of the turks ( i speak without prejudice ) is an ill composed piece , containing in it vain and ridiculous errors in philosophy , &c : ] it is now in every man's hand , having been lately translated into english ; i shall therefore observe but these few particulars in it , in regard the book it self is so common ; and indeed they are not mine own , but lipsius his observations . he begins , o nugas , o deliria ! primum ( saith he ) commentus est , deum unum solidumque ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 graeci exprimunt ) eundemque incorporeum esse . christum non deum , sed magnum vatem & prophetam , se tamen majorem , & proxime à deo missum ; praemia qui ipsum audient paradisum , qui post aliquot annorum millia reserabitur , ibi quatuor flumina lacte , vino , melle , aqua fluere , ibi palatia & aedificia gemmata atque aurata esse , carnes avium suavissimarum , furctus omne genus quos sparsi jacentesque sub umbra arborum edent : sed caput foelicitatis , viros foeminasque majores solito magnis genitalibus , assidua libidine , & ejus usu sine taedio aut fatigatione . these and some others that are in the alcoran he reckons up . sed & physica quoque mirando ( saith he ) nam facit solem & lunam in equis vehi , illum autem in aquam calidam vespere mergi , & bene lotu●● ascendere atque oriri , stellas in aere è catenis aureis pendere : terram in bovini cornu cuspide stabilitum , & agitente se bove ac succutiente fieri terrae motum ; hominem autem exhirudine aut sanguisuga nasci , &c. just . lisp . monit . & exempl . politic. cap. 3. i believe besides zoroaster , there were divers others that wrote before moses . ] zoroaster was long before moses , and of great name ; he was the father of ninus , justin . l. 1. si quamlibet modicum emolumentum probaveritis , ego ille sim carinondas , vet damigeron , vel is moses , vel jannes , vel appollonius , vel ipse dardanus , vel quicunque alius post zoroasterm & hostanem inter magos celebratus est . apuleius in apol. others with as many groans deplore the combustion of the library of alexandria . ] this was that library before spoken of , set up by ptolomeus philadelphus ; in which 't is reproted by ammianus marcellinus , there were 700000 volumes ; it was burnt by caesar's means , whose navy being environed before alexandria , he had no means to keep off the enemy , but by flinging of fire , which at length caught the library and consumed it , as plutarch has it in vita caesaris : but notwithstanding we have no reason to believe it was quite consumed , because sueton. in claudius , tells us , that that emperor added another to it ; and there must be somewhat before , if it were an addition ; but true it is , too many of the books perished : to repair which loss , care was taken by domitian the emperour , as the same sueton. and aurel. victor do relate . i would not omit a copy of enoch 's pillars , had they many nearer authors than josephus , &c. ] for this the story is , that enoch , or his father seth , having been inform'd by adam , that the world was to perish once by water , and a second time by fire , did cause two pillars to be erected , the one of stone against the water , and another of brick against the fire ; and that upon those pillars was engraven all such learning as had been delivered to , or invented by mankind ; and that thence it came that all knowledge and learning was not lost by means of the floud , by reason that one of the pillars ( though the other perished ) did remain after the floud ; and josephus witnesseth , till his time , lib. 1. antiq. judaic , cap. 3. of those three great inventions of germany , there are two which are not without their incommodities ] those two he means are printing and gunpowder , which are commonly taken to be german inventions ; but artillery was in china above 1500 years since , and printing long before it was in germany , if we may believe juan concales mendosa in his hist . of china , lib. 3. cap. 15 , 16. the incommodities of these two inventions , are well described by sam. daniel , l. 6. of the civil wars . fierce nemesis , mother of fate and change , sword-bearer of th' eternal providence , turns her stern look at last into the west , as griev'd to see on earth such happy rest ; and for pandora calleth presently , pandora jove's fair gift , that first deceived , poor epimetheus in his imbecility . that though he had a wondrous boon received , by means whereof curious mortality was of all former quiet quite bereaved . to whom being come deckt with all qualities , the wrathful goddess breaks out in this wise : dost thou not see in what secure estate those flourishing fair western parts remain ? as if they had made covenant with fate , to be exempted free from others pain , at one with their desires , friends with dabate , in peace with pride , content with their own gain . their bounds contain their mindes , their mindes applied to have their bonds with plenty beautified . devotion ( mother of obedience ) bears such a hand on their credulity , that it abates the spirit of eminence , and busies them with humble piety : for see what works , what infinite expence , what monuments of zeal they edifie , as if they would , so that no stop were found ; fill all with temples , make all holy ground . but we must cool this all-believing zeal , that hath ' enjoy'd so fair a turn so long &c. dislike of this first by degrees shall steal , as upon souls of men perswaded wrong ; and that the sacred power which thin hath wrought , shall give her self the sword to cut her throat . go therefore thou with all thy stirring train of swelling sciences ( the gifts of grief ) go loose the links of that soul-binding chain , inlarge this uninquisitive belief : call up mens spirits , that simpleness retain , enter their hearts , and knowledge make the thief to open all the doors to let in light , that all may all things see , but what is right opinion arm against opinion ( grown ) makenew-born contradictions still arise as if thebes founder ( cadmus ) tongues had sown in stead of teeth , for greater mutinies : bring new defended faith against faith known weary the soul with contrarieties , till all religion become retrograde , and that fair tye the mask of sin be made . and better to effect a speedy end , let there be found two fatal instruments , the one to publish , th' other to defend impious contention , and proud discontents : make that instamped characters may send abroad to thousands , thousand mens intents ; and in a moment may dispatch much more , than could a world of pens perform before ; whereby all quarrels , titles , secrecies may unto all be presently made known , factions prepar'd , parties allur'd to rise , seditions under fair pretences sown ; whereby the vulgar may become so wise , that with a self-presumption overgrown , they may of deepest mysteries debate , controul their betters , censure acts of state. and then when this dispersed mischief shall have brought confusion in each mystery , call'd up contempts of state in general , and ripen'd the humour of impiety , then take the other engine wherewithal they may torment their self-wrought misery ; and scourge each other in so strange a wise , as time or tyrants never could devise , &c. see bellermontan . in his dissertat . politic . dissert . 29. and 30. for the other invention , the latine annotator doubts whether the author means church-organs , or clocks ? i suppose he means clocks , because i find that invention reckon'd by a german , with the other two , as a remarkable one . it is by busbequius , speaking of the turks , who hath these words : testes majores minoresque bombardae , multaque alia quae ex nostris excogitata ipsi ad se avertunt ; ut libros tamen typis excuderunt , horologia in publice haberent , nondum adduci potuerunt . epist . legat. turcic . i suppose if he had known any invention which next to the other two had been greater than this , he would not have named this ; and this being the next considerable , we have no cause to doubt but the author meant it . to maintain the trade and mystery of typographers . ] of this , cunaeus in his satyre sardi voenales . qui bis in anno nomen suum ad germanorum nundinas non transmittit , eruditionem suam in ordinem coactam credit , itaque nunquam tot fungi una pluvia nascuntur , quot nunc libri uno die . sect. 44 pag. 94 the turk in the bulk he now stands , is beyond all hope of conversion . ] that is , in respect of his great strength , against which it is not probable the christians will prevail , as it is observed by monsieur de silhon . la race des ottomans ( saith he ) quae oste à dieu la religion qu'ila revelee , & aux hommes la liberte que le droit des gens leur laisse à fait tant de progres depuis trois cens & quelques annees qu'il semble qu'elle n'ait plus rien a craindre de dehorse , & que son empire ne puisse perir que par la corruption de dedans , & par la dissolution de parties qui composent un corps si vaste . mr. de silhon en son minist . d' estat . l. 1. c. none can more justly boast of persecutions , and glory in the number and valour of martyrs . ] of the fortitude of the christians in this particular , minutius felix , in the person of the ethnique , hath these words : permira stultitia & incredibili audacia spernunt tormenta proaesentia , dum incerta metuunt & futura ; & dum mori post mortem timent , interim mori non timent . and afterwards , when he speaks in the person of the christian , he saith , that christian-women and children have in this surpassed scaevola and regulus : viros ( saith he ) cum mutio vel cum atilio regulo comparo : pueri & mulierculae nostrae cruces & tormenta , feras & omnes suppliciorum terriculas inspirata patientia dolor is illudunt . minut , in octav. vide aug. de civ . dei , l. 1. c. 23 , 24. if we shall strictly examine the circumstances and requisites which aristotle requires to true and perfect valour , we shall find the name onely in his master alexander , ( that is , no more than the name ) and as little in that roman worthy julius caesar . ] aristot . 3. ethic. cap. 6. amongst other requisites , requires to valour , that it keep a mediocrity betwixt audacity and fear ; that we thrust not our selves into danger when we need not ; that we spare not to shew our valour when occasion requires : he requires for its proper object , death ; and to any death , he prefers death in war , because thereby a man profits his country and friends ; and that he calls mors honesta , an honest or honourable death : and therethereupon he defines a valiant man to be , is qui , morte honesta proposita , iisque omnibus quae cum sint repentina mortem adfuerunt metu vacat . so that by the author 's saying , there was onely the name in alexander , he means onely that which is rendred in the two last words , metu vacans , and not the rest that goes to make up the definition of a valiant man , which is very truely affirmed of alexander , who exposed himself to hazzard many times when there was no cause for it : as you may read in curtius , he did , in the siege of tyrus , and many other ways . cettuy-cy semble recercher & courir a force les dangiers comme un impeteux torrent , qui choque & attaque sans discretion , & sans chois tout ce qu'l rencontre , saith montaign , speaking of alexander , l. 2. des ess . cap. 34. and for caesar , it cannot be denied , but in his wars he was many times ( though not so generally as alexander ) more adventurous than reason military could warrant to him ; and therefore lucan gives him no better character than acer & indomitus quo spes quoque ira vocasset ferre manum , &c. lucan . lib. 1. to instance in some particulars : with what an inconsiderable strength did he enterprize the conquest of egypt , and afterwards went to attaque the forces of scipio and juba , which were ten times more than his own ? after the battle of pharsalia , having sent his army before into asia , and crossing the hellespont with one single vessel , he there meets lucius cassius with ten men of war , he makes up to him , summons him to render , and he does it . in the famous and furious siege of alexia ; where he had 80000 men to make defence against him , and an army of one hundred and nine thousand horse , and two hundred and forty thousand foot , all marching towards him , to raise his siege ; yet for all that , he would not quit the siege , but first fought with those without , and obtain'd a great victory over them , and soon afterwards brought the besieged to his mercy . sect. 26 pag. 58 the council of constance condemns john husse for an heretick ; the stories of his own party style him a martyr . ] john husse did agree with the papists against us , in the point of invocation of saints , prayers and sacrifice for the dead , free will , good works , confession of sins , seven sacraments , &c. gordon . hunt. l. contr . 3. de sacr. euch. cap. 17. yet was he condemned for maintaining certain articles said by that council to be heretical and seditious , and was burnt for heresie . now as i will not take upon me to say he was an heretick , so can i not maintain that he was a martyr , if it be but for this one article , which in the 15 sess . of that council was objected against him , which he did acknowledge , but would not recal , i. e. nullus est dominus civilis , dum est in peccato mortali . if that doctrine should be believed , we shall have little obedience to civil magistrates ; and without that , how miserable is humane condition ? that which begat compassion towards husse in those of his own party was , that he had a safe conduct from the emperour sigismund ; and therefore it was , say they , a violation of publick faith in the council and emperour in putting him to death . that wise heathen socrates that suffered on a fundamental point of religion , the vnity of god. ] that socrates suffered on this point , divers christian writers do object to the ethniques , as justin martyr , apol. 2. euseb . l. 5. de praeparat . evangelic . c. 14. tertul. in apolog. cap. 14. and lactant. de justitia , cap. 15. whose words are these : plato quidem multa de uno deo locutus est , à quo ait constitutum esse mundum , sed nihil de religione ; somniaverat enim deum , non cognoverat . quod si justitiae defensionem vel ipse vel quilibet alius implere voluisset , imprimis deorum religiones evertere debuit , quia contrariae pietati . quod quidem socrates quia facere tentavit in carcerem conjectus est , ut jam tunc appareret quid esset futurum iis hominibus qui justitiam veram defendere , deoque singulari servire coepissent . i have often pitied the miserable bishop that suffered in the cause of antipodes . ] the suffering was , that he lost his bishoprick for denying the antipodes . vid. aventin . in hist . boio . besides him , there were other church men of great note , that denied antipodes , as lactantius , augustin ; and bede . sect. 27 pag. i hold that god can do all things : how he should work contradictions , i do not understand , yet dare not therefore deny . ] who would not think the author had taken this from mr , montaign , whose words are , ilm'a tous jours semble qu' a un homme christien , cette sorte de parter est plein d' indiscretion & d'irreverence [ dieu ne se peut disdire , ] [ dieu ne peuit faire cecy ou cela . ] je ne trouve pas bon d'enfermer ainsi la puissance divine sous les loix de nostre parole . et l'apparence qui s' offre à nous en ses propositions , il la faudroit representer plus reverement , & plus religieusement . liv. 2. des ess . c. 12. i cannot see why the angel of god should question esdras to recal the time past , if it were beyond his own power , or that god should pose mortality in that which he was not able to perform himself . ] sir k. digby in his notes upon this place saith , there is no contradiction in this , because he saith it was but putting all things that had motion into the same state they were in at that moment , unto which time was to be reduced back , and from thence letting it travel on again by the same motions , ( &c. which god could do . but under favour , the contradiction remains , if this were done that he mentions ; for time depends not at all upon motion , but has a being altogether independent of it , and therefore the same revolution would not bring back the same time , for that was efflux'd before ; as in the time of joshua , when the sun stood still , we cannot but conceive though there were no motion of the sun , but that there was an efflux of time , otherwise , how could the text have it , that there was not any day , before or after , that was so long as that ? for the length of it must be understood in respect of the flux of time . the reasoning of sir kenelme is founded upon the opinion of aristot . who will needs have it , that time , cannot be without mutation ; he gives this for a reason , because when we have slept , and cannot perceive any mutation to have been , we do therefore use to connect the time of our sleeping and of our awaking together , and make but one of it : to which it may be answered , although some mutation be necessary , that we may mark the flux of time , it doth not therefore follow that the mutation is necessary to the flux it self . sect. 28 pag. 62 i excuse not constantine from a fall off his horse , or a mischief from his enemies , upon the wearing those nails , &c. ] hac de re videatur p. diac. hist . miscell . sect. 29 pag. 63 i wonder how the curiosity of wiser heads could pass that great and indisputable miracle , the cessation of oracles . [ there are three opinions touching the manner how the predictions of these oracles were perform'd : some say by vapour , some by the intelligences , or influences of the heavens , and others say by the assistance of the devils . now the indisputable miracle the author speaks of , is , that they ceas'd upon the coming of christ ; and it is generally so believed ; and the oracle of delphos delivered to augustus , mentioned by the author in this section , is brought to prove it , which is this : me puer hebraeus divos deus ipse gubernans cedere sede jubet , tristemque redire sub orcum , aris ergo dehinc tacitus discedito nostris . but yet it is so far from being true that their cessation was miraculous , that the truth is , there never were any predictions given by those oracles at all . that their cessation was not upon the coming of christ , we have luculent testimony out of tully , in his 2. lib. de divinat . which he writ many years before christ was born ; who tells us that they were silent ( and indeed he never thought they were otherwise ) long before that time , insomuch that they were come into contempt : cur isto modo jam oracula delphis non eduntur , non modò nostra aetate , sed jamdiù jam ut nihil possit esse contemptius . so that for that of delphos , which was the most famous of them all , we see we have no reason to impute the cessation of it to christ ; why therefore should we do so for any of the rest ? 2. for their predictions , let us consider the three several ways before mentioned , whereby they are supposed to operate ; and from thence see whether it be probable that any such oracles ever were . the first opinion is , that it was by exhalation or vapour drawn up from the earth ; and gives this for a reason of their being , that they were for a time nourished by those exhalations ; and when those ceased , and were exhausted , the oracles famish'd and died for want of their accustom'd sustenance : this is the far-fetcht reason given by plutarch for their defect ; but 't was not devised by him , but long before , as appears , in that tully scoffs at it , lib. de divinat . de vino aut salsamento putes loqui ( saith he ) quae evanescunt vetustate . this seem'd absurd to others , who do therefore say this was not to be attributed to any power of the earth , but to the power of the heavens , or intelligences coelestial ; to certain aspects , whereof , they say , the statua's of those oracles were so adapted , that they might divine and foretel future events . but yet to others , this way seemeth as absurd as the others ; for , say they , admitting that there were an efficacy in the heavens , more than in the earth ; yet how can it be that men should come by the skill to fit the statua's to the aspects or influences of the heavens ? or if at any time they had such skill , why should not the same continue the rather , because men are more skilled in the motions of the heavens , of later than in the former time ? again , they do not see how it should be that the cause should be of less excellency than the effect ; for if a man ( say they ) can by his industry make such oracles , why can he not produce the same effect in another man ? for if you affirm that the heavens influence is requisite , they will tell you that influence may happen as well to a man , as to a statue of wood or stone . therefore the third sort being unsatisfied , which either of the former ways conclude , that this was perform'd by the devil ; but for that it will appear as contrary to reason and philosophy , as either of the former ; for philosophy teacheth that things singular , or individual , are to be known only by sense , or by such an intellect , as doth know by its essence ; and theology teacheth that god only knoweth the heart , and that the devil doth not know by sense , nor by essence ; and since 't is admitted by all , that most of the answers that were pretended to be given by those oracles , were de rebus singularibus , or individuis ; it is evident that these predictions were not perform'd by devils . how then ? why those predictions which the ignorant heathen took to come from heaven , and some christians ( not less ignorant ) from the devil , was nothing but the jugling and impostures of the priests , who from within the statua's gave the answers ; which princes connived at , that they might upon occasion serve their turns upon the ignorance of the people ; and the learned men , for fear of their princes , durst not speak against it . lucian hath noted it , and so a more authentic author , minut. felix , in octav. authoritatem quasi praesentis numinis consequuntur dum inspirantur interim vatibus . but in process of time , the people grew less credulous of their priests , and so the oracles became to be silent : cum jam ( saith he ) apollo versus facere desiisset , cujus tunc cautum illud & ambiguum defecit oraculum : cum & politiores homines & minùs creduli esse coeperunt . sir h. blount in his levantine voyage , saith he saw the statua of memnon so famous of old ; he saith it was hollow at top , and that he was told by the egyptians and jews there with him , that they had seen some enter there , and come out at the pyramid , two bows shoot off ; then ( saith he ) i soon believ'd the oracle , and believe all the rest to have been such ; which indeed , is much easier to imagine than that it was perform'd by any of the three ways before mentioned : st. aug. hath composed a book , where he handleth this point at large , and concludeth that the devils can no more foretel things to come , than they are able to discern the thoughts that are within us . aug. lib. de scientia daemon . till i laughed my self out of it with a piece of justin , where he delivers that the children of israel for being scabbed were banished out of egypt . ] these words of justin are , sed cum scabiem aegyptii & pruriginem paterentur , responso moniti , eum ( sc . moysen ) cum aegris , we pestis ad plures serperet , terminis aegypti pellunt . l. 36. but he is not singular in this , for tacitus tells us , hist . lib. 5. plurimi authores consentiunt orta per aegyptum tabe quae corpora foedaret , regem ( ochirum ) ( he means pharoah ) adito hammonis oraculo remediam petentem purgare regnum & id genus hominum — alias in terras avertere jussum . et paulo inferius , quod ipsos scabies quondam turpaverat . sect. 30 pag. 65 i have ever believed , and do now know that there are witches . ] what sort of witches they were that the author knew to be such , i cannot tell ; for those which he mentions in the next section , which proceed upon the principles of nature , none have denyed that such there are ; against such it was , that the lex julia de veneficiis was made , that is , those , qui noxio poculo ant impuris medicaminibus aliquem fuerint infectati . al. ab alex. gen. dier . l. 3. c. 1. but for the opinion that there are witches which co-operate with the devil , there are divines of great note , and far from any suspition of being irreligious , that do oppose it . certainly there is no ground to maintain their being from the story of oracles , as may be seen from what hath been said on the precedent section . nor have they power to be so much as witches . ] pliny saith , so it fared with nero , who was so hot in pursuit of the magick arts , that he did dedicate himself wholly to it , and yet could never satisfie himself in that kind , though he got all the cunning men he could from the east , for that purpose , plin. l. 3. nat. hist . c. 1. by conjunction with the devil . ] though , as the author saith , it be without a possibility of generation , yet there are great men that hold , that such carnality is performed ; as august . in levit. aquin. l ▪ 2. de qu. 73. art . ad 2. and justin martyr . apol. 1. sect. 33 pag. 70 it is no new opinion of the church of rome , but an old one of pythagoras and plato . ] this appears by apuleius a platonist , in his book de deo socratis , and elsewhere . see mede's apostasie of the latter times , where out of this and other authors , you shall see collected all the learning de geniis . i cannot with those in that great father securely interpret the work of the first day , fiat lux , to the creation of angels . ] this great father is s. chrysost . homil. in genes . but yet 't is his opinion , as also of athanasius and theodoret , that there is express mention of the creation of angels , so that they need not rest upon this place , which they admit to be somewhat obscure . the place which they take to be express , is that of the 130 psalm , where david begins to speak of the majesty of god , in this manner : confessionem sive majestatem & decorem induisti , amictus lumine sicut vestimento : next he speaks of the heavens , saying , thou hast stretched them out over us like a tent. then he speaks of the angels , qui facis angelos tuos spiritus . now if it shall be objected , that this expression is onely of the time present , and without relation to the creation : answer is given by divines , that the hebrews have but three tenses in their verbs , the preterperfect , present , and future tense ; and have not the use of the preterimperfect , and preterpulperfect , as the greeks and latines have ; whence it ariseth , that the present tense with the hebrews , may , as the sentence will bear it , be translated by the preterimperfect , as also by the preterperfect and preterpluperfect tense ; and this ( they say ) is practised in this very passage , where the phrase , as it is in hebrew , may be rendred as well qui faciebas , as qui facis angelos , &c. vid. hieronym . in ep. ad titum , & thom. aqu. 1. p. qu. 61. art . 3. the latine annotator saith , the father meant by the author , is st. aug. and quotes him , l. 11. de civ . dei , cap. 9. which place i have perused , and find the expression there used by st. aug. is but hypothetical ; for these are his words : cum enim dixit fiat lux & facta est lux , si rectè in hac luce creatio intelligitur angelorum , &c. where you see 't is but with a si , and therefore i conceive the author intends not him , but chrysostom . where it subsists alone , 't is a spiritual substance , and may ne an angel , ] epicurus was of this opinion , and st. aug. in enchirid. ad laurentium . moses decided that question , and all is salved with the new term of creation . ] that is it which aristotle could not understand ; he had learned that ex nihilo nihil fit , and therefore when he found those that disputed that the world had a beginning , did maintain that it was generated , and he could not understand any generation , but out of matter prae-existent in infinitum , therefore he took their opinion to be absurd , and upon that ground principally , concluded the world to be eternal : whereas , if he had understood that there may be such a thing as creation , he had not done it , for that solves his processus in infinitum . take from plato , that the world had a beginning , and from aristot . that it was not generated , and you have the ( true ) christian opinion . sect. 36 pag. 80 in our study of anatomy , there is a mass of mysterious philosophy , and such as reduced the very heathens to divinity . ] so it did galen , who considering the order , use , and disposition of the parts of the body , brake forth into these words : compono hic profecto canticum in creatoris nostri laudem , quod ultra res suas ornare voluit meliùs quàm ulla arte possent . galen . 3. de usu partium . sect. 37 pag. 81 i cannot believe the wisdom of pythagoras did ever positively , and in a literal sense , affirm his metempsychosis . ] in this the opinion of grotius is contrary to the author , who saith this opinion was begotten by occasion of the opinion of other philosophers , who in their discourses of the life that is to be after this , brought such arguments , quae non magis de homine quam de bestiis procedunt . and therefore , saith he , mirandum non est , si transitum animarum de hominibus in bestias , de bestiis in homines alii commenti sunt . lib. 2. de ver . relig. christ . ( vide etiam annotat. ejusd . ) but yet there is a shrewd objection against the opinion of pythagoras , if he did mean it literally , which is cast in by the sectators of democritus and epicurus , which lucretius remembers in these verses : praeterea si immortalis natura anima constat , & in corpus nascentibus insinuatur , cur super ante actam at aetatem meminisse nequimus ? nec vestigia gestarum rerum ulla tenemus ? nam si tantoper'st animi mutata a potestas , omnis ut actarum excideret retinentia rerum , non ut opinor ea ab laeto jam longitèr errat . this argument , 't is true , is pro falso contra falsum , but yet holds ad hominem so far , that it is not likely ( as the author saith ) but pythagoras would observe an absurdity in the consequence of his metempsychosis ; and therefore did not mean it literally , but desired only to express the soul to be immortal , which he , and the other philosophers that were of that opinion , who had not heard of creation , could not conceive , unless it must be taken for truth , that the soul were before the body ; so saith lactantius of them . non putaverunt aliter fieri posse ut supersint animae post corpora , nisi videntur fuisse ante corpora . de fals . sap. c. 18. sect. 41 pag. 89 i do not envy the temper of crows or daws . ] as theophrastus did , who dying , accused nature for giving them , to whom it could not be of any concernment , so large a life ; and to man , whom it much concern'd , so short a one . cic. tusc . quaest . l. 3. how long daws live , see in not. ad sect. 41. sect. 42 pag. 91 not upon cicero's ground , because i have liv'd them well . ] i suppose he alludes to an expression in an epistle of cicero , written in his exile , to his wife and children , where he hath these words to his wife : quod reliquum est , te sustenta mea terentia ut potes , honestissime viximus , floruimus . non vitium nostrum sed virtus nos afflixit , peccatum est nullum nisi quod non unà animum cum ornamentis amisimus , l. 24. ep. 4. and stand in need of eson 's bath before threescore . ] eson was the father of jason , and , at his request , was by medea , by the means of this bath , restored to his youth . ingredients that went into it , and the description of medea's performance ovid gives you , l. 7. metam . interea calido positum medicamen aheno fervet & exultat , spumisque tumentibus albet . illic aemonia radices valle resectas , seminaque & flores , & succos incoquit atros adjicit extremo lapides oriente petitos , et quas oceani refluum mare lavit arenas : addidit exceptas lunae de nocte pruinas , et strigis infames ipsis cum carnibus alas , inque virum soliti vultus mutare ferinos , ambigui prosecta lupi , nec defuit illi squamea cinypheitenuis membrana chelindri , vivacisque jecur cervi ; quibus insuper addit ora , caputque novem cornicis secula passae . his & mille aliis , post quam sine nomine rebus , propositum instruxit mortali barbara munus arenti ramo jampridem mitis olivae omnia confudit , summisque immiscuit ima . ecce , vetus calido ver satus stipes aheno fit viridis primo , nec longo tempore frondes induit , & subitò gravidis oneratur olivis . at quacunque cavo spumas ejecit aheno ignis , & in terram guttae cecidere calentes , vernat humus floresque & mollia pabula surgunt quae sunulac vidi , stricto medea recludit . ense senis jugulum , veteremque extare cruorem passa replet succis , quos postquam combibit aeson , aut ore acceptas , aut vulnere , barba comaeque lanitie posita , nigrum rapuere colorem . pulsa fugit macies : abeunt pallorque situsque : adjectoque cavae supplentur corpore rugae ; membraque luxuriant . aeson miratur , & olim ante quater denos hunc se reminiscitur annos dissimilemque animum subiit aetate relicta . sect. 44 pag. 94 extol the suicide of cato . ] as doth seneca in several places ; but lactantius saith , he cast away his life , to get the reputation of a platonick philosopher , and not for fear of caesar ; and 't is very probable he was in no great fear of death , when he slept so securely the night before his death , as the story reports of him . emori nolo , sed me esse mortuum nihil curo . were i of caesar 's religion . ] i doubt not but here is a fault of the press , and that instead of caesar it should be cicero . i meet not with any such saying imputed to caesar , nor any thing like it , but that he preferr'd a sudden death , ( in which he had his option ) to any other ; but i meet with such a saying in cicero , quoted out of epicharmus [ emori nolo , sed me esse mortuum nihili aestimo . ] where cicero sustaineth the part of the epicure , that there is no hurt in being dead , since there remaineth nothing after it . cic. 1. thusc . qu. non procul ab initio . sect. 45 pag. 98 or whence lucan learn'd to say , communis mundo superest rogus , &c. ] why , lucan was a stoique , and 't was an opinion among them almost generally , that the world should perish by fire ; therefore without doubt from them he learned it . coelum quoque cum omnibus quae in coelo continentur , ita ut coepisset desinere , fontium dulci aqua marisve nutriri in vim ignis abiturum . stoicis constans opinio est , quod consumpto humore mundus hic omnis ignescat . minutius in octav. but minutius should have excepted boetius , possidonius , diogenes babylonius , and zeno sidonius , who were stoiques , and yet did not think the world should be destroyed by fire ; nor yet by any other means . sect. 46 pag. 99 how shall we interpret elias 6000 years , &c. ] lanctant . is very positive that the world should last but 6000 years ; but his reason for it is somewhat strange ; thus it is , quoniam sex diebus cuncta dei opera perfecta sunt , per secula sex , i. e. annorum sex millia manere in hoc statu mundum necesse est . de divino praemio , cap. 14. sect. 47 pag. 101 ipsa sui pretium virtus sibi , is but a cold principle . ] it is a stoical principle . quaeris enim aliquid supra summum , interrogas quid petam extra virtutem ipsam . nihil enim habet melius pretium sui est . senec. de vit . beat . c. 9. that honest artifice of seneca . ] what that artifice was , is to be seen in senec. l. 1. ep. ep. 11. aliquis vir bonus nobis eligendus est , & semper ante oculos habendus , ut sic tanquam illo spectante vivamus & omnia tanquam illo vidente faciamus . et paulo post ; elige itaque catonem ; si hic videtur tibi nimis rigidus , elige remissioris animi virum loelium , &c. which though , as the author saith , it be an honest artifice , yet cannot i but commend the party , and prefer the direction of him ( who ever he were ) who in the margin of my seneca , over against those words , wrote these : quin deo potius qui semper omnibus omnia agentibus non tanquam sed reipsa adest , & videt ; ac etiam ut testis , vindex & punitor est malè agentis . i have tryed , if i could reach that great resolution of his ( that is of seneca ) to be honest without a thought of heaven or hell. ] * seneca brags he could do this , in these words : si s●irem deos peccata ignoscituros , & homines ignoraturos adhuc propter vilitatem peccati peccare erubescerem . credat judaeus appella ; non ego . — and atheists have been the onely philosophers . ] that is , if nothing remain after this life . st. aug. was of this opinion . disputabam — epicurum accepturum fuisse palmam in animo meo , nisi ego credidissem post mortem restare animae vitam , &c. aug. l. 6. conf . cap. 16. sect. 48 pag. 104 god by a powerful voice shall command them back into their proper shapes . ] so minutius . caeterum quis tam stultus est aut brutus , ut audeat repugnare hominem à deo ut primum potuit fingi , ita posse denuo reformari , nihil esse post obitum , & ante ortum nihil fuisse ; sicut de nihilo nasci licuit , ita de nihilo licere reparari . porro difficilius est id quod sit incipere , quod quam id quod fuerit iterare . tu perire deo credis , si quid nostris oculis hebetibus subtrahitur . corpus omne sive arescit in pulverem sive in humorem solvitur , vel in cinerem comprimitur , vel in nidorem tenuatur , subducitur nobis , sed deo elementorum in custodi inseruntur ▪ in octav. vide grot. de veritate relig . christian . ubi ( lib. 2. ) solvit objectionem , quod dissoluta corpora restitui nequeunt . sect. 50 pag. 109 or conceive a flame that can either prey upon , or purifie the substance of a soul . ] upon this ground psellus lib. 1. de energia daemonum , c. 7. holds , that angels have bodies , ( though he grants them to be as pure , or more pure than air is ) otherwise he could not apprehend how they should be tormented in hell ; and it may be upon this ground it was , that the author fell into the error of the arabians , mentioned by him , sect. 7. sect. 51 pag. 112 there are as many hells as anax agoras conceited worlds . ] i assure my self that this is false printed , and that instead of anaxagoras it should be anaxarchus ; for anaxagoras is reckon'd amongst those philosophers that maintain'd a unity of the world , but anaxarchus ( according to the opinion of epicurus ) held there were infinite worlds . this is he that caus'd alexander to weep by telling him there were infinite worlds , whereby alexander it seems was brought out of opinion of his geography , who before that time thought there remained nothing , or not much beyond his conquests . sect. 54 pag. 11 it is hard to place those souls in hell. ] lactantius is alike charitably disposed towards those . non sum equidem tam iniquus ut eos putem divinare debuisse , ut veritatem per seipsos invenirent ( quod fieri ego non posse confiteor ) sed hoc ab eis exigo , quod ratione ipsa praestare potuerunt . lactant. de orig . error . c. 3. which is the very same with sir digbie's expression in his observations on this place . i make no doubt at all ( saith he ) but if any follow'd in the whole tenour of their lives the dictaments of right reason , but that their journey was secure to heaven . sect. 55 pag. 118 aristotle transgress'd the rule of his own ethicks . ] and so they did all , as lactantius hath observed at large . aristotle is said to have been guilty of great vanity in his clothes , of incontinency , of unfaithfulness to his master alexander , &c. but 't is to wonder in him , if our great seneca be also guilty , whom truely notwithstanding st. jerome would have him inserted into the catalogue of saints , yet i think he as little deserv'd it , as many of the heathens who did not say so well as he did , for i do not think any of them lived worse : to trace him a little . in the time of the emperour claudius we find he was banish'd for suspicion of incontinency with julia the daughter of germanicus . if it be said that this proceeded meerly from the spight of messalina , ( and that lipsius did not complement with him in that kind apostrophe , non expetit in te haec culpa , o romani nominis & sapientiae magnae sol. not. in tacit. ) why then did she not cause him to be put to death , as well as she did the other , who was her husband's niece ? this for certain , whatever his life were , he had paginam lascivam , as may appear by what he hath written , de speculorum usu , l. 1. nat. qu. cap. 16. which ( admitting it may in a poet , yet ) how it should be excus'd in a philosopher i know not . to look upon him in his exile , we find that then he wrote his epistle de consolat . to polybius , claudius his creature ( as honest a man as pallas or narcissus ) and therein he extols him and the emperour to the skies ; in which he did grosly prevaricate , and lost much of his reputation , by seeking a discharge of his exile by so sordid a means . upon claudius his marriage with agrippina , he was recall'd from banishment by her means and made praetor ; then he forgets the emperour , having no need of him , labours all he can to depress him , and the hopeful britannicus , and procured his pupil nero to be adopted and design'd successor , and the emperour 's own son to be disinherited ; and against the emperour whom he so much praised when he had need of him , after his death he writes a scurrillous libel . in nero's court , how ungratefully doth he behave himself towards agrippina ! who although she were a wicked woman , yet she deserv'd well of him , and of her son too , who yet never was at rest till he had taken away her life , and upon suspicion cast in against her by this man. afterwards not to mention that he made great haste to grow rich , which should not be the business of a philosopher , towards nero himself , how well did it become his philosophy to play the traitor against him , and to become a complice in the conspiracy of piso ? and then as good a tragedian as he was , me thinks he doth in extremo actu deficere , when he must needs perswade paulina , that excellent lady his wife , to die with him : what should move him to desire it ? it could in his opinion be no advantage to her , for he believ'd nothing of the immortality of the soul ; i am not satisfied with the reason of tacitus , ne sibi unicê dilectam ad injurias relinqueret , because he discredits it himself in almost the next words , where he saith , nero bore her no ill will at all , ( and would not suffer her to die ) it must surely be then , because he thought he had not liv'd long enough ( being not above 114 years old , so much he was ) and had not the fortitude to die , unless he might receive some confirmation in it by her example . now let any man judg what a precious legacy it is that he bequeaths by his nuncupative will to his friends in tacitus . conversus ad amicos ( saith he ) quando meritis eorum referre gratiam prohiberetur , quod unum jam tamen & pulcherrimum habebat , imaginem vitae suae relinquere testatur . it cannot be denyed of him , that he hath said very well ; but yet it must as well be affirmed , that his practice hath run counter to his theory , to use the author's phrase . the scepticks that affirmed they knew nothing . ] the ancient philosophers are divided into three sorts , dogmatici , academici , sceptici ; the first were those that delivered their opinions positively ; the second left a liberty of disputing pro & contra ; the third declared that there was no knowledg of any thing , no not of this very proposition , that there is no knowledge , according to that , — nihil sciri siquis putat , id quoque nescit an sciri possit , quod se nil scire fatetur . the duke of venice that weds himself to the sea by a ring of gold , &c. ] the duke and senate yearly on ascension day use to go in their best attire to the haven at lio , and there by throwing a ring into the water , do take the sea as their spouse . vid. hist . ital. by will. thomas cambro brit . busbequius reports , that there is a custom among the turks , which they took from the greek priests , not much unlike unto this . cum graecorum sacer dotibus mos sit certo veris tempore aquas consecrando mare clausum veluti reserare , ante quod tempus non facile se committunt fluctibus ; ab ea ceremonia nec turcae absunt . busb . ep. 3. legat . tursic . but the philosopher that threw his money into the sea to avoid avarice , &c. ] this was apollonius thyaneus , who threw a great quantity of gold into the sea with these words , pessundo divitias , ne pessundare ab illis . polycrates the tyrant of samos cast the best jewel he had into the sea , that thereby he might learn to compose himself against the vicissitude of fortune . there go so many circumstances to piece up one good action . ] to make an action to be good , all the causes that concur must be good ; but one bad amongst many good ones , is enough to make it vitious , according to the rule , bonum ex causa integra , malum ex partiali . sect. 56 pag. 121 the vulgarity of those judgments that wrap the church of god in strabo's cloak , and restrain it unto europe . ] 't is strabonis tunica in the translation , but chlamydi would do better , which is the proper expression of the word that strabo useth : it is not europe , but the known part of the world that strabo resembleth to a cloak , and that is it the author here alludeth to ; but we have no reason to think that the resemblance of strabo is very proper . vid. sir hen. savil in not . ad tac. in vita agricolae . sect. 57 pag. 123 those who upon a rigid application of the law , sentence solomon unto damnation , &c. [ st. aug. upon psal . 126. and in many other places , holds that solomon is damned ; of the same opinion is lyra , in 2 reg. c. 7. & bellarm. 1. tom. lib. 1. controv. c. 5. the second part . sect. 2 pag. 127 i wonder not at the french for their frogs , snails , and toad-stools . ] toad-stools are not peculiar to the french ; they were a great delicacy among the romans , as appears every where in martial . it was conceived the emperour claudius received his death by poyson , which he took in a mushroom . suet. and tac. sect. 1 pag. 130 how among so many millions of faces , there should be none alike . ] it is reported , there have been some so much alike , that they could not be distinguished ; as king antiochus , and one antemon , a plebeian of syria , were so much alike , that laodice , the king's widow , by pretending this man was the king , dissembled the death of the king so long , till according to her own mind a successor was chosen . cn. pompeius , and one vibius the orator ; c. plancus , and rubrius the stage-player ; cassius severus the orator , and one mirmello ; m. messala censorius , and one menogenes , were so much alike , that unless it were by their habit , they could not be distinguished : but this you must take upon the faith of pliny , ( lib. 7. c. 12. ) and solinus , ( cap. 6. ) who as this author tells elsewhere , are authors not very infallible . sect. 3 pag. 138 what a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and hot skirmish is between s. and t. in lucian , ] in his dialogue , judicium vocalium , where there is a large oration made to the vowels , being judges , by sigma against tau , complaining that tau has bereaved him of many words which should begin with sigma . their tongues are sharper than actius his razor . ] actius navius was chief augur , who ( as the story saith ) admonishing tarqu. priscus that he should not undertake any action of moment , without first consulting the augur , the king ( shewing that he had little faith in his skill ) demanded of him whether by the rules of his skill , what he had conceived in his mind might be done : to whom when actius had answered it might be done , he bid him take a whetstone which he had in his hand , and cut it in two with a razor , which accordingly the augur did . livy . and therefore we must conceive it was very sharp . here the adage was cross'd , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. novacula in cotem . vid. erasm . chiliad . it is not meer zeal to learning , or devotion to the muses , that wiser princes patronize the arts , &c. but a desire to have their names eterniz'd by the memory of their writings . ] there is a great scholar , who took the boldness to tell a prince so much . est enim bonorum principum cum viris eruditis tacita quaedam naturalisque societas , ut alteri ab alteris illustrentur , ac dum sibi mutuò suffragantur , & gloria principibus , & doctis authoritas concilietur . politian . ep. ludovic . sfort. quae extat ▪ lib. 11. ep. ep . 1. and to this opinion astipulates a countryman of our own , whose words are these : ignotius esset lucilius , nisi eum epistolae senecae illustrarent . laudibus caesareis plus virgilius & varus lucanusque adjecerunt , quam immensum illud aerarium quo vrbem & orbem spoliavit . nemo prudentiam ithaci aut pelidae vires agnosceret , nisi eas homerus divino publicasset ingenio : unde nihil mihi videtur consultius viro ad gloriam properanti fidelium favore scriptorum . joan. sarisb . polycrat . l. 8. c. 14. and that princes are as much beholding to the poets pens as their own swords , horace tells censorinus with great confidence . od. 8. l. 4. non incisa notis &c. sect. 4 pag. 140 st. paul that calls the cretians lyars , doth it but indirectly , and upon quotation of one of their own poets . ] that is , epimenides ; the place is , tit. 1. v. 12. where paul useth this verse , taken out of epimenides . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it is as bloody a thought in one way , as nero 's was in another . for by a word we wound a thousand . ] i suppose he alludes to that passage in sueton. in the life of nero , where he relates that a certain person upon a time , spoke in his hearing these words . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . i. e. when i am dead let earth be mingled with fire . whereupon the emperour uttered these words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , i. e. yea whilst i live : there by one word , he express'd a cruel thought , which i think is the thing he meant ; this is more cruel than the wish of caligula , that the people of rome had but one neck , that he might destroy them all at a blow . sect. 6 pag. 147 i cannot believe the story of the italian , &c. ] it is reported that a certain italian having met with one that had highly provoked him , put a ponyard to his breast , and unless he would blaspheme god , told him he would kill him ; which the other doing to save his life , the italian presently kill'd him , to the intent he might be damned , having no time of repentance . i have no sins that want a name . ] the author in cap. ult . lib. ult . pseudodox . speaking of the act of carnality exercised by the egyptian pollinctors with the dead carcasses , saith we want a name for this , wherein neither petronius nor martial can relieve us ; therefore i conceive the author here means a venereal sin . this was the temper of that leacher that carnal'd with a statua . ) the latine annotator upon this hath these words ; romae refertur de hispano quodam . but certainly the author means the statue of venus gnidia made by praxiteles , of which a certain young man became so enamoured , that pliny relates , ferunt amore captum cum delituisset noctu simulachro cohaesisse , ejusque cupiditatis esse indicem maculum . lucian also has the story in his dialog . [ amores . ] and the constitution of nero in his spintrian recreations . ] the author doth not mean the last nero , but tiberius the emperour , whose name was nero too ; of whom sueton. secessu verò capreensi etiam sellariam excogitavit sedem arcanarum libidinum , in quam undique conquisiti puellarum & exoletorum greges monstrosique concubitus repertores , quos spintrias appellabat , triplici serie connexi invicem incestarent se coram ipso , ut adspectu deficientes libidines excitaret . suet. in tib. 43. sect. 8 pag. 151 i have seen a grammarian toure and plume himself over a single line in horace , and shew more pride , &c. movent mihi stomachum grammatistae quidam , qui cum duas tenuerint vocabulorum origines ita se ostentant ita venditant , ita circumferunt jactabundi , ut prae ipsis pro nihilo habendos philosophos arbitrentur . picus mirand . in ep. ad hermolbarb , quae extat lib. onon epist . politian . garsio quisque duas postquam scit jungere partes . sic stat , sic loquitur , velut omnes noverit artes . i cannot think that homer pin'd away upon the riddle of the fishermen . ] the history out of plutarch is thus : sailing from thebes to the island ion , being landed and set down upon the shore , there happen'd certain fishermen to pass by him , and he asking them what they had taken , they made him this enigmatical answer , that what they had taken , they had left behind them ; and what they had not taken , they had with them : meaning , that because they could take no fish , they went to loose themselves ; and that all which they had taken , they had killed , and left behind them ; and all which they had not taken , they had with them in their clothes : and that homer being struck with a deep sadness because he could not interpret this , pin'd away , and at last dyed . pliny alludes to this riddle , in his ep. to his friend fuscus , where giving an account of spending his time in the country , he tells him , venor aliquando , sed non sine pugillaribus , ut quamvis nihil ceperim , non nihil referam . plin. ep. lib. 9. ep. 36. or that aristot . — did ever drown himself upon the flux or reflux of euripus . ] laertius reports that aristotle dyed of a disease at 63 — years of age . for this and the last , see the author in pseudodox . aristotle doth but instruct us as plato did him , to confute himself . ] in the matter of idea's , eternity of the world , &c. sect. 9 pag. 154 i could be content that we might procreate like trees without conjunction , or that there were any way to perpetuate the world without this trivial and vulgar way of coition : it is the foolishest act a wise man commits in all his life . ] there was a physitian long before the author , that was of the same opinion , hippocrates ; for which vide agel . l. 19. noct. attic. c. 2. and so of late time was paracelsus , who did undertake to prescribe a way for the generation of a man without coition . vide campanel de sensu rerum , in append. ad cap. 19. l. 4. monsieur montaignes words on this subject , are worth the reading ; these they are je trouve apres tout , que l'amour n'st autre chose que la faim de cette jouyssance , & considerant maintesfois ridicule titillation de se plaiser par cu il nous tient , les absurdes movements , escervelez & estourdis dequoy il agit zenon & cratippus , ceste rage indiscrete , ce visage inflammè de fureur & de cruante au plus doux effect de l'amour , & puis cette morgue grave severe & extatique en une action si folle , & que la supreme volupte aye du trainsy & du plaintiff commer la doleur , je croye qu'au se joue de nous , & que c'est par industrie que nature nous a laisse la plus trouble de nos actions les plus communes pour nous esgaller par la & apparier les fols & les sages : & nous & les bestes , le plus contemplatif & prudent homme quand je l'imagin en cette assiette je le tien pour un affronteur , de faire le prudent & le contemplatiff , ce sont les pieds du paon qui abbatent son orgueil , nous mangeous bien & beavous comme les bestes , mais ce ne sont pas actions , qui empeschent les operations de nostro ame , en celles-la nous gradous nostre advantage sur elles : cettecy met tout autre pensee sans le joug abrutist & abesiit parson imperieuse authoritè taute la theology & philosophy , qui est en platon & si il ne sen plaint pas , par tout ailleurs vous pouvez garder quelque decence toutes autres operations souffrent des regles d' honestete cettecy ne se peut seulement imaginer que vitieuse ou ridicule trouvezy pourvoir un proceder sage & discret . alexander disoit qu'il se cognossoit principalement mortel par cette action & par le dormir : le sommeil suffoque & supprime les facultez de nostre ame , la besoigne les absorbe & dissipe de mesme . certes c'est une marque non seulement de nostre corruption originelle , mais ausi de nostre vanite & disformite . d'um coste nature nous y pousse ayant attache a ce desire la plus noble , utile & plaisante de toutes ses operations , & la nous laisse d ▪ autre part accusar & fuyr romme insolent & dishoneste , en rougir & cecommander l' abstinence , &c. montaign liv . 3. chapit . 5. sect. 10 pag. 159 and may be inverted on the worst . ] that is , that there are none so abandoned to vice , but they have some sprinklings of vertue . there are scarce any so vitious , but commend virtue in those that are endued with it , and do some things laudable themselves , as plin. saith in panegyric . machiavel upon livy , lib. 1. cap. 27. sets down the ensuing relation as a notable confirmation of this truth . julius pontifex , ejus nominis secundus , anno salutis 1505. bononiam exercitus duxit , ut bentivolorum familiam , quae ejus urbis imperium centum jam annos tenuerat , loco moveret . eademque in expeditione etiam johannem pagolum , bagloneum tyrannum perusinum sua sede expellere decreverat , ut caeteros item , qui urbes ecclesiae per vim tenerent . ejus rei causa cùm ad perusinam urbem accessisset , & notum jam omnibus esset quid in animo haberet : tamen impatiens morae , noluit exercitus expectare , sed inermis quasi urbem ingressus est , in quam johannes pagolus defendendi sui causa , non exiguas copias contraxerat . is autem eodem furore , quo res suas administrare solebat , unà cum milite , cui custodiam sui corporis demandarat , sese in pontificis potestatem dededit ; à quo abductus est relictusque alius , qui ecclesiae nomine urbem gubernaret . hac ipsa in re magnopere admirati sunt viri sapientes , qui pontificem comitabantur , cum pontificis ipsius temeritatem , cum adjectum vilemque johannis pagoli animum : nec causam intelligebant , ob quam permotus idem pagolus , hostem suum inermem ( quod illi cum perpetua nominis sui memoria facere licebat ) non subitò oppresserit , & tam pretiosa spolia diripuerit ; cum pontifex urbem ingressus fuisset , cardinalibus tantum suis stipatus , qui pretiosissimas quasque suarum rerum secum habebant . neque enim credebatur pagolus a tanto facinore vel sua bonitate , vel animi conscientia abstinuisse : quod in hominem sceleratum , qui & propria sorore utebatur , & consobrinos nepotesque dominandi causa è medio sustulerat hujusmodi pii affectus cadere non viderentur . cum igitur hac de re variae essent sapientum virorum sententiae ; conclu●erunt tandem id ei accidisse , quod ita comparatum sit , ut homines neque plane pravi esse queant , neque perfecte boni . pravi perfecte esse nequeant , propterea quòd , ubi tale quoddam scelus est , in quo aliquid magnifici ac generosi insit , id patrare non audeant . nam cum pagolus neque incestum priùs horruisset , neque patricidio abstinuisset : tamen cum oblata esset occasio , pravi quidem sed memorabilis , atque aeternae memoriae facinoris patrandi , id attentare non ausus fuit , cum id sine infamia prestare licuisset , quod rei magnitudo omnia priora scelera obtegere potuisset , & à periculo conservare . quibus accedit , quod illi gratulati fuissent etiam quam plurimi , si primis ausus esset pontificibus monstrare rationem dominandi ; totiusque humanae vitae usum ab illis nimis parvi pendi . poysons contain within themselves their own antidote . ] the poyson of a scorpion is not poyson to it self , nor the poyson of a toad is not poyson to it self ; so that the sucking out of poyson from persons infected by psylls , ( who are continually nourished with venemous aliment ) without any prejudice to themselves , is the less to be wondred at . the man without a navil yet lives in me . ] the latine annotator hath explicated this by homo non perfectus , by which it seems he did not comprehend the author's meaning ; for the author means adam , and by a metonymie original sin ; for the navil being onely of use to attract the aliment in utero materno , and adam having no mother , he had no use of a navil , and therefore it is not to be conceived he had any ; and upon that ground the author calls him the man without a navil . sect. 11 pag. 125 our grosser memories have then so little hold of our abstracted understandings , that they forget the story , and can onely relate to our awaked senses a confused and broken tale of that that hath pass'd . ] for the most part it is so . in regard of the author's expression of forgetting the story , though otherwise it be not very pertinent to this place , i shall set down a relation given by an english gentleman , of two dreams that he had , wherein he did not forget the story , but ( what is more strange ) found his dreams verified . this it is . whilst i lived at prague , and one night had sit up very late drinking at a feast , early in the morning the sun beams glancing on my face , as i lay in my bed , i dreamed that a shadow passing by told me that my father was dead ; at which awaking all in a sweat , and affected with this dream , i rose and wrote the day and hour , and all circumstances thereof in a paper book , which book with many other things i put into a barrel , and sent it from prague to stode , thence to be conveyed into england . and now being at nurenburgh , a merchant of a noble family well acquainted with me and my friends , arrived there , who told me my father dyed some two months ago . i list not to write any lyes , but that which i write , is as true as strange . when i returned into england some four years after , i would not open the barrel i sent from prague , nor look into the paper book in which i had written this dream , till i had called my sisters and some friends to be witnesses , where my self and they were astonished to see my written dream answer the very day of my father's death . i may lawfully swear that which my kinsman hath heard witnessed by my brother henry whilst he lived , that in my youth at cambridge , i had the like dream of my mother's death , where my brother henry living with me , early in the morning i dreamed that my mother passed by with a sad countenance , and told me that she could not come to my commencement : i being within five months to proceed master of arts , and she having promised at that time to come to cambridge . and when i related this dream to my brother , both of us awaking together in a sweat , he protested to me that he had dreamed the very same : and when we had not the least knowledge of our mothers sickness , neither in our youthful affections were any whit affected with the strangeness of this dream , yet the next carrier brought us word of our mothers death . mr. fiennes morison in his itinerary . i am not over credulous of such relations , but me thinks the circumstance of publishing it at such a time , when there were those living that might have disprov'd it , if it had been false , is a great argument of the truth of it . sect. 12 pag. 166 i wonder the fancy of lucan and seneca did not discover it . ] eor they had both power from nero to chuse their deaths . sect. 13 pag. 169 to conceive our selves vrinals is not so ridiculous . ] reperti sunt galeno & avicenna testibus qui se vasa fictilia crederent , & idcirco hominum attactum ne confringerentur solicite fugerent . pontan . in attic. bellar . ( hist . 22. ) which proceeds from extremity of melancholy . aristot . is too severe , that will not allow us to be truely liberal without wealth , ] aristot . l. 1. ethic. c. 8. sect. 15 pag. 174 thy will be done though in mine own undoing . ] ] this should be the wish of every man , and is of the most wise and knowing . le christien plus humble & plus sage & meux recognoissant que c'est que de lay se rapporte a son createur de choisir & ordonner ce qu'el luy faqt . il ne le supplie dautre chose que sa volunte sort faite . montaign . finis . observations upon religio medici . occasionally written by sr. kenelm digby , knight . the sixth edition , corrected and enlarged . london , printed for r. scot , t. basset , j. wright , r. chiswel . 1682. observations upon religio medici . to the right honorable edward earl of dorset , baron of buckhurst , &c. my lord , i received yesternight , your lordships of the nineteenth current , wherein you are pleased to oblige me , not onely by extream gallant expressions of favour and kindness , but likewise by taking so far into your care the expending of my time , during the tediousness of my restraint , as to recommend to my reading a book , that had received the honour and safeguard of your approbation ; for both which i most humbly thank your lordship . and since i cannot in the way of gratefulness express unto your lordship as i would , those hearty sentiments i have of your goodness to me ; i will at the last endeavour , in the way of duty and observance , to let you see how the little needle of my soul is throughly touched at the great loadstone of yours , and followeth suddenly and strongly , which way soever you becken it . in this occasion , the magnetick motion was impatient to have the book in my hands , that your lordship gave so advantagious a character of ; whereupon i sent presently ( as late as it was ) to paul's church-yard for this favourite of yours , religio medici : which after a while found me in a condition fit to receive a blessing by a visit from any of such master-pieces , as you look upon with gracious eyes ; for i was newly gotten into my bed . this good-natured creature i could easily perswade to be my bed-fellow , and to wake with me , as long as i had any edge to enterain my self with the delights i sucked from so noble a conversation . and truely ( my lord ) i closed not my eyes , 'till i had enricht my self with , or at least exactly surveyed all the treasures that are lapped up in the folds of those few sheets . to return onely a general commendation of this curious piece , or at large to admire the author's spirit and smartness , were too perfunctory an accompt , and too slight an one , to fo discerning and stedy an eye as yours , after so particular and encharged a summons to read heedfully this discourse . i will therefore presume to blot a sheet or two of paper with my reflections upon sundry passages through the whole context of it , as they shall occurrr to my remembrance . which now your lordship knoweth , this packet is not so happy as to carry with it any one expression of my obsequiousness to you . it will be but reasonable , you should even here give over your further trouble of reading , what my respect ingageth me to the writing of . whos 's first step is ingenuity and a well-natur'd evenness of judgement , shall be sure of applause and fair hopes in all men for the rest of his journey . and indeed ( my lord ) me thinketh this gentleman setteth out excellently poised with that happy temper ; and sheweth a great deal of judicious piety in making a right use of the blind zeal that bigots lose themselves in . yet i cannot satisfie my doubts throughly , how he maketh good his professing to follow the great wheel of the church in matters of divinity : which surely is the solid basis of true religion : for to do so , without jarring against the conduct of the first mover by eccentrical and irregular motions , obligeth one to yield a very dutiful obedience to the determinations of it , without arrogating to ones self a controling ability in liking or misliking the eaith , doctrine , and constitutions of that church which one looketh upon as their north-star : whereas , if i mistake not , this author approveth the church of england , not absolutely , but comparatively with other reformed churches . my next reflection is , concerning what he hath sprinkled ( most wittily ) in several places concerning the nature and immortality of a humane soul , and the condition and state it is in , after the dissolution of the body . and here give me leave to observe what our country-man roger bacon did long ago ; that those students , who busie themselves much with such notions , as reside wholly to the fantasie , do hardly ever become idoneous for abstracted metaphysical speculations ; the one having bulkie foundation of matter , or of the accidents of it , to settle upon , ( at the least , with one foot : ) the other flying continually , even to a lessening pitch in the subtil air. and accordingly , it hath been generally noted , that the exactest mathematicians , who converse altogether with lines , figures , and other differences of quantity , have seldom proved eminent in metaphysicks , or speculative divinity . nor again , the professors of these sciences in the other arts. much less can it be expected that an excellent physician , whose fancy is alwayes fraught with the material drugs that he prescribeth his apothecary to compound his medicines of , and whose hands are inured to the cutting up , and eyes to the inspection of anatomized bodies , should easily , and with success , flie his thoughts at so towring a game , as a pure intellect , a separated and unbodied soul. surely this acute author 's sharp wit , had he orderly applied his studies that way , would have been able to satisfie himself with less labour , and others with more plenitude , than it hath been the lot of so dull a brain as mine , concerning the immortality of the soul. and yet , i assure you ( my lord ) the little philosophy that is allowed me for my share , demonstrateth this proposition to me , as well as faith delivereth it ; which our physician will not admit in his . to make good this assertion here were very unreasonable ; since that to do it exactly ( and without exactness , it were not demonstration ) requireth a total survey of the whole science of bodies , and of all the operations that we are conversant with , of a rational creature ; which i having done with all the succinctness i have been able to explicate so knotty a subject with , hath taken me up in the first draught neer two hundred sheets of paper . i shall therefore take leave of this point , with only this note , that i take the immortality of the soul ( under his favour ) to be of that nature , that to them onely that are not versed in the ways of proving it by reason , it is an article of faith ; to others , it is an evident conclusion of demonstrative science . and with a like short note , i shall observe , how if he had traced the nature of the soul from its first principles , he could not have suspected it should sleep in the grave , 'till the resurrection of the body . nor would he have permitted his compassionative nature to imagin it belonged to god's mercy ( as the chiliasts did ) to change its condition in those that are damned , from pain to happiness . for where god should have done that , he must have made that anguished soul another creature than what it was ( as to make fire cease from being hot , requireth to have it become another thing than the element of fire ; since that to be in such a condition , as maketh us understand damned souls miserable , is a necessary effect of the temper it is in , when it goeth out of the body , and must necessarily ( out of its nature ) remain in , unvariably for all eternity ; though , for the conceptions of the vulgar part of mankind , ( who are not capable of such abstruse nations ) it be styled ( and truely too ) the sentence and punishment of a severe judge . i am extreemly pleased with him , when he saith , there are not impossibilities enough in religion for an active faith : and no whit less , when in philosophy he will not be satisfied with such naked terms , as in schools use to be obtruded , upon easie minds , when the master's fingers are not strong enough to untie the knots proposed unto them . i confess , when i enquire what light ( to use our author's example ) is , i should be as well contented with his silence , as with his telling me it is actus perspicui ; unless he explicate clearly to me , what those words mean , which i find very few go about to do . such meat they swallow whole , and eject it as entire . but were such things scientifically and methodically declared , they would be of extream satisfaction and delight . and that work taketh up the greatest part of my formerly-mentioned treatise . for i endeavour to shew by a continued progress , and not by leaps , all the motions of nature ; and unto them to fit intelligibly the terms used by her best secretaries ; whereby all wilde fantastick qualities and moods ( introduced for refuges of ignorance ) are banished from commerce . in the next place ( my lord ) i shall suspect that our author hath not pennetrated into the bottom of those conceptions that deep scholars have taught us of eternity ; me thinketh he taketh it for an infinite extension of time , and a never ending revolution of continual succession : which is no more like eternity , than a gross body is like a pure spirit . nay , such an infinity of revolutions , is demonstrable to be a contradiction , and impossible . in the state of eternity there is no succession , no change , no variety . souls or angels in that condition , do not so much as change a thought . all things , notions and actions , that ever were , are , or shall be in any creature , are actually present to such an intellect . and this ( my lord ) i aver , not as deriving it from theology , and having recourse to beatifick vision , to make good my tenet , ( for so , onely glorified creatures should enjoy such immense knowledge ) but out of the principles of nature and reason , and from thence shall demonstrate it to belong to the lowest soul of the ignorantest wretch whilst he lived in this world , since damned in hell. a bold undertaking , you will say . but i confidently engage my self to it . upon this occasion occurreth also a great deal to be said of the nature of predestination ( which by the short touches our author giveth of it , i doubt he quite mistakes ) and how it is an unalterable series and chain of causes , producing infallible ( and in respect of them , necessary ) effects . but that is too large a theam to unfold here ; too vast an ocean to describe in the scant map of a letter . and therefore i will refer that to a fitter opportunity , fearing i have already too much trespassed upon your lordship's patience ; but that indeed , i hope , you have not had enough to read thus far . i am sure , my lord , that you ( who never forgot any thing which deserved a room in your memory ) do remember how we are told , that abyssus abyssum invocat ; so here our author , from the abyss of predestination , falleth into that of the trinity of persons , consistent with the indivisibility of the divine nature ▪ and out of that ( if i be not exceedingly deceived ) into a third of mistaking , when he goeth about to illustrate this admirable mystery by a wild discourse of a trinity in our souls . the dint of wit is not forcible enough to dissect such tough matter ; wherein all the obscure glimmering we gain of that inaccessible light , cometh to us cloathed in the dark weeds of negations , and therefore little can we hope to meet with any positive examples to parallel it withal . i doubt , he also mistaketh , and imposeth upon the several schools , when he intimateth , that they gain-say this visible worlds being but a picture or shadow of the invisible and intellectual : which manner of philosophizing he attributeth to hermes trismegistus , but is every where to be met with in plato : and is raised since to a greater height in the christian schools . but i am sure he learned in no good school , nor sucked from any good philosophy to give an actual subsistence and being to first matter without a form. he that will allow that a real existence in nature is as superficially tincted in metaphysicks , as another would be in mathematicks , that should allow the like to a point , a line , or a superficies in figures ; these , in their strict notions , are but negations of further extension , or but exact terminations of that quantity , which falleth under the consideration of the understanding in the present purpose , no real entities in themselves : so likewise , the notions of matter , form , act , power , existence , and the like , that are with truth , considered by the understanding , and have there each of them a distinct entity , are nevertheless no where by themselves in nature . they are terms which we must use in the negotiations of our thoughts , if we will discourse consequently , and conclude knowingly . but then again , we must be very wary of attributing to things in their own natures such entities as we create in our understandings , when we make pictures of them there ; for there every different consideration , arising out of the different impression which the same thing maketh upon us , hath a distinct being by it self . whereas in the thing there is but one single vnity , that sheweth ( as it were in a glass , at several positions ) those various faces in our understanding . in a word , all these words are but artificial terms , not real things . and the not right understanding of them ; is the dangerousest rock that scholars suffer shipwrack against . i go on with our physician 's contemplations . upon every occasion he sheweth strong parts , and a vigorous brain . his wishes and aims , and what he pointeth at , speak him owner of a noble and a generous heart . he hath reason to wish that aristotle had been as accurate in examining the causes , nature and affections of the great universe he busied himself about , as his patriarch galen hath been in the like considerations upon this little world , man's body in that admirable work of his de vsu partium . but no great humane thing was ever born and perfected at once . it may satisfie us , if one in our age , buildeth that magnificent structure upon the others foundations ; and especially , if where he findeth any of them unsound , he eradicateth those , and sixeth new unquestionable ones in their room : but so , as they still , in gross , keep a proportion , and bear a harmony with the other great work. this hath now , ( even now ) our learned countryman done ; the knowing mr. white , ( whose name , i believe your lordship hath met with al , in his excellent book , de mundo ▪ newly printed at paris , where he now resideth , and is admired by the world of letter'd men there , as the prodigie of these latter times . indeed his three dialogues upon that subject , ( if i am able to judge any thing ) are full of the profoundest learning i ever yet met withal . and i believe , who hath well read & digested them , will perswade himself , there is no truth so abstruse , nor hitherto conceived out of our reach , but mans wit may raise engines to scale and conquer . i assure my self , when our author hath studied him throughly , he will not lament so loud for aristotle's mutilated and defective philosophy , as in boccaline caesar caporali doth for the loss of livies ship-wracked decads . that logick which he quarrelleth at , for calling a toad or serpent ugly , will in the end agree with his ; for no body ever took them to be so , in respect of the vniverse , ( in which regard he desendeth their regularity and symmetry ) but onely as they have relation to us . but i cannot so easily agree with him , where he affirmeth , that devils or other spirits in the intellectual world , have no exact ephemerides , wherein they may read before-hand the stories of fortuite accidents . for i believe , that all causes are so immediately chained to their effects , as if a perfect knowing nature get hold but of one link , it will drive the entire series , or pedigree of the whole to its utmost end ; ( as i think i have proved in my fore-named treatise ) so that in truth there is no fortuitness or contingency of things , in respect of themselves , but onely in respect of us , that are ignorant of their certain and necessary causes . now a little series or chain and complex of all outward circumstances , ( whose highest link , poets say prettily is fasten'd to jupiter's chair , and the lowest is riveted to every individual on earth ) steered and levelled by god almighty ; at the first setting out of the first mover ; i conceive ; to be that divine providence and mercy , which ( to use our author 's own example ) giveth a thriving genius to the hollanders , and the like : and not any secret , invisible , mystical blessing , that falleth not under the search or cognizance of a prudent indagation . i must needs approve our authors aequanimity , and i may as justly say his magnanimity , in being contented so cheerfully ( as he saith ) to shake hands with the fading goods of fortune , and be deprived of the joys of her most precious blessings ; so that he may in recompence possess in ample measure the true ones of the mind ; like epictetus , that master of moral wisdom and piety , who taxeth them of high injustice , that repine at gods distribution of his blessings , when he putteth not into their share of goods , such things as they use no industry or means to purchase . for why should that man , who above all things esteemeth his own freedom , and who to enjoy that , sequestreth himself from commerce with the vulgar of mankind ; take it ill of his stars , if such preferments , honours , and applauses meet not him , as are painfully gained , after long and tedious services of princes , and brittle dependances of humorous favourites , and supple compliances with all sorts of natures ? as for what he saith of astrologie ; i do not conceive , that wise men reject it so much for being repugnant to divinity ( which he reconcileth well enough ) as for having no solid rules or ground in nature . to rely too far upon that vain art , i judge to be rather folly than impiety , unless in our censure we look to the first origine of it ; which favoureth of the idolatry of those heathens , that worshipping the stars and heavenly bodies for deities , did in a superstitious devotion , attribute unto them the causality of all effects beneath them . and for ought i know , the belief of solid orbs in the heavens , and their regularly-irregular motions , sprung from the same root . and a like inanity , i should suspect in chiromancy , as well as astrologie , ( especially , in particular contingent effects ) however our author , and no less a man than aristotle , seem to attribute somewhat more to that conjectural art of lines . i should much doubt ( though our author sheweth himself of another mind ) that bernardinus ochin●s grew at the last to be a meer atheist : when after having been first the institutor and patriarch of the capucine-order ( so violent was his zeal then , as no former religious institution , though never so rigorous , was strict enough for him ) he from thence fell to be first an heretick , then a jew , and after a while became a turk ; and at the last wrote a furious invective against those , whom he called the three grand impostors of the world , among whom he ranked our saviour christ , as well as moses and mahomet . i doubt he mistakes in his chronologie , or the printer in the name , when he maketh ptolomy condemn the alchoran . he needeth not be so scrupulous , as he seemeth to be in averring down-rightly , that god cannot do contradictory things , ( though peradventure it is not amiss to sweeten the manner of the expression , and the sound of the words ) for who understandeth the nature of contradiction , will find non-entity in one of the terms , which of god were impiety not to deny peremptorily . for he being in his proper nature self-entity , all being must immediately flow from him , and all not-being be totally excluded from that efflux . now for the recalling of time past , which the angels posed esdras withal ; there is no contradiction in that , as is evident to them that know the essence of time. for it is but putting again , all things that had motion , into the same state they were in , at that moment unto which time was to be reduced back , and from thence letting it travel on again by the same motion , and upon the same wheels it rouled upon before . and therefore god could do this admirable work , though neither esdras , nor all the power of creatures together could do it : and consequently it cannot in this question be said , that he posed mortality with what himself was not able to perform . i acknowledge ingenuously , our physician 's experience hath the advantage of my philosophy , in knowing there are witches . yet i am sure , i have no temptation to doubt of the deity ; nor have any unsatisfaction in believing there are spirits . i do not see such a necessary conjunction between them , as that the supposition of the one must needs infer the other . neither do i deny there are witches . i only reserve my assent , till i meet with stronger motives to carry it . and i confess i doubt as much of the efficacy of those magical rules , he speaketh of , as also of the finding out of mysteries by the courteous revelation of spirits . i doubt his discourse of an vniversal spirit , is but a wild fancy : and that in the marshalling of it , he mistaketh the hermetical philosophers . and surely , it is a weak argument , from a common nature , that subsisteth only in our understanding ( out of which it hath no being at all ) to infer by parity , an actual subsistence , or the like , in reality of nature ( of which kind of miscarriage in mens discoursings , i have spoken before . ) and upon this occasion , i do not see how seasonably he falleth of a sudden from natural speculations , to a moral contemplation of gods spirit working in us . in which also i would enquire ( especially upon his sudden poetical rapture ) whether the solidity of the judgement be not out-weighed by the airiness of the fancy . assuredly one cannot err in taking this author for a very fine ingenious gentleman : but for how deep a scholar , i leave unto them to judge , that are abler than i am . if he had applied himself with earnest study , and upon right grounds , to search out the nature of pure intellects ; i doubt not but his great parts would have argued more efficaciously , than he doth against those , that between men and angels , put only porphyrie ' difference of mortality and immortality . and he would have dived further into the tenour of their intellectual operations ; in which there is no succession , nor ratiocinative discourse ; for in the very first instant of their creation , they actually knew all that they were capable of knowing , and they are acquainted even with all free thoughts , past , present , and to come ; for they see them in their causes , and they see them all together at one instant ; as i have in my fore-mentioned treatise proved at large : and i think i have already touched thus much once before in this letter . i am tempted here to say a great deal concerning light , by his taking it to be a bare quality . for in physicks , no speculation is more useful , or reacheth further . but to set down such phaenomena's of it , as i have observed , and from whence i evidently collect the nature of it , were too large a theam for this place : when your lordship pleaseth , i shall shew you another more orderly discourse upon that subject ; wherein i have sufficiently proved it to be a solid substance and body . in his proceeding to collect an intellectual world , and in his discoursing upon the place and habitation of angels ; as also in his consideration of the activity of glorified eyes , which shall be in the state of rest , whereas motion is required to seeing ; and in his subtil speculation upon two bodies , placed in the vacuity , beyond the utmost all-enclosing superficie of heaven ( which implieth a contradiction in nature ) methinks i hear apelles cry out , ne sutor ultra crepidam : or rather , it putteth me in mind of one of the titles in pantagruel's library , ( which he expresseth himself conversant in ) namely , quaestio subtilissima , utrum chimaera in vacuo bombinans possit comedere secundas intentiones ; with which short note i will leave these considerations ; in which ( if time , and other circumstances allowed it ) matter would spring up of excellent learning . when our author shall have read mr. whites dialogue of the world , he will no longer be of the opinion , that the unity of the world is a conclusion of faith : for it is there demonstrated by reason . here the thread of the discourse inviteth me to say a great deal of the production or creation of mans soul. but it is too tedious , and too knotty a piece for a letter . now it shall suffice to note , that it is not ex traduce , and yet hath a strange kind of near dependance of the body , which is , as it were , gods instrument to create it by . this , thus said , or rather tumbled out , may seem harsh . but had your lordship leisure to peruse what i have written at full upon this point , i doubt not but it would appear plausible enough to you . i cannot agree with him , when he seemeth to impute inconvenience to long life , and that length of time doth rather impair , than improve us : for surely , if we will follow the course of nature , and of reason , it is a mighty great blessing ; were it but in this regard , that it giveth time leave to vent and boyl away the unquietnesses and turbulencies that follow our passions , and to wean our selves gently from carnal affections , and at the last to drop with ease and willingness , like ripe fruit from the tree ; as i remember plotinus finely discourseth in one of his eneads . for when before the season , it is plucked off with violent hands , or shaken down by rude and boysterous winds , it carrieth along with it an indigested raw tast of the wood , and hath an unpleasant aigerness it its juyce , that maketh it unfit for use , till long time hath mellowed it : and peradventure it may be so backward , as in stead of ripening , it may grow rotten in the very center . in like manner , souls that go out of their bodies with affection to those objects they leave behind them , ( which usually is as long as they can relish them ) do retain still even in their separation , a by as , and a languishing towards them : which is the reason why such terrene souls appear oftenest in coemeteries and charnel-houses , and not that moral one , which our author giveth . for life , which is union with the body , being that which carnal souls have straightest affection to , and that they are loathest to be separated from ; their unquiet spirit , which can never ( naturally ) lose the impressions it had wrought in it at the time of its driving out , lingereth perpetually after that dear consort of his . the impossibility cannot cure them of their impotent desires ; they would fain be alive again ; — iterumque ad tarda revierti corpora . quae lucis miseris tam dira cupido . and to this cause peradventure may be reduced the strange effect , which is frequently seen in england , when at the approach of the murderer , the slain body suddenly bleedeth afresh . for certainly , the souls of them that are treacherously murdered by surprize , use to leave their bodies with extream unwillingness , and with vehement indignation against them , that force them to so unprovided and abhorred a passage . that soul then , to wreak its evil talent against the hated murderer , and to draw a just and desired revenge upon his head , would do all it can to manifest the author of the fact . to speak , it cannot , for in it self it wanteth organs of voice ; and those it is parted from , are now grown too heavy , and are too benummed for it to give motion unto . yet some change it desireth to make in the body , which it hath so vehement inclinations to , and therefore is the aptest for it to work upon : it must then endeavour to cause a motion in the subtilest and most fluid parts ( and consequently , the most moveable ones ) of it . this can be nothing but the blood , which then being violently moved , must needs gush out at those places where it findeth issues . our author cannot believe , that the world will perish upon the ruines of its own principles . but mr. white hath demonstrated the end of it upon natural reason . and though the precise time for that general destruction be inscrutable ; yet he learnedly sheweth an ingenious rule , whereby to measure in some sort the duration of it , without being branded ( as our author threatneth ) with convincible and statute-madness , or with impiety . and whereas he will have the work of this last great day ( the summer up of all past days ) to imply annihilation and thereupon interesseth god only in it ▪ i must beg leave to contradict him , namely in this point ; and to affirm , that the letting loose then of the activest element , to destroy this face of the world , will but beget a change in it ; and that no annihilation can proceed from god almighty : for his essence being ( as i said before ) self-existence , it is more impossible that not-being should flow from him , than that cold should flow immediately from fire , or darkness from the actual presence of light . i must needs acknowledge , that where he ballanceth life and death against one another , and considereth that the latter is to be a kind of nothing for a moment , to become a pure spirit within one instant , and what followeth of this strong thought , is extream handsomely said , and argueth very gallant and generous resolutions in him . to exemplifie the immortality of the soul , he needeth not have recourse to the philosophers-stone . his own store furnisheth him with a most pregnant one of reviving a plant ( the same numerical plant ) out of his own ashes . but under his favour , i believe his experiment will fail , if under the notion of the same , he comprehendeth all the accidents that first accompanied that plant ; for since in the ashes there remaineth onely the fixed salt , i am very confident , that all the colour , and much of the odour and taste of it , is flown away with the volatile salt. what should i say of his making so particular a narration of personal things ▪ and private thoughts of his own ; the knowledge whereof cannot much conduce to any mans betterment ? ( which i make account is the chief end of his writing this discourse . ) as where he speaketh of the soundness of his body , of the course of his diet , of the coolness of his blood at the summer-solstice of his age , of his neglect of an epitaph ; how long he hath lived , or may live ; what popes , emperours , kings , grand-seigniors , he hath been contemporary unto , and the like : would it not be thought that he hath a special good opinion of himself , ( and indeed he hath reason ) when he maketh such great princes the landmarks in the chronology of himself ? surely , if he were to write by retale the particulars of his own story and life , it would be a notable romance , since he telleth us in one total sum , it is a continued miracle of thirty years . though he creepeth gently upon us at the first , yet he groweth a gyant , an atlas ( to use his own expression ) at the last . but i will not censure him , as he that made notes upon balsac's letters , and was angry with him for vexing his readers with stories of his cholicks , and voiding of gravel . i leave this kind of expressions , without looking further into them . in the next place ( my lord ) i shall take occasion from our author 's setting so main a difference between moral honesty and vertue , or being vertuous ( to use his own phrase ) out of an inbred loyalty to vertue ; and on the other side , being vertuous for a rewards sake ; to discourse a little concerning vertue in this life , and the effects of it afterwards . truely ( my lord ) however he seemeth to prefer this later , i cannot but value the other much before it , if we regard the nobleness and heroickness of the nature and mind from whence they both proceed ▪ and if we consider the journeys end , to which each of them carrieth us , i am confident the first yieldeth nothing to the second , but indeed both meet in the period of beatitude . to clear this point ( which is very well worth the wisest man's seriousest thought ) we must consider , what it is that bringeth us to this excellent state , to be happy in the other world of eternity and immutability . it is agreed on all hands to be god's grace and favour to us : but all do not agree by what steps his grace produceth this effect . herein i shall not trouble your lordship with a long discourse , how that grace worketh in us , ( which yet i will in a word touch anon , that you may conceive what i understand grace to be ) but will suppose it to have wrought its effect in us in this life , and from thence examine what hinges they are that turn us over to beatitude and glory in the next : some consider god as a judge , that rewardeth or punisheth men , according as they co-operated with , or repugned to , the grace he gave . that according as their actions please or displease him , he is well affected towards them , or angry with them ; and accordingly maketh them , to the purpose , and very home , feel the effects of his kindness or indignation . others that fly a higher pitch , and are so happy , — vt rerum poterint cognoscere causas , do conceive that beatitude and misery in the other life , are effects that necessarily and orderly flow out of the nature of those causes that begot them in this life , without engaging god almighty to give a sentence , and act the part of a judge , according to the state of our cause , as it shall appear upon the accusations and pleadings at his great bar. much of which manner of expression , is metaphorical ; and rather adapted to contain vulgar minds in their duties ( that are awed with the thought of a severe judge , sifting every minute-action of theirs ) than such as we must conceive every circumstance to pass so in reality , as the literal sound of the words seems to infer in ordinary construction : and yet all that is true too , in its genuine sence . ) but , my lord , these more penetrating men , and that , i conceive , are vertuous upon higher and stronger motives ( for they truely and solidly know , why they are so ) do consider , that what impressions are once made in the spiritual substance of a soul , and what affections it hath once contracted , do ever remain in it , till a contrary and diametrically contradicting judgement and affection , do obliterate it , and expel it thence . this is the reason why contrition , sorrow , and hatred for sins past , is encharged us . if then the soul do go out of the body with impressions and affections to the objects and pleasures of this life , it continually lingreth after them ; and as virgil ( learnedly , as well as wittily ) saith , — quae gratia currum , armorumque fuit vivis , quae cura nitentes pascere equos , eadem sequitur tellure repostos . but that being a state wherein those objects neither are , nor can be enjoyed , it must needs follow that such a soul must be in an exceeding anguish , sorrow and affliction , for being deprived of them ; and for want of that it so much prizeth , will neglect all other contentments it might have , as not having a relish or taste moulded and prepared to the savouring of them ; but like feavorish tongues , that when they are even scorched with heat , take no delight in the pleasingest liquors , but the sweetest drinks seem bitter to them , by reason of their overflowing gall : so they even hate whatsoever good is in their power , and thus pine away a long eternity . in which the sharpness and activity of their pain , anguish , and sad condition , is to be measured by the sensibleness of their natures : which being then spiritual , is in a manner infinitely more than any torment that in this life can be inflicted upon a dull gross body . to this add , the vexation it must be to them , to see how inestimable and infinite a good they have lost ; and lost meerly by their own fault , and for momentary trifles , and childrens play ; and that it was so easie for them to have gained it , had they remained but in their right senses , and governed themselves according unto reason . and then judge in what a tortured condition they must be , of remorse and execrating themselves for their most resupine and sensless madness . but if on the other side , a soul be released out of this prison of clay and flesh , with affections setled upon intellectual goods , as truth , knowledge , and the like ; and that it be grown to an irksome dislike of the flat pleasures of this world ; and look upon carnal and sensual objects with a disdainful eye , as discerning the contemptible inanity in them , that is set off only by their painted outside ; and above all , that it hath a longing desire to be in the society of that supereminent cause of causes , in which they know are heaped up the treasurers of all beauty , knowledge , truth , delight , and good whatsoever ; and therefore are impatient at the delay , and reckon all their absence from him as a tedious banishment ; and in that regard hate their life and body , as cause of this divorce : such a soul , i say , must necessarily , by reason of the temper it is wrought into , enjoy immediately at the instant of the bodies dissolution , and its liberty , more contentment , more joy , more true happiness , than it is possible for a heart of flesh to have scarce any scantling of , much less to comprehend . for immense knowledge is natural to it , as i have touched before . truth , which is the adequated and satisfying object of the understanding ; is there displayed in her own colours , or rather without any . and that which is the crown of all , and in respect of which all the rest is nothing ; that infinite entity , which above all things this soul thirsteth to be united unto , cannot for his own goodness sake , deny his embraces to so affectionate a creature , and to such an enflamed love. if he should , then were that soul , for being the best , and for loving him most , condemned to be the unhappiest . for what joy could she have in any thing , were she barrred from what she so infinitely loveth ? but since the nature of superiour and excellent things is to shower down their propitious influences , wheresoever there is a capacity of receiving them , and no obstacle to keep them out ( like the sun that illuminateth the whole air , if no cloud , or solid opacous body intervene ) it followeth clearly , that this infinite sun of justice , this immense ocean of goodness , cannot chuse but inviron with his beams , and replenish even beyond satiety with his delightsome waters , a soul so prepared and tempered to receive them . no ( my lord ) to make use of this discourse , and apply it to what begot it ; be pleased to determine , which way will deliver us evenest and smoothest to this happy end of our journey : to be vertuous for hope of a reward , and through fear of punishment ; or to be so out of a natural and inward affection to vertue , for vertues and reasons sake ? surely one in this latter condition , not onely doth those things which will bring him to beatitude ; but he is so secured , in a manner , under an armour of proof , that he is almost invulnerable ; he can scarce miscarry , he hath not so much as an inclination to work contrarily ; the alluring baits of this world tempt him not ; he disliketh , he hateth , even his necessarry commerce with them whilst he liveth . on the other side , the hireling that steereth his course by his reward and punishment , doth well , i confess ; but he doth it with reluctance ; he carrieth the ark , god's image , his soul , safely home , it is true , but he loweth pitifully after his calves , that he leaveth behind him among the philistines . in a word , he is vertuous ; but if he might safely , he would do vicious things ( and hence be the ground in nature , if so i might say , of our purgatory . ) methinks two such minds may not unfitly be compared to two maids , whereof one hath a little sprinkling of the green sickness , and hath more mind to ashes , chalk or leather , than meats of solid and good nourishment , but forbeareth them , knowing the languishing condition of health it will bring her to : but the other having a ruddy , vigorous and perfect constitution , and enjoying a compleat , entire encrasie , delights in no food but of good nouriture , and loaths the other delights . her health is discovered in her looks , and she is secure from any danger of that malady , whereas the other for all her good diet , beareth in her complexion some sickly testimony of her depraved appetite ; and if she be not very wary , she is in danger of a relapse . it falleth fit in this place to examine our authors apprehension of the end of such honest worthies and philosophers ( as he calleth them ) that died before christ his incarnation , whether any of them could be saved , or no ? truly , my lord , i make no doubt at all , but if any followed in the whole tenor of their lives , the dictamens of right reason , but that their journey was secure to heaven . out of the former discourse appeareth what temper of mind is necessary to get thither . and , that reason would dictate such a temper to a perfectly judicious man , ( though but in the state of nature ) as the best and most rational for him , i make no doubt at all . but it is most true , they are exceeding few ( if any ) in whom reason worketh clearly , and is not overswayed by passion and terrene affections ; they are few that can discern what is reasonable to be done in every circumstance . — pauci , quos aequus amavit jupiter , aut ardens evexit ad aethera virtus , diis geniti , potuere . — and fewer , that knowing what is best , can win of themselves to do accordingly ; ( video meliora proboque deteriora sequor , being most mens cases ) so that after all that can be expected at the hands of nature and reason in their best habit , since the lapse of them , we may conclude it would have been a most difficult thing for any man , and a most impossible one for mankind , to attain unto beatitude , if christ had not come to teach , and by his example to shew us the way . and this was the reason of his incarnation , teaching life and death : for being god , we could not doubt his veracity , when he tolds us news of the other world ; having all things in his power , and yet enjoying none of the delights of this life , no man should stick at foregoing them , since his example sheweth all men , that such a course is best ; whereas few are capable of the reason of it : and for his last act , dying in such an afflicted manner ; he taught us how the securest way to step immediately into perfect happiness , is to be crucified to all the desires , delights and contentments of this world. but to come back to our physician : truly ( my lord ) i must needs pay him , as a due , the acknowledging his pious discourses to be excellent and pathetical ones , containing worthy motives , to incite one to vertue , and to deter one from vice ; thereby to gain heaven , and to avoid hell. assuredly he is owner of a solid head , and of a strong generous heart . where he employeth his thoughts upon such things , as resort to no higher , or more abstruse principles , than such as occur in ordinary conversation with the world , or in the common tract of study and learning ; i know no man would say better . but when he meeteth with such difficulties as his next , concerning the resurrection of the body , ( wherein after deep meditation , upon the most abstracted principles and speculations of the metaphysicks , one hath much ado to solve the appearing contradictions in nature ) there , i do not at all wonder , he should tread a little awry , and go astray in the dark : for i conceive his course of life hath not permitted him to allow much time unto the unwinding of such entangled and abstracted subtleties . but if it had , i believe his natural parts are such , as he might have kept the chair from most men i know : for even where he roveth widest , it is with so much wit and sharpness , as putteth me in mind of a great mans censure upon scaliger's cyclometrica , ( a matter he was not well versed in ) that he had rather err so ingeniously as he did , than hit upon truth in that heavy manner , as the jesuit his antagonist stuffeth his books . most assuredly his wit and smartness in this discourse , is of the finest standard , and his insight into severer learning , will appear as piercing unto such as use not strictly the touchstone and the test , to examine every piece of the glittering coyn , he payeth his reader with . but to come to the resurrection . methinks it is but a gross conception , to think that every atome of the present individual matter of a body ; every grain of ashes of a burned cadaver , scattered by the wind throughout the world , and after numerous variations , changed peradventure into the body of another man , should at the sounding of the last trumpet be raked together again from all the corners of the earth , and be made up anew into the same body it was before of the first man. yet if we will be christians , and rely upon god's promises , we must believe that we shall rise again with the same body that walked about , did eat , drink , and live here on earth ; and that we shall see our saviour and redeemer , with the same , the very same eyes , wherewith we now look upon the fading glories of this comtemptible world. how shall these seeming contrarieties be reconciled ? if the latter be true , why should not the former be admitted ? to explicate this riddle the better , give me leave to ask your lordship , if your lordship , if you now see the cannons , the ensigns , the arms , and other martial preparations at oxford , with the same eyes , wherewith many years agone you looked upon porphyrie's and aristotle's leases there ? i doubt not but you will answer me , assuredly with the very same . is that noble and graceful person of yours , that begetteth both delight and reverence in every one that looketh upon it ? is that body of yours , that now is grown to such comely and full dimensions , as nature can give her none more advantagious ; the same person , the same body , which your vertuous and excellent mother bore nine months in her chast and honoured womb , and that your nurse gave suck unto ? most certainly it is the same . and yet if you consider it well , it cannot be doubted , but that sublunary matter , being in a perpetual flux , and in bodies which have internal principles of heat and motion , much continually transpiring out to make room for the supply of new aliment ; at the length , in long process of time , all is so changed , as that ship at athens may as well be called the same ship that was there two hundred years before , and whereof ( be reason of the continual reparations ) not one foot of the timber is remaining in her that builded her at the first , as this body now can be called the same it was forty years agone , unless some higher consideration keep up the identity of it . now what that is , let us examine , and whether or no it will reach to our difficulty of the resurrection . let us consider then , how that which giveth the numerical individuation to a body , is the substantial form. as long as that remaineth the same , though the matter be in a continual flux and motion , yet the thing is still the same . there is not one drop of the same water in the thames , that ran down by white-hall yesternight ; yet no man will deny , but that is the same river that was in queen elizabeth's time , as long as it is supplied from the same common stock , the sea. though this example reacheth not home , it illustrateth the thing . if then the form remain absolutely the same after separation from the matter , that it was in the matter , ( which can happen only to forms , that subsist by themselves , as humane souls ) it followeth then , that whensoever it is united to matter again , ( all matter coming out of the same common magazine ) it maketh again the same man , with the same eyes , and all the same limbs that were formerly . nay , he is composed of the same individual matter ; for it hath the same distinguisher and individuator , to wit , the same form or soul. matter considered singly by it self , hath no distinction : all matter is in it self the same ; we must fancy it , as we do the indigested chaos ; it is a uniformly wide ocean . particularize a few drops of the sea , by filling a glass-full of them , then that glass-full is distinguished from all the rest of the watery bulk : but return back those few drops to from whence they were taken , and the glass-full that even now had an individuation by it self , loseth that , and groweth one and the same with the other main stock : yet if you fill your glass again , wheresoever you take it up , so it be of the same uniform bulk of water you had before , it is the same glass-full of water that you had . but as i said before , this example fitteth entirely , no more than the other did . in such abstracted speculations , where we must consider matter without form ( which hath no actual being ) we must not expect adequated examples in nature . but enough is said to make a speculative man see , that if god should joyn the soul of a lately dead man , ( even whilst his dead corpse should lye entire in his winding-sheet here ) unto a body made of earth , taken from some mountain in america ; it were most true and certain , that the body he should then lye by , were the same identical body he lived with before his death , and late resurrection . it is evident , that sameness , thisness , and thatness , belongeth not to matter by it self , ( for a general indifference runneth through it all ) but onely as it is distinguished and individuated by the form. which , in our case , whensoever the same soul doth , it must be understood always to be the same matter and body . this point thus passed over , i may piece to it what our author saith , of a magazine of subsistent forms , residing first in the chaos , and hereafter ( when the world shall have been destroyed by fire ) in the general heap of ashes : out of which god's voice did , and shall draw them out , and clothe them with matter . this language were handsome for a poet , or rhetorician to speak ; but in a philosopher , that should ratiocinate strictly and rigorously , i cannot admit it . for certainly , there are no subsistent forms of corporeal things ; ( excepting the soul of man , which besides being an informing form , hath another particular consideration belonging to it , too long to speak of here . ) but whensoever that compound is destroyed , the form perisheth with the whole . and for the natural production of corporeal things , i conceive it to be wrought out by the action and passion of the elements among themselves ; which introducing new tempers and dispositions , into the bodies where these conflicts pass ; new forms succeed old ones , when the dispositions are raised to such a height , as can no longer consist with the preceding form , and are in the immediate degree to fit the succeeding one , which they usher in . the mystery of all , which i have at large unfolded in my above-mentioned treatise of the immortality of the soul. i shall say no more to the first part of our physician 's discourse after i have observed , how his consequence is no good one ; where he inferreth , that if the devils fore-knew , who would be damned or saved , it would save them the labour , and end their work of tempting mankind to mischief and evil . for whatsoever their moral design and success be in it , their nature impelleth them to be always doing it . for on the one s●de , it is active in the highest degree , ( as being pure acts , that is , spirits , ) so on the other side , they are malign in as great an excess : by the one they must be always working , wheresoever they may work , ( like water in a vessel full of holes , that will run out of every one of them which is not stopped : ) by the other , their whole work must be malicious and mischievous . joyning then both these qualities together , it is evident , they will always be tempting mankind , though they know they shall be frustrate of their moral end. but were it not time that i made an end ? yes , it is more than time . and therefore having once passed the limit that confined what was becoming , the next step carried me into the ocean of errour ; which being infinite , and therefore more or less bearing no proportion in it ; i will proceed a little further , to take a short survey of his second part , and hope for as easie pardon after this addition , to my sudden and indigested remarks , as if i had enclosed them up now . methinks , he beginneth with somewhat an affected discourse , to prove his natural inclination to charity ; which vertue is the intended theam of all the remainder of his discourse . and i doubt he mistaketh the lowest orbe or lembe of that high seraphick vertue , for the top and perfection of it ; and maketh a kind of humane compassion to be divine charity . he will have it to be a general way of doing good : it is true , he addeth then , for god's sake ; but he allayeth that again , with saying , he will have that good done , as by obedience , and to accomplish god's will ; and looketh at the effects it worketh upon our souls , but in a narrow compass ; like one in the vulgar throng , that considereth god as a judge , and as a rewarder or a punisher . whereas perfect charity , is that vehement love of god for his own sake , for his goodness , for his beauty , for his excellency , that carrieth all the motions of our soul directly and violently to him ; and maketh a man disdain , or rather hate all obstacles that may retard his journey to him. and that face of it that looketh toward mankind with whom we live , and warmeth us to do others good , is but like the overflowing of the main stream , that swelling above its banks runneth over in a multitude of little channels . i am not satisfied , that in the likeness which he putteth between god and man , he maketh the difference between them , to be but such as between two creatures that resemble one another . for between these , there is some proportion ; but between the others , none at all . in the examining of which discourse , wherein the author observeth , that no two faces are ever seen to be perfectly alike ; nay , no two pictures of the same face , were exactly made so ; i could take occasion to insert a subtil and delightful demonstration of mr. whites , wherein he sheweth , how it is impossible that two bodies ( for example two bouls ) should ever be made exactly like one another ; nay , not rigorously equal in any one accident , as namely in weight , but that still there will be some little difference and inequality between them ( the reason of which observation , our author medled not with ) were it not that i have been so long already , as digressions were now very unseasonable . shall i commend or censure our author for believing so well of his acquired knowledge , as to be dejected at the thought of not being able to leave it a legacy among his friends ; or shall i examine , whether it be not a high injury to wise and gallant princes , who out of the generousness and nobleness of their nature , do patronize arts and learned men , to impute their so doing to vanity of desiring praise , or to fear of reproach ? but let these pass : i will not engage any that may be-friend him , in a quarrel against him . but i may safely produce epictetus to contradict him , when he letteth his kindness engulf him in deep afflictions for a friend : for he will not allow his wise man to have an inward relenting , a troubled feeling , or compassion of anothers misfortunes . that disordereth the one , without any good to the other . let him afford all the assistances and relievings in his power , but without intermingling himself in others woe ; as angels , that do us good , but have no passion for us . but this gentleman's kindness goeth yet further : he compareth his love of a friend to his love of god ; the union of friends souls by affection , to the union of the three persons in the trinity , and to the hypostatical vnion of two natures in one christ , by the words incarnation . most certainly he expresseth himself to be a right good-natur'd man. but if st. augustine retracted so severely his pathetical expressions for the death of his friend , saying , they savoured more of the rhetorical declamations of a young orator , than of the grave confession of a devout christian , ( or somewhat to that purpose ) what censure upon himself may we expect of our physician , if ever he make any retraction of this discourse concerning his religion ? it is no small misfortune to him , that after so much time spent , and so many places visited in a curious search , by travelling after the acquisition of so many languages ; after the wading so deep in sciences , as appeareth by the ample inventory ▪ and particular he maketh of himself : the result of all this should be , to profess ingenuously he had studied enough . onely to become a sceptick ; and that having run through all sorts of learning , he could find rest and satisfaction in none . this , i confess , is the unlucky fate of those that light upon wrong principles . but mr. white teacheth us , how the theorems and demonstrations of physicks may be linked and chained together , as strongly , and as continuedly as they are in the mathematicks , if men would but apply themselves to a right method of study . and i do not find that solomon complained of ignorance in the height of knowledge ; ( as this gentleman saith ) but onely , that after he hath rather acknowledged himself ignorant of nothing , but that he understood the natures of all plants , from the cedar to the hyssop , and was acquainted with all the ways and paths of wisdom and knowledge ; he exclaimeth , that all this is but toyl and vexation of spirit ; and therefore adviseth men , to change humane studies into divine contemplations and affections . i cannot agree to his resolution of shutting his books , and giving over the search of knowledge , and resigning himself up to ignorance , upon the reason that moveth him ; as though it were extream vanity to waste our days in the pursuit of that , which by attending but a little longer ( till death hath closed the eyes of our body , to open those of our soul ) we shall gain with ease , we shall enjoy by infusion , and is an accessory of our glorification . it is true , as soon as death hath played the midwife to our second birth , our soul shall then see all truths more freely , than our corporal eyes at our first birth see all bodies and colours , by the natural power of it , as i have touched already , and not onely upon the grounds our author giveth . yet far be it from us , to think that time lost . which in the mean season we shall laboriously imploy , to warm our selves with blowing a few little sparks of that glorious fire , which we shall afterwards in one instant leap into the middle of , without danger of scorching . and that for two important reasons ; besides several others , too long to mention here ) the one , for the great advantage we have by learning in this life ; the other , for the huge contentment that the acquisition of it here ( which applyeth a strong affection to it ) will be unto us in the next life . the want of knowledge in our first mother ( which exposed her to be easily deceived by the sepents cunning ) was the root of all our ensuing misery and woe . it is as true ( which we are taught by irrefragable authority ) that omnis peccans ignorat : and the well head of all the calamities and mischiefs in all the world , consisteth of the troubled and bitter waters of ignorance , folly and rashness ; to cure which , the onely remedy and antidote , is the salt of true learning , the bitter wood of study , painful meditation , and orderly consideration . i do not mean such study , as armeth wrangling champions for clamorous schools , where the ability of subtil disputing to and fro , is more prized than the retriving of truth : but such as filleth the mind with solid and useful notions , and doth not endanger the swelling it up with windy vanities . besides , the sweetest companion and entertainment of a well-tempered mind , is to converse familiarly with the naked and bewitching beauties of those mistresses , those verities and sciences , which by fair courting of them , they gain and enjoy ; and every day bring new fresh ones to their seraglio , where the ancientest never grow old or stale . is there any thing so pleasing , or so profitable as this ? — nil dulcius est , bene quam munita tenere edita doctrina sapientum templa serena ; despicere unde queas alios , passimque videre errare , atque viam palanteis quoarere vitae . but now if we consider the advantage we shall have in the other life by our affection to sciences , and conversation with them in this , it is wonderful great . indeed that affection is so necessary , as without it we shall enjoy little contentment in all the knowledge we shall then be replenished with : for every ones pleasure in the possession of a good , is to be measured by his precedent desire of that good , and by the equality of the taste and relish of him that feedeth upon it . we should therefore prepare and make our taste before-hand by assuefaction unto , and by often relishing what we shall then be nourished with . that englishman that can drink nothing but beer or ale , would be ill bestead , were he to go into spain or italy , where nothing but ▪ wine groweth : whereas a well-experienced goinfre , that can criticize upon the several tastes of liquors , would think his palate in paradise , among those delicious nectars ( to use aretines phrase upon his eating of a lamprey . ) who was ever delighted with tobacco the first time he took it ? and who could willingly be without it , after he was a while habituated to the use of it ; how many examples are there daily of young men , that marrying upon their fathers command , not through precedent affections of their own , have little comfort in worthy and handsome wives , that others would passionately affect ? archimedes lost his life , for being so ravished with the delight of a mathematical demonstration , that he could not of a sudden recal his extasied spirits to attend the rude souldiers summons : but instead of him , whose mind hath been always fed with such subtil diet , how many plain country-gentlemen doth your lordship and i know , that rate the knowledge of their husbandry at a much higher pitch ; and are extreamly delighted by conversing with that ; whereas the other would be most tedious and importune to them ? we may then safely conclude , that if we will joy in the knowledge we shall have after death , we must in our life-time raise within our selves earnest affections to it , and desires of it , which cannot be barren ones ; but will press upon us to gain some knowledge by way of advance here ; and the more we attain unto , the more we shall be in love with what remaineth behind . to this reason then adding the other , how knowledge is the surest prop , and guide of our present life ; and how it perfecteth a man in that which constituteth a man , his reason ; and how it enableth him to tread boldly , steadily , constantly , and knowingly in all his ways : and i am confident , all men that shall hear the case thus debated , will joyn with me in making it a suit to our physitian , that he will keep his books open , and continue that progress he hath so happily begun . but i believe your lordship will scarcely joyn with him in his wish , that we might procreate and beget children without the help of women , or without any conjunction or commerce with that sweet and bewitching sex. plato taxeth his fellow philosopher ( though otherwise a learned and brave man ) for not sacrificing to the graces , those gentle female goddesses . what thinketh your lordship of our physitian 's bitter censure of that action , which mahomet maketh the essence of his paradise ? indeed , besides those his unkindnesses , or rather frowardnesses , at that tender-hearted sex ( which must needs take it ill at his hands ) methinketh he setteth marriage at too low a rate , which is assuredly the highest and divinest link of humane society . and where he speaketh of cupid , and of beauty , it is in such a phrase , as putteth me in mind of the learned greek reader in cambridge , his courting of his mistress out of stephens his thesaurus . my next observation upon his discourse , draweth me to a logical consideration of the nature of an exact syllogism : which kind of reflection , though it use to open the door in the course of learning and study ; yet it will near shut it in my discourse , which my following the thred that my author spinneth , assigneth to this place . if he had well and throughly considered all that is required to that strict way of managing our reason , he would not have censured aristotle for condemning the fourth figure , out of no other motive , but because it was not consonant to his own principle ; that it would not fit with the foundations himself had laid ; though it do with reason ( saith he ) and be consonant to that , which indeed it doth not , at all times , and in all circumstances , in a perfect syllogism , the predicate must be identified with the subject , and each extream with the middle term , and so consequently , all three with one another . but in galen's fourth figure , the case may so fall out , as these rules will not be current there . as for the good and excellency that he considereth in the worst things , and how far from solitude any man is in a wilderness ; these are ( in his discourse ) but equivocal considerations of good , and of lowliness : nor are they any ways pertinent to the mortality of that part , where he treateth of them . i have much ado to believe , what he speaketh confidently , that he is more beholding to morpheus , for learned and rational , as well as pleasing dreams , than to mercury for smart and facetious conceptions ; whom saturn ( it seemeth by his relation ) hath looked asquint upon in his geniture . in his concluding prayer , wherein he summeth up all he wisheth ; methinketh his arrow is not winged with that fire , which i should have expected from him upon this occasion : for it is not the peace of conscience , nor the bridling up of ones affections , that expresseth the highest dedlightfulness and happiest state of a perfect christian . it is love onely that can give us heaven upon earth , as well as in heaven ; and bringeth us thither too : so that the thuscan virgil had reason to say , — in alte dolcezze non si puo gioio , se non amando . and this love must be imployed upon the noblest and highest object , not terminated in our friends . but of this transcendent and divine part of charity , that looketh directly and immediately upon god himself ; and that is the intrinsecal form , the utmost perfection , the scope and final period of true religion , ( this gentleman's intended theam , as i conceive ) i have no occasion to speak any thing , since my author doth but transiently mention it ; and that too , in such a phrase as ordinary catechisms speak of to vulgar capacities . thus , my lord , having run through the book ( god knows how sleightly , upon so great a sudden ) which your lordship commanded me to give you an account of , there remaineth yet a weightier task upon me to perform , which is , to excuse my self of presumption , for daring to consider any moles in that face , which you had marked for a beauty . but who shall well consider my manner of proceeding in these remarks , will free me from that censure . i offer not at judging the prudence and wisdom of this discourse : these are fit inquiries for your lordships court of highest appeal : in my inferiour one , i meddle onely with little knotty pieces of particular sciences ( matinae apis instar , operosa parvus carmina fingit . ) in which it were peradventure a fault for your lordship to be too well versed ; your imployments are of a higher and nobler strain , and that concerns the welfare of millions of men : tu regere imperio populos ( sackville ) memento ( hae tibi erunt artes ) pacisque imponere morem . such little studies as these , belong onely to those persons that are low in the rank they hold in the common-wealth ; low in their conceptions , and low in a languishing and rusting leisure , such an one as virgil calleth ignobile otium , and such an one as i am now dulled withal . if alexander or caesar should have commended a tract of land , as fit to fight a battel in for the empire of the world , or to build a city upon , to be the magazine and staple of all the adjacent countries ; no body could justly condemn that husbandman , who according to his own narrow art and rules , should censure the plains of arbela , or pharsalia , for being in some places sterile ; or the meadows about alexandria , for being sometimes subject to be overflown ; or could tax ought he should say in that kind for a contradiction unto the others commendations of those places , which are built upon higher and larger principles . so ( my lord ) i am confident i shall not be reproached of unmannerliness for putting in a demurrer unto a few little particularities in that noble discourse , which your lordship gave a general applause unto ; and by doing so , i have given your lordship the best account i can of my self , as well as of your commands . you hereby see what my entertainments are , and how i play away my time . — dorset dum magnus ad altum fulminat oxonium bello , victorque volentes per populos dat jura ; viamque affectat olympo . may your counsels there be happy and successful ones , to bring about that peace , which if we be not quickly blessed withal , a general ruine threatneth the whole kingdom . from winchester-house the 22 ( i think i may say the 23 , for i am sure it is morning , and i think it is day ) of december , 1642. your lordships must humble and obedient servant , kenelm digby . the postscript . my lord , looking over these loose papers to point them , i perceive i have forgotten what i promised in the eighth sheet , to touch in a word concerning grace : i do not conceive it to be a quality infused by god almighty into a soul. such kind of discoursing satisfieth me no more in divinity , than in philosophy . i take it to be the whole complex of such real motives ( as a solid account may be given of them ) that incline a man to virtue and piety ; and are set on foot by god's particular grace and favour , to bring that work to pass . as for example : to a man plunged in sensuality , some great misfortune happeneth , that mouldeth his heart to a tenderness , and inclineth him to much thoughtfulness : in this temper , he meeteth with a book or preacher , that representeth lively to him the danger of his own condition ; and giveth him hopes of greater contentment in other objects , after he shall have taken leave of his former beloved sins . this begetteth further conversation with prudent and pious men , and experienced physitians , in curing the souls maladies ; whereby he is at last perfectly converted , and setled in a course of solid vertue and piety . now these accidents of his misfortune , the gentleness and softness of his nature , his falling upon a good book , his encountring with a pathetick preacher , the impremeditated chance that brought him to hear his sermon , his meeting with other worthy men , and the whole concatenation of all the intervening accidents , to work this good effect in him ; and that were ranged and disposed from all eternity , by gods particular goodness and providence for his salvation ; and without which he had inevitably beer damned : this chain of causes , ordered by god to produce this effect , i understand to be grace . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a29880-e500 * a church bell that tolls every day at six and twelve of the clock ; at the hearing whereof , every one in what place soever , either of house or street , betakes himself to his prayer , which is commonly directed to the virgin. b a revolution of certain thousand years , when all things should return unto theirformer estate , and he be teaching again in his school as when he delivered this opinion . b sphaera cujus centrum ubique , circumferentianullibi . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , nosce teipsum . * post mortem nihil est , ipsaque mors nihil . mors individua est , noxia corpori , nec patiens animae — toti morimur , nullaque pars manet nostri . in rabbelais . * pineda in his monarchica ecclesiastica quotes one thousand and forty authors . * in his oracle to augustus . * thereby is meant our good angel appointed us from our nativity . * who willed his friend not to bury him , but hang him up with a staff in his hand to fright away the crows . in those days there shall come lyars and false prophets . notes for div a29880-e6250 † urbem romam in principio reges habuere . * pro archia poeta . † in qua me non inficior mediocriter esse . notes for div a29880-e8200 * in his medicus medicateus . * that he was a german , appears by his notes , pag. 35. where he hath these words , duleissima nostra germania , &c. * in praefat . annotat . * excepting two or three particulars , in which reference is made to some books that came over since that time . notes for div a29880-e9090 printing . guns . * tho. aquin . in com . in boet . de consolat prope ●inam . notes for div a29880-e25560 this story i have but upon relation , yet of a very good hand . truths victory over error, or, an abridgement of the chief controversies in religion which since the apostles days to this time, have been, and are in agitation, between those of the orthodox faith, and all adversaries whatsoever, a list of whose names are set down after the epistle to the reader : wherein, by going through all the chapters of the confession of faith, one by one, and propounding out of them, by way of question, all the controverted assertions, and answering by yes, or no, there is a clear confirmation of the truth, and an evident confutation of what tenets and opinions, are maintain'd by the adversaries : a treatise, most useful for all persons, who desire to be instructed in the true protestant religion, who would shun in these last days, and perillous times, the infection of errors and heresies, and all dangerous tenets and opinions, contrary to the word of god. dickson, david, 1583?-1663. 1684 approx. 499 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 189 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a35959 wing d1412 estc r3405 12412980 ocm 12412980 61596 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a35959) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 61596) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 664:4) truths victory over error, or, an abridgement of the chief controversies in religion which since the apostles days to this time, have been, and are in agitation, between those of the orthodox faith, and all adversaries whatsoever, a list of whose names are set down after the epistle to the reader : wherein, by going through all the chapters of the confession of faith, one by one, and propounding out of them, by way of question, all the controverted assertions, and answering by yes, or no, there is a clear confirmation of the truth, and an evident confutation of what tenets and opinions, are maintain'd by the adversaries : a treatise, most useful for all persons, who desire to be instructed in the true protestant religion, who would shun in these last days, and perillous times, the infection of errors and heresies, and all dangerous tenets and opinions, contrary to the word of god. dickson, david, 1583?-1663. sinclair, george, d. 1696. [32], 2-341 p. printed by john reid, edinburgh : 1684. "the epistle dedicatory" signed by the translator: geo. sinclar. a translation by prof. george sinclair, of the latin lectures on the confession of faith (prælectiones in confessionem fidei), which circulated in ms. among prof. dickson's pupils. he reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of 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bottum sampled and proofread 2003-09 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion truths victory over error . or , an abridgement of the chief controversies in religion , which since the apostles days to this time , have been , and are in agitation , between those of the orthodox faith , and all adversaries whatsoever ; a list of whose names are set down after the epistle to the reader . wherein , by going through all the chapters of the confession of faith , one by one , and propounding out of them , by way of question , all the controverted assertions ; and answering by yes , or no , there is a clear confirmation of the truth ; and an evident confutation of what tenets and opinions , are maintain'd by the adversaries . a treatise . most useful for all persons , who desire to be instructed in the true protestant religion , who would shun in these last days , and perillous times , the infection of errors and heresies , and all dangerous tenets and opinions , contrary to the word of god. edinbvrgh , printed by iohn reid , anno dom. 1684. to the right honourable george drummond of milnenab , lord provost , iohn iohnston , thomas douglas , thomas fairholm , and iohn chanceler bailiffs ; charles murray dean of gild , thomas young thesaurer , and remanent members of the honourable council of the ancient city of edinburgh . may it please your lordship , and the honourable senate ▪ my first application is for pardon , that i should adventure to prefix your names to the frontispice of this small fabrick , between which and your singular merits , there is no proportion , save what flows from the uniformity and delicacy of the contrivance , and sincerity of his respects who presents it . i have sometimes appeared in publick , though not with the gold of ophir , and tyrian purpure , wherewith the persians were accustomed to present their princes , and benefactors , in testimony of their obeysance and gratitude ; yet with oblations sutable to my ability as now , though unsutable to your honour and dignity . your unstained reputation , candour , and ingenuity , by which you are guided in the management of the weighty affairs of the city . your encouraging by your authority and good example the holy ministry , vertue and learning in schooles and universities , within the verge of your iurisdiction . the commemoration of favours , which i have received from the council , these many years bygone , have had no small influence upon me , to make this publick , yet humble address . and though i have done but little by way of remuneration , yet somewhat , to be a remembrance of my hearty affection to the good town . i have made some small attempts , during the twelve years i taught peripatetick , and experimental philosophy , and since , for the advancement of learning among others , which have not wanted success , whereby the author hath been encouraged ; especially by the kind acceptance , his writings have met with from the greatest philosophers and mathematicians in this age , in england , holland , germany and france . it is yet recent in the minds of many noble and worthy persons , what esteem his royal highness had of my observations , of the great blazing star , which appeared in december 1680 , which since have been published . i do not mention this for applause , or out of vanity , but for some peculiar reasons hinted at below . but these studies being only hand-maids , and subservient to divine knowledge , and not so generally useful , i have now given them a manumission , unless i be animated by the benign , and favourable aspect of those , who may and can . i move in a distinct sphere from masters of universities . they teach in philosophy , the causes and reasons of things . what i write is but practical and mechanical , for the promoting of natural knowledge and learning , as do the virtuosi . but in stead of such i present your honours with a small bundle of orthodox truths confirmed by plain scripture testimonies , wherewith the true christian church hath in all ages scattered the swarms of dark errors , and damnable heresies , locusts from the bottomless pit . but least i seem too tedious upon one subject , i shall beg your lordships liberty , to interpose for your divertisement , this pleasant interlude , the contemplation whereof may recreate the mind , and have its own usefulness . that brave athenian orator demosthenes writes , that there was a standing ordinance among the locrians a people in greece , that whosoever desired a new law to be made he should make an overture thereof to the whole assembly with a rope about his neck . if it was judged profitable for the publick-good , the author was assoild , and got the thanks of the house . if not , he was instantly strangled . by this means for the space of 200 years and more , no new law was made , save this only that follows . it was a received custome there , that if any man should strick out his neighbours eye ; his on the other part was to be stricken out likewise , in imitation of lex talionis . neither was this crime to be expiated by any sacrifice , nor redeemed by any summ of money or gold , how great soever . a certain man who had but one eye , was threatned by his adversary with the loss of it . this man taking it grievously , and judging the want of his sight more bitter than death , adventur'd with a halter about his neck to offer this new law to the senate , viz. that whosoever should strick out his neighbours eye , who had but one , he should be requited with the lose of both his , as a just recompence ; that the one might share equally with the other in the same calamity . the law was approven and ratified by the whole meeting . demosthenes relates this , teaching that in a well ordered city ; magistrates should take special care that new laws be not rashly made or changed . but i return thither whence the famous orator hath led me aside by this digression . i cannot but now after these wieghty perswasives , make my next application for acceptance , and seriously entreat , that this little book , if not for the value of the thing offered , yet for its design , which is that truth may have victory over error , and for the ingenuity and affection it flows from * , may be received into the tuition of your favour , and get a full protection against the champions of the uncircumcised philistimes , and being enlightned with the splendor of your lordships name , and receiving the impression of the councils authority upon it , may by the lords blessing , be useful to young students in religion , and others too . for which singular favour , i shall fervently pray the almighty god to bless you in your persons , and government , sub auspiciis augustissimi regis caroli a carolo , the ancient city may flourish with religion and righteousness , peace and truth , that the lord may be in it , in the darkest night , a pillar of fire to enlighten and direct , in the hotest affliction a pillar of cloud to overshadow and protect , and to us all both a sun and a shield . and shall think my self very happy , while i live to be under the character of your lordships and the councils much obliged servant geo. sinclar . edin . january 2. 1684. to the honest hearted reader the two great pillars upon which the kingdom of satan is erected , and by which it is upheld , are ignorance and errour . and the two great pillars which support the kingdom of christ , are knowledge and truth . therefore our blessed saviour resolving to subvert the kingdom of satan among the gentiles , tells the apostle in his first commission , that he was about to send him to open their eyes ( namely their understanding ) by the preaching and knowledge of the gospel , and to turn them from darkness to light , from natural blindness and worldly ignorance , unto the right and true knowledge of god. this is the first step of our manumission from that spiritual thraldom . the understanding is the guide , and pilot of the whole man. it is that faculty which sits at the helme of the soul. but as the most skilful pilot may mistake his course in the dark , so may the understanding when it wants the light of knowledge . this is an accomplishment so desirable , that the devil knew not a more alluring bate to tempt our first parents in paradise , ye shall be as gods ( sayes he ) knowing good and evil . when the lord had refer'd it to solomons option , what to choose , he choose wisdom and knowledge . when once the devil understood , that by the preaching of the gospel , his kingdom was ruined , he invents two new stratagems to overthrow religion , even in the infancy and beginning of it , to wit persecution and heresie . open persecution began in nero , a very imp and graff of the devil . when this hirricano , and many others of that kind were past , and when the churches of christ were once at rest , he sends in a deluge of arianism , which in a short time so prodigiously spread , and over-ran the christian world , that it seemed to carry all before it , an assault , that did not strike at the uppermost boughs of religion , but at the root and beeing of christianity . but this second proved more sad than the first ; for , where persecution kills one thousand , heresie kills ten thousand . the one is the wild-boar of the forrest , the other is the little fox , that eateth up the grapes of the lords vineyard . the one kills the bodies of men and women , the other poisoneth the souls of christians . in times of greater light , as these and former times have been reputed to be , satan comes not abroad usually to deceive with his gross forgeries , and cloven foot : for every one almost would discern his haltings , but with more mystical , yet strongdelusions , and invincible chains of darkness , wherewith he binds his captives the faster to the judgement of the great day . and therefore the watch word given in the bright and shining times of the apostles was to try the spirits , and believe not every spirit , and take heed of spirits , who indeed were only fleshly and corrupt men yet called spirits , because they pretended to have much of the spirit , and their doctrine seemed only to advance the spirit , the fitest and fairest cobwebs to deceive and inveigle the world in these discerning times , that possibly could be spun ▪ out of the poysonful bowels of corrupt and fleshly men : for heresie is a work of the flesh . the times are now come , wherein by the refined mystical divinity of the old moncks , all the ordinances of christ in the new testament are allegorized and spiritualized out of the world . they reject the outward word , because of an inward teaching . they reject the outward baptism , because of the inward baptism . they reject the lords supper , because of the spiritual bread from heaven the lord jesus . they abolish the outward sabbath , because of a spiritual and inward sabbath of rest in the bosome of christ. this is very consistent with the observing the outward sabbath . but they wickedly sever , and separat what god hath joyned together . but as to what relates to the present treatise , i am not ignorant , that many eminent and learned divines , far beyond whatever i could profess , have beatten this path , and travelled round the world of polemick divinity . but their writings being so voluminous and large , that he who desires to have a full sight at one look of the chief controversies , can no more have it , than a man from the peak of teneriff , can get a clear sight of the whole globe of the earth . which things , though they be principally worth the knowing , nevertheless , for so much as their number , and variety are an impediment to themselves , and the multiplicity of matter , makes the mind abruptly flit from one thing to another . therefore i have imitated geographers , who after they have surveyed the whole globe of the earth , draw universal descriptions thereof , and comprehend the the whole image of that great terra-queous body within a narrow circumference of a card or mapp . in so doing , i may perhaps contribute some what towards the satisfaction of some , who neither can nor are able , to trace the wearisome foot steps , of those eminent divines , who have written fully . this treatise being historical , none can expect , but i must have consulted others , and gleaned off their writtings what things were needful . i cannot here , as in writing philosophy , or any such like science , set up new theorems , or axioms , which have not been heard of before . this were to make a new religion , a new system , and body of divinity , such as some giddy-headed hereticks are thinking upon . i must confine my self to the good old way , and follow the heatten path-road , wherein men of sound principles have walked before me . this book is not designed for men of knowledge and learning , who are more conversant in such matters than i am , but for the unlearned and new-beginners , who need to be instructed with the sound principles of the true protestant religion . i hope none will think i have done amiss in mentioning so many religions , which had been better unnamed ( some may think ) than named . this might have some weight , if there were no more religions in the world at this time , but one only , to wit , the true protestant religion . but seeing i cannot name so many here , as there are this day owned and professed in the christian church , i cannot be to blame . this book will be useful for understanding the confession , and knowing the design of it . for how many read it , and commend it , that never knew the nature of it . though there be a multiplicity of questions , and many in number , yet all of them to my best remembrance , are taken word by word out of the confession . the answers are by yes , or no. to which are subjoyned immediately the proofs of the confession . these words which are often repeated , well then , do not the papists err , are nothing els but sure conclusions drawn from two manifest propositions . the design of this treatise is good . the method is plain and easy . the order of the questions , follow the order of the purposes in the confession . the probations are such , as are made use of in the confession , and by the orthodox divines , against the adversaries . they are either the very words of the scripture in terminis , or such as by good and necessary consequence , are drawn from the scripture . they pass reckoning for number . let no man blame me for speaking somewhat for the truth , because another man hath spoken better . if i have said little in defence if it , i am sure i have said nothing against it ; as the apostle says , we can do nothing against the truth , but for it . if i cannot please all men , i shall endeavour at least to please some . and if i can please none , i shall not displease my self . i hope my friends will censure favourably , if my enemies censure maliciously . i expect as many adversaries of one sort , and of another upon my top , as a travelling man hath midges and wasps about his head in a warm summer evening . there are escapes in authors , whose knowledge is far beyond any thing i can profess . no marvel then , if a malicious critick , like a viper from the fire of contention fasten upon a mans hand . for the author being intent upon all , cannot lay out his whole industry upon every line , which a snarling cur will bark at . i shal take it as a favour to have learned and iudicious men to censure me . reprove one ( says solomon ) that hath understanding , and he will understand knowledge . some perhaps may look awry upon me , because i have medled with some ticklish questions , and been too positive in my iudgement . if any such questions are , they have occur'd to me in the road , which i could not pass by , without a salutation . but as all of them have been weighed in the ballance of the sanctuary , so these likewise , which some may call ticklish . i durst not for a world have been positive , if i had not judged them consonant to truth , therefore let all men , whatever perswasions they be of , judge charitably : for i have said nothing upon the account of fead or favour , nor any thing which may cause division or offence . for they that are such serve not our lord iesus christ , but their own belly ; and by good words , and fair speeches deceive the hearts of the simple . rom. 16. 18. but i wish all who profess themselves to own the true protestant religion , were owning the sound principles of the confession , and were sutable and consequential to them in their opinions and practises , and had not given too just cause and occasion to others to reproach all honest hearted men , as being of seditions and disloyal principles . it is probable , i may be less noticed by the common adversaries , than by some who are so vain that they glory in injuring the merit of a book . for as a gentleman of great parts and learning says well in his reflections upon one of his late pieces , the meanest rogue may burn a city , or kill an hero , whereas he could never have built the one , or equaled the other . as the method is plain and easy , so is the stile . i use only the common and plain arguments . some perhaps might have expected a dilution , or answering of the adversaries reasons . it is hard to propose them to their palate . they complain their arguments are enervate and clipped . neither is it expedient to bring forth from the devils armory and magazin his fiery darts . in confuting the adversaries , i use no worse language than do not they err . sometimes i treat the quakers with such language , as they use against others . though they look like lambs , yet gall them but a little , and you will find them express the matulent and teen of their heart . and as cacus spouted fire against hercules , who persued him as a theif , so will they against all who persue them as hereticks . anno 1662. i published a little book intituled tyrocinia mathematica , for the use of my schollars , and young students , which was dedicated to that great hero , john duke of lauderdail . anno 1669 , i had a large book printed in holland dedicated to the earle of winton . in the year 1672 , a third was published , intituled the hydrostaticks . though some endeavoured to ruin the reputation of my writings at home , yet they were not able to do it abroad . but least this peece may meet with the like welcome into the world , i shall beg liberty to cite one passage of a letter from a most intelligent gentleman , in vindication of that book intituled ars nova & magna , against which so many flate contradictions were uttered , which the other two likewise met with . ostend , october 10. 1670. i must not forget to tell you a passage anent your late peece . when we were at breda , we had occasion to see collonel lauther , who fell in regrating that scots spirits were not encouraged . and told he had seen a book lately published by one sinclar , whereof he had a great esteem , and that many others as well as he esteemed it highly . for example , he told of a dutchman ▪ who is one of the french virtuosi , that said he had seen nothing on that subject comparable to it ; and it was esteemed so in france . if you have any other thing to publish , i pray you hasten it , for it will not want acceptance . this testimony was homologate afterwards by that famous virtuoso , and mathematician , christopher sturmius , a german , in his book intituled collegium curiosum ▪ which some here have seen . he hath gone thorow the book diligently , and gleaned the finest purposes in it , and sent them abroad , not as his own inventions , but as mine , which he would never have done , if the experiments had been all of them either untruths and lies , or not new , and unheard off . this testimony from a stranger , vindicates sufficiently . the rest of my writings are likewise commended by mr. boile , sir frances hales , doct. glanvil , and others , men of eminent skill and knowledge in such matters , as i treat of . in going thorow this book , you will find the papists confuted upon threescore and fourteen several heads . the quakers upon thirty and two . the socinians upon fourty and seven . the lutherians upon thirteen . the antinomians upon as many . the anabaptists upon thirty and two . the arminians upon twenty and seven . the rest are confuted , some upon fewer ; some upon more heads ; and that only according to their chief and grand errors . for a man to confute all and every one of their false and absurd tenets , would be a task , like the cleanseing of augeas king of elis his ox-stall , which none but hercules was able to do . neither would it be worth the while , seeing by the confutation of those mentioned , you may the more easily confute the rest . if any be too curious to inquire , why the author hath touched so many controversies in religion , and yet hath medled nothing with the great controversie of the time . i answer , i had been both officious and impertinent to have touched matters , which lay not in my way . for in all the confession , which is the onlie road i walk in , there is not one mum or syllable of the one government , or of the other . the book for paper and character may compare with many from abroad . the printer a person of special skill , hath done his dutie sufficientlie in correcting ; so that i find it needless to prefix or subjoyn errata corrigenda . if there be any literal faults , which the most skilful author , and best of printers cannot prevent , let the reader impute them only to invincible necessity . our good lord , whose prerogative it is to teach , to profit , bless this little book , that it may be to thee as a light shining in a dark place , untill the day dawn and the day star arise in thy heart , that thereby thou mayest grow in grace , and in the knowledge of our lord and saviour jesus christ. in summarium hoc theologieum , tetrastichon . quisquis aves sophiam coelestem noscere paucis , huc ades , hic breviter namque libellus habet . aureus est certè firmat quia dogmata sana codice divino , falsa refellititem , upon truths victory over error . doth thou desire this treasure to be thine , of sacred truths , and oracles divine . a fiery pillar radiantly bright : come : it will guide thee in the darkest night . through seas , and rocks , and mountains , on each hand , through wildernesses to canaan's land . by holy writ the truth it verifies , by holy writ confutes all heresies . though short , yet clear , for both do well agree to make thy path unerring unto thee . as ophirs gold , which from malacca came , made solomon on earth the richest man. so will this book make rich thy heart and mind , with divine wisdom , knowledge of all kind . thee richer make than croesus of great name , thee wiser make than solon of great ▪ fame . than all the seven wise sages , greeces glory , i do protest it 's true , and is no story . an alphabetical list of the proper and patronymick names of the authors , of the old and late heresies , confuted in the following treatise . a. adamites , so called from one adam the author of their sect , or from the first man adam , whose nakedness they imitate in their stoves and conventicles , after the example of adam and eve in paradise . page . 172. anthropomorphitans , so called from two greek words anthropos a man , and morphe , a form , figure , or shape , because they maintain'd , that god had a body , and was endued with humane shape . page 21 , 22. arians , from arius a lybian by birth , and a presbyter of alexandria by profession . this heresie brake out under constantine 290. years after christ , and overran a great part of the world. it was condemned in the first famous council of nice , gathered by constantines appointment ; anno 325. page 23 , 28. arminians , so called from james arminius , divinity reader in leyden , who 1605. published and maintained five articles , which have occasioned great troubles to the church of god , being eagerly maintain'd by his followers , called remonstrantes . the five articles are concerning predestination , redemption , gods grace , free-will , and perseverance . page 12 , 13 , 31 , 36 , 40 , 41 , 42 , 43 , 47 , 65 , 69 , 70 , 72 , 74 , 76 , 79 , 81 , 86 , 93 , 115 , 125 , 130 , 157 , 228 , 334. anabaptists , so called from re-baptising , had for their author one nicholas storck , who pretended familiarity with god by an angel , promising him a kingdom , if he would reform the church , and destroy the princes that would hinder him . page 12 , 40 , 45 , 55 , 66 , 75 , 89 , 90 , 104 , 106 , 110 , 157 , 175 , 189 , 198 , 202 , 212 , 216 , 226 , ▪ 239 , 244 , 246 , 262 , 276 , 277 , 283 , 309 , 314 , 228 , 334. antinomians , so called from two greek words , anti , against , and nomos , the law. they sprung up from one john agricola , who affirmed , that the moral law was altogether needless , and that christians were not tyed to the observation thereof . this sect sprung up about the year 1535. page 66 , 82 , 83 , , 88 , 89 , 98 , 99 , 106 , 114 , 127 , 132 , 133 , 145. 155. arabians , so named from arabia , the country where their heresie was broached , and maintained under philip the emperor ; 217. years after christ. page 40. b. brounists , so called from their author mr. robert broun of north-hampton-shire in england , sometimes a school-master in southwork , hold there is no other pure church in the world , but among themselves ; as did the donatists of old . page 317. d. dominicans , one of the popish orders , so called from dominicus a spainard . they were institute by pope innocent the third , anno 1205. this man , with twelve abbots , were appointed to preach down the doctrine of the albigenses , who by their preaching did so incense the princes , that they took arms , and killed 100000. of them . they were of the same religion with the old non-conformists in england , who were called puritans . page 46. 257. donatists , from donatus born in numidia in africk , who because cecilian was preferred bishop before him , to the bishoprick of carthage , accused him , and all the bishops , which had ordained him , to be traditores ; that is , such as had delivered up their bibles to be burned by idolaters , under the persecution of maximius . page 239. e. epicureans , from one epicurus , an old heathen philosopher , who placed mens chief happiness in the pleasure of the mind . he denyed providence , and taught that the world was made by the concurse of atoms . page 40 , 42. eutychians , so named from eutyches an abbot of constantinople . this mans heresies were condemned by the fourth general council held at chalcedon , under the emperour martianus ; anno 451. page 58. erastians , so called from thomas erastus , a physician in heidelberg in germany , who following this mans footsteps , have taken away from the church all discipline and government , and put it into the hands of the civil magistrate . page 214 , 254 , 315 , 324. enthusiasts , so called from the greek word enthusiadso , or enthusiao , in latine , fanatico , i am inspired , or acted , with a prophetical , or divine fury . page 4 , 175 , 232 , 245 , 305. f. franciscans , another popish order , so called from one francis , an italian merchant , who before his conversion ( as the papists say ) lived a wicked and debauched life . he gathered many disciples , anno 1198. and appointed them to be obedient to christ and the pope . page 46. familists , or of the family of love , whose authour was one henry nicholas , a hollander . their first founder was one david george of delph ; who called himself the true david , that would restore the kingdom to israel . they maintained many dangerous opinions . page 116 , 226 , 260. g. greeks , are these who inhabit greece , viz. macedon , epirus , bulgaria , moldavia , &c. they place much of their religion in the worship of the virgin mary ; and of painted , but not of carved images . pages 167 , 228 , 330. h. hemerobaptists , so called from two greek words , hemera , a day , and baptisdo , to baptise ; because they maintained , that men and women according to their faults committed every day , ought every day to be baptised . page 283. i. jesuites , so called from our blessed saviours name jesus , which they falsely assume to themselves . they were instituted anno 1540. by ignatius loyala , first a souldier ; they are all well bred in philosophy , and school divinity , and in many other arts and sciences ; and therefore they are employed as emissaries from the pope , and his conclave , to advance the popish religion . page 31 , 46. judaisers so called , because they think that all the jewish ceremonies are still in force , and binding us who live under the gospel . page 141. independents , so called , because , they will have every particular congregation to be ruled by their own laws , without dependency upon any other church . page 236 , 309 , 317. l. libertines , from the liberty and freedom they take and give to others to commit sin . their first author was one quintinus a taylor in picardy , who taught , that whatsoever good or evil we did , was not done by us , but by gods spirit in us ; and many other blasphemous opinions . page 44 , 106 , 114 , 155 , 175 , 189 , 245 , 246. lutherians , who so call themselves , lyingly and falsely from martin luther , that eminent man of god. page 43 , 65 , 69 , 86 , 112 , 139 , 157 , 244 ▪ 265 , 269 , 271 , 280 , 298. m. manicheans , from one manes a persian by birth , and a servant by condition . the manichean sect was the sink of all former heresies . p. 19 , 55 , 261 macedonians , so called from macedonus bishop of constantinople 312. years after christ. their heresie was condemned in the second general council held at constantinople by gratian and theodosius , anno 380. his followers were called pneumatomachians , fighters against the holy spirit , from pneuma , a spirit ; and machesthai , to fight . page 28. marcionites , from one marcion a paphlagonian , near the euxine sea , who was cerdons scholar , a grand heretick . he maintained cerdons heresies at rome , about 133. years after christ. page 55 , 283 , 334. n. nestorians , so called from nestorius patriarch of constantinople , who broached his errours under theodosius the younger , 400. years after christ. they made christ to have two persons , as he had two natures . this heresie was condemned by the third general council held at ephesus , under theodosius the younger , anno 431. page 57. novatians , so called from novatus , who lived under decius the emperor , 220. years after christ. he was an african by birth . p. 104 , 108 , 110 , 230. o. origenists , so called from famous origen . his errors began to spread about the year of christ , 247. under aurelian the emperour , and continued above 334. years . p. 332. p. pneumatomachians . see the letter p. pelagians , from pelagius a britain ( as they say ) by birth . a monk at rome , afterward a presbyter , under theodosius the younger . p. 45 , 64 , 91 , 115. puritans , otherwise called kathari , because they esteemed themselves purer , and holier than others . p. 66 , 104 , 230 , 239. photinians , from photinus , born in the lesser galatia . he began to spread his heresies about the year 323. at syrmium , where he was bishop under constantius the emperour . p. 334. papists are too well known : they are to be found in every other page almost of the book . q. quakers , so called , because sometimes they use to quake and tremble , when they prophesy , or when they are in a rapture . p. 4 , 5 , 12 , 18 , 23 , &c. s. socinians , so called from one faustus socinus , an italian of siena , place all religion in the old condemned heresies , following their master a most vile heretick . p. 1 , 12 , 13 , 21 , 23 , 28 , 31 , &c. sabellians , so called from sabellus , an african by birth . his heresies began anno christi , 224. page 23. separatists , so called , because they withdrew themselves from the christian communion , and fellowship of others in the worship of god. p. 257. scepticks , commonly called seekers , maintain , that the whole universal church , hath perished a little after the apostles times , and are not to this day restored , until christ from heaven shall send new apostles , for raising up again the church visible . p. 247. sabbatarians , so called , because they observe the jewish sabbath , imagining there is no precept or example in the new testament , for observing the first day of the week . p. 192. t. tritheits , or tritheitae , so called , because they divided the indivisible essence of the godhead into three parts ; the one they called the father , the other the son , the third the holy ghost . p. 19 , 23. tertullianists , were so called from that famous lawyer , and divine , tertullian , who lived under severus the emperour , about 170. years after christ. p. 230. v. vorstians , from one vorstus an old heretick , who taught , that god had a body , and was endued with parts , as the anthropomorphitans affirmed . p. 21 , 22. vaninians , from one vaninus , a great promotter of atheism . he was publickly burned at tholouse . p. 163. chap. i. of the holy scripture . question i. is the light of nature , and the works of creation and providence , sufficient to give that knowledge of god , and of his will , which is necessary to salvation ? no. 1 cor. 1. 21. and 1 cor. 2. 13 , 14. well then , do not the socinians err , who mantain , that men living according to the law , and light of nature , may be saved ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , none can be saved , unless they be born again , by the incorruptible seed of the word . 1 pet. 1. 23. ( 2 ) because , christ is the way , the truth , and the life , and no man cometh to the father , but by the son , iohn 14. 6. ( 3 ) because , there is none other name under heaven , given among men whereby we must be saved , but by the name of jesus , acts 4. 12. ( 4 ) because , men cannot believe in christ without supernatural revelation : and therefore cannot be sanctified or justified ; because all justification , sanctification , and remission of sins , are by gods grace , and faith in jesus christ , rom. 3. 24 , 25. acts. 26. 18. neither can men be so saved , viz. by living according to the light of nature , because salvation is promised onely to believers in christ , acts 16. 31. iohn 3. 16. ( 5. ) because , all that know not god , will be punished eternally , 2 thes. 1. 8. but men without supernatural revelation cannot savingly know god , 1 cor. 1. 21. matth. 11. 27. ( 6. ) men destitute of supernatural revelation cannot know their own corruption and misery , by the first adam , nor the remedy which is offered by christ , the second adam . they are without god , without hope , without the promises , without the church , and covenant of god : and the mysteries of faith are hid , and unknown to them allanerly , that perish , and are lost , eph. 2. 11 , 12. rom. 9. 4. 2 cor. 4. 3. mat. 13. 11 , 12. matth. 11. 25 , 26 , 27. quest : ii. are the holy scriptures most necessary to the church ? yes . 2 tim. 3. 15. 2 pet. 1. 19. well then , doth not the popish church err , that affirmes , the true church to be infallible in teaching and propounding articles of faith , both without , and against the scripture : and that their unwritten traditions are of divine , and equal authority , with the canon of the scripture ? yes . do not likewise the libertines and quakers err , affirming , that god doth teach , and guide the elect into all truth , by the alone instinct and light of the spirit , without any written word whatsoever ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1. ) because , the scriptures are the foundation , upon which the church is built . eph. 2. 20. ( 2. ) because , all things are to be examined , by the rule of the word ; as the noble bereans did , acts 17. 11 , 12. ( 3 ) because , unwritten traditions , are subject and lyable to many corruptions , and are soon , and quickly forgotten . ( 4. ) because , we have life eternal in the scriptures ; therefore they must be most necessary to the church , iohn 5. 39. ( 5. ) because , the scriptures are given , that the man of god , may be perfect , thorowly furnished to all good works , 2 tim. 3. 16 , 17. and the scriptures are written , that men may believe , iohn 20. 31. quest : iii. are these former wayes of gods revealing his will unto his people now ceased ? yes . well then , do not the enthusiasts , and quakers err , who maintain , ▪ that the lord hath not ceased yet , to reveal his will as he did of old ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1. ) because , god who at sundry times , and in diverse manners spake in times past unto the fathers , by the prophets , hath in these last days spoken unto us by his son , heb. 1. 1 , 2. the apostle calls the time of the new testament , the last days , because under the same , there is no more alteration to be expected , but all things are to abide without adding , or taking away , as was taught , and ordained by christ , until the last day ; see also ioel 2. 28. acts 2. 17. the wayes , and manners of old , was first by inspiration , 2 chro. 15. 1. isaiah 59. 21. 2 pet. 1. 21. secondly , by visions , numb . 12. 6. 8. thirdly , by dreams , ioh 33. 14 , 15. gen. 40. 8. fourthly , by urim and thummim , numb . 27. 21. 1 sam. 30. 7 , 8. fifthly , by signs , gen. 32. 24. exod. 13. 21. sixthly , by audible voice , exod. 20. 1. gen. 22. 15. all which do end in writing , exod. 17. 14. which is a most sure and infallible way of the lords revealing his will unto his people . quest. iv. do the books of the old , and new testament come under the name of the holy scripture , and word of god ? yes . well then , do not the quakers err , who maintain , that the scriptures ought not to be called the word of god ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1. ) because , christ says , if he called them gods , unto whom the word of god came , and the scripture cannot be broken , ioh. 10. 35. here it is evident , that the word of god , and the scripture , are the same . ( 2. ) because , the predictions of the prophets , are expresly called the word of god. now in the first year of cyrus king of persia , that the word of the lord spoken by the mouth of ieremiah might be accomplished , 2 chro. 36. 22. here we see it is evident , that the written prophesies of ieremiah , which are a part of the holy scripture , are called the word of god. ( 3. ) because , what christ calls the commandement of god , he calls the word of god , mar. 7. 9 , 10. compared with v : 13. ( 4. ) because , the apostle calls the sword of the spirit , the word of god. this sword , is the sword of the holy spirit , which he doth , as it were , put into our hand , to resist satan , against all his temptations , eph. 6. 17. therefore , by the sword of the spirit , must be understood the scripture , not the spirit it self , as some quakers affirm . it is evident also , from the fourth chapter of matthew , where christ being tempted by the devil , with three different temptations ; resists him with three different places of scripture . and being asked by the pharisees , why his disciples did pluck the ears of corn upon the sabbath day ; answered by scripture . mat. 12. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. teaching us , that satans temptations , must be carefully answered , and that by scripture , as the onely mean to overcome him , and his instruments . ( 5. ) because , the word of god , is quick and powerful , and sharper than any two edged sword , heb. 4. 12. this cannot be understood of christ , because paul in his other writings doth not call the person of christ by this name , and therefore must be understood of the word of the gospel , the power whereof is described , rom. 1. 16. ( 6. ) see these following places of scripture , psalm 119. 172. 1 kin. 16. 12. and 2 kin. 9. 36. and 2 kin. 23. 16. isa. 28. 13. hos. 1. 1 , 2. isa. 37. 22. prov. 30. 5. by the scripture , or word of god , we do not understand the bare letters , or the several written words of the holy scripture , which the adversaries may imagine , we call the word of god. these are only the vessels , which carry and convey that heavenly light unto us . but we understand thereby , the doctrine or will of god revealed unto reasonable creatures , teaching them , what to do , believe , or leave undone , deut. 29. 29. quest. v. are the scriptures given of god , to be the rule of faith and life ? yes . luke 16. 29 , 31. eph. 2. 20. rev. 22. 18 , 19. 2 tim. 3. 16. well then , doth not the popish church err , who maintain their unwritten traditions to be the rule of faith ? yes . do not likewise the enthusiasts , and the quakers err , who maintain , the spirit within , that teaches the elect , to be the only rule of faith. ? and that the dictates of the light within , are of as great authority as the scriptures ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1. ) because , the scriptures are called a rule , gal. 6. 16. ( 2. ) because , nothing is to be added to the scriptures , deut. 4. 2. and 12. 32. prov. 30. 6. rev. 22. 19 , 20. ( 3. ) because , we ought rather to follow the scriptures in this life , than a voice spoken from heaven , 2 pet. 1. 19 , 21. ( 4. ) because , the scripture is written , that we may believe , iohn 20. 31. ( 5. ) because , the scripture is given for making the man of god perfect , 2 tim. 3. 17. ( 6. ) because , we must betake our selves in the whole of religion to the law , and to the testimony , isa. 8. 20. ( 7 ) because , christ himself , refers the greatest question , that ever was , whether he be the son of god , or not , to the scriptures , ioh. 5. 38 , 39. search the scriptures ( says he ) for they testify of me . ( 8 ) because , the holy ghost did never give such a designation to his own word , as an historical rule , and dead letter ; or as some quakers call them , not the principal fountain of truth , and knowledge , nor the first rule of faith and manners , but the regula secundaria , subordinate to the spirit ; whence , as they affirm , the holy scriptures have all their true worth , excellency , and certainty : whereas paul sayes expresly , faith comes by hearing , and hearing by the word of god , rom. 10. 14. ( 9. ) because , the spirits cannot be known , by any other rule , than by the written word . it is certain , that the devil transforms himself into an angel of light , 2 cor. 11. 14. there is a spirit of the world , 1 cor. 2. 12. a spirit that rules in the hearts of the children of disobedience , eph. 2. 2. there is a lying spirit , 1 kin. 22. 22. and a spirit of error and delusion , 1 iohn 4. 6. how shal these be known to be such , or the spirit , which the quakers obtrude upon us , not to be one of them , but by the rule of the word ? quest. vi. are the books commonly called apocrypha , of divine inspiration ? no. luke 24. 27 , 44. rom. 3. 2. and 2 pet. 1. 21. well then , do not the papists err , who affirm , that the books called apocrypha , are of divine inspiration , and of equal authority with the undoubted word ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1. ) because , they were never written in the hebrew tongue , nor by any of the prophets ( 2. ) because , they are never cited in the new testament by christ , or by any of the apostles , as the books of the canonical scriptures are . ( 3. ) because , they contain many fabulous , and impious doctrines , and histories . first , in tobit 5. 12. the angel says , he was azariah , the son of ananias . this was a manifest lie , which cannot be attributed to a good angel ; and therefore the spirit of god , hath not dictated this history . ( 2. ) it is reported , tobit 6. 6 , 7 , 16 , 17. that the heart , and liver of a fish , was good to make a perfume , to drive away the devil , if any man was troubled with him , or with any evil spirit . and it is said , tobit 12. 15. by the angel , i am raphael , one of the seven holy angels , that presents the prayers of the saints . this is only proper to christ. ( 3. ) because , the fact of simeon and levi , condemned by iacob , acted by the spirit of god , gen. 34. 25. in killing the shechemites , is commended by iudeth , 9. 2 , 3. ( 4. ) because , you will read of an offering for the dead , prayers , and reconciliation for the dead , that they might be delivered from sin , 2 maccab. 12. 43 , 44 , 45. see what contradictions are in comparing together , 1 maccab. 6. 8. 2 maccab. 15. 16. 2 maccab . 9. 5. quest. vii . doth the authority of the holy scripture , for which it ought to be believed , and obeyed , depend upon the testimony of any man , or church ? no. 2 pet. 1. 19. 21. 2 tim. 3. 16. 1 thes. 2. 13. well then , do not the popish writters err , who maintain , the authority of the scriptures , to depend upon the testimony of the church , as to us ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1. ) because , the word is to be received by us , not as the word of man , but as the word of god , 1 thes. 2. 13. ( 2. ) because , the doctrine of christ , to be received by belivers , dependeth not upon mans testimony , ioh. 5. 34. ( 3. ) because , god only is true , and infallible , and all men are liars , rom. 3. 4. heb. 6. 18. he is of incomprehensible wisdom , ps. 147. 5. of great goodness , exod. 18. 9. rom. 11. 12. ps. 34. 8. of absolute power and dominion , gen. 17. 1. ps. 50. 1 , 2. of infallible truth , who can neither deceive , nor can be deceived . ro. 3. 4. tit. 1. 2. heb. 6. 18. therefore ought he to be credited , in all his narrations , promises , threatnings , and prophesies , and obeyed in all his commandements allanerly ; because he himself hath said so . quest. viii . is the whole counsel of god , concerning all things necessary for his own glory , mans salvation , faith and life , either expresly set down in scripture , or by good and necessary consequence , may be deduced from it ? yes . 2 tim. 3. 15. gal. 1. 8 , 9. 2 thes. 2. 2. well then , doth not the popish church err , who maintain , the scripture to be an imperfect rule , and therefore to stand in need of a supply of unwritten traditions ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1. ) because , all scripture is given , that the man of god may be perfect , thorowly furnished to all good works , 2 tim. 3. 16 , 17. ( 2. ) because , the psalmist sayes expresly , the law of the lord is perfect , converting the soul , psal. 19. 7 , 8. ( 3. ) because , nothing is to be added to the word of god , deut. 4. 2. prov. 30. 6. therefore the scriptures , must be a compleat , and perfect rule of faith , and not an imperfect rule , or but partly a rule , as they teach . quest. ix . is it warrantable to argue in articles , or matters of faith , by consequences natively deduced from scripture ? yes . well then , do not the socinians , quakers , anabaptists , and arminians err , who maintain , that all matters of faith are set down expresly , and in so many words in scripture , and that no matters of faith ( at least necessary to salvation ) can be built upon consequences drawn from the scripture ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1. ) because , christ himself proves , that necessary point of faith , the resurrection of the dead , from the scripture by a consequence , matth. 23. 29 , 31 , 32. to be any one 's god , is to give one eternal life , psal. 33. 12. psal. 144. 15. whence followeth , that those patriarchs lived still with god , in respect of their souls , ( which these sadducees also denyed ) acts 23. 8. and should also rise in respect of their bodies , and live eternally : seing he is called a god , not of one part of them only ; but of their whole persons . and in that same chapter verse 43 , 45. christ proves his deity by a consequence from scripture against the pharisees . ( 2. ) so doth apollos , acts 18. 28. and paul , acts 19. 22. prove from the old testament , jesus to be the christ : but it is not expresly said in the old testament , that he is christ. is not that which necessarly followes from scripture , contained in it implicitly , and implicitly revealed by god , and is infallibly true ? quest. x. is the inward illumination of the spirit of god , necessary for the saving understanding of such things , as are revealed in the word ? yes . iohn 6. 45. 1 cor. 2. 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. well then , do not the socinians and armi●ians err , who maintain , that men without the revelation of the spirit , are able to understand the scriptures for their salvation ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1. ) because , the disciples of christ , were not able to understand the scripture , before he opened their eyes , luke 24. 45. ( 2. ) because , the iews to this day , cannot understand the scriptures of the old testament , until the vail by the spirit of god be taken away , 2 cor. 3. 14 , 15 , 16 , 18. ( 3. ) because , the psalmist david seeketh from god , the opening of his eyes , that he may behold wondrous things out of his law , psal. 119. 18. quest. xi . are all these things , which are necessary to be known , believed , and observed for salvation , so clearly propounded , and opened , in some place of scripture or other , that not only the learned , but the unlearned , in a due use of the ordinary means , may attain unto a sufficient understanding of them , for their salvation ? yes . psal. 119. 105 , 130. well then , do not the papists err , who maintain , that things necessary to salvation are obscurely , and darkly set down in the scripture ; and that without the help of unwritten traditions , and the infallible expounding of the church , the scriptures cannot be understood ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1. ) because , the word is a lamp unto our feet , and a light unto our paths , psal. 119 , 105. ( 2. ) because , the scripture is a light , which shineth in a dark place , 2 pet. 1. 19. ( 3. ) because , the scripture enlighteneth the eyes , and maketh the simple wise , psal. 19. 7 , 8. quest : xii . hath the lord by his singular providence and care , keeped pure in all ages the old testament in hebrew , and the new testament in greek ? yes . matthew 5. 18. well then , do not the papists err , who maintain , the old testament in hebrew , and the new testament in greek , which are the fountains , to be corrupted ; and that their common latine version is authentick ▪ yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1. ) because , christ sayes , till heaven and earth pass , one jot , or one title shall in nowise pass from the law , till all be fulfilled , matth. 5. 18. ( 2. ) because , there can be no urgent necessity shown , why the fountains are corrupted . ( 3 ) if any such corruption had been in the scripture , christ , his apostles , and the orthodox fathers had declared so much . ( 4 ) because , they never have nor can make out any manifest corruptions in the fountains , albeit most manifest and undenyable demonstrations , are given of the corruptions of their latine version , which they make authentick . quest : xiii . are the original tongues , viz. the hebrew and the greek , to be translated into the vulgar language of every nation into which they come ? yes . are we commanded in the fear of god to read and search the scriptures ? yes . iohn 5. 39. 1 cor. 14. 6 , 9 , 11 , 12 , 14 , 24 , 27 , 28. well then , do not the papists err , who maintain , there is no necessity of translating the original tongues , the hebrew , and the greek , into the vulgar language of every nation , unto which they come , but rather a very great hazard , and danger of errors , and heresies ? yes . do not likewise the same papists err , who forbid the reading of the scriptures in the vulgar tongues ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1. ) because , the scriptures were given long since to the iews , in their own vulgar language , that they might be read publickly and privately by all , deut. 31. 10 , 11 , 12. deut. 11. 18 , 19 , 20. ( 2. ) because , the new testament was written in the greek language , which at that time was most generally known to all nations . ( 3. ) because , christ bids all promiscuously , search the scriptures , ioh. 5. 29. ( 4. ) because , the prophets , and apostles preached their doctrines , to the people and nations , in their known languages : ier. 36 : 15 , 16. act. 2. 6. ( 5. ) because , immediately after the apostles times , many translations were extant . ( 6. ) because , all things must be done in the congregation unto edifying , 1 cor. 14. 26. but an unknown tongue doth not edify . ( 7. ) because , all are commanded to try the spirits , 1 thes. 5. 21. 1 cor. 10. 15. ( 8. ) because , the scriptures teach the way of life , prov. 2. 9. luke 16. 29. acts 24. 14. ( 9. ) because , the scriptures set forth the duties of every man in his place , and estate of his life , deut. 17. 18 , 19 , 20. iosh. 1. 8. psal. 119. 24. 2 chron. 23. 11. ( 10. ) because , they are the ground of faith , rom. 4. 20. 2 chron. 20. 20. ( 11. ) because , they are the epistle of god sent to his church , hos. 8. 12. rev. 2. 1 ▪ 8 , 12. ( 12 ) because , they are his testament , wherein we may find what legacies , he hath bequeathed unto us , 2 cor. 3. 14 , 16. heb. 10. 16. ioh. 14. 16. ( 13 ) because , they are the sword of the spirit , ephes. 6. 17. ( 14 ) because , being imbraced and known , they make a man happy , psalm 119. 97 , 98. luke 10. 42. luke 16. 29. psalm 1 : 2 : rev : 1 : 3. ( 15 ) because , when the scriptures are neglected , or contemned , they plunge men into all misery , heb : 2 : 3 : matth : 22 : 29 : psalm 50 : 16. quest : xiv . when there is a question about the true meaning , and full sense of any scripture , must it be known and searched , by other places , which speak more clearly ? yes . 2 peter 1 : 21 : acts 15 : 15 , 16. well then , do not the papists err , who maintain , the scriptures not to be a sufficient interpreter of it self , and that the sense of it cannot be gathered infallibly , when the text is doubtfull , from other places which speak more clearly , but onely from the magisterial traditions , and unwritten opinions of the church of rome ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the noble bereans , compared scripture with scripture , for finding out the true and sure sense of it , acts 17 : 11. ( 2 ) because , the apostle paul did the same , acts 28 : 23. ( 3 ) because , the same was done by the council of the apostles and elders , acts 15. 15 , 16 , 17. quest. xv. is the holy spirit , speaking in the scripture , the supream iudge , by which all controversies of religion , are determined , and all decrees of councils , opinions of ancient writers , doctrines of men , and private spirits , are to be examined , and in whose sentence we are to rest ? yes . matth : 22 : 29 : 31 : eph : 2. 20 : acts 28. 25. well then , do not the papists err , who maintain , that the church ▪ of rome , and the pope , are the supream iudges of all controversies of faith : and that his decrees , and determinations , are to be believed , without examination , and implicitly to be believed by all believers ? yes . do not likewise the quakers err , who maintain , that the light within , which teacheth the elect , is the only iudge of all controversies of faith ? yes by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , god commands all men , to go to the law , and to the testimony , in doubtful matters , isaiah 8 : 20 : ( 2 ) because , all doubts in religion , are to be examined by the rule of the word , acts 17. 11. galatians 6. 16. ( 3 ) because , christ and his apostles , did alwayes dispute , and reason from the scriptures , against the enemies of the truth : matth. 22 : 31. gal. 3. 13. ( 4 ) because , the church of god is founded upon the writings of the prophets , and apostles , eph. 2. 20. ( 5 ) because , we are commanded to prove all things , and to try the spirits , 1 thes. 5. 2. 1 iohn 4. 1 , 6. chap. ii. of god , and of the holy trinity . question i. is there but one onely the true , and living god ? yes . deut. 6. 4. 1 corinth . 8. 4. 6. 1 thes. 1. 9. well then , do not the tritheitae err , who maintain , three gods numerically distinct , the father , the son , and holy ghost ? yes . do not likewise the manicheans err , who maintain , that there are two gods , being diverse , and opposite , as to kind , viz. one good , the author , and cause of all good things , and of things immaterial , being the god of the new testament . the other evil , to wit , the devil , the author , and cause of all evil things , and of things material , being the god of the old testament ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because though there be a plurality of persons mentioned in scripture , yet it is ever god as one , as is evident from the first chapter of the revelation , and the last . for if that one god have in himself all perfections , there can be no perfection beside him , and so no god , but this one true god : for if there were ; he should not be god , because not infinite in perfection . and if god be infinite in perfection , then surely there cannot be a multiplicity of gods , seing that which is infinite , in that respect , cannot be multiplied . ( 2 ) it is evident from deut : 32 : 39 : where the lord speaketh of himself , i , even i am he , and there is no god with me . ( 3 ) because , god is omnipotent , and so cannot be hindred by any other , in his working . rev : 15 : 3 : ( 4 ) it is evident from christs words to the young man of the gospel , there is none good but one , that is god. ( 5 ) from the words of hanna in her song , for there is none beside thee ( o lord ) neither is there any rock ; beside our god. ( 6 ) from the testimony of the apostle , 1 cor. 8 : 6 : to us , says he , there is but one god. ( 7 ) from what christ said to one of the scribes , viz : the lord our god is one lord : mark 12 : 29 : ( 8 ) because , god is a most absolute , and most perfect beeing , and so beyond all other things , one : iohn 10 : 29. psalm 145 : 3 : 147 : 5 : ( 9 ) because , this one blessed god , is most absolutely sufficient , and furnished with infinite power , and wisdom , for the production , conservation , and ruleing all things in heaven and in earth . ( 10 ) because , he is of all things without himself , the first and supream cause , from which all the creatures visible , or invisible , have their rise and beginning . ( 11 ) it is evident , lastly , from the testimonies of the most wise heathens , who have been necessitated to acknowledge , but one god only . quest. ii. is god infinite in beeing and perfection , yes , iob 11. 7 , 8 , 9. iob 26 : 14. well then , do not the vorstians , socinians , and anthropomorphitans err , who maintain , that god is finite in beeing , and perfection ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , god hath a beeing from himself , and all things have their dependence from him : and therefore there can be nothing , by which he can be limited , romans 11. 36. ( 2 ) because , god is every where present , in heaven , and in earth , and beyond the heavens , ierem : 23 : 24 : isaiah 66 : 1. ( 2 ) because , the scripture affirms , that the perfection of god , is the highest , is unmeasurable , unchangeable , and infinitely great , beyond all creatures : iob 11. 7 , 8 , 9. psal. 145. 3. iob 26. 14. quest. iii. is the only living and true god , a most pure spirit , invisible , without a body and parts ? yes . iohn 4 : 24 : 1 tim : 1 : 17 : deut : 4 : 15 , 16 : luke 24. 39. well then , do not the vorstians , anthropomorphitans , and socinians err , who maintain , god to have a body , and endued with parts , and an outward shape , and form ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , god is the father of spirits , hebr. 12 : 9. ( 2 ) because , god is invisible , 1 tim : 1 : 17. ( 3 ) because , god is like to no bodily thing , nor can he be represented by any image , or corporeal likeness : isa : 40. 18. acts 17. 29. quest. iv. are there in the unity of the godhead , three persons , of one substance , power and eternity ? yes . 1 iohn 5. 7. matth. 3. 16 , 17. matth. 28 : 19. 2 cor. 13. 14. well then , do not the arians , and socinians err , and others , who deny the godhead of the son , and holy ghost ? yes . do not likewise the tritheitae err , who deny the unity of the divine essence ? yes . thirdly , do not the sabellians err , who deny the real distinction of the persons ? yes . and lastly , do not the quakers err , who maintain , there are no persons in the godhead ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) from the places of scripture already cited . ( 2 ) from the apostolical benediction , in which the three persons of the god-head , are called upon expresly : 2 cor. 13. 14. ( 3 ) from , 1 cor. 12. 4 , 5 , 6. where the three persons , are named spirit , lord , god. and from iohn 15. 26. but when the comforter is come , whom i will send unto you from the father , even the spirit of truth . ( 4 ) because , there are three , that bear record in heaven , the father , the son , and the holy spirit . 1 iohn ▪ 5. 7. these three , must be either three persons , or three gods. this last , is the hight of impossibility ; therefore they must be three persons . here they are put to silence , and have nothing to reply ; such is the strength , and power of truth , which is able to stop the mouths of the greatest rebels against religion and reason . but there is good ground for the word person , heb. 1. 3. where christ is said to be the express image , or impression of the fathers person . because , the person of the son , perfectly represents the person of the father , as an impression doth the seal : wherefore he is also called the image of the invisible god , col. 1. 15. the greek word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , subsistence , or person , whereby is understood , the person of the father as distinct from the son , and subsists of himself , and in himself , and is , as the original of the person of the son , by an eternal and ineffable generation . that there are three persons in the godhead ; it is further evident , ( 1 ) from all the epistles , written to the seven churches of asia . for , as may be gathered from rev. 1. 1. it is the father that sends , it is the son that gives iohn the commission , and it is the holy ghost in the close , that is mentioned as a joynt speaker . ( 2 ) because , in that epistle written to thyatira , there are three distinctly named , first , the father and the son , in these words , these things saith the son of god. next , there is named in the last verse of that second chapter , the spirit , he that hath an ear , let him hear what the spirit saith unto the churches . ( 3 ) because , in the beginning of that epistle to the church of sardis , they are all three put together , these things saith he , ( to wit , the son ) that hath the seven spirits of god. here , god , that is the father , is distinctly considered , as another person . the seven spirits , are the holy ghost . ( 4 ) because , these three persons are most fully and clearly distinguished in the fifth chapter . first , the father sitting on the throne . secondly , the lamb , or the son of god : and thirdly , the seven spirits , or the holy ghost , so called from the pouring out of his gifts upon the churches , in that aboundant manner , as if he were seven spirits , or a sevenfold spirit . it is evident also , that the father , son , and spirit are really distinct from one another , and are three persons . they are indeed in respect of their essence , which is indivisibly communicable to them , one and the same god ; but considered personally , they differ really , for the father is not the son , neither is he , that sits upon the throne , the lamb. neither the father , nor the spirit were incarnate , but the son , who died , and was buried , which can be said of none , but of a person . it cannot be said that the father died , or that the spirit died . next , is not the holy ghost the spirit of god , as the son is the son of god ? and if that , suppose , a real distinct personality , this must do it also . now if the father be god , and the son be god , and the spirit god also , who have one , and the same divine nature , and essence indivisibly communicated to them ; and so , if there be but one god , and yet these three really distinct , then they must be distinct persons , in respect of their personal properties , seing they are persons , and distinct . the son , ( as was said ) is called the express image of the fathers person , which evidently shews , that the father , considered as distinct from the son , is a person , and subsists . if then , thus it be , must not the son , as distinct from the father , and so lively and expresly representing his person , be a person also , having this from the father ? the same must be true likewise , of the holy ghost , who is god equal with both , yet different from both ; for he who proceedeth from the father , and from the son , must differ from the father , and from the son ; as he who is begotten , must be distinct from him that begat him . some quakers either ignorantly , or perversely , will have the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , translated substance , ( as it is heb. 11. 1. ) and thus they read , heb. 1. 3. the character or image of gods substance , which is to be understood of christ , ( say they ) not simply as god , but as man. but they might as well have said , it signifies confident , or confidence , because it is so translated , 2 cor. 9. 4. and 2 cor. 11. 17. but they speak here consequentially to their own tenets , who in effect deny the trinity , and all distinction between the father , son , and holy ghost , not only in words , but in very deed . the apostle in this place , is proving christ the son of god , to be lord , and heir of all things ; because , god created the worlds by him ; he is the brightness of his glory , the express image of his person , upholdeth all things by the word of his power . these titles are here given to the son of god , as a creator , and a preserver of all things , which belong to him only , according to his divine nature : therefore these titles must be understood of christ , forasmuch , as he is the eternal son of god , and a light from the eternal light , of one essence , and glory with the father ; nevertheless distinguished from the person of the father , by whom the father executes his operations , and shews his properties , even as the sun by its light doth shine . quest. v. is the son of god , of the same substance , power , and eternity with the father ? yes . 1 iohn 5. 20. rom. 9. 5. isa. 9. 6. well then , do not the arians err , who maintain , the son to be a creature , brought forth before the foundations of the world ? yes . do not likewise the socinians err , who maintain , the son to have had no existence , before he was conceived in the womb of the virgin mary ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) from the scriptures above cited . ( 2 ) because , the son is omnipotent , the creator and preserver of all things , rev. 1. 18. col. 1. 16 , 17. ( 3 ) because , he is omniscient , and searcher of the heart , matthew 9. 3 , 4. iohn 2. 25. iohn 21. 17. quest. vi. is the holy ghost god ? yes . acts 5. 3. 1 cor. 6. 19 , 20. 1 cor. 3. 16 , 17. well then , do not the macedonians , or , pneumatomachians , arians , socinians , and many of the anabaptists err , who maintain , the holy ghost to be a creature , as do the macedonians , or a power , vertue , or efficacy of the father , as many socinians , and others do ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1. ) because , the holy ghost , is to be worshipped as god , matth. 28. 19. 2 cor. 13. 14. rev. 1. 4. ( 2. ) because , he is omniscient , and knoweth all things , 1 cor. 2. 10 , 11. ( 3. ) because , he is omnipotent , the maker , and preserver of all things , the worker of miracles ; and it is he , that sanctifies , and justifies the believers , gen. 1 , 2. psalm 33. 6. matth. 12. 28. compare isaiah 6. 9. with acts 28. 25 , 26 , 27. ( 4. ) because , ananias is said to lie to the holy ghost , acts 5. 3. and verse 4. he is said , not to lie to men , but to god. ( 5. ) because , believers , are said to be the temple of god : 1 cor. 3. 16 , 17. and they are said , ( 1 cor. 6. 19. ) to be the temple of the holy ghost : therefore the holy ghost is god , seeing to be the temple of god , and the temple of the holy ghost , are the same . ( 6. ) because , none can be properly sinned against , but the true god : therefore the holy ghost is god : because many have been said to have sinned against the holy ghost , matth 12. 31. quest. vii . doth not the holy ghost eternally proceed , from the father , and the son ? yes . iobn 15. 26. gal. 4. 6. well then , doth not the greek church err , who maintains , the holy ghost to proceed only from the father ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1. ) because , he is sent by the son ; iohn 15. 26. acts 2. 33. ( 2. ) because , all things , which are the sons , are the fathers , except the personal properties , by which they are distinguished : and all things are communicated from the father , to the son , and consequently the holy ghost : iohn 16. 13 , 14 , 15. matth. 11. 27. iohn 17. 10. ( 3. ) because , christ gave to his apostles the spirit by breathing it upon them : iohn 20. 22. to shew that he proceeded from himself . ( 4. ) because , he is the spirit of the son , no less , than the spirit of the father : gal. 4. 6. ( 5. ) because , if the holy ghost did not proceed from the son , as truely as from the father , he would not be a person really distinct from the son , which is contrary to iohn 14. 16 , 17. ( 6 ) because , it is said , iohn 16. 14. he shall glorify me ( namely by his testimony , gifts , and miracles ) for he shall receive of mine , ( that is , the doctrine of salvation which i have taught you , he shall also reveal it unto you , seing he shal receive the same from me : ) and shall shew it unto you . and rom. 8. 9. he is called the spirit , both of the father , and of the son. it is said , if any man hath not the spirit of christ ; that is , the same spirit , which in the foregoing verse is called the spirit of god , namely the father , and is here also called the spirit of christ , because he also proceeds from christ , and is procured for us by christ , iohn 14. 26. iohn 16. 7. chap. iii. of gods eternal decrees . question i. did god from all eternity , by the most holy , and wise counsel of his will , freely and unchangeably ordain whatsoever comes to pass ? yes . eph. 1. 11. romans 11. 33. heb. 6. 17. romans 9. 15. 18. well then , do not the socinians , arminians , and iesuits err , who maintain , the things which come to pass in time , to fall out , and come to pass , without the decree of god ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1. ) from the knowledge of god , whereby from all eternity , he hath known all things infallibly , which come to pass , or shall be in time . acts 15. 18. iohn 21. 17. heb. 4. 13. but all things , which come to pass in time , could not have been infallibly known from eternity , but in the decree of his divine will. ( 2. ) from gods natural way of working in time : 1 cor. 12. 6. rom. 11. 36. whence it is evident , that god worketh effectually , and immediately in time all things which are done : but he worketh by his will those things , which he will have to be in time ( after that manner , and in that time , how , and when they come to pass ) psal. 115. 3. but that act of willing , cannot happen to god in time , but hath been in him from all eternity , because god is unchangeable , iames 1. 17. ( 3 ) by enumerating several instances , concerning which , the scripture affirms particularly , that they have been decreed by god , as the sufferings and death of christ , acts 2. 23. the glorifying of those , that are to be saved . eph. 1. 4 , 5. 1 thes. 5. 9. and the foreordaining the rest to damnation to be punished for their sin ; iude v. 4. the like may be said of other things , which come to pass in time ; see psalm 33. 11. psalm 115. 3. isaiah 46. 10. prov. 19. 21. that the liberty and freedom of the will , and contingency of events , is consistent with the decree ; is clear from acts 2. 23. acts 3. 17 ( 18. acts 4. 27 , 28. gen. 45. 5. quest. ii. is the decree of predestination , ( namely the decree of election , and reprobation ) absolute , from the meer good will , and pleasure of god ? yes . and is it particular concerning a certain number of persons ? yes . 2 tim. 2. 19. iohn 13. 18. well then , do not the lutherians , and arminians err , who maintain , the decree of predestination to be general , and conditional , depending upon persevering faith ( which they affirm depends upon the will of man ) and foreseen infidelity , and want of faith ? yes . do not likewise the papists , and socinians , err , who maintain , the decree of predestination to be general , and to depend upon good and evil works , with perseverance in them ? yes . by what arguments are they confuted ? ( 1 ) from the apostle paul , who maketh the good will and pleasure of god , the only cause , why this man is chosen , and another , as worthy rejected , and casten off ; rom. 9. 11 , 12 , 13 , 14 , 15. where he moves an objection , against the justice of god , and answers it . ( 2 ) because , our blessed saviour assignes it , to the good will and pleasure of god ; that to some , the mysteries of faith , for their conversion are revealed , and that they are hid from many others , who are nothing worse , but in some respect better ; matth. 11. 25 , 26. ( 3 ) because , a man of himself hath no good thing in him , whereby he may be differenced from another , but what he hath freely gotten from god ; 1 cor. 4. 7. ( 4 ) because , the grace of regeneration , justifying faith , effectual calling , and perseverance to the end , are given to all the elect , and to them only ; according to the eternal decree of god : and therefore are effects not causes , or pre-required conditions of election ; rom. 8. 30. acts 13. 48. matth. 24. 24. 2 tim. 1. 9. iohn 15 , 16. eph. 1. 3 , 4 , 5. matth. 13. 11. rom. 11. 6 , 7. quest. iii. hath it pleased god , according to the unsearchable counsel of of his own will , whereby he extendeth , or withholdeth mercy , as he pleaseth , for the glory of his soveraign power , over his creatures , to pass by , and to ordain the rest of mankind to dishonour , and wrath for their sin , to the praise of his glorious iustice ? yes . rom. 9. 17 , 18 , 21 , 22. iude verse 4 matth. 11. 25 , 26. 2 tim. 2. 19 , 20. well then , do not many of the quakers , and others err , who maintain , that god never ordained any man to perish eternally ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1. ) because , christ thanked his father , lord of heaven and earth , because he had hid those things from the wise and prudent , and had revealed them unto babes ; matth. 11. 25 , 26. ( 2 ) because , the scripture faith to pharo , even for this same purpose , have i raised thee up , that i might shew my power in thee , and that my name might be declared throughout all the earth . therefore hath he mercy on whom he will have mercy , and whom he will , he hardneth . hath not the potter power over the clay of the same lump , to make one vessel unto honour , and another unto dishonour ? what , if god willing to shew his wrath , and to make his power known , endured with much long suffering , the vessels of wrath fitted to destruction ; rom. 9. 17 , 18 , 21 , 22. ( 3. ) because , in a great house , there are some vessels to honour , some to dishonour ; 2 tim. 2. 19 , 20. ( 4. ) because , the apostle iude says , there are some , who of old were ordained to this condemnation , ungodly men . note , that the cause of this reprobation , is not mans sin , but the absolute will , and good pleasure of god. mans sin indeed is the cause , why god will punish , but no occasion , why he did ordain , to pass by , or to punish man. this decree is just , because god has power over man , as the potter hath power over the clay . neither is the end of this decree the condemnation of the creature but the manifestation of gods justice . lastly , sin is the effect of mans free will , and condemnation is the effect of justice , but the decree of god is the cause of neither . quest. iv. are any other redeemed by christ , effectually called , justifyed , adopted , sanctifyed , and saved , but the elect only ? no : iohn 17. 9. rom. 8. 28. iohn 6. 64 , 65. iohn 10. 26. iohn 8. 47. 1 iohn . 2. 19. well then , do not the papists , quakers , socinians and arminians err , who maintain , that all men , even reprobates are redeemed by christ , and that many reprobates , are effectually called , iustified , sanctified , and adopted ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) from the golden chain , which cannot be loosed , mentioned by the apostle paul , rom. 8. 30. whom he did predestinate , them he also called ; and whom he called , them he also justified ; and whom he justified , them he also glorified . ( 2 ) because , those and those only believe , whom god hath ordained to life eternal , acts 13. 48. titus 1. 1. ( 3 ) because , christ himself says to the iews , but ye believe not , because ye are not of my sheep : my sheep hear my voice , and i know them , iohn 10. 26 , 27 , 28. ye are not of my sheep , that is , of the elect , which the father hath given me . ( 4 ) because , christ would not pray for the world , but for the elect only ; iohn 17. 9. ( 5 ) because , the election , or elect , have obtained it , and the rest were blinded ; namely , who are not elected , and effectually called , rom. 11. 7. ( 6 ) because , christ says , greater love hath no man , than this , that a man should lay down his life for his friends . such a love he never had to reprobates , whom , he professes , he never knew ; iohn 15. 13. with matthew 7. 23. ( 7 ) because , according to the scripture , christ died onely for his own sheep , to wit , intentionally , and efficaciously ; iohn 10. 15. ( 8 ) because , the scripture often says , that christ died for many ; matth. 26. 28. matth. 20. 28. ( 9 ) because , there are many , who are living , under the gospel , as well , as those who lived under the law , who have not been so much as outwardly called , being nothing worse , than others who are called . ( 10 ) because , to all and every one , the grace of regeneration , which is simply necessary to salvation , is not offered : neither do all , and every one get remission and pardon of their sins ; ephes. 1. 7. col. 1. 14. deut. 29. 4. matth. 11. 25 , 28. with matth. 13. 11. ( 11 ) because , the grace of regeneration , is invincible , and of its own nature , alwayes efficacious and powerful ; ezek. 11. 19 , 20. ephes. 2. 1 , 5. ephes. 1. 19. ( 12 ) because , the grace of regeneration , can never be lost , or fail totally , or finally ; 1 peter 1. 5. 1 iohn 3. 9. whosoever are called and justified , are also glorified , rom. 8. 30. chap. iv. of creation . question i. did god create , or make of nothing the world , and all things therein ? yes . genesis first chapter to the end , heb. 11. 3. col. 1. 16. acts 17. 24. well then , do not the socinians , and other hereticks , with many of the old pagan philosophers err , who maintain , the world to have been made of some pre-existent matter , not capable of production : and consequently , that creation , or making something of nothing , is simply impossible ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) from the testimony of moses , genesis first chapter . ( 2 ) from the testimony of isaiah , isa. 40. 28. and 45. 18. ( 3 ) from the testimony of the author to the hebrews , heb. 11. 3. col. 1. 16 , 17. rom. 11. 36. ( 4 ) because , the scripture attributeth to god only , eternity , and incorruptibility ; psa. 102. 26 , 27. gen. 21. 33. 1 tim. 1. 17. it is reported of socinus , by a very learned man , who had it from one of his disciples , that he privately denyed the world to be made of nothing , lest thereby he should be necessitated to acknowledge the infiniteness of gods power : which tenet afterwards was more publickly avowed , and maintained by some of his followers . quest. ii. did god create all things , whether visible , or invisible ? yes . col. 1. 16. acts 17. 24. well then , do not some hereticks err , who maintain , that the angels were not created by god ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) from the psalmist david , psalm 33. 6. and 148. 2. 5 , 6. col. 1 : 16. rom. 11. 36 : neh. 9. 6. ( 2 ) because , they are the servants and sons of god , brethren , and fellow-servants with us , willing and ready to obey the commands of god their maker ; rev. 19. 10. rev. 22. 9. psalm 104. 4. ( 3 ) because , many of the angels left their first habitation , and did not continue in the truth , and so made defection from the obedience of their creator , and are reserved in everlasting chains , under darkness , unto the judgement of the great day ; iude verse 6. 2 pet. 2. 4. mat. 25. 41. iohn 8. 48. quest. iii. did god make man male and female , with reasonable and immortal souls ? yes . gen. 1. 27. gen. 2. 7. eccl. 12. 7. luke 23. 43. matth. 10 ▪ 28. well then , do not the sadducees , and the epicureans err , who maintain , the souls of all men to perish , and die for ever ? yes . do not likewise , very many of the socinians , and others err , who affirm , the souls of men to be extinguished or put out , till the resurrection , and then to be brought to life again ? yes . do not likewise the anabaptists , and many of the arminians , and some called arrabians err , who maintain , the souls of men , after death , till the resurrection to fall asleep , ( that is , to be without any sense , or motion , thought , or vital operation , ) whether it be in their body , or in some cavernes of the earth ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) from our blessed lord and saviours words , fear not them , ( says he ) which kill the body , but are not able to kill the soul : matt. 10. 28. ( 2 ) from the testimony of solomon : then shall the dust return to the earth , as it was , and the spirit shall return to god , who gave it , eccl. 12. 7. ( 3 ) because , paul desired to be dissolved , trusting that his soul after death should have more near communion with christ : phil. 1. 23. ( 4 ) they may be confuted from several , and particular instances in the scripture , as is clear from the souls of dives and lazarus , luke 16. 22. from these words of christ to the theif , verily , i say unto thee , thou shalt be with me , this day in paradise , luke 23. 43. from the appearing of moses , and elias , upon the mount with christ ; mat. 17. 3. quest. iv. did god create man , male and female , with righteousness , and true holiness , after his own image , as being connatural to him ? yes . gen. 1. 26. col. 3. 10. eph. 4. 24. well then , do not the socinians err , who deny this , and the arminians , who call this righteousness supernatural ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) from these words spoken by god himself , let us make man , in our own image , gen. 1. 26 , 27. ( 2 ) from gods own testimony , affirming the same thing ; gen. 9. 6. ( 3 ) because , before the fall , both adam , and eve walked naked and were not ashamed : gen. 2. 25. chap. v. of providence . question i. doth god uphold , direct , dispose , and govern all creatures , their actions , and all things from the greatest , even to the least ? yes . heb. 1. 3. dan. 4. 34 , 35. psa : 135. 6. acts 17. 25 , 26 , 28. iob 38 , 39 , 40 , 41 , chapters . well then , do not the socinians , arminians , and that great philosopher durandus , with others called the epicureans err , who deny , that god preserves all things immediately : to be the immediate cause of all things , which fall out : to govern things , which are contingent , and the free acts of the will of man , and evil actions ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , it is god , that worketh all in all . 1. cor. 12. 5 , 6. ( 2 ) because , he worketh all things , according to the counsel of his own will. eph. 1. 11. ( 3 ) because , of him , and through him , and to him ▪ are all things ; rom. 11. 36. quest. ii. doth the almighty power , unsearchable wisdom and infinite goodness of god so far manifest themselves in his providence , that it extendeth it self , even to the first fall , and all other sins of angels , and men ; and that not by a bare permission , but such as hath joyned with it , a most wise , and powerful bounding , and otherwise ordering , and governing of them , in a manifold dispensation , to his own holy ends ? yes . rom. 11 32 , 33 , 34. 2 sam. 24. 1. and 1 kings 21. 22 , 23. 1 chron. 10 : 4. 13 , 14. 2 sam. 16. 10. acts 14. 16. psalm 76. 10. 2 kin : 19. 28. genesis 50. 20. well then , do not the lutherians , papists , arminians , and socinians err , who maintain , that the lord concurrs only to sinful actions , by a bare , naked , and idle permission ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the scripture says , god blinds their eyes , and hardens their hearts , even actively , and judicially ; iohn 12. 40. exod. 7. 3. deut. 2. 30. rom. 9. 18. ( 2. ) because , god is said to punish one sin , with another . rom. 1. 24 , 26 , 28 1 thes. 2. 11 , 12. ( 3 ) from the practise of iob , and david , who , when they were afflicted , and persecuted looked to god , and took it patiently ; iob 1. 21. quest. iii. doth the sinfulness of the action proceed only from the creature , and not from god ? i answer , from the creature only ; iam. 1. 13. 14 , 17. 1 iohn 2. 16. psalm 50. 21. well then , do not the libertines err , who affirm , god ( without blasphemy be it spoken ) to be the author and cause of all sin ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) from davids testimony ; psalm 5. 4. ( 2 ) from moses his testimony ; deut. 32. 4. ( 3 ) from daniels testimony ; dan. 9. 14 ( 4 ) from the testimony of iames 1. 13. ( 5 ) from the testimony of iohn ; 1 iohn 2. 16. and 1 iohn 1. 5. ( 6 ) from the testimony of paul ; rom. 3. 3 , 4 , 5. ( 7 ) from the testimony of habukkuk ; 1 : 13 : from reason ( 1 ) because god is in the highest degree , essentially , and infinitely holy , and good , and therefore pure , and free , from every spot , and blemish , isaiah 6 : 3. psalm 78 : 41 : 1 peter 1 : 15 , 16 : lev. 11 : 44 : ( 2 ) because , god is absolutely perfect , and therefore he cannot fail , or be deficient in working ( 3 ) because , god is the judge of the world ? he is the forbidder , the hater , and revenger , of all sin , and unrighteousness , as contrary to his holy nature , and law : exod chap : 20 : rom : 3 : 5 : 6 : gen : 18 : 25 : rom : 1 : 17 : psalm 5 : 4 : ( 4 : ) because , by his own most absolute , and most supream dominion , soveraignty , and infinite perfection , he is in , and of himself , above all law whatsoever , and under the command of none , in heaven ; or in earth . chap : vi : concerning the fall of man , of sin , and the punishment thereof . question i. is the guilt of the sin of our first parents imputed , and the same death in sin , and corrupted nature , conveyed to all their posterity , descending from them by ordinary generation ? yes . rom. 5 : 12 : 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 : 1 cor. 15. 21 , 22 , 45 , 49. psalm 51. 5. gen. 5. 3. iob 14. 4. iob 15. 14. well then , do not the pelagians , and late anabaptists , quakers , and socinians err , who deny , original sin inherent ? yes . do not likewise the dominicans , franciscans ▪ and iesuits err , who maintain , the virgin mary , not to be conceived in original sin ? yes . does not lastly , a certain ring-leader of the quakers err , who maintains , that to infants , this original sin , is not imputed , until by actual sin , they joyn themselves to it ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) from that well known place of scripture ; rom. 5. chap. which is the very seat , and foundation of this doctrine , of original sin . ( 2 ) because , unless a man be born again , he cannot see the kingdom of god ; iohn 3. 3. ( 3 ) because , all men by nature , and birth , are the children of wrath ; eph. 2. 3. ( 4 ) because , whatever is born of the flesh , is fleshly ; iohn 3. 6. and who can bring a clean thing out of an unclean ? not one : iob 14. 4. iob 15. 14. ( 5 ) because , all the thoughts , and imaginations of the heart of man ( viz. of the natural , and unregenerate man ) are evil continually ; gen : 6. 5. ( 6 ) because , david confesseth , that he was shapen in iniquity ; and in sin , did his mother conceive him ; psalm 51. 5. ( 7 ) because , infants , that are guilty of no actual transgression , need a remedy against sin , to wit , absolution , by the blood of christ , a seal whereof was given , according to gods institution , under the law to infants , namely circumcision , to which baptism , under the gospel succeeds ; deut. 30. 6. rom. 2. 29. acts 22. 16. mark 1. 4. col : 2. 12. gen : 17. 12. matth. 28. 19. ( 8 ) because , all the elect , ( among which are infants ; matth. 18. 6. mark 9. 42 ) are redeemed by christ , and are set at liberty from slavery , freed from the fault , and penal punishment ; iohn 1. 29. iohn 10. 15. 1 tim : 2. 6. ( 9 ) because , infants , are lyable to death , and other miseries , and calamities , which are the wages , and punishments of sin ; rom : 6. 23. gen : 3. 19. quest. ii. is this corruption of nature , albeit pardoned , and mortified through christ in some measure in the regenerate , both it self , and all the motions thereof truely and properly sin ? yes . rom. 7. 5 , 7 , 8 , 25. gal. 5. 17. well then , do not the papists , socinians , and arminians err , who maintain , that concupiscence or lust , and the first motions thereof , which have not gotten the consent of the will , are not properly and truely sin ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , they are forbidden by the moral , and natural law , in the tenth command ; exod. 20. 17. deut. 5. 21. rom : 7. 7. ( 2 ) because , paul speaking of himself while unregenerate , calleth concupiscence and lust ( of which the controversie is ) often times sin and evil ; rom. 7 : 5 , 6. ( 3 ) because , it is a great part of the old man , which we must lay down , and must be mortified ; col : 3. 5 , 6 , 9. ephes : 4. 22. quest. iii. doth every sin , both original and actual , being a transgression of the righteous law of god , and contrary thereunto , bring in its own nature guilt upon the sinner , whereby he is bound over to the wrath of god , and the curse of the law ; and made subject to death , with all miseries spiritual , temporal , and eternal ? yes . 1 ioh. 3. 4. rom : 2. 15. rom. 3. 9 , 19. eph : 2. 3. gal : 3. 10. rom : 6. 23. ephes : 4. 18. rom : 8. 20. lam : 3. 39. matth : 25. 41. and 2 thes : 1. 9. well then , do not many of the papists err , who maintain , that all sins are not contrary to the law of god , nor transgressions thereof ? yes . do not all papists err , who deny every sin to be mortal , or to deserve eternal punishment ? yes . lastly , do not the socinians err , who deny that any sin can deserve eternal punishment ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , all sins deserve eternal death ; rom : 6. 23. esek : 18. 4. rom : 8. 6 , 13. ( 2 ) because , every sin is a transgression of the law ; 1 iohn 3. 4. ( 3 ) whosoever shall keep the whole law , and yet offend in one point , he is guilty of all ; iames 2. 10. 11. and therefore he deserves eternal punishment . ( 4 ) because , those sins of infirmity and ignorance , which the saints are subject to , and which the papists call venial sins , will not suffer them to stand in judgement before god , nor can the saints be justified from them , but by faith : and therefore in strick justice , they merit , and deserve hell ; psalm 143 : 2. psalm 130 : 3 , 4 , 8. ( 5 ) because , god commanded believers under the law , to offer typical sacrifices , for making a propitiation for such sins ; and christ did really by his own pretious blood , purge them away , for by no less price , could they be purged , he being made a curse for them , that he might liberate those from the curse of the law , which they had deserved for such sins , as well as for others . lev : 4. 2 , 3 , 14 , 15 , 20 , 22 , 24 , 31. lev. 5. 17 , 18. gal : 3. 13. heb : 10. 10 , 12 , 14. heb : 9. 14 , 22. 1 iohn 1. 7 , 9. ephes : 5. 25 , 26 , 27. 1 peter 1. 18 , 19. ( 6 ) because , every sin is against the supreamest law-giver , against his holiness and goodness , against his infinite majesty : and floweth from a formal or virtual contempt of god ; and therefore the least sin , cannot but deserve gods wrath , and curse eternally ; iam : 2. 10 , 11. lev : 10. 3. lev : 11. 44 , 45. 1 iob : 3. 4. ephes : 5 : 6. chap. vii . of gods covenant with man. question i. did all these sacrifices and other types , and ordinances by which the covenant of grace was administerd before our saviours incarnation , adumbrate , and foresignifie christ to come ? yes . heb : 8 , 9 , 10 , chapters ; rom : 4 : 11 : col : 2 : 11 , 12 : 1 cor : 5 : 7 : well then , do not the socinians err , who maintain , that the legal sacrifices did not fore-signifie the expiatory sacrifice of christ , neither were types nor figures of it ; but that those sacrifices , which the jews offered for sin , did really , and in very deed , purge away all the sins for which they were offered ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? there are here two parts to be considered ; first , the negative , that the legal sacrifices did not foresignifie . the second , the affirmative , that they did truely make a real expiation and atonement . the first is evidently confuted from scripture testimonies ; for the law having a shadow of good things to come , and not the very image of the things , can never with those sacrifices which they offered year by year , continually , make the comers thereunto perfect ; heb : 10 : 4. the apostle calls here , these legal sacrifices , a shadow : and heb : 9 : 9 : he calls them a figure : and verse 24 , he calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , exemplaria verorum , the figures of the true ; and col : 2 : 17 : he calls them a shadow of things to come , but the body is of christ , which is nothing else , but that the thing signified is of christ : that is to say , fulfilled in christ. for all the shadows of the old testament , had a respect to christ , and his benefits ; by whose coming they also have an end . and iohn 1. 17. it is said , that the law was given by moses , but grace and truth came by iesus christ. by grace , understand the grace of redemption , from the curse of the law ; gal : 3. 13. and of adoption for children ; iohn 1. 12. rom : 8. 15. by truth , understand the fulfilling both of the promises , 2 cor : 1. 20. and of the ceremonies , and types ; col : 2. 17. for this cause the apostles have alwayes pressed , the abrogation of the legal rites , and ceremonies ; because the truth being exhibited , by the coming of the anti-type , the shadows of the type , ought deservedly to cease , and be no more : according to that of daniel 9. 27. the second part is likewise evidently confuted ; namely , that the legal sacrifices did truely and really purge away all the sins , for which they were offered . ( 1 ) because , the apostle sayes , the blood of bulls , and goats , cannot take away sin ; heb : 10 : 4. ( 2 ) because , those sacrifices were not able to make him that did the service perfect ; heb : 9 : 9. ( 3 ) because , these legal sacrifices did leave the sins of such as offered , unexpiated , until they were purged away by the death , and blood of christ ; heb : 9. 15. ( 4 ) because , the sins of believers , under the old testament were forgiven and pardoned after the same manner , that our sins under the new testament are pardoned ; acts 15. 11. quest : ii : was the administration of the covenant under the old testament , sufficient for the time , and efficacious , through the operation of the spirit , to instruct and build up the elect , in the faith of the promised messiah , by whom they had full remission of sins , and eternal salvation ? yes : 1 cor : 10 : 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 : heb : 11 : 13 : iohn 8 : 56. well then , do not the socinians err , who maintain , that life eternal , under the old testament , was never promised to the believers of that time , neither had they any promise to expect it from god ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , there are promises extant in the old testament of life eternal ; isaiah 45 : 17 : where it is said , israel shall be saved with an everlasting salvation ; see dan : 12 : 2 : ( 2 ) because , the fathers under the old testament , believed and expected life eternal ; as iob 19 : 25 , 26 , 27 : david , psal : 17 : 15 : abraham , isaac , and iacob , all of these waited for eternal life ; heb : 11 : 9 , 10 : ( 3 ) because , some at that time were put into actual possession of it ; as enoch , hebrews 11 : 5. so was elias taken up into heaven , and put into actual possession likewise ; 2 kings 2 : 11. ( 4 ) because , the scripture of the old testament pointeth forth the way to eternal life , as christ witnesseth ; iohn 5 : 39 : and paul , 2 tim : 3 : 15 : ( 5 ) because , believers under the old testament were most happy ; psalm 144 : 15. ( 6 ) because , temporal good things , were to them pledges of spiritual good things , and life eternal ; heb : 11 : 8 , 9. quest : iii : are there two covenants of grace , differing in substance ; or but one and the same , under various dispensations ? one onely : gal : 3 : 14 , 16 : acts 15 : 11 : rom : 3 : 21 , 22 , 23 , 30 : rom : 4 : 3 , 6 , 16 , 17 , 23 , 24 : heb : 13 : 8. well then , do not the socinians err ; who maintain ; a substantial ; and not an accidental difference between the old covenant and the new ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , in both the covenants there is the same promise of grace , concerning remission of sins , and life eternal freely to be given to believers , for christs sake ; gen. 3. 15. where the seed of the woman , is promised to bruise the head of the serpent : and gen. 17. 7. it is said , i shall be thy god , and the god of thy seed after thee ; and gen. 22. 18. it is said , in thy seed shall all the nations of the earth be blessed : and iohn 3. 36. it is said , he that believeth , hath everlasting life : and acts 15. 11. it is said , but we believe , that through the grace of our lord iesus christ , we shall be saved , even as they . ( 2 ) because , one , and the same faith , and obedience , on both sides , is required ; walk before me , and be thou perfect , gen. 17. 1. and mark 1. 15. christ sayes , after he came to galilee , preaching the gospel of the kingdom , the time is fulfilled , and the kingdom of god is at hand ; repent ye , and believe the gospel . chap. viii . of chrit the mediator . question i. did the son of god , when the fulness of time was come , take upon him mans nature , with all the essential properties , and common infirmities thereof , yet without sin ; being conceived by the power of the holy ghost , in the womb of the virgin mary , of her substance ? yes . iohn 1. 1 , 14. 1 iohn 5. 20. heb. 2. 14 , 16 , 17. luke 1. 27 , 31 , 35. well then , do not those hereticks called marcionits , and the anabaptists err , who maintain , that christ is not a true man , but onely the appearance , shape , or form of a man ? yes . do not likewise the manicheans err , who maintain , that the body of christ , is not of the substance of the virgin mary , but a heavenly body , brought from heaven to the womb of the virgin ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , christ is said to be made of a woman ; gal. 4. 4. ( 2 ) because , the word was made flesh ; iohn 1. 4. ( 3 ) by an induction of the essential parts of a man , and sinless infirmities , which were found in him . first , he was endued with a rational soul ; iohn 12. 27. secondly , he had a real and substantial body , and denyed he was a spirit only ; luke 24. 39. thirdly , christ did hunger ; mat. 4. 2. fourthly , he was wearied , and thirsty ; iohn 4. 6. lastly , he was sad ▪ he groaned in spirit , and was troubled ; iohn 11. 33. and verse 15. he wept . none of which sinless perturbations , can agree to an appearance , shape , or form of a man. ( 4 ) because , he was made of the seed of david , according to the flesh ; rom. 1. 3. and descended of the iews ; rom. 9. 5. ( 5 ) because , the promises were made in the seed of abraham ; gen. 12. 3. and gen. 18. 18. ( 6 ) because , he took not on him the nature of angels , but he took on him the seed of abraham , wherefore in all things , it behoved him to be made like unto his brethren ; heb. 2. 16 , 17. ( 7 ) because , otherwise , he could not have satisfied in our place , the justice of god : seing it had been unjust , for another nature to have suffered punishment , than that nature which had offended and sinned . quest. ii. are there two whole , perfect , and distinct natures in christ , the god-head , and the man-hood , inseparably joyned together , in one person ? yes : 1 cor. 8. 6. eph. 4. 5. well then , do not the nestorians err , who maintain , the union between the divine and humane nature , not to be hypostatical , but only by way of assistence : and that , as there are two natures in christ , so there are two persons , one proper to the divine nature , another proper to the humane nature ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , unless christ-god-man were but one person , the merit of his death , would not be of so great value , as to redeem the elect from infinite , and eternal punishment : seeing hence cometh , all the value , and worth of his death , that the same person , who was god , did suffer , and die for us . ( 2 ) because , otherwise , christ had been swallowed up , and devoured by the wrath of god , against the sins of the elect , which he himself undertook . ( 3 ) because , christ , if he had not been both god and man , in one person , he could not have been a mediator : for a mediator must be one ; 1 tim. 2. 5. quest. iii. is the godhead , and man-hood in christ , united without conversion , composition , or confusion ? yes . luke 1. 35. col. 2. 9. rom. 9. 5. 1 peter 3. 18. 1 tim. 3. 16. well then , do not those old hereticks , the eutichians err , who maintain , that as the person of christ is one , so his nature is made one , by a composition , or confusion of the two natures together ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , such a composition , is impossible , seing the divine nature , is most perfect , and cannot lose any , of its own perfection , unless we would affirm , the divine nature , to be mutable , and changeable . ( 2 ) because , that same christ , who according to the flesh descended of the iews , is over all , god blessed for ever ; rom. 9. 5. ( 3 ) because , this doctrine takes away all means of mediation : for , by taking away the distinction between the natures , they take away the natures themselves : and so neither could christ have suffered in our place , because not man : neither could he have given any vertue , value , or worth , to his sufferings , because not god. quest. iv. did christ endure most grievous ▪ torments immediately in his soul ? yes . mat. 26. 37 , 38. luke 22. 44. matth. 27. 46. well then , do not the papists err , who maintain , that the soul of christ , even from its first creation , was never affected with any sadness , or sinless perturbation of mind ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the scripture testifies , that his soul was sad unto death ; matth. 26. 37. ( 2 ) because , the apostle iohn testifies , that when christ saw mary weeping for her brother lazarus , he groaned in spirit , and was troubled ; iohn 11. 33. iohn 12. 27. ( 3 ) because , his soul , was exceeding sorrowful , even unto death , as was cited before , matth. 26. 37. ( 4 ) the same thing is proven from christs desertion , whereby the actual fruition , and enjoying of gods favour , as to his sense , was interrupted , and broken in the midst for a time , but in no wise , altogether taken away , which made him cry upon the cross : my god , my god , why hast thou forsaken me. matth. 27. 46. eph. 5. 2. quest. v. had the lord iesus , by his perfect obedience , and sacrifice of himself , which he through the eternal spirit , once offered up unto god , fully satisfied , the iustice of his father ? yes : rom. 5. 9. rom. 3. 25 , 26. heb. 9. 14 , 16. heb. 10. 14. well then , do not some , otherwise orthodox err , who deny , christs active obedience , to be a part of his satisfaction , performed in our place ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the active disobedience of the first adam made us all sinners : therefore we must be made righteous , by the active obedience of the second adam ; rom. 5. 19. ( 2 ) because , christ not only offered himself to the death for us , but for their sakes ( that is , for the elects sake ) he sanctified himself ( that is , he gave up himself , as a holy sacrifice ) iohn 17. 19. ( 3 ) because , it behoved christ to fulfil all righteousness ; mat. 3. 15. ( 4 ) because , we stood in need ; not only of the expiation of sin , for saving us from eternal death , but of the gift of righteousness , for obtaining eternal life , according to that precept and demand of the law , do this , and thou shalt live . and therefore christ is not only called our ransom , but the end and perfection of the law , to every one , that believeth rom. 10. 4. that is , the aim of giving the law by moses , is that , thereby men being brought to the knowledge of their sin , should flie for refuge unto christ , and his righteousness , as he that hath perfectly fulfilled the law for us . ( 5 ) because , the passive obedience of christ , was not in it self meerly and purely passive , but his active obedience did challenge the chief , and principal part in it . psal. 40. 7. then said i , lo , i come , : in the volume of the book , it is written of me. with these words , our saviour christ declareth his willing obedience , to accept of , undergo , and execute the mediatorship , by god imposed upon him . and ( isaiah 53. 7. ) he offered up himself a sacrifice for sin , and by one oblation , he hath perfected for ever them that are sanctified ; heb. 10. 14. ( 6 ) because , whole christ was given to us , with all his benefits : otherwise , if onely his passive obedience were imputed to us , it would follow , that half christ onely were given ; to wit , christ suffering , but not christ doing those things which pleased the father ; taking away our sin , and saving from death onely , but not bringing righteousness . but christ was not given , and born for himself , but for us , that he might bestow himself wholly upon us , by doing for us , what we could not do , and by suffering for us , what we could not suffer . do not likewise the socinians err , who maintain , that this orthodox doctrine , ( namely , that christ did merit eternal salvation , to the elect , and hath satisfied divine iustice for them ; ) is erroneous , false , and absurd ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the messiah doth finish the transgression , and maketh an end of sins , and maketh reconciliation for iniquity , and shal be cut off , but not for himself , as the prophet daniel hath foretold ; chap. 9. 24 , 26. ( 2 ) because , his own self bare our sins in his own body , upon the tree ; 1 peter 2. 24. ( 3 ) because , he hath reconciled those to god , that were sometimes alienated , and enemies in their mind , by wicked works , in the body of his flesh through death ; col. 1. 21 , 22. ( 4 ) because , now once in the end of the world , hath he appeared , to put away sin , by the sacrifice of himself ; heb. 9. 26. ( 5 ) because , he hath given his life , an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a pretium redemptionis , a price of redemption for many . ( 6 ) because , the prophet isaiah sayes , that it pleased the lord to bruise him , and put him to grief ; and that he was wounded for our transgressions , and that he bare our iniquities ; chapter 53. 5 , 10 , 11. quest. vi. did christ , in the work of mediation , act according to both natures , by each nature , doing that , which is proper to it self ? yes : heb. 9. 4. 1 peter 3. 18. well then , do not the papists err , who maintain , that christ is a mediator only according to his humane nature ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , it was needful , for perfecting the work of the mediator , that christ should overcome death ; which could not otherwise be done , than by his divine nature ; 1 pet. 3. 18. where it is said , he was put to death in the flesh , but quickned by the spirit . ( 2 ) because , there are very many properties of the mediator , which cannot in any wise agree to the humane nature of christ , as undertaking , and promising , that he will raise up all at the last day , whom the father has given him ; iohn 6. 39. again , he could not lay down his life , and take it up again , by the alone strength of his humane nature : but all these are works proper to the mediator ; as is clear from the tenth chapter of iohn v. 18. and ( 3 ) the application of those good things , which he hath merited , is the proper work of the mediator , which can only be done , by the divine nature . ( 4 ) because , christ is a prophet , a priest , and a king , according to both his natures . a prophet ; matt. 11. 27. no man knoweth the father , save the son. a priest ; rom. 5. 10. heb. 9. 14. he is a king ; luke 1. 32. all which offices , he executes according to both his natures . chap. ix . of free-will . question i. hath man by his fall , into an estate of sin , wholly lost all ability of will , to any supernatural good , accompanying salvation : so as a natural man being altogether averse from that good ; and dead in sin , is not able , by his own strength to convert himself , or to prepare himself thereunto ? yes : rom. 5. 6 : iohn 15. 5. rom. 3. 10. 12. iohn . 6. 44 , 65. well then , do not the pēlagians , and socinians err , who maintain , that the natural man , without supernatural , and divine grace , is able to convert himself to god , by his own strength ? yes . do not likewise the semipelagians , papists , arminians , and lutherians err , who maintain , that fallen man , and corrupted with original sin , is partly able by his own strength ( the grace of god assisting him ) to prepare himself , and turn himself to god ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the natural man receiveth not the things of the spirit of god , for they are foolishness unto him , neither can he know them , because they are spiritually discerned ; 1 cor. 2. 14. rom. 8. 7 , 9. ( 2 ) because , all that the natural man doth , is sin , and cannot in any wise please god : because , his works are not of faith , nor to the glory of god , as the law requires ; rom. 14. 23. heb. 11. 6. titus 1. 15. rom. 3. 10 , 11 , 12. psalm 14. 3. rom. 8. 8. ( 3 ) because , a man hath no good in himself , whereby he may be differenced from the most flagitious , nor any good thing which he hath not received ; 1 cor. 4. 7. ( 4 ) because , conversion , grace , and salvation , are not of him , that runneth , or willeth , but of god , that sheweth mercy , and whom he will , be hardneth ; rom. 9. 15 , 16 , 18. rom. 11. 7 , 8. matth. 11. 21 , 22 , 25. ( 5 ) because , the conversion of a natural man , is the quickning of one dead ; ephes. 2. 5. col. 2. 13. it is a regeneration , or bearing again ; ioh. 3. 5 , 6 : it is the creating of a new heart ; psalm 51. 10. it is the taking away the heart of stone , and the giving of a heart of flesh ; esek . 11. 19. esek . 36. 26. and therefore as god raised christ from the dead , so also he raiseth us from the grave of sin , by his own proper power ; 1 cor. 6. 14. and ( 6 ) because , god converts and calls men , not by works of righteousness , which they have done ; titus 3. 4 , 5 , 5. but according to his own purpose and grace , which is given us in christ jesus ; 2 timoth. 1. 9. quest. ii. doth a regenerate man , after his conversion , perfectly and onely will that which is good ? no. gal. 5. 17. rom. 7. 15 , 18 , 19 , 21 , 23 ▪ well then , do not the puritans , ( i do not mean the old non-conformists ) antinomians , anabaptists , and many quakers err , who maintain , that all the saints of god are free from every spot , and blemish of sin ? yes . do not likewise some of the popish church and socinians err , who maintain , that some christians , that are more advanced , may come that length to be without any spot , blemish , and act of sin : nay that some have really win that length ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , in many things we offend all , iames 3. 2. ( 2 ) because , christ commands us to seek dayly remission of sins ; matth. 6. 12. luke 11. 4. ( 3 ) because , there is not one just man , upon the earth , who doth not sin ; 1 kings 8. 46. eccles. 7. 20. ( 4 ) because , there is a continual war , between the flesh and the spirit ; so that they ( namely the regenerate ) are not able to do that , which they are willing , and ought to do ; gal. 5. 17. ( 5 ) because , the regenerate are not able to fulfil the first command , namely , to love god with all their heart , with all their soul ; matth. 22. 37 , 38. for we know here but in part , and therefore we love but in part : 1 cor. 13. 9. neither are the saints free of all those inordinate motions of concupiscence , forbidden in the tenth command , as is evident from gal. 5. 17. and from the experience of paul , and of all the other saints . ( 6 ) because , if we say , we have no sin , we deceive our selves , and the truth is not in us ; 1 iohn 1. 8 , 9. but when that same apostle sayes , whosoever is born of god , doth not commit sin , for his seed remains in him , and he cannot sin , because , he is born of god ; he must mean in the first text , of sin dwelling in the best of saints here-away ; and therefore he expresses it by hamartian echein , peccatum habere , which signifies , to have sin . in the second text , he means of sin , not only dwelling , but reigning in us , and made a trade of , and gone about , with the full and hearty consent of the will , and is expressed by the words hamartian poiein , to work sin , and to make a trade of it , as men do in any employment , they take delight in . ( 7 ) we see it from the grievous falls of the most eminent saints ; as noah , lot , abraham , iacob , david , solomon , asa , iehoshaphat , and the discsples of christ. chap. x. of effectual calling . question i. are all those whom god hath predestinated to life , and those onely , in his appointed , and accepted time , effectually called , by his word and spirit , out of the estate of sin and death , in which they are by nature , to grace and salvation , through iesus christ ? yes . rom. 8. 30. rom. 11. 7. ephes. 1. 10. 11. 2 thes. 2. 13 , 14. rom. 8. 2. ephes. 2. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. 2 cor. 3. 36. well then , do not the papists , arminians , and lutherians err , who maintain , that men not elected , are sometimes effectually called ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , faith belongs to the elect only ; titus 1. 1. ( 2 ) because , whom he did predestinate , those onely , and no other hath he called ; rom. 8. 30. ( 3 ) because , though many hear the gospel , yet none believe , but such as are ordained for everlasting life ; acts 13. 48. ( 4 ) because , the apostle testifies , that the elect have obtained it , and the rest were blinded ; rom. 11. 7. ( 5 ) because , christ manifested his fathers name , to those only whom he choised out of the world , and gave to him ; joh. 17. 6 quest. ii. doth god , whom he effectually calls , enlighten their minds spiritually , and savingly , to understand the things of god ? yes . acts 26. 18. 1 cor. 2. 10 , 12. eph. 1. 17 , 18. well then , do not the arminians err , who maintain , that no supernatural light infused into the intellective faculty , and thereby elevating it , is requisite to the saving understanding of these things , which are needful ( in the scripture ) to be believed , done , and hoped for ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the natural man receiveth not the things of the spirit of god ; for they are foolishness unto him ; neither can he know them , because they are spiritually discerned ; 1 cor. 2. 14. ( 2 ) because , the carnal mind is enmity against god , for it is not subject to the law of god , neither can it be ; rom. 8. 7. ( 3 ) because , all unregenerate men are darkness ; ephes. 5. 8. and darkness cannot comprehend the light ; iohn 1. 5. ( 4 ) because , christ sayes , i thank thee , o father , lord of heaven and earth , because thou hast hid these things from the wise and prudent , and hast revealed them to babes ; matth. 11. 25. quest. iii. doth god take away from them , whom he effectually calls , the heart of stone , and give unto them an heart of flesh , renewing their wills , and by his almighty power , determining them , to that which is good , and effectually drawing them to iesus christ ? yes . ezek. 36. 26. ezek. 11. 19. phil. 2. 13. ezek. 36. 27. well then , do not the arminians err , who maintain , that the will of man , when he is regenerate , is not renewed , nor furnished with any new and spiritual qualities ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , moses sayes , god shal circumcise thy heart , and the heart of thy seed , to love the lord thy god , with all thine heart , and with all thy soul , that thou mayest live ; deu. 30. 6. ( 2 ) because , the lord says , a new heart also will i give you , and a new spirit will i put within you ; and will take away the stony heart out of your flesh ; and i will give you an heart of flesh : and i will put my spirit within you ; and cause you to walk in my statutes , and cause you to keep my judgements , and do them ; ezek. 36. 26 , 27. ( 3 ) because , it is god , that worketh in us , both to will , and to do , according to his good pleasure ; phil. 2. 13. ( 4 ) because , all the faculties of the soul are renewed ; 2 cor. 5. 17. if any man be in christ , he is a new crearure : old things are past away , behold , all things are become new . do not likewise the same arminians err , who maintain , that when the grace of god begins to make an infall upon the heart , in order to a mans conversion , it is indifferent , and may be resisted , and withstood ; so that a man may be converted , or not converted by it ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , if this doctrine were true , a mans conversion , would be of him that runneth , and of him that willeth , but not of god , that sheweth mercy ; which is contrary to the apostle , rom. 9. 15 , 16. ( 2 ) because , by this way , it should not be god , that worketh in us both to will and to do ; phil. 2. 13. ( 3 ) because , by this way , a man himself should make the difference , and god should not make one man to differ from another , which is contrary to the apostle ; 1 cor. 4. 7. ( 4 ) because , if so , a man might glory , that he had in himself , what he had not received ; which contradicts 1 cor. 4 , 7. ( 5 ) because , it is god , that draws a man , before he comes to christ ; iohn 6. 44. ( 6 ) because , conversion is a new creation ; 2 cor. 5. 17. ( 7 ) because , it is a resurrection from the dead ; ephes. 2. 5. ( 8 ) because , conversion is no less , than to be born over again ; iohn 3. 3. quest. iv. is this effectual call , of gods free and special grace alone , and not from any thing at all foreseen in man ? yes . 1 tim. 2. 9. titus 3. 4 , 5. eph. 24 , 5 , 8 , 9. well then , do not the papists and arminians err , who maintain , that an unregenerate man , may by the strength of nature , and his free-will do some good works : nay , often times hath actually done such good works , as may prepare him , and dispose him , for the receiving of the grace of god ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , an evil tree cannot bring forth good fruit ; matth. 7. 17. ( 2 ) because , the carnal mind is enmity against god : for it is not subject to the law of god , neither indeed can it be ; rom. 8. 7. ( 3 ) because , we have nothing in our selves , which we have not received , whereby we may differ from others ; 1 cor. 4. 7. ( 4 ) because , whatever is not of faith , is sin ; rom. 14. 23. heb. 11. 6. ( 5 ) because , we are not able of our selves to think a good thought , but all our sufficiency is of god , 2 cor. 3. 5. ( 6 ) because , before conversion we were dead in trespasses and sins ; eph. 2. 2 , 5. ( 7 ) because , not by works of righteousness , which we have done , but according to his mercy he saved us , by the washing of regeneration , and renewing of the holy ghost ; titus 3. 5. ( 8 ) because , we were sometimes , that is , before conversion , darkness ; eph. 5. 8. ( 9 ) because , christ says , without me , ye can do nothing ; iohn 15. 5. quest. v. is a man in effectual calling onely passive , until being quickned , and renewed by the holy ghost , he is thereby enabled , to answer this call , and to embrace the grace offered , and conveyed in it ? yes . 1 cor. 2. 14. rom : 8. 7. ephes. 2. 5. iohn 6. 37. iohn 5. 25. ezek. 36. 27. well then , do not the papists and arminians err , who maintain , that a man in his conversion is not passive , but active ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? before i do this , it is to be observed , that when i say a man is passive in his conversion , i do not think he is physically passive , as a stock or a stone ; while an artist is about to make a statue of them : but morally , or rather spiritually , as a man is spiritually dead , which is a true and real death , though he be naturally living . the ( 1 ) reason , by which they are confuted is this , because we are dead in trespasses and sins ; ephes. 2. 1. ( 2 ) because , we are the servants of sin , until we be made freemen by the son of god ; iohn 8 : 34 , 36. ( 3 ) because , we are by nature , under the power of satan , and of darkness ; acts 26. 18. col. 1. 13. 2 tim. 2. 26. ( 4 ) because , it is god , that worketh in us , both to will , and to do , of his own good pleasure ; phil. 2. 13. ( 5 ) because , the flesh lusteth against the spirit ; gal. 5. 17. ( 6 ) because , tho scriptures ascribe that whole work to god , and no part of it to man ; eph. 2. 8 , 9 , 10. quest. vi. are elect infants , dying in infancy regenerated , and saved by christ , through the spirit , who worketh when and where , and how he pleaseth ? yes . luke 18. 15 , 16. acts 2. 38 , 39. iohn 3. 3 , 5. 1 iohn 5. 12. well then , do not the anabaptists err , who maintain , that no infants are regenerated ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , iohn the baptist , was filled with the holy ghost , even from his mothers womb ; luke 1. 15. ( 2 ) because , the propher ieremiah , was sanctified , from his mothers womb ; ier. 1. 5. ( 3 ) because , the promise is made to believing parents , and to their children conjunctly ; gen. 17. 7. acts 2. 39. ( 4 ) because , of such , says christ , is the kingdom of heaven ; mat. 19. 14. ( 5 ) because , the apostle calls children , which are descended , but of one parent , in covenant with god , holy ; 1 cor. 7. 14. ( 6 ) because , god hath promised in the second command , that he will shew mercy , unto thousands , that are descended of believing parents ; exod. 20. 6. quest. vii . can any not elected , although called by the ministry of the word , and having some common operations of the spirit , truely come to christ , and so be saved ? no. matth. 22. 14. matth. 7. 22. matth. 13. 20 , 21. heb. 6. 4 , 5. iohn 6. 64 , 65 , 66. iohn 8. 24. well then , do not the arminians err , who maintain , that there is sufficient grace given to all men , for their conversion , to whom the gospel is preached ? yes . do not likewise the quakers err , who maintain , that every man hath so much grace given of god , as if he would improve it , would bring him to heaven ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , christ says to his disciples , to you it is given , to know the mysteries of the kingdom of heaven , but to them , it is not given ; mat. 13. 11. ( 2 ) because , it is said , of the jews , they could not believe because god had blinded their eyes , and hardned their hearts ; iohn 12. 39 , 40. ( 3 ) because , christ said to his disciples , there are some of you , that do not believe : therefore said i unto you , that no man can come unto me , except it were given unto him of my father ; iohn 6 : 64 , 65 : ( 4 ) because , the prophet isaiah complains , who hath believed our report , or to whom is the arm of the lord revealed ? cap : 53 : 1. ( 5 ) because , many are called , but few are chosen ; mat. 22. 14 : ( 6 ) because , men in nature , do not discern , neither can they know the things of the spirit of god ; 1 cor : 2. 14. ( 7 ) because , the most part of the world , are buried in gross darkness , and have their understanding darkned , and are alienated from the life of god , through the ignorance , that is in them , because of the blindness of their hearts ; eph. 4 : 18. chap. xi . of iustification . question i. doth god freely justify those , whom he effectually calleth , not by infusing righteousness into them , but by pardoning their sins , and by accounting , and accepting their persons , as righteous , not for any thing wrought in them , or done by them , but for christs sake alone ? yes : rom : 9 : 30 : rom : 3 : 24 : well then , do not the papists , socinians , and quakers err , who maintain , that the righteousness , whereby we are justified before god , is not without us , but within us , and inherent ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , if inherent righteousness , did justify us , then good works would justify us , but the scripture denys that ; rom : 3 : 20 : therefore , ( says the text ) by the deeds of the law , shall no flesh be justifyed in his sight : and verse 28 : therefore we conclude , that a man is justified by faith without the deeds of the law. see rom : 4 : 6 : gal : 2 : 16 : eph. 2 : 8 , 9 , titus 3 : 5 : in all which places , works are secluded expresly from our justification . ( 2 ) because , the righteousness , whereby we are justified , is not our proper own ; 2 cor : 5 : 21 : for he ( to wit god ) hath made him to be sin for us who knew no sin , that we might be made the righteousness of god in him ; phil : 3 : 8 , 9 : and be found in him , not having my own righteousness , which is of the law , but that which is through the faith of christ , the righteousness which is of god by faith. ( 3 ) because , we are not justified by the law ; acts 13 : 38 , 39. ( 4 ) because , our justification , is given to us freely ; rom. 4 : 4 , 5. rom. 11. 6. ( 5 ) because , our inherent righteousness , is imperfect , 1 kings 8 : 46 : for this scripture says , there is no man that sinneth not . see that parallel place ; 1 iohn 1 : 8 : where it is said , if we say we have no sin , we deceive our selves , and the truth is not in us . ( 6 ) because , if we were justified by inherent righteousness , we would have matter to boast of , which is contrary to pauls doctrine , eph. 2 : 9 : not of works , least any man should boast . ( 7 ) because , the righteousness of a christian man , is the justifying of the ungodly . rom : 4 : 5. quest : ii : doth god justify men , by imputing faith it self , the act of believing , or any other evangelical obedience , to them , as their righteousness ? no. rom. 4. 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. 2 cor : 5 : 19 , 21 : rom : 3 : 22 , 24 , 25 , 27 , 28 : tit : 3 : 5 : 7 : eph. 1. 7. ier : 23 : 6. 1 cor 1. 30 , 31 : rom : 5 : 17 , 18 , 19. well then , do not the arminians err , who maintain , that faith it self , and the act of believing , is imputed to us for righteousness ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , faith is that by which , we receive righteousness ; acts 26 : 18. therefore if it be that by which , we receive righteousness , it cannot be righteousness it self : because , that which is received , is far different , and another thing from that , whereby we receive it . ( 2 ) because , we are not justified by inherent righteousness , as is proven evidently against the papists in the last foregoing question , all which reasons do clearly evince , that we are not justified by the imputation of faith it self , or by the act of believing , as our righteousness . quest. iii. is faith , which is the alone instrument of justification , alone in the person justified ? no. is it ever accompanied with all other saving graces , and is no dead faith , but worketh by love ? yes . iames 2 : 17 , 22 , 26. gal. 5. 6. well then , do not the papists err , who maintain , that justifying faith , may be truely , and really separated from love , saving hope , and all the rest of the christian vertues ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , as the body without the spirit is dead , so faith without works is dead also ; iames 2. 26. ( 2 ) because , faith worketh by love ; gal. 5. 6. that is , by shewing forth the works of love in us , towards god , and our neighbour . ( 3 ) because , faith purifies the heart ; acts 15. 9. ( 4 ) because , he that hath faith , is in christ : but he that is in christ bringeth forth much fruit ; iohn 15. 5. ( 5 ) because , those who have faith , are buried with christ , and walk in newness of life ; rom. 6. 4. that is , in holiness and purity , which accompany faith. ( 6 ) because , he that saith , i know god , and keepeth not his commandments , is a liar , and the truth is not in him ; 1 iohn 2. 4. quest. iv. did christ by his obedience , and death fully discharge the debt of all these , who are thus justified , and did he make a proper , real , and full satisfaction to the fathers justice , in their behalf ? yes . rom. 5. 8 , 9 , 10. 1 tim. 2. 5. 6. dan : 9 : 24 , 26 : heb : 10 : 10 , 14 : isa : 53 : 4 , 5 , 6 , 10. 11 , 12. well then , do not the papists err , who maintain , that christ hath not made a full satisfaction , to divine iustice , for the sins of those who are justified : and that humane satisfactions do in part , satisfy the iustice of god for sin ? yes . do not likewise the socinians err , who deny , all true and proper satisfaction to christs sufferings ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the prophet sayes , he hath born our griefs , and carried our sorrows , was wounded for our transgressions , was bruised for our iniquities ; isaiah 53 : 4 , 5. ( 2 ) because , by one offering , he hath perfected for ever , them that are sanctified ; heb. 10. 14 ( 3 ) because , humane satisfactions , being finite , can never satisfy in part or in whole , the infinite justice of god , for the punishment of sin ; iob 35. 6. ( 4 ) because , he hath blotted out the hand writting of ordinances , which was against us , which was contrary to us , and took it out of the way , nailing it to his cross ; col. 2. 14. ( 5 ) because , there is nothing more frequent in scripture , than that christ was a propitiation for our sins ; rom : 3. 25. ( 6 ) because , christ sayes , i lay down my life for my sheep , and no man taketh it from me , but i lay it down of my self ; iohn 10. 15 , 18. ( 7 ) because , the son of man came to give his life , a ransom for many ; matth. 20. 28. see the first of tim. 2. 6. ephes. 5. 2. gal 3. 13. rev. 5. 9. 1 iohn 2. 2. quest. v. are the elect justified , until the holy spirit , in due time , actually apply christ to them ? no. col. 1. 21 , 22. titus 3. 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. well then , do not the antinomians err , who maintain , that the elect are justified from eternity ; or when the price of redemption was payed ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , all that are justified , have been strangers and enemies to god , and children of wrath ; ephes. 2. 3. col. 1. 21. titus 3. 3. 1 cor. 6. 10 , 11. ( 2 ) because , none are justified , until they believe in christ ; gal. 2. 16. knowing that a man is not justified by the works of the law , but by the faith of jesus christ , even we have believed in jesus christ , that we might be justified by the faith of christ. quest. vi. can those who are justified , by reason of their sins , fall under gods fatherly displeasure , and not have the light of his countenance restored unto them , until they humble themselves , confess their sins , beg pardon , and renew their faith and repentance ? yes . psalm 89. 31 , 32 , 33. psalm 32. 5. psalm 51. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. matth. 26. 75. 1 cor. 11 : 30 , 32. well then , do not the antinomians err , who maintain , that gods love , and favour , towards those , that are once-justified , cannot consist with his anger and chastisement towards them ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , christ says , as many , as i love , i rebuke and chasten ; rev. 3. 19. ( 2 ) because , david was chastened , for his adultery , and murder ; 2 sam. 12 , 10. ( 3 ) because , the lord says , if my children forsake my law , and walk not in my judgements , then will i visit their transgressions , with the rod , and their iniquity with stripes ; psalm 89. 30 , 31. ( 4 ) because , god was provoked , with the sins of the corinthians , for which he punished them ; 1 cor. 10. 22. and 1 cor. 11. 30. quest : vii . is the iustification of believers , under the old testament , one and the same in all respects with the justification of believers , under the new testament ? yes . gal. 3. 9 , 13 , 14. rom. 4. 22 , 23 , 24. heb. 13. 8. well then , do not the socinians err , who maintain , that the manner of justification , is not one , and the same , under both the testaments ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , abraham was justified by faith in christ ; gen. 15. 6. and he believed in the lord , and it was counted to him for righteousness . that is , god of his meer grace , held him righteous , and justified that had no righteousness in himself , whereby to subsist and stand before his justice seat , and that through faith in his promises , and in the promised mediator , ( 2 ) because isaiah teacheth , that both himself and other believers ; were justified by the knowledge of christ , chap. 53 11. ( 3 ) because , the holy ghost expresly testifies , that christ died for the believers under the old testament ; heb. 9. 15. ( 4 ) because , the justification of believing iews under the old testament , and believers under the new , are compared between themselves as equal ; acts 15. 11. chap. xii . of adoption . question i. are those who are taken into the number , and enjoy the liberties , and priviledges of the children of god , and have his name put upon them , and receive the spirit of adoption , are they ( i say ) ever cast off ? no. are they sealed to the day of redemption , and inherit the promises , as heirs of everlasting salvation ? yes . lam. 3. 3. eph. 4. 30. 1 pet. 1. 5. well then , do not the lutherians err ; who maintain , that the chlidren of god , some of them , may be cast off , for a time totally , though not finally ? yes . do not likewise , the arminians , quakers , and socinians err , who maintain , that those who have received the grace of adoption , may be cast off totally and finally ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , all the children of god are keeped through faith unto salvation ; 1 peter 1. 5 : ( 2 ) because , christ hath prayed , for the preseverance of all believers ; iohn 17 : 20 : iohn 11 : 26 : and all those , that are adopted , are the children of god by faith ; gal. 3 : 26 : ( 3 ) because , no man , that is born again , as are all the children of god , doth sin ; that is , he ▪ suffers not sin to reign over him , for his seed remaineth in him ; that is , gods seed , whereby he is born again , namely the word of god ; 1 peter 1 : 23 : iohn 3 : 5 , 6 : remaineth in him , that is , doth not totally perish , but abideth thence foreward , working the fruits of regeneration once begun in them ; phi : 1 , 6 : see 1 iohn 3 , 9 : ( 4 ) because , all the children of god , request the father , by the son , that he may grant them perseverance to salvation ; matth : 6 : 13 : which perseverance is most needful to them , for that end ; matth : 24 : 13. but believers , when they seek things needful to salvation , in the name of christ , according to his promise , are alwayes heard ; iohn 14 : 13 , 14 : iohn 16 : 23. ( 5 ) because , the gifts and calling of god are without repentance ; rom : 11 : 29. ( 6 ) because , all those who are justified are glorified ; rom : 8 : 30 : but all who are adopted , are endued with faith , and are justified ; gal : 3 : 26. ( 7 ) because , christ keepeth all his adopted ones , that none can pluck them out of his hand , or his fathers hand ; iohn 10 : 27 , 28 , 29. ( 8 ) because , perseverance is a gift promised by god to all the elect , in the covenant of grace ; ezek : 36 : 26 , 27 , 28. ezek : 11 : 19 , 20 : ierem : 31 : 31 , 32 , 33. ( 9 ) because , justifying grace is a well of water springing up into everlasting life , in every man , to whom it is given ; iohn 4 : 14. and the saints are like unto trees , planted by the rivers of waters , which bring forth their fruit in their season ; psalm 1. 3. chap. xiii . of sanctification . question i. are they who are effectually called , and regenerated , having a new spirit created in them , farther sanctified , really and personally , through the vertue of christs death , and resurrection , by his word and spirit dwelling in them ? yes . 1 cor. 6. 11. acts 20 : 32. phil : 3 : 10 ▪ rom : 6 : 5 , 6. iohn 17. 17. well then , do not the antinomians err , who maintain , that those who are justified , are sanctified onely , by the imputed holiness of christ ; not by infusing inherent holyness , or any spiritual qualities into them , by the help of which , they are enabled to live holily ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the apostle says , follow peace and holiness with all men , without which no man shall see god ; heb. 12. 14. ( 2 ) because , the fruit of the spirit , is love , joy , peace , long-suffering , gentleness , and faith ; gal. 5. 22. ( 3 ) because , they who are in christ , bring forth good fruit ; iohn 15. 5. ( 4 ) because , they who belong to christ , have crucified the flesh with the affections , and lusts ; gal. 5. 24 , 25. ( 5 ) because , the apostle commands us , to work out our salvation , with fear and with trembling ; phil. 2. 12. ( 6 ) because , we ought to purify our selves , from all filthiness of the flesh , and spirit , perfecting holiness in the fear of god ; 2 cor. 7. 1. ( 7 ) because , we ought to grow in grace , and in the knowledge of our lord and saviour jesus christ ; 2 pet. 3. 18. ( 8 ) because , the lord circumcises the hearts of the elect , that they may love the lord their god , and taketh away the heart of stone ; deut. 30. 6. ezek. 36. 26 , 27. quest. ii. is sanctification imperfect in this life , there being some remnants of corruption abiding in every part ? yes . 1 iohn 1. 10. rom. 7. 18 , 23. ps : 3. 12. well then , do not the antinomians , and many of the quakers err , who maintain , that those who are justified , are perfectly sanctified ? yes . do not likewise the papists , socinians , and anabaptists err , who maintain , the same , but differ in the manner ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? but first consider , that the antinomians defend , that the most perfect holiness of christ is imputed to us , and is made ours , there being no inherent holiness in us , nor required of us . but the papists , socinians , quakers , and anabaptists affirm , and maintain a perfect inherent holiness , in this life . they are confuted ? ( 1 ) because , there is no man that sinneth not ; 1 kings 8. 46. ( 2 ) because , if we say , we have no sin , we deceive our selves , and the truth is not in us , 1 iohn 1. 8 ▪ ( 3 ) because , in many things , we offend all ; iames 3. 2. ( 4 ) because , there is not a just man upon the earth , that doth good , and sinneth not ; eccles. 7. 20. ( 5 ) because , we are all , as an unclean thing , and all our righteousnesses are as filthy raggs ; isaiah 64. 6. ( 6 ) because , the psalmist prayeth , that god would not enter into judgement with him , for in thy sight ( says he ) shall no man be justified ; psal. 143. 2. ( 7 ) because , no man can say , i have made my heart clean , i am pure from my sin ; prov. 20. 9. ( 8 ) because , the apostle complains heavily , concerning indwelling sin ; rom. 7. 18 , 23. ( 9 ) because , the saints are obliged , to seek pardon of sin every day ; matth. 6. 12. ( 10 ) because , the lord sayes , he that is holy , let him be holy still ▪ rev : 22. 11. chap. xiv . of saving faith . question i. is the grace of faith , whereby the elect are enabled to believe , to the saving of their souls , the work of the spirit of christ , in their hearts ? yes . heb. 10. 39. 2 cor. 4. 13. ephes. 1. 17 , 18 , 19. well then , do not the pelagians err , who maintain , faith to be a thing natural ; who attribute the being thereof to our selves , and to the strength of our corrupt nature ? yes . do not likewise the arminians err , who though they grant faith to be the gift god , yet they deny faith to be given according to the precise will of god , for the saving of some men ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) i confute the pelagians ; for christ sayes , no man can come to me ( that is , believe ) unless the father that hath sent me draw him ; iohn 6. 44. ( 2 ) because , the apostle sayes for unto you it is given , in the behalf of christ , not onely to believe in him ; but also to suffer for his sake ; phil. 1. 29. ( 3 ) because , that which is natural , is proper to all ; but all men have not faith ; 2 thes. 3. 2. ( 4 ) because , faith is reckoned up among the fruits of the spirit ; gal. 5. 22. ( 5 ) because , the very desire it self of believing is from god , and not from our selves ; phil. 2. 13. ( 6 ) because , christ , is the author and finisher of our faith ; heb. 12. 2. by what reasons do you confute the arminians ? ( 1 ) because , faith is given to the elect onely , and to such , as are ordained to life eternal ; titus 1. 1. acts 13. 48. ( 2 ) because , he that believes , shall be saved ; mark 16. 16. iohn 3. 15 , 16 , 18 , 36. ( 3 ) because , god wills precisely , the glorifying of all those whom he justifies ; rom. 8. 30. but they who have faith , are justified ; rom. 5. 1. ( 4 ) because , god wills precisely , the gloryfying of all those , whom he inwardly , and efficaciously calleth ; rom. 8. 30. but all that believe in him , are powerfully called ; 2 thes. 2. 13 , 14. ( 5 ) because , all the children of god , are heirs of god , and joynt-heirs with christ ; rom. 8. 17. but how many soever believes in his name ; to them he gave power to become the sons god ; iohn 1. 12. quest. ii. is faith the fruit of christs purchase ? yes . titus 3. 5 , 6. titus 2. 14. ezek. 36. 25 , 26. well then , do not the arminians err , who deny faith , and other saving graces to be christs purchase , or the fruits of his death ? yes . do not likewise others of the same kind err , who granting the gift of believing , not to flow from mans free-will , or from any sufficient grace bestowed upon all , maintain , that it flows from gods soveraign good-will , thinking fit to bestow that gift upon some whom he hath elected , and not upon others ; without respect to the merits of christs death ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , if this be all , that christ hath purchased by his death , that god might save fallen man , upon condition he believe ; then christ might attain his end in dying , and yet not one soul be saved by his death . ( 2 ) because , it makes christ a titular saviour onely , purchasing salvation to all , without any full and certain intention of applying it to any . ( 3 ) because , it is promised to christ the mediator , as a satisfaction to him for his sufferings , that not only many through faith in him , shall be justified , but that certainly , he shall see his seed , and the fruit of his soul ; isaiah 53. 10. ( 4 ) because , the washing of regeneration , and renewing of the holy ghost ; under which all particular graces may be comprehended , are said to be shed on us aboundantly , through jesus christ ; titus 3. 5 , 6. ( 5 ) because , the lord hath promised to remove from us , the heart of stone , and to give us a new heart ; to cleanse us from all our idols , and wash us with clean water . but these promises are in one bundle , with the promises of his pardoning our iniquity , and remembring our sins no more ; ezek. 36. 25 , 26. ierem. 31. 33 , 34. ( 6 ) because , christ is made unto us wisdom , sanctification , and redemption , no less , than righteousness , under which , faith and all saving graces needful to the working out of our salvation are comprehended ; 1 cor. 1. 30 , 31. ( 7 ) because , we are said to be blessed , with all spiritual blessings in christ iesus , ( ephes. 1. 3. ) which by his merit are communicated to us . and is not faith and saving grace to be accounted among the spiritual blessings ? ( 8 ) because , it is not a meer possibility of redemption , but actual redemption , that the saints in heaven praise and extol christ for ; rev. 5. 9 , 12. an arminian , cannot well sing a part of this song , while he thinks in his heart , he is no more beholden to the lamb for his redemption , than cain and judas . quest. iii. doth a christian by faith , believe whatsoever is revealed in the word , for the authority of god speaking therein ? yes . iohn 4. 42. 1 iohn 5. 10. acts 24. 14. 1 thes. 2. 13. well then , do not the papists err , who commend and extol implicit faith ; and who define faith , rather by ignorance , than by knowledge ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , faith cometh by hearing , and hearing by the word of god ; and therefore , there can be no faith , without knowledge ; rom. 10. 17. ( 2 ) because , all believers , are taught of god ; isaiah 54. 13. iohn 6. 45. ( 3 ) because , christ sayes , this is life eternal to know thee , the onely true god , and jesus christ , whom thou hast sent ; iohn 17. 3. ( 4 ) because , the prophet isaiah sayes , by his knowledge , shall my righteous servant justify many ; chap. 53. 11. quest. iv. are the principal acts of saving faith , accepting , receiving , and resting upon christ alone , for iustification , sanctification , and eternal life , by vertue of the covenant of grace ? yes . iohn 1. 12. acts 16. 31. gal. 2. 20. acts 15. 11. well then , do not the papists err , who maintain , faith to be nothing , but a naked assent , to the truth revealed in the word ; it being placed by them , in the understanding onely ? yes . do not likewise the sccinians err , who put no difference between faith , and the obedience of works ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , to believe , is to receive christ , which is an act of the will ; iohn 1. 12. ( 2 ) because , faith is the substance of things hoped for , the evidence of things not seen . or faith , is a firm ground , or a firm confidence ; that is , which causeth to subsist , or stand firm , the things which are promised by god in christ , and which therefore are expected by hope , which is not done only by an assent , to gods promises in our understanding , but also by a trusting to the same in our will. i say faith , is a firm ground of the things , which are hoped , and an argument of things not seen . or a conviction , in greeke elegchos : for faith respecting gods revelation and promise , convinceth and assureth the heart of man , more strongly of the truth of a thing , than any other argument brought from natural reason , can do ; heb. 11. 1. ( 3 ) because , we are justified before god by faith ; rom. 5. 1. but we are not justified by a bare and naked assent to the truth ; otherwise the devils should be justified ; iam. 2. 19. neither are we justified by the socinians faith , which is every where condemned in scripture ; rom. 3. 20 , 28. gal. 2. 16. eph. 2. 8 , 9. phil. 3. 9. titus 3. 4 , 5. chap. xv. of repentance . question i. is repentance unto life , an evangelical grace , the doctrine whereof is to be preached by every minister of the gospel , as well as that of faith in christ ? yes . ezek. 12. 10. acts 11. 18. luke 24. 47. make 1. 15. acts 20. 21. well then , do not the antinomians err , who maintain , that repentance is not an evangelical grace ; and that it ought not to be preached by any minister of the gospel , seing it leads us away from christ , and is many wayes hurtful and dangerous to us ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , god hath promised in the covenant of grace , that he will pour upon the house of david , and upon the inhabitants of ierusalem , the spirit of grace and supplication , which shall cause christians under the gospel , to repent and mourn for their sins ; zech. 12. 10. ( 2 ) because , repentance is numbered among the saving graces , which shall be bestowed and conferred upon converts , under the gospel , and is sometimes put for the whole conversion of a man to god ; acts 11. 15 , 16 , 17 , 18. ( 3 ) because , the ministers of the gospel ought to instruct those with meekness ; who oppose themselves ; if god peradventure will give them repentance , to the acknowledging of the truth ; 2 tim. 2. 25. ( 4 ) because , repentance from dead works , is among the principles of the doctrine of christ ; and is a foundation , which ought to be layed , before the hearers of the gospel can go on into perfection ; i say , layed by the ministers of the gospel ; heb. 6. 1. ( 5 ) because , christ himself appointed repentance , no less to be preached , through the world , than remission of sins ; luke 24. 47. ( 6 ) because , christ and his apostles preached repentance , no less than faith ; mar. 1. 15. mat. 3. 2. nay , the whole sum of the gospel is placed in preaching faith and repentance ; acts 20. 20 , 21. quest ii. doth a sinner . ( namely by repentance ) out of the sight , and sense , not only of the danger , but also of the filthiness , and odiousness of his sins , as contrary to the holy nature , and righteous law of god , and upon the apprehension of his mercy in christ , to such as are penitent , so grieve for , and hate his sins , as to turn from them all unto god ? yes . ezek. 18. 30 : ezek. 36 , 31. isai. 30. 22. ier. 31. 18 , 19. ioel 2. 12 , 13. amos 5. 15. psalm 119. 6. 59. 106. well then , do not the antinomians err , who maintain , we ought not by repentance , to hate our sins , to mourn for them , and turn from them to god : but only to believe , that christ in our stead and for us , hath repented ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , repentance , being a turning from our sins , and evil ways , and a turning to god , and christ being without sin , could not be capable to repent in our stead ; 1 king. 8. 35. heb. 7. 26 , 27. ioel 2. 12 , 13. ( 2 ) because , they that repent , confess their sins , and are grieved for them ; ezra 10. 1. mark 14. 72. they hate their sins ; 2 cor. 7. 11. they are ashamed , and confounded for them ; ier. 31. 19. ( 3 ) because , repentance , is a sorrow after a godly manner , in the same very persons , that repent , wrought by god , by the preaching of the word ; 2 cor. 7. 9. acts 11. 18. ( 4 ) because , repentance , is called a renting of the heart ; ioel 2. 12. and they that repent , hate and loath themselves for their abominations ; ezek. 36 ▪ 31. they are ashamed , and confounded ; ier. 31. 19. they are grieved , and pricked in their reins ; psal. 73. 21 ( 5 ) because , god promising repentance , to the people of the jews , being converted to christ , after their backsliding , says , i will pour out upon the house of david , and upon the inhabitants of ierusalem , the spirit of grace and supplication , and they shall look upon me , whom they have peirced , and they shall mourn for him , as one mourneth for his only son ; zech. 12. 10 , and shall be in bitterness for him , as one that is in bitterness , for his first born . but is any man so foolish as to affirm , that when a man doth mourn , for his first born , he believes only , that another man , hath mourned in his stead ? ( 6 ) because , faith is one thing , and repentance specially so called , is another thing ; mark. 1. 15. acts 20. 21. heb. 11. 6. in which places , faith and repentance , are numbred two diverse things . and it is evident likewise , that faith is the cause of repentance , but nothing can be the cause of it self . do not likewise , the papists err , who maintain , that we are not by repentance converted from our sins to god ; which they only make an endument , or quality fitting , and disposing us for conversion , and meriting it : which ( say they ) consists in heart contrition , mouth confession , absolution , and satisfaction . by the first , they have heart sorrow for sin . by the second , they confess their sins to the preist . by the third , ( which can be no part of repentance ; seeing it is not a thing done by the sinner ) they are absolved by the priest , from theirsins . by the fourth ▪ they make satisfaction for former sins , in performing some good work willingly undertaken , or enjoyned by the priest after absolution ; as fastings , chastising of their own bodies , pilgrimages , and hearing of many masses yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the word of god asserts no meritorious work in us , to go before our conversion . not by works of righteousnss , , which we have done , but according to his mercy , he saved us ; titus 3. 4 , 5 , 6. ( 2 ) because , the only merit of christ , is the meritorious cause of our conversion ; heb. 9. 14. 1 cor. 6. 11. ( 3 ) because , true repentance , is the infallible antecedent , and forerunner of life ; 2 cor. 7. 10. acts 11. 18. and they who truely repent have all their sins pardoned ; acts 2. 38. acts 3. 19. nay , repentance is a peice of the exercise of the life of grace here , and worketh unto life , and salvation hereafter . but of no foregoing disposition , or qualification previous to repentance , can these forecited places of scripture be understood . ( 4 ) because , repentance , and turning to god , are sometimes put , for the same thing : and the prophets , while they study to excite , and stir up the people to repentance , they signifie it , by the word conversion and turning to god ; acts 11. 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 21. ioel 2. 12 , 13 , esek . 18. 31 , 32. ( 5 ) because , whatsoever goes before our conversion to god , it cannot be of faith ; and therefore , it must displease god ; rom. 8 : 8 : rom. 14. 23. but true repentance is of faith , and god delighteth in it ; ier. 31. 18 , 19 , 20. ( 6 ) because , in very many places of scripture , repentance is described , by a departing from evil , and a turning to god. isa. 1. 16 , 17. isaiah 55. 7. psalm 34. 14. hos. 6. 1. ( 7 ) because , heart contrition , mouth ( confession , and satisfaction for ) former sins which they call pennance , as they are explained by the papists , may be found in hypocritical repentance , as is evident from the example of iudas , and abah ; matth. 27. 4 , 5 , 6. 1 kings 21. 27. there may be true evangelical repentance , without confession of the mouth made to a priest , and without pennance . if the mouth and heart confess to god only , it is sufficient , unless their be a publick scandal , committed against the church of god. as for absolution , it can be no part of repentance , for it is not a thing done by the sinner , but ( as i said ) conferred by the priest. quest. iii. is repentance to be rested on , as any satisfaction for sin , or cause of the pardon thereof ? no. ezek. 36. 31 , 32 , ezek. 16. 61 , 62 , 63. well then , do not the papists err , who maintain , that repentance , is a satisfaction for sins ( to wit , an imperfect satisfaction ) and that it deserves the mercy of god , and pardon of sin ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because ; christ did satisfy the justice of god to the full : and it is his blood only , that purgeth us from all sin ; isai. 53. 4 , 5 , 6 , 8. 11. 1 iohn 1. 7. ( 2 ) because , to satisfie for sin , is a part of the priestly office of christ , which cannot be communicated to any ; heb. 2. 17. compared with heb. 7. 23 , 24. ( 3 ) because , the lord pardoneth our sins , not for our sake , but for his own sake ; isai. 43. 25. ezek. 36. 25. 31. 32. ( 4 ) because , pardon of sin , is an act of the free favour of god ; hos. 14. 2. eph. 1. 7. but if it be of the free favour of god , then it is no more of works , and of repentance ▪ as a satisfaction for sin ; rom. 11. 6. quest. iv. is there any sin so great , that it will bring damnation upon those , who truely repent . no. isaiah 59. 7. rom. 8. 1. isaiah 1. 16. 18. well then , do not the novatians , anabaptists , and puritans called kathari err , who maintain , that if any after baptism , and grace received , fall into grievous sins , offend willingly , there is no pardon remaining for them , even though they should repent ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , god under the law , appointed dayly sacrifices even for sins , that were commited willingly ; num. 28. 3. lev. 6. 1. to the eight verse . ( 2 ) because , god in the covenant of grace hath promised , that he will not utterly take from them ( with whom he is in covenant ) his loving kindness : even though they have broken his statutes , and not keeped his commandments ; psalm 89. 30 , 31 , 32. ( 3 ) because , god invites the galatians , and corinthians , who were guilty of apostasie , and of very many gross scandals , to repentance , from the hope of pardon , gal. 3. 1. gal. 1. 6. gal. 4 , 19. 1 cor. 1. 11 , 12. and 1 cor. 5. 1 , 2 , 7 , 8. 2 cor. 12. 21. ( 4 ) because , the apostle iohn says , even to such as have sinned willingly , after baptism , and grace received , if we truely repent and confess our sins , god is faithful and just , to forgive us our sins ; 1 iohn 1. 9. see , 1 iohn 2. 12. ( 5 ) because , david after murder , and adultery : and peter , after denying of his master , obtained pardon , when they repented ; 2 sam. 12. 13. iohn 21 , 19. therefore there remaineth pardon to such , as after baptism , and grace received , have fallen and repented . quest. v. is every man bound to make private confession of his sins to god , praying for the pardon thereof ? yes . psalm 51. 4 , 5 , 7 , 9. psalm 32. 5 , 6. well then , do not the antinomians , libertines , and anabaptists err , who maintain , that those , who are once iustified , are not any more obliged , to confess their sins , to be grieved for them , or to repent of them ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , whosoever doth call upon god the father , in their pravers , they ought to seek dayly remission of sins ; luke 11. 2 , 3 , 4 ( 2 ) because , god doth commend , the serious confession of sins , and grief for them ▪ in justified persons , and delighteth therein ; ier. 31. 18 , 19 , 20. luke 7. 44. isa. 66. 2. ( 3 ) because , pardon of those sins , which justified persons shall confess , is promised ; prov. 28. 13. psalm 32. 5. 1 iohn 1 ; 9. ( 4 ) because , such are declared blessed , that mourn . matth. 5. 4. ( 5 ) because , in whom the spirit dwelleth , it worketh in them , being greatly weighted , with the burden of their sins , a continual groaning : and sorrow for the same ; rom. 7 ▪ 23 , 24. rom. 8. 26. ( 6 ) because , true repentance , is a renewing of the image of god lost , at least greatly defaced , by the committing of sin , which in sanctification is not perfected , but only begun , and doth dayly increase through the vertue of christs death , and resurrection ; eph. 4. 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24. ( 7 ) from the example of justified persons , as david , iosia , peter and others , who after justification confessed their sins , grieved for them , and begged pardon ; 2 sam. 12. 13. psalm 51. the 2 kings 22. 19 : neh : 9. from the begining ; mark 14. 72. quest : vi : do those , who confess their sins privately to god , who pray for the pardon thereof , and forsake them , obtain mercy ? yes . prov : 28 : 13 : 1 iohn 1 : 9 : well then , do not the papists err , who maintain , that besides confession of sins made to god , and forsaking of them , an auricular confession , and enumeration of all particular sins , committed after baptism , must be made to our own proper priest , as a necessary mean , for obtaining remission of them ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the psalmist says , who can understand his errors ; psalm 19 : 12 : and they being moe , than the hairs of our head , how can they be mumbled over to a priest ? psalm : 40. 12 : ( 2 ) because , christ gave an absolution , without an enumeration of every sin ; mat. 9 : 2 : neither doth he demand , an enumeration , of all our several sins , though we be obliged to reckon , and rehearse , all that we are able to remember ; luke 7. 48. luke 18. 13 , 14. ( 3 ) because , there is no command , or example in scripture , for any man to whisper , and round his sins into the ear of a priest : and therefore , it not being of faith , it is sin ; rom. 14. 23. ( 4 ) because , whosoever turneth from his sin to god , and confesseth them , he findeth mercy presently ; ezek. 18. 21. 28. prov. 28. 13. quest. vii . ought he who scandalizeth his brother , or the church of christ , to be willing , by a private , or publick conconfession , and sorrow for his sin , to declare his repentance to those who are offended ? yes . iames 5. 16. luke 17. 3 , 4. iosh. 7. 19. psalm 51. throughout ; 2 cor. 2. 8. well then , do not the novatians err , and others too , who maintain , that those , who have offended their brother , or the church of christ , are not obliged to declare their repentance , to the parties offended ; and that those , who are offended , ought not to require any such thing , as private , or publick confession , and acknowledgement , but that presently , they ought to be received , without doing any such thing ? yes . do not likewise some church-men err , who connive , and wink , at the publick scandals , especially of the richer , and better sort ? yes . and lastly , do not many in these times err , who jear , and make a mock , at all publick confession of sins . yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , he that offendeth his brother , ought to return to him , saying i repent ; luke ▪ 17. 3 , 4. ( 2 ) because , christ did even value so much a private mans offence , that he was not to be admitted to the altar with his gift , until he was reconciled to his brother ; matth. 5. 23 , 24. ( 3 ) because , the incestuous person , was not received into the communion of the church of corinth , before he had evidenced his repentance , by satisfying the church ; 2 cor. 2. 6. ( 4 ) because , publick confession of sin , glorifies god ; iosh. 7. 19. ( 5 ) because , those who sin , must be rebuked before all , that others also may fear ; 1 tim. 5. 20. quest. viii . are those , who are offended , bound to be reconcilled to the offending party ▪ he declaring his repentance , and ought they in love to receive him ? yes . 2 cor. 2. 8. well then , do not the novatians and anabaptists err , who maintain , that professors of religion , falling into publick scandal , especially in denying the truth , in the time of persecution , are no more to be received into the church , even though they repent ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , christ says , if they brother trespasse against thee , rebuke him ; and if he repent , forgive him , and if he trespass against thee seven times in a day , and seven times in a day , turn again to thee , saying i repent thou shalt forgive him ; luke : 17. 3. 4. ( 2 ) because , for a heathen , and publican ( that is one casten out from the communion of the church ) he only is to be esteemed , who neglecteth to hear the church ; matth. 18. 17. ( 3 ) because , such as have offended the church , after submission , to the churches censure , ought to be comforted ; the church ought to make their love known to them ; and receive them again into communion , least happly their grief , and sorrow increasing , they be swallowed up ; 2 cor. 2. 7 , 8. ( 4 ) because , if a man be overtaken in a fault , they who are spiritual , ought to restore such an one , in the spirit of meekness ; considering themselves , least they also be tempted ; gal. 6. 1. ( 5 ) because , if men , repenting of their faults committed against their brethren , and fellow christians , be not received into the communion of the church , both they and the church are in hazard , lest satan by his devices , gain an advantage of them ; 2 cor. 2. 10. 11. ( 6 ) because , miriam , who for her sedition , against moses , was shut out from the camp seven days , was brought in again ; num. 12. 15. so was the incestuous person , received into the communion of the church ; 2 cor. 2. 8. chap. xvi . of good works . question i. are good works onely such , as god hath commanded in his holy word , and not such as without the warrant thereof , are devised by men , out of blind zeal , upon any pretence of good intention ? yes . micah 6. 8. rom. 12. 2. heb. 13. 21. matth. 15. 9. with 1 sam. 15. 21 , 22 , 23. isa. 29. 13. 1 pet. 1. 18. rom. 10. 2. well then , do not the papists err , who maintain , that not only such works are good , which are done according to the will and law of god , but others also , which are commanded by the publick authority of the church ; though over and above , what the law of god requires . and that those also are good works , which are done out of a good intention , to advance gods glory , or to perform worship to him , though they be not commanded by god ? yes . do not likewise the old and late libertines err , who maintain , that the difference between good works , and evil , depends onely upon the private and particular opinion of every man. for they think , that no work ought to be called evil , but in so far , as he that doth it , thinks it evil ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , good works are described by the apostle to be such , as god before hath ordained , that we should walk in them ; eph. 2. 10. ( 2 ) because , god expresly commands , that every man must not do that , which seems good in his own eyes , but onely such works , as he hath commanded , and must neither add thereto , nor diminish from it ; deut. 12. 8 , 32. iosh. 1. 7. prov. 30. 6. rev. 22. 18. ( 3 ) because , the lord openly testifies that in vain they do worship him , teaching for doctrines , the commandments of men , not requiring that will-worship , which phantastick men would give him ; isaiah 1. 13. matth. 15. 9. micah 6. 6 , 7 , 8. col. 2. 23. ( 4 ) because , the scribes and pharisees are severely rebuked by christ , that made the commandment of god of no effect , by their traditions ; matth. 15. 6. and it is often mentioned in the books of the kings , and chronicles , as a fault in the kings of iuda , that the high-places were not taken away . and how severely were the israelites punished , for their worshipping of the golden-calf ? exod. 32. and for worshipping the calves , which ieroboam set up at dan , and bethel , all know ; 1 kin. 12. 28. ( 5 ) because , the law of god , is the perfect rule and square of good works ; to the law , and to the testimony : if they speak not according to this word , it is , because there is no light in them ; isaiah 8. 20. ( 6 ) because , without faith , it is impossible to please god ; heb. 11. 6. but faith hath alwayes a respect to the word of god. quest. ii. are good works done in obedience to gods commandments , the fruits , and evidences of a true , and lively faith ? yes . iames 2. 18 , 22. well then , do not the antinomians , and libertines err , who deny , that believers , ought to make evident to themselves , and others , the truth of their iustification , by good works , as fruits of a true , and lively faith ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , christ sayes , by their fruits , ye shall know them : for a good tree bringeth forth good fruit ; matth : 7. 16 , 17 , 18. ( 2 ) because , we are commanded , to make sure our calling and election by good works , as by the fruits of faith ; 2 peter 1 : 5 , 6 , 10 , 11. ( 3 ) because , in scripture there are delivered many undoubted , and sure marks of regeneration , taken from the fruits of faith , and good works ; 1 iohn 1 : 6 , 7 : and 1 iohn 2 : 3 : and 1 iohn 3 : 9 , 10 , 14. quest. iii. is our ability to do good works , wholly from the spirit of christ , and not at all from our selves ? yes . and that we may be enabled thereunto , besides the graces already received , is there not required an actual influence of the same holy spirit , to work in us , both to will and to do , of his good pleasure ? yes . iohn 15. 4 , 6. ezek. 36. 26 , 27. phil. 2. 13. 2. cor. 3. 5. well then , do not the pelagians err , who maintain , that good works done by the strength of our free-will , are conform to the law of god , and worthy of the kingdom of heaven ? yes . do not likewise the papists err , who maintain , that good works may be done , by a meer general and common influence from god ? yes . do not lastly the arminians err , who maintain , that good works flow only from god , as a moral cause ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , christ says , ye can do nothing without me ; iohn 15. 5. ( 2 ) because , of our selves , we are not able to think a good thought ; 2 cor. 3. 5. ( 3 ) because , it is god , that worketh in us , both to will , and to do , of his good pleasure ; phil. 2. 13. quest. iv. are they who are regenerated , to grow negligent , as if they were not bound , to perform any duty , unless by a special motion of the spirit ? no. ought they to stir up diligently the grace of god which is in them ? yes . phil. 2. 12. heb. 6 : 11 , 12. 2 peter 1. 3 , 5 , 10. isa. 64. 7. 2 tim. 1. 6. acts 26. 6 , 7. iude verse 20. 21 , 22. well then , do not the quakers , familists , and other giddy-headed persons err , who maintain , that believers ought not to perform , any duties in religion , unless the spirit within , move and excite them , to those duties : and that we ought to forbear , when this is wanting ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the holy ghost forbiddeth us , to be slow in performing such duties : nay , commands us to stir up the gift , which is in us , and use all diligence to perform duties commanded by himself ; phil. 2. 12. iude verse 20. ( 2 ) because , the prophet confesseth that , as the great sin , of the lords people , that there is none that calleth upon his name , that stirreth up himself , to take hold of him ; isaiah 64. 7. ( 3 ) because , to neglect the worshipping of god , is an evident sign , and token of an atheist ; ps : 14. 4. ps. 53. 4. ( 4 ) because , the lord hath threatned to pour out his fury upon the heathen , that know him not , and upon the families that call not on his name ; ierem. 10. 25. ( 5 ) because , the twelve tribes , which hoped to come to the promise made to the fathers , instantly served god day and night ; acts 26. 6 , 7. and the apostles gave themselves continually to prayer , and to the ministry of the word ; acts 6. 4. ( 6 ) because , christ himself who had always the spirit , was very frequent , in all those exercises and duties , as all the histories , of the four evangelists do testifie . those fanatick recusants , either have the spirit of god in them ; or they want it . this last they will not grant . if then they have it , why do they refuse to perform duties of religion , more then our blessed saviour did , when opportunitie , and occasion , did call him . they have the spirit but want the impulse . but contrarywise , this impulse ; is never wanting when there is a call . but the spirits call is never wanting , when opportunity is offered . ( 7 ) because , christ will have the gospel preached to every creature ; mark 16. 15. and hath commanded the administration of the lords supper , even to his second coming ; 1 cor. 11. 26. and will have the work of the ministry to continue in his church , for the perfecting of the saints , for the edifying of the body of christ ; till we all come in the unity of the faith , &c. eph. 4. 11 , 12 , 13. ( 8 ) because , we are commanded , to pray without ceasing ; 1 thes. 5. 17 : that is , upon all opportunities , and in all our necessities . ( 9 ) because , we are commanded , to trust in him at all times ; psalm 62. 8. ( 10 ) if we shall forbear outward duties , as prayer , and such like , then ought we to forbear inward exercises , as acts of faith , love , and fear , till we be moved thereunto , which is most absurd , for we are commanded ( as was cited ) to trust in him alwayes . ( 11 ) what assurance can men have , the next hour , or to morrow , more than in the present time , of the spirits motion on their souls : or that they shall be thus , at a greater advantage , by putting off the duty , till they have some inward motion , and impulse thereunto , than by waiting on the ordinary call of the word , or of providence ? quest. v. are they , who , in their obedience , attain to the greatest hight , which is possible in this life , so far from being able to supererogate , and to do more , than god requires , that they fall short of much , which in duty they are bound to do ? yes . luke 17. 10. neh. 13. 22. gal. 15. 17. iob 9. 2 , 3. well then , do not the papists err , who maintain , that a man regenerated can not only fulfil the law of god perfectly , but may do also more good , than the law of god requires of him ? this is their mad fancy , of the works of supererogation . yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , no man living , is able to fulfil the law of god ; psalm 143. 2. isaiah 64. 6. 1 iohn 1. 8. far less is any man able to do more than the law requires . ( 2 ) because , we are obliged to seek remission of sins every day ; matth. 6. 12. but to seek pardon for sin every day , and to perform works of supererogation , are inconsistent together . ( 3 ) because , christ says , when you shall have done all things , which are commanded you , say , we are unprofitable servants ; we have done that which was our duty to do ; luke 17. 10. ( 4 ) because , according to this doctrine of works of supererogation , we must accuse the scripture , and law of god , of imperfection , as if they were not a perfect rule of life , and manners , which is contrary to the psalmist 19. 8. and contrary to 2 tim. 3. 15 , 17. deut. 4. 2. ( 5 ) because , whatsoever things are true , honest , just , pure , lovely , of good report , these are commanded , as things necessary to all men : therefore , either the works , which the papists call works of supererogation , are true , honest , just , and pure : and if they be such , they are commanded by god in scripture , and not works of supererogation : or they are unhonest , impure , unjust : and if such , then no man is so mad , as to call them good-works , much less works of supererogation ; phil. 4. 8. quest. vi. can our best works , merit pardon of sin , or eternal life , at the hands of god ? no. rom. 3. 20. rom. 4. 2 , 4 , 6. eph. 2 ▪ 8 , 9. titus 3. 5 , 6 , 7. rom. 8. 18. psalm 16. 2. iob 22. 2 , 3. well then , do not the papists , and some of the quakers err , who maintain , that the good works of regenerate men , do truely , and properly merit , and deserve eternal life ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , there is no proportion , between our imperfect works . and life eternal , between the work and the reward ; 2 cor. 4. 17. for our light afflictions worketh for us , that is brings forth , not of any merit , but of meer grace for christs sake , see rom. 8. 18. rom 3. 28. ( 2 ) if by our good works , we deserved the pardon of sin , we might have whereof to boast ; for if abraham were justified by works , he hath whereof to glory , but not before god ; rom. 4. 2 , but the scripture saith , he that glorieth , let him glorie in the lord : 1 cor. 1. 31. ( 3 ) because , no creature , performing the most excellent works , can deserve any favour from god , or oblige him , to give any thing as due . and according to the order of gods justice , he can receive no favor from us ; nor can any creature , confer any benefit on him ; ps. 16. 2. iob 22. 2 , 3. truely , where there is no favour done , there can be no merit : for merit presupposeth a benefit accepted . ( 4 ) because , our works are imperfect , as well , as to parts , as to degrees ; gal. 5. 17 ; is. 64. 7. deut. 27. 26. a perfection of parts is , when we have a part of every grace , and are renewed in some measure in every power , and faculty of the whole man , though we be not come to the just and due measure in any of them . a perfection of degrees , consists in the compleat measure of our conformity , and our exact correspondence to the law of god , in respect of all whatsoever it requires . ( 5 ) because , christ says , so likewise ye , when ye shal have done all those things which are commanded you , say we are unprofitable servants , we have done that which was our duty to do ; luke 17. 10. ( 6 ) because , the good works , which we do , are not ours , but it is god that worketh in us , both to will , and to do ; 1 cor. 4. 7. gal. 5. 22. phil. 2. 13. ( 7 ) because , that heavenly blessedness , to be given to the saints , is expresly attributed to the mercy and pity of god ; plalm 103. 4. matth. 5. 7. titus 3. 5. eph. 4. 6 , 7 , 8. ( 8 ) because , when the apostle proclaims death to be the wages of sin , he doth not affirm life eternal to be the reward of good works , but the free , and gracious gift of god , which we obtain by christ , even in our sanctification , whereof the apostle here ; rom. 6. 23. which free gift hath for its end , eternal life . not that it merits this ( for then it should not be a gracious gift ) but because christ , hath merited this for us , and shal of free grace give it to us , as the following words , through iesus christ our lord shew . ( 9 ) because , god will have us to buy without money or price , wine , milk , honey : that is , to receive all things requisite , and necessary for our spiritual life , for nothing ; and eternal life it self ; isaiah 55. 1 , 2 , 3. ( 10 ) because , christ should not be a perfect saviour , if any thing from us were to be added , to the righteousness of his merit . but christ is a perfect saviour ; eph. 1. 7. eph. 2. 7 , 8 , 9. 1 iohn 1. 7. acts 4. 12. ( 11 ) because , our best works , have such a mixture of corruption , and sin in them , that they deserve his curse , and wrath , so far are they from meriting ; isa. 64. 6. but we are all , saith the prophet , as an unclean thing , and all our righteousnesses , are like filthy raggs . ( 12 ) if the works of regenerated men , did deserve eternal life , then should the whole contrivance of the gospel be subverted , and the same very way of life layed down , which was in the covenant of works , as is clear from 2 cor. 5. 21. the gospel is so contrived , by the infinite wisdom , and goodness of god , that there is a judicial transferring of our sin , as a debt on christ , the cautioner , and a translation of his righteousness , and merit , to be imputed to us , for our justification , without the least respect to our works . quest. vii . are works done by unregenerate men , although for the matter of them , they may be things which god commands , and of good use , both to themselves , and others , are they ( i say ) sinful , and cannot please god ? yes . hag. 2. 14. titus 1. 15. amos 5. 21. 22. hos. 1. 4. rom. 9. 16. titus 3. 5. well then , do not the papists err , who maintain , that not only , all the works of unregenerate men are not sinful , but also that some of their works do indeed merit , and deserve somewhat from god , namely ( as they speak ) by merit of congruity , that is , as they are agreeable to the law of god ? yes . there is also ( as they say ) a merit of condignity , by which the works of the regenerate , which follow justification , deserve eternal life , not from the imputation of christs righteousness , but from their own intrinseck worth , and proportionableness to the reward ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , as a good tree cannot bring forth evil fruit , neither can a corrupt , rotten tree , bring forth good fruit ; matth. 7. 18. ( 2 ) because all unregenerate men are dead in trespasses and sin ; eph. 2. 1. ( 3 ) because , all the works of unregenerate men are done , without faith , and so cannot please god ; heb. 11. 6. rom. 14. 23. ( 4 ) because , if unregenerate men were able to do good works , or perform any duty which deserved somewhat from god , than would it follow , that a man were able to do some good of himself , which is contrary to iohn 15. 5. phil. 2. 13. ( 5 ) because , it is clear from scripture , that before renewing grace , all are the children of wrath ; who of themselves cannot have a good thought , nor any active concurrence , or putting themselves forth to the utmost , for their own conversion ; 2 cor. 3. 5. therefore no plea for merit , by any improvement of mens natural abilities ; see rom. 9. 15. chap. xvii . of the perseverance of the saints . question i. can they whom god hath accepted in his beloved , effectually called , and sanctified by his spirit , either totally or finally fall away from the state of grace ? no. shall they certainly persevere therein to the end , and be eternally saved ? yes . phil. 1. 6. 2 pet. 1. 10. iohn 10. 28 , 29. 1 iohn 3 : 9. 1 peter 1. 5. 9. well then , do not the papists , socinians , arminians , and some ring-leaders among the quakers err , who maintain , that the saints may totally and finally fall away ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the saints , are built upon the rock , and not upon the sand : therefore when temptations of any kind assault , they can never fall , nor can the gates of hell prevail against them ; matth. 7. 24. matth. 16. 16 , 18. ( 2 ) because , he that hath begun a good work in the saints , will finish it , untill the day of jesus christ ; phil. 1. 6. ( 3 ) because , paul says , nothing can separate us from the love of god ; rom. 8. 35 , 38 , 39. ( 4 ) because , they that fall away , have never had true justifying faith ; luke 8. 13 , 16. 1 iohn 2. 19. ( 5 ) because , it is impossible for the elect to be seduced ; matth. 24. 24. i say impossible , not in respect of the will , and power of the elect themselves , but in respect of the immutability of gods decree , concerning them , and of his purpose of keeping them powerfully against seduction , according to his promises , of which he cannot repent ; see iohn 10. 28. rom. 8. 38 , 39. 1 peter 1. 5. ( 6 ) because , they that believe in the son of god have life eternal ; 1 iohn 5. 13. iohn 6. 47 , 54 , 58. and they have passed from death , unto life , and shall never thirst , nor hunger any more ; iohn 6. 35. ( 7 ) because , god hath promised in his covenant , that though he chastise his own children for their faults , yet he will never take away his mercy , and loving kindness from them ; psalm 89. 30 , 31 , 32 , 33 ▪ 34. ier. 32. 38 , 39 , 40. ( 8 ) ▪ because , that golden chain , that paul speaks of , cannot be broken ; rom. 8. 30. whom he did predestinate , them also he called , &c. ( 9 ) because , christs says , this is the fathers will , which hath sent me , that of all which he hath given me , i should lose nothing ; iohn 6. 39. ( 10 ) because , we are keeped by the power of god through faith , unto salvation , ready to be revealed in the last time ; 1 peter 1. 5. ( 11 ) because , he hath prayed for us , that our faith fail not ; luke 22. 32. iohn 17. 20. quest. ii. can believers by reason of their sins , and failings incurr gods displeasure , and grieve his holy spirit , come to be deprived of some measure of their graces , and comforts , have their hearts hardned , and their consciences wounded , hurt , and scandalize others , and bring temporal judgements upon themselves ? yes . isaiah 64. 5 , 7 , 9. ephes. 4. 30. psal : 51. 8 , 10 , 12. rev. 2. 4. cant. 5. 2 , 3 , 4 , 6. isa 63. 17. psalm 37. 3 , 4. 2 sam. 12. 14. psal. 89 ▪ 31 , 32. mark 16. 14. 1 cor. 11. 32. well then , do not the antinomians err , who maintain , that the sins of the regenerate , do not displease god , and cannot grieve his holy spirit : and that believers are not chastised in any wise for their sins ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the prophet says , thou art wroth , for we have sinned ; isai. 64. 5. ( 2 ) because , it is said , that the thing which david had done ( namely his murder , and his adultery ) displeased the lord ; 2 sam. 11. 27. ( 3 ) because , the scripture testifies , that the sins of believers grieve his holy spirit ; eph. 4. 30. ( 4 ) because , the saints by reason of their sins , are deprived of some measure of grace and consolation ; psalm 51. 8 , 9. rev. 2. 4 , 5. ( 5 ) because , the lord hath inflicted temporal punishments upon believers for their faults ; psalm 89. 31 , 32. 2 sam. 12 , 11. and 24 , 15. 1 cor. 11. 30. chap. xviii . of assurance of grace , and salvation . question i. may they who truely believe in the lord iesus , and love him in sincerity , and endeavour to walk in all good conscience before him ; may they ( i say ) be certainly assured in this life , that they are in the state of grace , and being enabled by the spirit to know the things , which are freely given them of god , may they without extraordinary revelation attain thereunto ? yes . 1 iohn 2. 3. 1 iohn 3. 14 , 18 , 19 , 21 , 24. 1 iohn 5. 13. 1 cor. 2. 12. heb. 6. 11 , 12. ephes. 3. 17 , 18. well then , do not the papists err , who maintain , that no man can be sure ( namly sure by divine faith ) of gods peculiar favour , towards himself , without extraordinary revelation ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the apostle commands us , saying , brethren , give all diligence , to make your calling and election sure ; for if you do these things , ye shall never fall ; for so an entrance shall be ministred unto you aboundantly , into the everlasting kingdom of our lord , and saviour jesus christ ; 2 peter 1 10. 11. heb. 6. 11. ( 2 ) because , the apostle commands the corinthians , to examine themselves , whether they be in the faith ; 2 cor. 13. 5. ( 3 ) because , the scripture proposes , and setteth forth , sure marks , and tokens , by which a believer , may be infallibly assured , that he is one of the number of christs sheep ; iohn 10. 4 , 5 , 27 , 28. and that he is one of christs disciples ; iohn 13. 35. nay , it is the scope , of the whole first epistle of iohn to propose such sure marks to believers , whereby they may know , that they have life eternal : 1 iohn . 5. 13. ( 4 ) because , the true believer may be perswaded , that neither death , nor life , nor any other thing can separate him , from the love of christ ; rom. 8. 38. 39. where the apostle not only speaketh of himself , but of them , to whom he writes . ( 5 ) because , believers have received the spirit of adoption , whereby they cry abba father , and he himself witnesseth with their spirit , that they are the children of god ; rom. 8. 15. 16. ( 6 ) because , believers have received not the spirit of the world , but the spirit which is of god , that they might know the things that are freely given to them of god ; 1 cor. 2. 12. quest. ii. is this certainty , a bare conjectural , and probable perswasion grounded upon a fallible hope ? no. but is it an infallible assurance of faith ? yes . heb. 6. 11. 19. heb. 6. 17 , 18. well then , do not the papists , and arminians err , who maintain , that the assurance of salvation , is only conjectural , or at the most , only probable , which hath for its foundation , a failling , and fadeing faith ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , assurance is from the testimony of the holy spirit , witnessing with our spirits , that we are the children of god ; rom. 8. 16. ( 2 ) because , this assurance is founded upon the promises of god , who cannot lie ; isai. 54. 10. iohn 3. 36. ( 3 ) because , believers are sealed with the holy spirit of promise , which is the earnest of their inheritance : but he that receiveth the earnest , not only hath right to the possession , but knows assuredly , that he hath that right , and shall be put in the actual possession thereof ; eph. 1. 13 , 14. ( 4 ) because , god willing more aboundantly , to shew unto the heirs of promise , the immutability of his counsel , confirmed it by an oath , that by two immutable things , in which it was impossible to god to lie , we might have a strong consolation ; heb. 6. 17 , 18. quest. iii. is the infallible assurance of faith , founded upon the divine truth of the promises of salvation , and upon the inward evidence of those graces , unto which these promises are made ? yes . heb. 6. 17 , 18. 2 peter 1. 4 , 5. 1 iohn 2 , 3 , and 1 iohn 3. 14. 2 cor. 1. 12. well then , do not the antinomians err , who maintain , that none ought , or can gather any comfort , or assurance of salvation from his own works of holiness ; but that a believer ought to lean and rest upon the alone testimony of the spirit , without any marks , or signs : from which testimony he may ( say they ) be fully assured of the remission of his sins , and of his own salvation ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) from the example of the saints , who gathered their comfort from the fruits of faith , and works of holiness , as david did psalm . 119. 6. and as paul did ; 2 cor. 1. 12. ( 2 ) from the reckoning up of marks , which are held out in scripture , by which believers may be known from unbelievers , as mutual love ; iohn 13. 35. observing and keeping his commandments ; 1 iohn 2. 3. doing of righteousness ; 1 iohn 3. 14. and loving the brethren ; ( 3 ) because , unless faith be proven by marks , true faith cannot be discerned from presumption ; neither can assurance rightly founded , be discerned from a delusion of satan ; 1 iohn 4. 2. ( 4 ) because , reason requires , that from the knowledge of the effect , we should come to the knowledge of the cause , according to that of matth. 7. 16. ( 5 ) because , marks of grace have so much clearness in themselves , that they will even beget in others , a judgement according to charity concerning the election of others ; therefore much more in those same very persons , who are able to discern , and know better their own hearts ; 1 thes. 1. 3 , 4. quest. iv. doth this infallible assurance , belong to the essence of faith ? no. may a true believer wait long and conflict with many difficulties , before he be partaker of it ? yes . 1 iohn 5. 13. isai. 50. 10. mark 9. 24. psalm 88 throughout . psalm 77 , to the 12. verse . well then , do not the antinomians err , who maintain , that the assurance of salvation , is faith it self ? and that faith is nothing els , but the eho of the soul , answering the holy spirit , my sins are forgiven me ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the sealing of the holy spirit which is the earnest of our inheritance , is given to believers , after they have believed ; eph. 1. 13 , 14. ( 2 ) because , believers may sometimes not know , that they have eternal life ; 1 iohn 5. 13. and he that feareth the lord , obeying the voice of his servant , may walk in darkness ; isaiah 50. 10. ( 3 ) because , if this assurance , which takes away all doubting , ( as the antinomians affirm ) were of the essence of faith , there should not be any degrees of faith , which is contrary to mark 9. 24. matth. 8. 10. matth. 15. 28. ( 4 ) because , there are evident examples in scripture , from the experience of the saints ; as that of faithful heman , who thus complained ; psalm 88. why casteth thou off my soul ? why hidest thou thy face from me ? and of faithful asaph , under very sad exercise ; psalm . 77. to the 10 verse . quest. v. doth this assurance of salvation , incline men to loosness ? no. 1 iohn 2. 1 , 2. rom : 8 : 1 , 12 : 1 iohn 3 : 2 , 3 : 1 iohn 1 : 6 , 7 : rom : 6 : 1 , 2 : titus 2 : 11 : 12 , 14 : 2 cor : 7 : 1 : well then , do not the papists err , who maintain , that the doctrine of assurance of salvation , is , of its own nature , hurtful to true piety , and inclines men to sin and wickedness ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because ; the apostle peter argues the contrary way , and infers a far other conclusion ; namely , because believers know , they are redeemed , by the pretious blood of christ , they ought to pass , the time of their sojourning here in fear ; 1 peter 1. 17 , 18 , 19. ( 2 ) because , the apostle paul , who was certainly perswaded of his interest in christ , rejects , and abominats that conclusion , with indignation , and wrath ; rom. 6. 1 , 2. ( 3 ) because , from the promise that god is the father of believers , the apostle exhorts the corinthians , by consequence , to cleanse themselves from all filthiness of the flesh , and spirit , and to perfect holiness . in the fear of god ; 2 cor. 7. 1. ( 4 ) because , they who are in christ , ( to whom there is no condemnation , and are assured of it ) walk not after the flesh , but after the spirit ; rom. 8. 1. 12 , 38 , 39. ( 5 ) because , a believer knowing god to be merciful , concludes that god ought to be feared ; psalm 130. 4. ( 6 ) because , whosoever hath that hope ( namely that he shall see christ , and be made like unto him ) he purifies himself , as he is pure ; 1 iohn 3. 3. ( 7 ) because , it is evident from the example of those , who were perswaded of their salvation , who yet lived piously , and holily . as paul ; rom. 8. 38 , 39. compared with 2 cor. 1. 12. acts 24. 16. next , we have the example of abraham ; gen. 17. 1. compared with rom. 4. 18 , 19 , 20. quest : vi : are true believers , when they fall into some special sin which woundeth the conscience , and grieveth the spirit , destitute of the seed of god , and life of faith ? no. 2 iohn 3 : 9 : luke 22 : 32 : well then , do not the quakers and others err , who maintain , that true believers falling into some special sin , can have nothing of the life of faith , and seed of god in them ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , whosoever is born of god , doth not commit sin , for his seed remaineth in him , and he cannot sin , because he is born of god ; 1 iohn 3. 9. for his seed remaineth in him ; that is , doth not totally perish , but abideth thenceforeward ; working the fruits of regeneration , once begun in them ; phil. 1. 6. ( 2 ) because , although peter fell into that grievous sin of denying his master thrice , yet he still retained , that seed of god , and life of faith , and love to christ ; because christ had said to him , i have prayed for thee that thy faith fail not ; luke 22. 32. the like may be said of david , and others of the saints of god , who by falling into some special sins , have wounded the conscience , and grieved the holy spirit . chap. xix . of the law of god. question i. did god give to adam a law as a covenant of works , by which he bound him and all his posterity , to personal , entire , exact , and perpetual obedience ? yes . did he promise life upon the fulfilling ; and did he threatten death , upon the breach of it ? yes . was adam endued with power and ability to keep it ? yes . gen : 1 : 26 , 27 : gen : 2 : 17 , rom : 2 : 14 , 15 : rom : 5 : 12 , 19 : gal : 3 : 10 , 12 : eccl : 7 : 29 : iob 28 : 28 : well then , do not the socinians err , who maintain , that god made no covenant with adam in his integrity , in which he promised to him , and his posterity life eternal ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) from those places of scripture , where the righteousness of the law is described ; lev. 18. 5. rom. 10. 5. gal. 3. 12. ezek. 20. 11. 13. whosoever , therefore keepeth my statutes and judgements , saith the lord , shall live in them . and to whom life is promised for ever , upon their perfect obedience , and continuance in all things , written in the book of the law. and from those places , in which death is threatned to them , that in the least transgress the law of god ; deut. 27. 26. gal. 3. 10. ezek. 18. 4. ( 2 ) from the words of our saviour , who spoke to the young man , according to the covenant of works , in which the lord promiseth life eternal , to such as shall fulfil the law ; matth. 19. 17. luke 10. 28. observe , that christ answereth here , according to the question , and opinion of this young man , who thought he was able to obtain salvation , by his own good works : and therefore christ directs him to the law , thereby to bring him to the acknowledgement , of his own imperfection , and afterwards to faith , in himself . ( 3 ) because , man was created by god , in righteousness , holiness , and immortality , according to the similitude , and image of god ; gen. 1. 26. gen. 9. 6. eccl. 7. 29. eph. 4. 24. col. 3. 9 , 10. and received from him , the law of nature , naturally ingraven upon his heart ; rom. 2. 14. 15. and besides this law , a positive law was superadded to it , that adam should not eat of the tree , of the knowledge of good , and evil ; that by obeying the same , he might give a specimen , or proof of his obedience to the law of nature , in the perfect obedience whereof , so long as he should continue , he should live for ever . for the lord threatned death to him only , if he should sin : and death is the wages of sin , which by sin entered into the world ; gen. 2. 17. rom. 6. 23. rom. 5. 12. 13. ( 4 ) from those places of scripture , in which it is denyed , that believers , under the covenant of grace , are justified by the law ; but by faith , and the righteousness of christ , manifested in the gospel . for that the law is weak , powerless , or impotent , through the corruption of our nature , to justifie us , and give us life ; rom. 3. 20 , 21 , 28. gal. 2. 16. gal. 3. 10 , 11 , 12 , 13. phil. 3. 9. rom. 8. 2 , 3. quest. ii. do the first four commandments contain our duty towards god , and the other six , our duty towards man ? yes . matth. 22. 37 , 38 , 39 , 40. well then , do not the papists , and lutherians err , who maintain , that three only belong to the first table , and seven to the second : and that , thou shalt not make unto thee any graven image with the foregoing , thou shalt not have any other gods before me , are but one command . and that , thou shalt not covet thy neighbours house , thou shalt not covet thy neighbours wife , nor his man-servant , &c. are two distinct commands ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the two first precepts , command diverse things . the one teacheth us , who is to be worshipped , to wit , the true and living god , and no other . the second instructs us , how he is to be worshipped , namely according to his own appointment , and not according to the appointment , and pleasure of men , as by images and such like . ( 2 ) because , it is one , and the same concupiscence , which is forbidden in the tenth command , the summ whereof , thou shalt not covet , is cited by the apostle paul ; rom. 7. 7. and which is summarly exprest , in the close of the tenth command , nor any thing which is thy neighbours . ( 3 ) if the tenth command ought to be two , because these words , thou shalt not covet , are twice repeated , then would it follow , there should be as many commands , as there are things desired , forbidden : because it is evident , that these words thou shalt not covet , are to be repeated with every part . quest. iii. are all the ceremonial laws now abrogated under the new testament ? yes . col. 2. 14 , 16 , 17. dan. 9. 27. eph. 2 , 15 , 16. well then , do not the judaisers err , who maintain , that all the ceremonial laws remain in their former strength , and vigour , and are obliging to believers under the gospel , and not abrogated , or disanulled by christ ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , christ hath abolished the law of commandments , contained in ordinances , that he might gather together , both iews , and gentiles , into one new man ; eph. 2. 14 , 15. col. 2. 14. note , that the apostle here speaks of all believers , both of iews , and gentiles , as of one man : because , they being all under christ the head , as members of one spiritual body , are made up , as one renewed man. ( 2 ) because , the apostle sayes , let no man judge you , in meat , or in drink , or in respect of an holy day , or of the new moon , or of the sabbath dayes : all which are shaddows of things to come , but the body is of christ ; col. 2. 16 , 17. this ver . is a conclusion of the apostles foregoing discourse , against ceremonies , and things commanded by the ceremonial law , which by the coming of christ are abolished . he calls them in the 17 verse , a shaddow of things to come , but the body ( says he ) is of christ. that is , the thing signified is of christ : for all the shaddows of the old testament , had respect to christ , and his benefites , by whose coming they also have an end ; iohn 1. 17. gal. 4. 3 , 4 , 5. ( 3 ) because , the apostle says , believers are dead with christ , from the rudiments of the world : that is , from the ceremonial commands ; as is evident from the context . why says he , as though living in the world , are ye subject to ordinances ? that is , as if your life , and happiness , consisted in these outward worldly principles : but suffer your selves to be burdened , by such teachers , with humane institutions , and ordinances . the apostle indeed ; in these last words , is reasoning against the institutions , and ordinances of men , from this medium , which is an argument from the greater , to the lesser : if ye be dead with christ from the ceremonies of the law instituted in the old testament , by god himself , much more are ye free , from the institutions , and ordinances of men , which are only grounded upon their own good pleasure ; col. 2. 20 , 21. gal. 4. 10 , 11. ( 4 ) because , the apostle affirms , that the observation , and useing of circumcision , cannot consist , with true faith in christ , now after the gospel is fully published . and he exhorts the galatians to abide in their liberty purchased by christ , and not to submit themselves , to the yoke of mosaical ceremonies ; gal. 5. 1 , 2. ( 5 ) because , those teachers , who pressed the believing gentiles to be circumcised , and to observe the law of moses , ( i mean the ceremonial law , ) were condemned by the council of apostles ; acts 15. 24. ( 6 ) because , ceremonial commands , are neither of the law of nature , nor are they injoyned to believers under the gospel as things moral . ( 7 ) because , these appointed ceremonies , were figures only of things to come , imposed on the iewes , until the time of reformation ; but taken away by christ ; heb. 9. 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. and heb. 10. 9. where it is said , he taketh away the first , namely all sorts of propitiatory offerings which were used in the old testament , to settle the second , namely his obedience to the will of his father . ( 8 ) because , they were given to the israelites , to foresignifie , and represent christ , and his death , and to be marks of difference between them , and the unbelieving nations ; col. 2. 17. eph. 2. 14. where it is said , who hath made both these , namly iewes , and gentiles , one : and hath broken down , the middle wall of partition , whereby the ceremonial law is understood , which made a difference between the iewes , and the gentiles . now , since christ hath suffered death , and the gentiles are called , all these ceremonies , which did foresignifie his death , and made that difference , must of necessity cease . ( 9 ) because , the temple of ierusalem , to which the ceremonies were restricted , is destroyed , and could never since be rebuilded . quest. iv. did the lord by moses give to the jews , as a body politick , sundry iudicial laws , which expired together with their state ? yes . do they oblige any other now , further than the general equity thereof may require . no. exod. 21. from the first to the last ver . exod. 22. 1. to verse 29. gen. 49. 10. 1 cor. 9. 8 , 9 , 10. 1 peter 2. 13. 14. matth. 5. 17. 38. 39. well then , do not some err , though otherwise orthodox , who maintain , that the whole iudicial law of the jews ; is yet alive , and binding all of us , who are christian gentiles ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the judicial law , was delivered by moses to the israelites to be observed , as to a body politick ; exod. 21 chapter . ( 2 ) because , this law , in many things , which are of particular right , was accommodated , to the common-wealth of the iews , and not to other nations also ; exod. 22. 3. exod. 21. 2. lev. 25. 2 , 3. deut. 24. 1 , 2 , 3. deut. 25. 5 , 6 , 7. ( 3 ) because , in other things , which are not of particular right , it is neither from the law of nature , obliging by reason ; neither is it pressed upon believers under the gospel , to be observed . ( 4 ) because , believers are appointed under the gospel to obey the civil laws , and commands of those under whose government they live , providing they be just , and that for conscience sake . rom. 13. 1. 1 peter 2. 13 , 14. titus 3. 1. quest. v. doth the moral law for ever bind , as well justified persons as others , to the obedience thereof , and that not only in regard of the matter contained in it , but also in respect of the authority of god , who gave it ? yes . rom. 13. 8 , 9 , 10. eph. 6. 2. 1 iohn 2. 3 , 4 , 7 , 8. iames 2. 10. 11. well then , do not the antinomians err , who maintain , that believers under the gospel are not obliged to the obedience of the moral law ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , christ sayes , he came not to destroy the law , and the prophets ; that is , to alter , or disannul the doctrine of the law , or of the prophets ; matth. 5. 17. ( 2 ) because , he says in the following verse ; i say unto you , till heaven and earth pass , one jot , or one title , shal in no wise pass from the law till all be fulfilled ; matth. 5. 18. ( 3 ) because , whosoever , shal break , one of these least commandments , and shall teach men so , he shall be called least in the kingdom of heaven ▪ that is , shall not at all be esteemed there , or shall not enter thereinto , verse 19. ( 4 ) because , that after the apostle paul , hath concluded the justification of believers , to be of free grace , he subjoines , do we then make void the law , through faith , god forbid : yea we establish the law ; rom. 3. 31. ( 5 ) because , all the precepts of the moral law , belong to the law of nature , naturally ingraven , upon the hearts of men , which cannot be abrogated , but oblige all men perpetually , and necessarly from natural reason it self ; rom. 2. 15. ( 6 ) because , all the precepts of the moral law , are repeated in the gospel and injoyned to all believers by christ ; matth. 19. 17 , 18 , 19 , 20. rom. 2. 13. ( 7 ) because , paul adjoyneth , and proposeth to believers under the new testament , both a command , and a promise of the decalogue , as properly belonging to them ; eph. 6. 2 , 3. ( 8 ) because , the apostle iames setteth forth to believers the moral law , as a rule of life , which they are obliged to observe , and by breaking of which they are convinced of sins ; iames 2. 8 , 9 , 11. ( 9 ) because , whosoever committeth any sin against the moral law , shall never enter into the kingdom of god : 1 cor. 6. 9 , 10. gal. 5. 21. ( 10 ) because , this tenet of the antinomians , turns the grace of god into wantonness ; overturneth the end of christian liberty , and of the coming , and death of christ , and paveth a way leading to all impiety , and the indulging of the lusts of the flesh , and fostering the dominion of sin , contrary to these scriptures ; iude verse fourth 1 iohn 2. 16. 2 peter 2. 18 , 19 , 20. rom. 6. 14 , 15 , 16. luke 1. 74 , 75. tit. 2. 11. 12. 1 tim. 6. 9. rom. 6. 21. 22 , 23. ( 11 ) because , believers ought to study good works titus 3. 8 , to which they are created in christ , that they should walk in them ; eph. 2. 10. ( 12 ) because , christ will render to every man , at his last coming , both to the good , and the bad , according to their works ; rev. 22. 12. matth. 25. 34 , 35 , 41 , 42. quest. vi. are true believers under the law , as a covenant of works , to be thereby justified , or condemned ▪ no. rom. 6. 14. gal. 2. 16. gal. 3. 13. gal. 4. 4 , 5. acts 13. 39. rom. 8. 1. well then , do not the papists and socinians err , who maintain , that believers under the gospel , are justified , by their obedience to the law of god ( the law ( i say ) either moral , or evangelical ) and condemned for the transgression thereof ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , by the law is the knowledge of sin ; rom. 3. 20. ( 2 ) because , for as many , as are of the works of the law , are under the curse ; gal. 3. 10. ( 3 ) because , there is not a law given , which could have given life to fallen man ; gal. 3. 21. ( 4 ) because , christ is not dead in vain : for if righteousness be by the law , then christ is dead in vain , that is , without cause , reason , need , or fruit ; gal. 2. 21. see iohn . 15. 25. ( 5 ) because , it was promised by god , about 430 years before the promulgation of the law , that all the nations of the earth should be blessed in the seed of abraham ; gen. 22. 18. gen. 12. 3. with gal. 3. 16 , 17 , 18. ( 6 ) because , christ is become of no effect , to them , that are justified by the law : they are fallen from grace ; gal. 5. 4 , ( 7 ) because , believers ought to wait , through the spirit , for the hope of righteousness by faith ; gal. 5. 5. ( 8 ) because , the apostle ( though a strick observer of the law ) counted all his works but loss , and dung , that he might be found in christ , not having his own righteousness , which is of the law , but that which is through the faith of christ , the righteousness which is of god by faith ; phil. 3. 8 , 9. ( 9 ) because , christ is made of god to believers righteousness ; 1 cor. 1. 30. 2 cor. 5. 21. ( 10 ) because , they that seek righteousness , not by faith , but by their works , do not attain to it . and contrarywise , they that seek their righteousness , by faith , and not by their works , do attain to it ; rom. 9. 30 , 31 , 32. ( 11 ) because , christ is the end of the law for righteousnes , to every one that believeth ; rom. 10. 4. ( 12 ) because , the justification of men under the law , or covenant of works is by the law and by the works of the law : but the justification of men under grace , or the covenant of grace , is by faith ; rom. 10. 5 , 6 , 8 , 9. 10. gal. 3. 11 , 12. lev. 18. 5. but believers now are not under the law , or the covenant of works , but under grace , or the covenant of grace , rom. 6. 14 , 15. gal. 5. 18. ( 13 ) because , believers under the new , and old testament , are saved by the grace of jesus christ , and not by the law , whose yoke none were able to bear . that is , none were able perfectly to keep , nor to be justified thereby ; acts 15. 10 , 11. ( 14 ) because , whosoever transgresseth the law , in the least , is under the curse of it ; gal. 3. 10. deut. 27. 26. and deserveth death , and a curse ; rom. 6. 23. ezek. 18. 4 , 20. but all men , even the regenerate sin dayly , and transgress the law of god , and so are guilty of all ; iam. 1. 13 , compared with iames 2. 10 , and with 1 iohn 1. 8. ( 15 ) because , good works , do not go before justification , but follow after it ; titus 1. 15. heb. 11. 6. rom. 14. 23. rom. 3. 9 , 10 , 23. ( 16 ) because , the righteousness of god , which is by faith in jesus christ , is manifested unto all , and upon all by moses and the prophets . for all the apostles do witness , that whosover believeth in jesus christ , shall have remission of sins ; rom. 3. 21 , 24 , 25. acts. 10. 43. ( 17 ) because , justification is from the free grace of god ; rom. 3. 24. not by the works of the law , otherwise grace , should be no more grace ; nor work any more work ; rom. 11. 6. ( 18 ) because , the good works of believers are unclean , and defiled ; isa. 64. 6. gal. 5. 17. ( 19 ) because , it is said , by the spirit of god , the just shall live by faith ; hab. 2. 4. gal. 3. 11. ( 20 ) because , it is written , that abraham believed god , and it was imputed to him for righteousness ; gen. 15. 6. rom. 4. 3. but to him that worketh not , but believeth on him , that justifies the ungodly , his faith is counted for righteousness ; rom. 4. 5. ( 21 ) because , believers must not glory in themselves , but in god only ; rom. 4. 2. rom. 3. 27. ( 22 ) because , by the obedience of one , many shall be made righteous , as was foretold , by the prophet ; isaiah 53. 11. and is asserted by paul ; rom. 5. 17. ( 23 ) because , justification by faith , and not by works , is expresly taught , at large by the apostle , in that third to the romans , and third to the galatians . chap. xx. of christian liberty , and liberty of conscience . question i. is god alone lord of the conscience , and hath left it free from the doctrines , and commandments of men , which are in any thing contrary to to his word , or beside it , in matters of faith , or worship ? yes . iam. 4. 12. acts 4. 19. acts 5. 29. matth. 23. 8 , 9 , 10. 2 cor. 1. 24. matth. 15. 9. well then , do not the papists err , who contradict this , both in doctrine ( because they teach , that the pope of rome , and bishops in their own diocesses , may by their own authority , praeter scripturam , beside the word , make laws , which oblige and bind the conscience , under the pain of everlasting death ) and in practise ( because , they have obtruded , and do obtrude , many ecclesiastical rites and ceremonies , as necessary in worship , without any foundation in scripture . ) yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , there is one law-giver , who is able to save , and to destroy ; iames 4. 12. therefore no pope , no prelate , nor any meer man , can be a law-giver . ( 2 ) because , christ rejects the commandments of men , from the worship of god ; matth. 15. 9. ( 3 ) because , the apostles refused , to obey the orders of the council , since they were contrary to the commands of god ; acts 4. 19. acts 5. 29. ( 4 ) because , the lord threatens to do a marvellous work among his people , because they drew near to him with their mouth ( as the most part of the ceremonial service , is but a drawing near to god with the mouth , ) but had their hearts removed far from him ; isaiah 29. 13 , 14. ( 5 ) because , christ expresly forbids such subjection and obedience to the commands of men ; matth. 23. 9 , 10. 1 cor. 7. 23. ( 6 ) because , the apostles themselves forbids all will-worship , such as the popish ceremonies are ; col. 2. 18 , 21 , 22 , 23. ( 8 ) because , the apostle paul , withstood these false brethren , unawars brought in , who came in privily , to spie out his liberty , which he had in christ jesus , that they might bring him into bondage , to whom he gave place by subjection , no not for an hour ; that the truth of the gospel , might continue : where he lays so much weight upon christian liberty ; that , if that were taken away , the truth of the gospel , would perish likewise ; gal. 2. 4 , 5. ( 9 ) because , the apostle commands believers , to stand fast in their liberty , wherewith christ hath made them free , and not to be intangled again with the yoke of bondage ; gal. 5. 1. ( 10 ) because ceremonies are superstitious , being a vice opposite to religion in the excess , commanding more in the worship of god , than he requires in his worship . quest. ii. is not the requiring of an implicit faith , and an absolute , and blind obedience , to the church , or any man , a destroying of liberty of conscience , and reason also ? yes . rom. 10. 17. rom. 14. 23. isaiah 8. 20. acts 17. 11. iohn 4. 22. hos. 5. 11. rev. 13. 12 , 16 , 17. ier. 8. 9. well then , do not the papists err , who require , an implicit faith , to all the decrees and ordinances of their church and pope : and a blind obedience to their commands without a previous judgement of discretion ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , no man performing any duty , out of blind obedience , can be perswaded in his mind , of the will of god therein : and so he that doubteth is damned , because it is not of faith ; rom. 14. 23. ( 2 ) because , all things must be examined , and proven by the rule of the word ; isaiah 8. 20. 1 iohn 4. 1 , 2. ( 3 ) because , the apostle says , prove all things and hold fast that which is good ; 1 thes. 5. 21. ( 4 ) because , blind obedience makes us the servants of men , which is contrary to 1 cor. 7. 23. and against the command of christ , forbidding us to call any man father on earth ; matth. 23. 9. ( 5 ) because , absolute obedience , is only due to god , whose commands are all most just : himself being the alone law-giver ; iames 4. 12. ( 6 ) because , every man ought to be ready to render a reason of the hope which is in him ; 1 peter 3. 15. this no man can do , who receives the commands of superiors , with an implicit faith. quest. iii. do they , who upon pretence of christian liberty , practise any sin , or cherish any lust , destroy thereby , the end of christian liberty ? yes . gal. 5. 13. 1 peter 2. 16. 2 peter 2. 19. iohn 8. 34. luke 1. 74 , 75. well then , do not the libertines err , who maintain , that the true christian liberty , which we ought to follow , and use , is to take away all difference , between good and evil : to esteem nothing of sin ; nor to be touched with any conscience , or sense of it : that every man ought to follow the swing of his own lust ? yes . do not likewise the antinomians err , who maintain , almost the same very tenet , and opinion ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , we being called to liberty , ought not to use our liberty , for an occasion of the flesh ; gal. 5. 13 : and that with well doing , we ought to put to silence , the ignorance of foolish men ; 1 peter 2 : 15 : ( 2 ) because , they that follow , the liberty of sinning , and promise liberty to others , are truely the servants of corruption : for of whom a man is overcome , of the same is he brought in bondage : 2 peter 2 : 19. ( 3 ) because , the end of that liberty , which is purchased by christ , is that , being delivered out of the hands of our enemies , we might serve him without fear , in holiness , and righteousness , all the days of our life ; luke 1 74 , 75 : ( 4 ) because , whosoever committeth sin , is the servant of sin ; iohn 8 : 34 : ( 5 ) because , the moral law obligeth believers to perform obedience , out of gratitude , and thankfulness : for christ came not to destroy the law but to fulfil it ; matth : 5 : 17 : ( 6 ) because , whosoever shall break one of these least commandments , and shall teach men so , he shal be called the least in the kingdom of heaven ; matth. 5. 19 : quest : iv : may such men be lawfully called to an account , and proceeded against , by the censures of the church , and by the power of the civil magistrat , who publish such opinions , or maintain such practises , as are contrary to the light of nature , or to the known principles of christianity , whether concerning faith , worship , or conversation , or to the power of godliness , or such erroneous opinions , and practises , as either in their own nature , or in the manner of publishing , or maintaining them , are destructive to the external peace , and order , which christ hath established in his church ? yes . 1 cor. 5 , 1 , 5 , 11. 13 , 2 iohn v : 10 , 11 : 1 tim. 6 : 3 , 4 : titus 1 : 10 , 11 , 13 : titus 3 : 10. 1 tim. 1 : 19 , 20 : matth : 18 : 15 , 16 , 17 : rev : 2 : 2 , 14 , 15 , 20 : rev : 3 : 9 : well then , do not the anabaptists err , who maintain , there should be no ecclesiastical censures ? yes . do not others also err , who maintain , that church censures , should not be inflicted upon hereticks ? yes . do not lastly the lutherians , anabaptists , arminians , quakers , and all sort of hereticks , and sectaries err , who maintain , ( under the pretext of christian liberty ) that the civil magistrat , is not obliged in duty , to punish any man with the sword , for errors in doctrine , but that they ought to be tolerated , and suffered , providing such persons as own them , do not trouble , or molest the common-wealth ! yes : by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the keyes of the kingdom of heaven , are for this end delivered to the ministers of the church , that with censures , they may pursue scandalous , and offending persons , who will not obey admonition ; matth. 18. 15 , 17 , 18. but such also are hereticks ; gal. 5. 20. tit. 1. 10. 12. ( 2 ) because an heretick after the first and second admonition , is to be rejected , avoided , or shuned . that is , let him not remain in the external communion , of the church ; titus 3. 10. ( 3 ) because , paul did excommunicat hymeneus , and alexander , who had made shipwrack of the faith ; 1 tim. 1. 19 , 20. ( 4 ) because , if any man obey not our word , by this epistle , note that man , and have no company with him , that he may be ashamed ; 2 thes. 3. 14. 1 tim. 6. 4 , 5. titus 1. 11 : ( 5 ) because , christ approves , and commends the pastors of the church of ephesus , because they could not suffer them , that are evil , but had tried them , which say they are apostles , and were not , and had found them liars ; rev. 2. 2. and christ in that same chapter , accuses the pastors of the church of pergamus , and thyatira , and threatneth them , because they had suffered hereticks to be in the church . the lutherians , anabaptists , arminians , and other sectaries are confuted ? ( 1 ) because , it is evident , from many examples of godly magistrats , who did extirpat idolatry , and inflict punishment upon idolaters , as did iacob the patriarch , who at least purged his family of strange gods ; gen. 35. 2 , 3 , 4. moses likewise took punishment with the sword , upon those , who did worship the golden-calf ; exod. 32. 26 , 27 , 28. we have ( 2 ) the examples of hesekia ; 2 kings 18. 4. of iosia ; 2 kings 23. of asa , who decreed that whosoever would not seek the lord god of israel ( according to the law of god ; deut. 13. 9. ) should be put to death , whether small or great , whether man , or woman ; 2 chro. 15. 13. of iehosaphat ; 2 chron. 17. 6. of nehemia 13. 15 , 17. ( 3 ) were not good kings reproved , and was it not imputed to them , as a fault , that they did not take away the high-places ? 2 kings 12. 3. 2 kings 14. 4. 2 kings 15. 4. 2 chron. 15. 17. far more is it a fault to suffer hereticks . ( 4 ) it is evident from the office of the magistrat , who is the minister of god against them , that do evil , and beareth not the sword in vain : rom. 13. 3 , 4. ( 5 ) because , it is expresly commanded in scripture , that punishment be inflicted upon idolaters , even by the nearest relations . if then , the father may kill the son , may kill the daughter , the husband the wife of his bosom : and if one brother may stone another brother with stones , that he die , for being idolaters ; much more may the civil magistrat do this ; deut. 13. 6. to the 13 verse ; deut. 17. 2. to the 7 verse ; lev. 24. 16. ( 6 ) because , it is foretold , that under the new testament , kings shall be nursing fathers to the church , and queens nursing mothers , and that hereticks , that were about to be hurtful , to the church , shall be removed , and taken away ; isaiah 49. 23. zech. 13. 2 , 3. and it shall come to pass , in that day saith the lord of hosts , that i will cut off the names of the idols , out of the land ( that is , all idolatry whatsoever , so that the same shall not be so much as named , any more among you ) and they shall no more be remembred . and i will also cause the prophets , ( the false prophets ) and the unclean spirit , to pass out of the land : that is , the false teachers who teach impure doctrines , through the inspiration of the unclean spirit the devil . compare with this 1 iohn 4. 1 , 2 , 3. for confirmation , consider what is foretold by iohn ; rev. 17. 12 , 16 , 17. that the kings of the earth , shall eat the flesh of the whore , and burn her with fire . all which are foretold , as blessings to be confered upon the church . ( 7 ) it is evident from the epithets , whereby the pernicious , and destructive nature of hereticks , is set forth in scripture . they are called wolfes , not sparing the flock , thieves , robers , troublers of the church , and seducers , or beguilers of poor souls . they are like unto a gangren , or canker in the body . they are as leaven , or soure dough , which leaveneth the whole lump ; acts 20. 29. iohn 10. 8. acts 15. 24. gal. 5. 12. 2 tim. 2. 17. gal. 5. 9. ( 8 ) because , ezra did esteem it , a great favour and blessing of god , conferred upon the church ; for which he thanked god , that had inclined the heart of artaxerxes , to publish a decree , for the punishment of those , that did not observe the law , whether it be , ( saith the text ) unto death , or to banishment , or to confiscation of goods , or to imprisonment ; chap. 7. 23 , 25 , 28. ( 9 ) because , we ought to pray for kings , and all in authority , that under them , we may lead a quiet and peaceable life , in all godliness , and in honesty , which end cannot be attained , unless the civil magistrat bridle and ty up hereticks ; 1 tim. 2. 12. these words , in all godliness , concerns religion . or the first table of the moral law , as the following word honesty , or civility , hath a respect to the commands of the second table , and the duties which we owe to our neighbour , and to one another . for true magistrates , are keepers and defenders of both tables of the ten commandments . ( 10 ) because , the toleration of hereticks , as we may read of the anabaptists in germany , thomas muntzer , iohn of leidden , and their followers , first by railling against the ministry , as the quakers do , and raging against magistracy , brought both church and state into confusion , put the country into burning flames , wherein themselves at length were consumed to ashes . chap. xxi . of religious worship , and the sabbath day . question i. doth the light of nature shew , that there is a god , who hath lordship , and soveraignty over all ? yes . rom. 1. 20. acts 17. 24. psalm 119 68. ier. 10. 7. psalm 31. 23. well then , do not the socinians err , who maintain , that there is no knowledge of god , implanted naturally in the minds of men ? yes . do not secondly , the vaninians , and many of the cartesians err , who under the pretext of maintaining a god-head , have in effect taught men to deny , there is a god ? yes . do not thirdly , some bee-headed men err , who dispute against the beeing of a god-head , because they cannot find a demonstration for it called dihoti ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the invisible things of him from the creation of the world are clearly seen , being understood , by the things which are made , even his eternal power , and godhead : so that they are without excuse ; rom. 1. 20. ( 2 ) because , the psalmist saith , the heavens declare the glory of god , and the firmament sheweth his handy work . that is , they give us matter and occasion to speak and discourse of his omnipotency , wisdom , and goodness ; psalm 19 : 1 , 2 , 3. ( 3 ) because , the knowledge of the law of nature , is naturally implanted in the minds of all men ; rom. 2. 14. therefore , some knowledge of the law-giver , must be implanted in the minds of all men . ( 4 ) because , in the most wick ed , and ungodly there are terrors and tortures of conscience , wherewith , nil they , will they , they are haunted and possessed : whence it is evident , that in the minds of all men , there is some lively knowledge of god. ( 5 ) because , men had rather worship a stock , or a stone , than they should think , there were no god ; acts 17. 23. ( 6 ) what a brave order , and comliness , shines forth , with so much wisdom , and power , in the government and preservation of things above and below ; that no man can be in doubt , but there must be a god , who rules and preserves all those things . ( 7 ) because , nothing can be the cause of it self : because then , it should be both the cause , and the effect , both before and after it self : therefore all things have their beginning , from one first and supream cause , which is god. ( 8 ) because , the existence of a god-head , may be evinced from the foretelling of things to come ; isaiah 41. 23. and as cicero says , si est divinatio , sunt dii , if there be a foretelling , there must be also a god that foretelleth . ( 9 ) from the assaults , and suggestions of satan , we find there is a devil , may we not then certainly conclude that there is a god ? the devil labours by all means to extinguish the light of the gospel , to lead men on in ignorance , error , and prophanness , and to turn them out of the path of holiness . now , why should satan thus warr against god , his word , and his saints ? why should he seek gods dishonour , and mans destruction , if there were not a god , a law , and an everlasting life ? ( 10 ) because , the mind of man is not satisfied with the knowledge of all things ; nor the will of man , with the enjoyment of all things in this world , but still they seek and thirst earnestly , after some higher good . there is therefore , a soveraign ▪ truth , and chief good , which being perfectly known , and enjoyed , will give contentment , and satisfaction , to the soul. in vain should the powers , and faculties of the soul , be capable of happiness , or of the chief good ; if there were not a chief good to be possessed , and enjoyed . ( 11 ) from the wonders , and miracles , which have been wrought , visible , and apparent works , extraordinarly wrought , not only above the ordinary course of nature , but simply above the power of nature . these effects do convince , that there is an infinite power , which is above , and over-ruleth all things . for every principal , and primary cause , is more excellent , than the effects thereof . ( 12 ) from the beeing of man , the curious workmanship of his body in the womb , which is wrought most artificially ; namely with sinews , veins , arteries , muscels ▪ and other parts of the body , even as an embroiderer sitteth , and joyneth many parcels ▪ stuff , and dyed work of various colours , very artificially , and curiously together , untill there cometh forth some goodly pourtraiture , or other dainty workmanship ; psal. 139. 15. iob 10. 10. but especially from the beeing of a mans soul , which is immaterial , invisible , rational , immortal , and which cannot be ● traduce , from the power of the matter ( as the sensitive souls of bruits ) neither doth depend on the body in many of its operations . these , and all the works , which our eye doth see , or the mind doth apprehend do prove , that there is a god , who hath given a beeing to them , and continueth them therein . ( 13 ) because , seeing god is the the first cause , there cannot be any thing prior to him , by which , as a cause , his existence can be demonstrated . quest. ii. is the acceptable way of worshipping the true god , instituted by himself , and so limited to his own revealed will , that he may not be worshipped according to the imaginations and devices of men , or the suggestions of satan , under any visible representation , or any other way not prescribed in the holy scripture ? yes . deut. 12. 32. matth. 15. 9. acts 17. 25. col. 2. 23. exod. 20. 4 , 5 , 6. well then , do not the papists err , who teach that the images of christ , and the trinity ought to be worshipped , and that not improperly , but even properly , and per se , with that same sort of worship , wherewith christ , and the blessed trinity are adored ? yes . do not likewise the greeks err , who maintain , that the painted images of god , may be adored , but not the engraven , or carved images of god ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , it is expresly against the second command ; exod. 20. 4 , 5. ( 2 ) because , god is infinite , unmeasurable , incomprehensible , and spiritual : and therefore nothing can represent him , as the prophet well infers ; isaiah 40. 18 , 25. ( 3 ) because , every representation of god , by graven images , or pictures , is a most disgraceful changing of the glory of the incorruptible god ; rom. 1. 23. ( 4 ) because , images , and pictures of this kind , are lies and vanities , which the lord abhores , and mocks at with an holy scorn ; isaiah 44. from verse 9. to 18. ( 5 ) because , the lord expresly forbiddeth the israelites to represent him under any form or shape , for ( saith the text ) ye saw no manner of similitude , on the day that the lord spake to you in horeb , out of the midst of the fire ; deut. 4. 15. to verse 20. ( 6 ) because , though the israelites worshipped the true god , by an image ( for aaron built an alter , and made proclamation , and said , to morrow is a feast to the lord ) yet are they accused of the sin of idolatry , and for that cause severely punished ; exod. 32. 21 , 27 : 35 ( 7 ) because , ieroboam , and the ten tribes , who worshipped the true god , by the golden-calves , set up at dan and bethel ( for the worship of false gods by images , was afterwards brought in by achab , who is therefore said to have provoked the lord more than all the kings of israel before him ; 1 kin : 16 : 31 , 32. ) are accused for the sin of idolatry , and are severely threatned ; 1 king. 12. 29 , 30. and 1 kings 13. 2. which threatning was put in execution by iosiah ; 2 kings 23. 15 , 16 , 20. ( 8 ) because , the apostle says , we ought not to think that the god-head , is like unto gold or silver , or stone graven by art and mans device ; acts 17. 29. quest. iii. is religious worship to be given to god the father , son , and holy ghost , and to him alone ? yes . is religious worship , to be given to angels , saints , or any other creature ? no. matth , 4. 10. iohn 8. 49. 2. cor. 13. 14. iohn 5. 23. col. 2. 18. rev. 19. 10. rom. 1. 25. well then , do not the papists err , who maintain , that not only god , but good angels , and saints departed , being canonized by the pope , ought to be worshipped , and called upon , even after a religious manner : but cheifly the virgin mary , and that there is a divine power in the relicks of saints , which therefore ought to be worshipped ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the lord our god , and he only is to be worshipped ; matth. 4. 10. deut 6. 13. ( 2 ) because , the object of invocation , and religious adoration , is he only who is omnipotent , omniscient , and searcher of the heart . for there is none that knows our necessities and wants , but he that is omniscient : and none can succour and help us , but he that is omnipotent . but angels are not omniscient ; eph. 3. 10. 1 peter 1. 12. neither are the saints departed omniscient , as is clear from isa. 63. 16. abraham is ignorant of us . ( 3 ) because , they that are dead , know nothing of our condition ; eccl. 9. 5. ( 4 ) because , no man ought to call upon him , in whom he doth not believe ; rom. 10. 14. but no man ought to believe in saints , or angels , but in god alone ; isaiah 26. 4. ier. 17. 5. ( 5 ) because , neither saints alive , nor angels would suffer adoration , and worship to be given to themselves ; acts 10. 25. rev. 22. 8 , 9. ( 6 ) because , the worshipping of angels doth derogate from the honour of christ , in whom we have boldness , and access with confidence by the faith of him , eph. 3. 12. ( 7 ) because , the worshipping of saints and angels , is like a polytheismus , the having of many gods. for the papists attribute to each one of their saints , and angels , a proper divine power , as the heathens did of old , to their idols , and false gods . quest. iv. is any religious worship given to god , since the fall , without a mediator ? no. nor in the mediation of any other , but of christ alone ? no. iohn 14. 6. 1 tim. 2. 5. eph. 2. 18. col. 3. 17. well then , doth not the popish church err , who maintain , that saints departed , but chiefly the virgin mary are mediators and intercessors between god and man ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the scripture affirms expresly , that there is but one mediator between god and man , namely the man jesus christ ; 1 tim. 2. 5. ( 2 ) because , no man cometh to the father , but by christ ; iohn 14. 6. and by him , we have access to the father ; eph : 2. 18. ( 3 ) because , the scripture promiseth that they shall be heard , that in the name of christ , seek such things , as are according to the will of god : but there is no promise in all the word , that they shall be heard that pray to saints or angels ; iohn 14. 13 , 14. 1 iohn 5. 14. ( 4 ) because , the apostle says , whatsoever ye do in word or deed , do all in the name of the lord jesus , not in the name of saints ; col. 3. 17. ( 5 ) because , christ who is called the propitiation for our sins , is also called our advocate with the father ; 1 iohn 2. 1 , 2. ( 6 ) because , mediation is a part of the priestly office of christ , which is only proper to himself ; and which cannot be divided , between him and the saints . ( 7 ) because , the saints are not to be called upon , as was proven in the foregoing question . quest. v. is prayer with thanksgiving , one special part of gods worship , required by god of all men ? yes . phil. 4. 6. psal. 65. 2. well then , do not the adamites , and others long since err , who denyed , that god was to be called upon . for ( say they ) god is omniscient , and bestowes all things upon us freely without our prayers ? yes . do not likewise some late hereticks err , who maintain , that unregenerate men ought not to call upon god ? yes . do not also the quakers err , who will not move , in the commanded duties of prayer , and thanksgiving , unless there be some inward call , and motion on their spirit ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , there are extant many universal precepts in the word , by which the duty of prayer is commanded ; phil. 4. 6. 1 thes. 5. 17. iohn 16. 24. matth. 7. 7. ( 2 ) because , god is the hearer of prayer , and to him shall all flesh come ; psal. 65. 2. ( 3 ) we have the example of david ; psalm 55. 17. of daniel , chapter 6. 10. the example of those many , who were gathered together , praying in the behalf of the apostle peter ; acts 12. 12. the example of christ himself ; iohn 17. chapter . ( 4 ) because , the apostle paul , bids simon magus , who was in the gall of bitterness , and bond of iniquity , to repent and call upon god ; acts 8. 22. as to the quakers , what assurance can they have the next hour , or the next day , more than now , of the spirits moving on their souls ? and are we not commanded to pray without ceasing ; 1 thes. 5. 17. that is , upon all opportunities , and in all our necessities . quest. vi. if prayer be vocal , ought it to be in a known tongue ? yes . 1 cor. 14. 14. well then , do not the papists err , who maintain , that it is not needful , that publick prayers be in a known tongue ; but that it is often-times expedient , that prayers be performed , in a tongue-unknown to the common-people ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the apostle teaches expresly the contrary ; 1 cor. 14. 9 , 12. ( 2 ) because , prayers celebrated in an unknown tongue , are not for edification ? 1 cor. 14. 14. ( 3 ) because , he that occupieth the room of the unlearned ( that is , who understands not strange tongues ) cannot say amen ; 1 cor. 14. 16. ( 4 ) because , the lords prayer which is the special rule of all our prayers , was prescribed in a tongue , at that time best known . quest. vii . may we pray for the dead , or for those of whom it may be known , that they have sinned , the sin unto death ? no. 2 sam. 12. 21 , 22 , 23. luke 16. 25 , 26. rev. 14. 13. 1 iohn 5. 16. well then , do not the papists err , who maintain , that prayers , almes , and masses ought to be appointed , and made for souls departed , as these , which will really profit them ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the dead are either happy ; and so they need not our prayers ; rev. 14. 13. or they are damned , and so our prayers cannot profit them : for out of hell there is no redemption ; luke 16. 26. ( 2 ) because , we read that david mourned , and fasted for the child , so long , as it was alive : but when once the child was removed by death , wherefore ( says he ) should i fast ? can i bring him back again ? 2 sam. 12. 22 , 23. ( 3 ) because , all our requests , and prayers are either founded upon a precept , or promise of god , to hear our prayers . but there is neither a promise that god will hear us , in order to the dead , nor a command to pray for them . ( 4 ) because , we are altogether ignorant of the state , and condition of the dead : and therefore we cannot pray for them in faith ; rom. 14. 23. quest. viii . is the reading of the scriptures , with godly fear , the sound preaching , and comfortable hearing of the word , in obedience to god , with understanding , faith , and reverence , are they ( i say ) parts of the ordinary religious worship of god ? yes . are these with the due administration of the sacraments , to wit , baptism and the lords supper ; to continue in the church of god , till the end of the world , and the day of christ ? yes . acts 15. 21. rev. 1 , 3. 2 tim. 4. 2. mat. 13. 19. iames 1. 22. heb. 4. 2. isaiah 66. 2. acts 10. 33. well then , do not the enthusiasts , libertines , anabaptists , and other sectaries err , who under a pretext , of being inspired by the holy ghost , that teaches them all things , despise and contemn all reading of the scripture , and publick hearing of the word preached ? yes . do not likewise the quakers err , who are down-right enemies , to all the publick ordinances , which christ hath appointed to continue in his church to the end of the world ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , christ commanded his apostles , and in them , all the ministers of the gospel , to whom he hath promised his presence , to the end of the world , to teach all nations , and to preach the gospel to every creature ; matth. 28. 19. mark 16. 15. ( 2 ) because , the publick preaching of the word , by a minister sent , and called , and the hearing of it , is a mean ordained , and appointed by god , and according to the ordinary manner , necessary for begetting faith ; and therefore needful to salvation ; rom. 10. 14 , 15. 1 cor. 1. 21. ( 3 ) because , god hath promised to his covenanted ones , to bring them to his holy mountain , and make them joyful in his house of prayer ; that is , in the publick meetings of his saints , and people ; isaiah . 56. 7. ( 4 ) from the example of those believers ; acts 2. 42. who continued steadfastly in the apostles doctrine . ( 5 ) because , the word of god , is the perfect rule of life and manners . and all spirits , are to be tried by it ; 1 tim. 3. 15. 1 iohn 4. 1. isaiah 8. 20. neither ought we to follow , or hear any man , no not an angel if he teach any thing contrary to the word , or heterodox from it ; 2 thes. 2. 2. gal. 1. 8. ( 6 ) because , the word of god , is that incorruptible seed , by which we are born again ; 1 peter 1. 23. ( 7 ) because , god forbids expresly separations from publick assemblies ( i mean so long as the word is truely and purely taught , by those who enter in by the right door , that is christ , and the way appointed by him in his word ; iohn 10. 7 , 8. ) heb. 10. 25. ( 8 ) because , the lord hath joyned together these two , his faithful servants , for teaching his people publickly , and the promise of the spirit to guide them , and assist them in their work ; matth. 28. 20 iohn 14. 16 , 17 , 26. for confutation of the quakers , two things must be made out : the one that the office of the ministry , is of divine institution . ( 1 ) because , god hath particularly designed some persons to the work of the ministry . for if god appointed some persons to be judges over israel , then must the office of judgeing israel be of divine institution . christ appointed not only apostles , the seventy disciples , evangelists , prophets , whose call and gifts were extraordinary , but other ordinary pastors , and teachers , whose spirits were not infallible , whom the scripture affirms to be as truely by divine institution ▪ as the former ; 1 cor. 12. 28. eph. 4. 11. ( 2 ) because , god hath given peculiar names and titles , to the persons designed for this office , which he hath not given to other saints . the onely wise god will not distinguish ▪ where he himself hath made no distinction ▪ or difference . these are called pastors , teachers , such as rule well , stewards of the mysteries of god , preachers , bishops or overseers of the flock , stars in christs right hand , angels of the churches . christ evidently puts a difference between the churches and the angels , set over them ; rev. 2. 1 , 8 , 12 , 18. rev. 3. 17 , 14. ( 3 ) because , the lord hath taken a special care to bestow peculiar gifts and qualifications upon these persons , so designed for the ministery ; and that for the good of the souls of his people , above what is required in other saints . would ever the lord have bestowed such qualifications , if he had not appointed some for such an office ? though gifts as gifts do not alone invest into such an office , yet when they are strictly required , they argue , that there is an office. they must be apt to teach others ; 1 tim. 3. 2. and not onely so , but able to teach others ; able to convince them that oppose themselves ; titus 1. 9. they must be such as study to shew themselves approven unto god ; workmen that need not be ashamed ; 2 tim. 2. 15. and the apostle in admiration of the difficulty of this employment , cryeth out , who is sufficient for these things ? 2 cor. 2. 16. ( 4 ) because , the lord requires peculiar duties of his ministers , which he doth not require of believers ; therefore , there must be such a distinct office , by divine institution . they must take special care of the church of god ; 1 tim. 3. 5. 1 pet. 5. 2. 3. they are not to neglect the gift which is in them ; 1 tim. 4. 14. they are to meditate on these things , and to give themselves wholly to them ; 1 tim. 4. 15. acts 6. 2. 4. they are to preach the word , to rebuke , to instruct gainsayers ; 2 tim. 4. 2. 2 tim. 2. 25. to administer the sacraments ; matth. 28. 19. 1 cor. 11. 13. to ordain others for the ministry , by imposition of hands ; 1 tim. 4. 14. to watch over the flock , as those that must give an account ; heb. 13. 17. ( 5 ) because , christ requires peculiar distinct duties in the people , in reference to their ministers ; therefore the office of the ministry must be of divine institution . they must know and acknowledge those that are over them in the lord ; 1 thes. 5. 12. highly to esteem them in love for their works sake ; 1 thes. 5. 13. to obey them , to encourage them ; heb. 13. 7. to maintain them ; gal. 6. 6. to pray for them ; 2 thes. 3. 1. ( 6 ) because , god hath made peculiar promises to his ministers ; as , lo , i am with you alway , even to the end of the world ; matth. 28. 20. the promise of special assistance ; 2 cor. 3. 5. 6. of protection and defence in all aslaults ; rev. 1. 20. the promise of the power of the keyes , which promise was not limited to the apostles , as apostles , but was given to the apostles , as ministers of the gospel , as is evident from mat. 18. 17 , 18. the promise of special sympathy with them ; matth. 10. 40. luke 10. 16. iohn 13. 20. 1 thes. 4. 8. now , would ever the lord have promised to keep up , and maintain that office in his church which he had not set up and instituted . the other thing to be made out , is that the office of the ministry , is perpetually necessary ? ( 1 ) because , the ordinances are perpetually necessary , by divine institution : therefore the office of the ministry , to dispense these ordinances , is perpetually necessary , by divine institution . for if god had only appointed the ordinances , to continue in his church , then would preaching , and administration of the sacraments fail : because , that which is every mans work , is usually and effectually no mans work . the lord doth not immediatly administer them himself : neither are angels employed for this work . but he hath committed this service to men , who are stewards , and dispensers of the mysteries of god. it is evident that the preaching of the word , shall continue to the end of the world , from matth. 28. 20. eph. 4 11 , 12 , 13. it is evident of baptism , and the lords supper , which are conjoyned in the institution of christ , with the ministery of the word . for to whom , he gave commission to preach , to them also he gave commission to administer the sacraments . baptism is an ordinance of the new testament , appointed by god himself . for iohn was sent to baptize . god was the author , iohn was only the minister . this was to continue perpetually , as is evident from christs promise , and his precept ; matth. 28 , 20. the ends for which baptism was ordained , are not temporary , but moral , and so perpetual . do not all christians , now need these means as the christians during the age of the apostles ? are not christians to be baptized into his death , buried with him by baptism , that like as christ was raised from the dead by the glory of the father , even so we also should walk in newness of life . it is called by the holy ghost , a saving ordinance , and is unto believers , and their seed in the new testament , as the ark was to noah , and his family in the old world , who being in the ark , was saved from perishing in the waters , when the rest were drowned : so baptism doth now save us , not only or mainly , the outward part of it , the putting away the filth of the flesh , ( which is yet an ordinance to further our salvation ) but when the spirit of regeneration effectually concurs , so that we find there is a renewing of the holy ghost , and thereby the answer of a good conscience towards god ; 1 pet. 3. 21. it is evident , that the sacrament of the lords supper , is to continue to the end of the world . it was not only appointed for apostles , to whom it was first administred , but unto all believers , both iews , and gentiles . and not only for that age , but for all generations succeeding , for believers , are commanded , to shew forth the lords death till he come , by eating this bread , and drinking this cup. therefore , if these ordinances , be appointed by god , to continue to the end , it follows evidently , that he hath designed the office of the ministry to hold up , and hold forth his ordinances to the end of the world . ( 2 ) because , the promises , which christ hath made to uphold the ministry , are perpetual ; therefore the office must be perpetual ; matth. 28. 20. go teach , and baptize all nations , and lo i am with you to the end of the world . this promise cannot be limited to the particular age , during the lives of the apostles ; because the holy ghost , useth three expressions , to declare the perpetuity of this promise , aion , that this promise , shall continue so long as the world continues . secondly , synteleia ; heos tes synteleias tu aionos , that this promise shall have no end , till the world be consummat , or brought to a period . thirdly , pasas tas hemeras , all days , and successions of times . not only meth hymon hemeras hymon , not only with you , during your own dayes , but all the dayes of the gospel , till time shall be no more , and this promise was made not to the apostles , as apostles , nor to the apostles as believers , but to the apostles , as ministers and stewards , of the mysteries of god. ( 3 ) because , the elect require , the office of the ministry perpetually . our natures are as bad , as iews , and pagans ; eph. 2 : 3. our judgements full of darkness , and ignorance ; 1 cor. 2. 14. our wills stuborn and rebellious , and so alienated , that we rebel against the light . the delusions of satan are strong . the multitude of false teachers are very numerous , so that they are ready to seduce the elect themselves , if it were possible . ( 4 ) because , the ends for which christ , hath appointed a ministry are perpetually necessary . the elect must be called and gathered , for there will be some still in every age , to be added to the church , of them that shall be saved . there are many sheep , which are not yet brought into his fold : many who belong to the election , who are not yet effectually called , them also will christ bring in , both iews , and gentiles , that there may be one fold , as there is one shephers . now , god hath revealed no other ordinary way to convert , and bring these into his fold , but the ministry of his word ; for how shall they believe without a preacher ? therefore , if there be some elect , continually to be brought into fellowship with christ , and this end not fully attained , till the end of the world , then the ministry assigned to this end , must be perpetually necessary . quest ix . is singing of psalms with grace in the heart , a part of the ordinary worship of god ? yes . col. 3. 16. eph. 5. 19. iam. 5. 13. well then , do not the quakers , and other sectaries err , who are against the singing of psalms , or at least , ty it only to some certain persons , others being excluded ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) from the practise of christ , and his apostles ; matth. 26. 30. from the example of paul and silas ; acts 16. 25. from moses , and the israelites ; exod. 15. ( 2 ) because , the singing of psalms was commanded under the old testament , and that , not as a type of any substance to come , nor for any ceremonial cause . neither is it abrogated under the new testament , but confirmed ; psalm 30. 4. psalm 149. 1. ( 3 ) from the general and universal commands in the new testament ; eph. 5. 19. col. 3. 16. 1 cor. 14. 15. ( 4 ) because , the apostle iames says , is any man afflicted , let him pray , is any man merry , let him sing psalms ; chap. 5. 13. the meaning is not , that none should sing , but such as are merry : for then none should pray but such as are afflicted . ( 5 ) because , by singing of psalms , we glorifie god , we make his praise glorious . we edify others with whom we sing , as well , as we edify our selves . so the end to be proposed in singing , is teaching and admonishing one another , in psalms , and hymns , and spiritual songs ; col. 3. 16. lastly , we chear and refresh our selves , by making melody in our hearts to the lord ; eph. 5. 19. which ariseth first from our consciencious going about it , as a piece of worship to god , and in so doing we are accepted in that . secondly from its being a part of scripture , appointed for his praise , whether it agree with our case or not . that being the end wherefore it was designed to be sung , is a sufficient warrand for our joyning in the singing thereof . quest. x. is prayer , or any other part of religious worship now under the gospel , either tyed unto , or made more acceptable , by any place , in which it is performed , or towards which it is directed ? no. iohn 4. 21. mal. 1. 11. 1 tim. 2. 8. well then , do not the papists err , who consecrate churches , and ascribe holiness to them , and appoint peregrinations to christs grave , and to other places far off , where they mumble their preachings , and mutter their prayers ? yes . do not likewise many ignorant persons err , who think their private prayers , will be more acceptable to god , being said in the kirk , than in their own private closet ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the lord says , by the mouth of his prophet , that prayers shall be offered up to him in all places , under the time of the gospel : mal. 1. 11. ( 2 ) because , christ commands us when we pray , to enter into our closet , and the door being shut , to pray to our father , which is in secret , least we should seem to desire praise , and approbation from men : which rite and ceremony of praying publickly , when we should pray privately , christ clearly condemns , matth. 6. 5 , 6. ( 3 ) because , paul wills that men pray every where , lifting up holy hands , without wrath and doubting ; 1 tim. 2. 8. ( 4 ) because , christ says the hour cometh , when we shall neither in this mountain , nor yet at ierusalem worship the father ; iohn 4. 21. quest. xi . hath god in his word , by a positive , moral , and perpetual commandment , binding all men in all ages , particularly appointed , one day in seven , for a sabbath to be kept holy unto himself ? yes . exod. 20. 8 , 10 , 11. isaiah 56. 2 , 4 , 6 , 7. well then , do not some men err , who maintain , that god hath not under the gospel determined any certain day , for his own worship , but only hath commanded , that some indefinite time , be destined for publick worship , which time ( say they ) is left to be determined , by the church ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the determining of an ordinary and sufficient time , for divine worship , and as a sabbath , belongs to god only , and not to man. for we do not read , that any such power or authority , is granted to man , either by the law of nature , or scripture . is it not a thing of very great moment ? is it likely , that the wisdom of god , would leave it uncertain ? this might accuse the scripture of imperfection . it is not sutable to the love of god , and his care towards his church . by such mens doctrine , the church universal , and all oecumenick councils , should be guilty of a dreadful sin , which for so many ages , have been deficient in their duty . therefore , it behoveth that there be one day of seven by virtue of the fourth command , seeing no where els another necessary day , is appointed , or prescribed in the word . ( 2 ) because , it is just and equitable ( as the adversaries grant ) that one day should be set apart for god , who hath freely given us six . ( 3 ) because , in six dayes , god made the heavens , and the earth , and rested on the seventh : not out of necessity , but to give us an example , to do the like . ( 4 ) because , one day of ten , twenty , or thirty , cannot be thought convenient . neither is such a thing commanded , in any place of scripture . and would it not argue a neglect of divine worship , & the care of souls , if one day of twenty , thirty , or fourty were appointed ? neither , can the fifth , fourth , or sixth day be appointed , seeing god hath commanded us to work six dayes . this would make our yoke more heavy than the iewish yoke , which the adversaries will not grant . ( 5 ) because , it is the principal , and chief scope of the fourth command , that one day of seven , in respect of us , be set apart , and consecrated to divine worship . not truely that some indefinite time , be set apart . if this were true , the fourth command , should differ substantially , from the other precepts of the decalogue ; and so there behoved to be an useless precept , or at least a tautology ought to be committed . do not likewise the anabaptists , socinians , and libertins err , with whom we may take in the quakers , ( and other antisabbatarians , that disown the sabbath , as being carnal , and a command of the letter ) who teach , that whatever is contained in the fourth command , is ceremonial , and so properly , as to the matter , and substance , which it holds out , abrogated wholly . and therefore ( say they ) by virtue of this fourth command there is no day to be set a part , for publick divine worship ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the fourth command , which appoints one day of seven to be set apart for god , is a positive , and moral command , as to substance ; seeing it was given to adam in his integrity , before ever there was need of any types , and ceremonies shaddowing forth christ ; gen. 2. 2 , 3. ( 2 ) because , it was repeated , before the promulgation of the ceremonial law ; exod. 16. 23. thirdly , because it was written , with gods own hand , and inserted into the midst of the rest of the moral precepts , and was put into the ark of the testimony , with the other nine , which honour , was never conferred upon any precept meerly ceremonial . ( 4 ) because , all the reasons of this command , are intirely moral . he rested after six days , and allowed us six days to work , therefore in all equity we ought to rest after so many days work , and give god a seventh . ( 5 ) because , christ confirms this command , in saying , pray that your flight be not in the winter , neither on the sabbath day , where the lord insinuateth that as travelling is troublesome to the body in winter , so would it be to the minds of the godly to travel on that day , specially and solemnly set apart for gods worship . now , if there were no sabbath to continue after christs ascension , or if it were not to be sanctified , there would be no occasion of this grief and trouble , that they behoved to travel on the sabbath , and durst not tary till that day were by-past ; and so no cause to put up this prayer which yet by our lords exhortation seemeth to infer that the sabbath was to be as certain in its time , as the winter . and doubtless this cannot be meaned of the iewish sabbath ; for that was to be abolished shortly . next , travelling on the iewish sabbath was to be no cause of grief unto them , if indeed all days were alike , neither would it be scroupled in such a case by the apostles to whom he is now speaking . quest. xii . was this one day in seven , from the beginning of the world , to the resurrection of christ , the last day of the week ▪ yes . and was it , from the resurrection of christ , changed into the first day of the week ? yes . and is it to be continued , to the end of the world , as the christian sabbath ? yes . gen. 2. 2 , 3. 1 cor. 16. 1. 2. acts 20. 7. rev. 1. 10. matth. 5. 17 , 18. well then , do not the sabbatarians err , who maintain , that the iewish sabbath , or the seventh day from the creation , is to be observed ? yes . do not others likewise err , who maintain , that the observation of the lords day , is only of ecclesiastick and apostolick institution ? yes . these authors , ( you see ) do confound , and make two things really distinct , to be but one , namely ecclesiastick and apostolick institution ? by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the fourth command standing , wherein one day of seven is appointed , the numbering is left free to god himself , that the right , and power may be reserved to christ the law-giver , and to his spirit , for the change of the day , and continuing the worship , prescribed in the fourth command . ( 2 ) from the name it self ; for our sabbath is called the lords day , rev. 1. 10. i was in the spirit on the lords day : or on that lords day , or dominick day , or day which is the lords ; pointing out a day singularly , and a day , which in a particular , & special manner is called his day ; even as the lords prayer and the lords supper are so called , because appointed by christ the lord. ( 3 ) because , god only can abrogate the lords day ( the adversaries granting so much ) therefore , he that hath power to rescind hath power likewise to establish . ( 4 ) because , there is an implicit command , concerning the observation of the lords day ; 1 cor. 16. 2. as i have ( saith paul ) given order to the churches of galatia , even so do ye the first day of the week , let every one of you lay by him . from which place , we reason thus ; that not the seventh , but the first day , is the chief solemn day for worship after christs resurrection , because , the apostles did pitch particularly and eminently upon that day , and that in diverse churches , as the fittest time , for expressing their charity . he doth not think it indifferent , what day it be done on , nor that all dayes are alike , but pitcheth on the first day , not in one church only , but in many . next , this command , supposeth them to be already acquainted with some special priviledges of the first day beyond others ; and that there must be some peculiar thing in this day making it fit , yea more fit for such a purpose , rather than any other day . ( 5 ) because , as the seventh day , was instituted , in remembrance of the works of creation , so the first day , after the work of redemption was finished , succeeded as most convenient , for collating , and comparing both mercies together . ( 6 ) because , christ on the first day of the week , appeared most frequently to his disciples , and blessed it with his presence ; matth. 28. 9. acts 1. 3. iohn 20. 19 , 26. ( 7 ) because , on that day , the holy ghost descended upon the apostles . and on the same day peter baptized three thousand ; acts 2. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 41. ( 8 ) because , the church , in the time of the apostles did observe the first day of the week , as holy ; acts 20. 7. but the practise of the apostles , approven in scripture , is equivalent to a divine institution . ( 9 ) because , christ was seen of his apostles fourty dayes after his resurrection , and spoke to them of the things pertaining to the kingdom of god , during which time he hath taught them all things needful to be known , and among the rest ( it is probable ) the change of the sabbath , and the institution of the first day of the week , and that immediatly after his resurrection : he hath either immediatly by himself institute that day , or hath inspired his apostles to observe it , from that same very time . ( 10 ) because , the lord hath remarkably owned this christian sabbath , in being remarkably avenged , upon the breakers , and profanners thereof , as it is clear from several histories . quest. xiii . is this sabbath then kept holy unto the lord , when men after a due preparation , of their hearts , and ordering of their common affairs before hand , do not only observe an holy rest , all the day from their own works , words , and thoughts , about their worldly employments , and recreations , but are also taken up the whole time , in the publick and private exercises of his own worship , except what is spent in the duties of necessity and mercy ? yes . exod. 16. 23 , 25 , 26 , 29 , 30. exod. 31. 15 , 16 , 17. isa. 58. 13. neh. 13. 15 , 16 , 18 , 19 , 21 , 22. well then , do not some err , who think , that after publick worship is ended , the rest of the lords day , may be spent , in ordinary exercises , recreations , and such like sports as are not unlawful on other dayes , unless they be forbidden , by the church , or common-wealth wherein men live ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the lord says in the fourth commandment , in it thou shalt not do any work . but ordinary recreations , games , and sports , are our own works . ( 2 ) because , nature it self requires , that we bestow , as much of the sabbath day on god , who is the lord of time , and of all things which we have , as we can , and use to bestow upon our own affairs , on other days . ( 3 ) because , the lord says , if thou turn away thy foot from the sabbath , from doing thy pleasure on my holy day , and call the sabbath a delight , the holy of the lord honourable , and shalt honour him , not doing thy own wayes , nor finding thy own pleasure , nor speaking thy own words , then shalt thou delight thy self in the lord , and i will cause thee to ride upon the high places of the earth , and feed thee with the heritage of iacob thy father for the mouth of the lord hath spoken it ; isaiah 58. 13 , 14. see ierem. 17. 22. deut. 5. 12 , 13 , 15. numb . 15. 32 , 33 , 36. and neh. 13. 15. to verse 23. in those dayes saw i in iudah , some treading wine-presses on the sabbath , and bringing in sheaves , and lading asses , as also wine-grapes , and figes , and all manner of burdens which they brought into ierusalem , on the sabbath day ; and i testified against them in the day wherein they sold victuals . chap. xxii . of lawful oaths and vows . question i. is the name of god , that only by which men ought to swear ? yes . deut. 6. 13. well then , do not the papists err , who in their swearing , joyn with their calling upon the name of god , the calling on saints departed , and their reliques ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , swearing is a part of divine worship , which is only due to god ; deut. 6. 13. deut. 10. 20. isaiah 65. 16. ( 2 ) because , god only is the judge of hidden and secret truth ; and the avenger to take vengence on them , that do not swear in truth . therfore he only is to be called on as witness of those things , which are asserted , and promised , which was the practise of the apostle paul , rom. 9. 1. rom. 1. 9. phil. 1. 8. ( 3 ) because , god condemns swearing by them , that are no gods ; ier. 5. 7. quest. ii. is an oath warranted by the word of god , under the new testament , as well , as under the old , in matters of weight , and moment ? yes . heb. 6. 16. isaiah 65. 16. gal. 1. 20. rom. 1. 9. rom. 9. 1. 2 cor. 1. 18. 23. and 2 cor. 11. 31. with 2 cor. 12 , 19. 1 thes. 5. 27. rev. 10. 6. well then , do not the quakers and anabaptists err , who maintain , that there is no lawful use of an oath under the new testament ? yes . do not likewise the papists err , who make it a degree of perfection , to abstain from all oaths ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) from isaiah 65. 16. where it is promised , under the time of the gospel , that the nations to be converted to christ , shall swear by the name of god , as is clear also from ierem. 4. 2. ( 2 ) because , the calling upon the name of god with due fear and reverence in swearing , is commanded in the third command , as the profanation of his name is forbidden : but christ came not to abolish the moral law. ( 3 ) from the approven examples of the saints , which occurr in the new testament ; gal. 1. 20. rom. 1. 9. and 2 cor. 1. 13 , 18. rev. 10. 6. ( 4 ) because , the end of an oath , is approven by god , and is in all ages , necessary to all men , being the end of all controversie ; heb. 6. 16. ( 5 ) because , an oath rightly taken , is an act of religion , whereby we glorifie god , and adore his attributes . we thereby , first , solemnly acknowledge his beeing and existence . secondly , his ubiquity that he is present in all places , and at all times , and within our hearing ; psalm 139. 7. his omniscience , that he is the searcher of the heart . the apostle calls him kardiognostes ; acts 15. 8. we acknowledge , fourthly , his truth and veracity : he is a witness brought into the court , that cannot lie , nor be impos'd upon , as saith the apostle , be not deceived god is not mocked ; gal. 6. 7. fifthly , his supremacy over all creatures , for verily men swear by the greater ; heb. 6. 16. we acknowledge , sixthly , his vindictive justice , as he is a revenger of perjury . seventhly , we acknowledge his providence , and fatherly care of the concerns of mankind , owning the cause of the righteous . ( 6 ) because , there being an express law for swearing ( to wit rightly ; deut. 10 20. ) it must either belong to the moral law , to the judicial law , or ceremonial law. the adversaries will not call it , a part of the judicial law , which was given to the iewes , as a body politick , which expired together with the state of that people . it is no part of the ceremonial law : for what was purely ceremonial , was purely typical : but the law concerning an oath was not a type of any thing to come . and if it was a type , where will you find its antitype in all the gospel , or the thing represented by it ? therefore , it must be a part of the moral law ; deut. 6. 13. ier. 4. 2 , and consequently perpetual , which christ came not to destroy . it is confirmed hence , that it was of authentick use , and held sacred among the patriarchs , before the delivery of the levitical law , as it is clear from abraham the father of the faithful , and abimelech ; gen. 21. 23 , 24 , 31. consider also that other instance in abraham ; gen. 24. 2 , 3 , 9. who would not give his servant an oath rashly , nor exercise his authority to impose on his conscience . it is evident also from the example of isaac , who made a covenant , and swore to abimelech ; gen. 26. 28 , 31 , and from the example of iacob , who made a covenant with , and swore to his uncle laban , by the fear of his father isaac ; gen. 31. 53. that is , by god , who is called our fear , by reason of the filial awe , and fear we ought to stand in before him ; isaiah 8. 13. ( 7 ) because , the reasons and usefulness of oaths , are perpetual , and the same to us under the gospel , as they were to them under the law. there is as much need of oaths for ending of strife in this litigious age , as there could be in former times . ( 8 ) because , oaths were once lawful , therefore they are lawful still ; unless the adversaries prove them repealled ; which they must do , not by stealing out of the scripture single words by themselves , making one part contradict another . ( 9 ) because , we need not fear to imitate any thing , which is done in heaven . our lord has taught us to pray , thy will be done in earth , as it is done in heaven . but the angel ( says iohn ; rev. 10. 5 , 6. ) which i saw stand upon the sea , and upon the earth , lifted up his hand to heaven , and swore by him that liveth for ever and ever . that angel , calls himself our fellow-servant , and of our brethren the prophets , and of them which keep the sayings of this book ; rev. 22. 9. and therefore the angels being of the same fraternity with us , do not act under different dispensations from us . quest. iii. is an oath to be taken , in the plain and common sense of the words , without equivocation , or mental reservation ? yes . psalm . 24. 4. exod. 20. 7. lev. 19. 12. ier. 4. 2. well then , do not the anabaptists err , who maintain , that it is lawful in swearing , to use words of equivocation ? yes . do not likewise the papists err , who maintain mental reservation , to be lawful in swearing ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the scripture requires from all men in their common dealing one with another , in their discourse , and conferences , verity , and simplicity ; matth. 5. 37. eph. 4. 25. much more are these things required in swearing , wherein god is called to be witness of the truth of those things , which are asserted . ( 2 ) because , the lord threatneth such as use guile , and deceit in their words ; psalm 15. 4. psalm 24. 4. gal. 2. 11 , 12 , 13. ( 3 ) because , the lord requires in every oath , truth , righteousness , and judgement ; ier. 4. 2. ( 4 ) because , equivocations , and mental reservations , are against the very end of an approven oath ; which is to put an end to all debate , and controversie . ( 5 ) because , if equivocations , and mental reservations were lawful , in vain should the lord have made laws against lying : for a lie may be excused by mental reservation . ( 6 ) if equivocations , and mental reservations were allowed , they would take away all commerce among men , and would make bonds , contracts , and charter-parties of none effect . quest. iv. is a religious vow to be made to god alone , and not to any creature ? yes . to god alone ; ier. 44. 25 , 26. psalm 76. 11. well then , do not the papists err , who maintain , vows may be made to saints departed , and to cenobiarchs , that is , to priors of monasteries , or abbeys ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , vows are a part of our gratitude , and thankfulness due to god only , for his favours and mercies conferred upon us ; psalm 50. 14. psalm 66. 13 , 14. ( 2 ) because , we are commanded in the word to make our vowes to god , and perform them . but no where are we appointed to make our vows to saints departed ; psalm 58. 14 , ( 3 ) because , god only is the trier , and searcher of the heart : and it is he only that knoweth the sincerity of the mans mind , that voweth , and is able to punish such as violate , and break their vows ; deut. 23. 21. ( 4 ) because , the lord threatneth those severely , that had vowed to any other gods , but to himself alone , and accuses them of a very great sin ; ierem. 44. 25 , 26. quest. v. are popish monastical vows of a perpetual single life , professed poverty , and regular obedience , so far from being degrees of higher perfection , that they are superstitious , and sinful snares , in which no christian , may intangle himself ? yes . matth. 19. 11 , 12. 1 cor. 7. 2 , 9. eph. 4. 28. 1 peter 4. 2. well then , do not the papists err , who maintain monastical vows of perpetual single life , professed poverty , and regular obedience , to be degrees of higher perfection ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , a vow of a perpetual single life , is unlawful . for no man ought to vow the performance of that , for which he hath not a promise of strength to perform . but no man hath a promise of perpetual continency which is necessarly required to a perpetual single life . nay christ says expresly , that the gift of continency , is not given to all men ; mat. 19. 11. ( 2 ) because , marriage is honourable among all men , and the bed undefiled ; heb. 13. 4. ( 3 ) because , the apostle bids every man take his own wife , for shuning of fornication ; 1 cor. 7. 1 , 2 , 9. ( 4 ) because , the forbidding of marriage , is a doctrine of devils ; 1 tim. 4. 1 , 3. next , the vow of professed poverty is unlawful . ( 1 ) because , the lord did not allow beggars to be among his people of old ; deut. 15. 7. ( 2 ) because , agur wished , that the lord might not give him poverty , least he should steal , and take the name of god in vain ; prov. 30. 8 , 9. ( 3 ) because , the lord will have every man to eat his bread , in the sweat of his face ; gen. 3. 19. ( 4 ) because , the apostle commands the thessalonians to work with their own hands ; 1 thes. 4. 11. ( 5 ) because , professed poverty , hindereth a greater good , to wit , our charity , and benevolence towards the poor , and indigent members of christ , which is contrary to the apostles rule ; eph. 4. 28. the vow of regular obedience is likewise unlawful . 1 ) because , it makes us the servants of men , which is contrary to the apostle . ye are bought with a price , be not ye the servants of men , viz. to do any thing for the service , or obedience of men ( superiours ) which should be repugnant , to the commands of the service of god. or suffer not your selves , in spiritual things , to be brought in bondage by any men , that you should not freely use that which the lord hath made free to us ; 1 cor. 7. 23. chap. xxiii . of the civil magistrate . question i. hath god armed the civil magistrat , with the power of the sword , for the defence , and encouragement of them that are good , and for the punishment of evil doers ? yes . rom. 13. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. 1 peter 2. 13. 14. well then , do not the socinians err , who maintain , that it is not the duty of the civil magistrate , to punish the guilty with death ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , god hath expresly commanded , that transgressing idolaters be put to death ; deut. 17. 7. deut. 19. 21. ( 2 ) because , it appertains to the office , and duty of the magistrate , to punish the guilty with death ; rom. 13. 4. 1 peter 2. 14. ( 3 ) because , the capital punishment of evil doers makes others stand in awe , and fear to offend ; deut. 13. 11. deut. 19. 20 : ( 4 ) because , if the magistrate shall neglect , to inflict due punishment , the lord himself will be avenged on that magistrate ; 1 kings 20. 42. num. 25. 4. ( 5 ) because , he that smitteth a man so that he die , shall surely be put to death ; exod. 21. 12. ( 6 ) because , all that take the sword , shall perish by the sword ; matth. 26. 52. namely without a lawful call , or order for it . they shall perish , by order and command of the magistrate , to whom the lord hath given the sword , for this same very end to punish evil doers with death ; gen. 9. 6. rom. 13. 4. quest. ii. is it the duty of the civil magistrate , to take order , that all blasphemies , and heresies be suppressed , all the ordinances of god , duely settled , administred , and observed ; all abuses in worship , and discipline reformed , all idolaters , gainsayers , and other obstinate dissenters , be obliged and forced to quite their tenets and opinions , and conform themselves to the true worship , and service of god , according to his law ? yes . isaiah 49. 23. 2 chro. 15. 12 , 13. 2 chro. 34. 33. 2 kings 18. 4. 2 kings 23. 1 , to the 26 verse . ezra 7. 23 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28. lev. 24. 16. well then , do not the quakers , and other sectaries err , who judge it antichristian , and the practise of the church of rome , that the civil and supream magistrate , with the assistance of the church , and her censures , should by his coactive power , force , and oblige all his subjects , to a reformation of religion , and to a conformity to the true worship , sound doctrine , and discipline , of the church ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , it is foretold by the prophet isaiah , that in the dayes of the gospel , kings shall be nursing fathers , and queens nursing mothers , to the church of god ; chap. 49. 23. ( 2 ) because , artaxerxes , who was but a heathen king , was very careful to make a decree , that whatsoever was commanded by the god of heaven , should be diligently done for the house of the god of heaven . and that whosoever would not obey the law of god , and the king , judgement was to be executed speedily upon him , whether by death , banishment , confiscation of goods , or imprisonment . for which singular mercy , ezra blessed the lord god of his fathers , who had put such a thing in the kings heart ; chap. 7. 23 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28. so did nebuchadnezzar make a decree , that if any people , nation , or language , should speak any thing amiss against the god of heaven , they should be cut in pieces , and their houses made a dunghill ; dan. 3. 29. the like we read of darius , who made a decree , that all men should tremble and fear before the god of daniel , chap. 6. 26. ( 3 ) from the example of hezekiah , who removed the high places , and brake the images , and cut down the groves , and brake in pieces the brazen serpent , to which the israelites did burn incense ; 2 kings 18. 4. ( 4 ) from the example of iosiah , who made a through reformation ; and made all israel to serve the lord their god. the word in the original importeth , that he in a manner forced , and compelled them to the pure worship , and service of god , as a servant is forced , and compelled to his work . he by his royal power , and authority kept them in order , forbidding idolatry , and commanding them to serve god no otherwise , than according to his word ; 2 chron. 34. 33. and 2 chro. 15. 12 , 13. they entered into a covenant , to seek the lord of their fathers , with all their heart , and with all their soul : that whosoever would not seek the lord god of israel should be put to death , whether great or small , man or woman . ( 5 ) because , whosoever blasphemed the name of the lord , was surely put to death ; lev. 24. 16. this blaspheming , was a peircing through , or stabbing the name of the lord , as the original word properly signifies : which may be done not only after this manner , but by maintaining blasphemous errors , and heresies . ( 6 ) because , the supream magistrate is custos utriusque tabulae , a keeper of both tables of the law of god. as well of the first table , which relates to religion , and our duty to god ; as of the second which relates to righteousness , and our duty to our neighbour . if then , he may punish evil doers , who offend against the second table , and force and compel them to obedience , by the sword of justice , which god hath put into his hand , much more may he punish idolaters , and blasphemers , who offend against the first table , and force and compell them to obedience : seeing there are many ▪ sins against the first table , which are more hainous , and odious , than the sins against the second table . and though it be the sinful practise of the church of rome , to force men , and women , to be of their religion , which is superstitious , and idolatrous , yet it is not so to others , who have the true religion among them . and though our blessed saviour , and his apostles did not use such means for propagating the gospel , reserving the glory of conquering of souls , to himself , and the power of his spirit ; yet he has taught nothing to the contrary , but that kings and magistrates , whom he has made nursing fathers to his church , may according to the laudable examples of the good kings of iuda , improve their power for reformation , and maintainance of his own religion . and though religion , hath been much advanced by suffering , yet it will not infer , that a christian prince has not power to reform his own subjects , or extirpate blasphemers , and hereticks . quest. iii. is it lawful for a christian , to accept and execute the office of a magistrate , when called thereunto ? yes . prov. 8. 15 , 16. rom. 13. 1 , 2 , 4. well then , do not the anabaptists err , who maintain , that it is not lawful for christians to carry the office of a magistrate ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , there is no power but of god , and the powers , which are , are ordained of god ; rom. 13. 1. ( 2 ) because , solomon says , by me ( that is by the lord ) kings reign , and princes decree justice ; prov. 8. 15. ( 3 ) because , the magistrate exercises , and executes gods judgements ; deut. 1. 17. ( 4 ) because , the magistrate receiveth all things from god , which are necessary , for the performance of his office ; numb . 11. 17. ( 5 ) because , the lord hath promised , that magistrates under the gospel , shall be nursing fathers to his church ; isaiah 49. 23. and shall make the whore desolate , naked , and shal eat her flesh , and burn her with fire ; rev. 17. 16. quest. iv. may the civil magistrate , now under the new testament wage warr upon just and necessary occasion ? yes . luke 13. 14. matth. 8. 9 , 10. rev. 17. 14 , 16. acts 10. 1 , 2. well then , do not the quakers , anabaptists and socinians err , who maintain , that it is altogether unlawful , now under the new testament , to wage warr ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , god appointed , and commanded lawful war ; numb . 31. 2. for it is said , the spirit of the lord came upon gideon , when he was to fight the battles of the lord , against the midianites , and amalekites ; iudges 6. 34. nay , the lord himself , prescribeth the manner , and way of making of war ; numb . 10. 9. numb . 31. 27. deut 20. 2. and giveth knowledge , and skill , to his generals , and heroes , to fight his own battles ; psalm 18. 34. psalm 144. 1. all which are in no wise abrogated , and taken away , under the new testament . ( 2 ) because , the centurion , that was converted to the faith , did not lay down his office of a captain of a hundred ; which surely , he would have done , if to war under the new testament , had been unlawful ; acts 10. 1 , 2 , 47. the same may be said of the believing centurion ; matth. 8. 8 , 9 , 10. ( 3 ) because , the office of a souldier , is not reprehended , and reproved , by iohn the baptist , but rather approven : luke 3. 14. ( 4 ) because , opposition , and defence , against unjust violence which often times cannot be done , without war , is the very law of nature . ( 5 ) because , it is foretold , that the kings of the earth , shall make war against the beast ; rev. 17. 14 , 16. quest. v. may the civil magistrate , assume to himself , the administration of the word , and sacraments , or the power of the keyes of the kingdom of heaven ? no. 2 chron. 26. 18. matth. 18. 17. matth. 16. 19. 1 cor. 12. 28 , 29. rom. 10. 5. hebr. 5. 4. well then , do not the erastians err , who maintain , that the civil magistrate hath in himself all church power ; and so may administer the sacraments , and preach the word , and may exercise the power of the keys of the kingdom of heaven ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , christ hath given no such power to magistrates : as evidently appears , from all those places of scripture , where mention is made of the keyes . there is not in them , one syllabe , of the civil magistrate ; matth. 18. 17. matth 16. 19. ( 2 ) if the power of the keyes of the kingdom of heaven , agree to the magistrate , as a magistrate , then ought it to agree , to every magistrate , though the magistrate were an infidel , or a woman , which is absurd . ( 3 ) a magistrate , as a magistrate is not a minister of the church , as is evident , from all the catalogues of the ministers of the church . for in them , you will not find any mention of the magistrate ; eph. 4. 11. rom. 12. 7. 8. 1 car. 12. 8 , 9 , 10. ( 4 ) because , before ever there was a christian magistrate in the world , the church exercised all acts of church jurisdiction , and government . the church ordained ministers and pastors ; 1 tim. 4. 14. and inflicted the censure of excommunication ; 1 cor. 5. 5. and relaxed the penitent from this censure . called a synod , and stigmatized hereticks ; acts 15. ( 5 ) because , god hath put a difference , between the church government and the civil , and hath appointed distinct governours to them ; 2 chron. 19. 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. ( 6 ) because , god did severely punish saul , and uzzia for presuming to offer sacrifice , which was proper to the priests only ; 1 sam. 13. 9 , 10 , 13. 2 chron. 26. 16 , 19. quest. vi. hath the civil magistrate power to call synods , to be present at them , and to provide , that whatsoever is transacted in them be according to the mind of god ? yes . 2 chron. 19. 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. and 2 chron. 29 , 30. chapters , matth. 2. 4 , 5. well then , do not the papists err , who maintain , that the judgement and care of religion doth not belong to the civil magistrate ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the custody and keeping of the divine law , is committed by god to the civil magistrate ; deut. 17. 18. ( 2 ) because , it was foretold , that kings should be nursing fathers to the church ; isaiah 49. 23. ( 3 ) because , it is the duty of the magistrate , to take care , that subjects may lead a quiet and peaceable life , in all godliness , and honesty ; 1 tim. 2. 2. ( 4 ) from the commendable examples of the good kings of iuda ; 2 chron. 29. 30. chapters . quest. vi. doth infidelity , or difference in religion make void the magistrates just and legal authority ? no. doth it free the people from their due obedience to him ? no. 1 peter 2. 13 , rom. 13. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. titus 3. 1. well then , do not the papists , anabaptists , and others err , who maintain , that subjects ought not to suffer a king that 's an infidel , or obey that king in his just commands , that differs from them in religion ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , we are commanded to submit our selves to every ordinance of man ; 1 peter 2. 13. namely in all that they command us , if it be not contrary to god and his command ; otherwise , ( according to acts 4. 19. ) it is better to obey god than man. and it is said , for the lords sake , that is , because it is gods will to govern us by them . ( 2 ) because , the christians , which were at rome , were commanded by the apostle to subject themselves to the higher powers , and that without exception of religion and piety , and even to that heathen the roman emperour ; rom. 13. 1. ( 3 ) because , the same apostle writing to titus , bids him exhort the cretians his hearers , to obey magistrates , what manner of ones soever they be , not only believing ones , but also those , that are unbelieving , as then , they were yet most of them ; titus . 3. 1. ( 4 ) because , when the apostle paul was persued for his life , and charged with matters criminal , he appealled unto cesar ; acts 25. 10 , 11. ( 5 ) because , the prophet ieremiah did own the power of zedekia , who had turned aside to a false worship , and had despised the oath , which he had made to the king of babylon ; ezek 17. 16 , 17. now hear i pray thee , ( says the prophet ) o my lord the king , let my supplication i pray thee be accepted before thee ; ierem. 27. 20. ( 6 ) because , christ himself payed tribute to cesar , though he was free , being both the son of god by nature , and the son of david by birth ; matth. 17. 26. and he commanded and allowed others to pay ; matth. 22. 21. rom. 13. 7. ( 7 ) because , paul did own and acknowledge the power of king agrippa ; acts 26. 2. quest. vii . is it the duty of people to pray for magistrates and honour their persons ? yes . 1 tim. 2. 1 , 2. and 1 peter 2. 17. well then , do not some err , who deny this ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , samuel at the request of saul , whom he knew the lord had rejected , returned again after him , and honoured him before the people ; 1 sam. 15. 31. ( 2 ) because , the lord having appointed magistrates to administer justice and judgement in his name , is so far pleased to honour them , as to call them gods , and the children of the high ; psalm 82. 1 , 6. ( 3 ) because , the apostle peter says , fear god and honour the king , parallel to what paul says , render to all men their dues ; honour to whom honour is due ; 1 peter 2 17. rom. 13. 7. ( 4 ) because , even heathen magistrates , are called the lords anointed ; isaiah 45. 1. and the lord calls nebuchadnezzar , his servant ; ierem. 27. 6. if then such magistrates ought to be honoured upon that account , much more christian magistrates . ( 5 ) because , if we be obliged not to speak evil of dignities ; 2 peter 2. 11 , nor revile the gods ; exod. 22. 8 ; we are obliged to honour dignities , for where a sin is forbidden , the contrary duty is commanded . ( 6 ) because , god commanded his people the jews to seek the peace of the city ( that is , the welfare and prosperity of babylon ) whither he had caused them to be carried away captives ; ierem. 29. 7. ( 7 ) because , the prophet , the man of god , besought the lord in behalf of ieroboam , and prayed for him , a man that had made apostacy from the true worship of god , and had made israel to sin ; 1 kings 13. 3. ( 8 ) because , our blessed saviour says , render to cesar , the things that are cesars ; matth. 22. 21. but prayers and supplications are as due to cesar , as custom and tribute ; 1 tim. 2. 1 , 2. ( 9 ) because , the apostle commands us to pray for all that are in authority , that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life ; which is the cause wherefore we must pray for magistrates . for in the apostles times , and long after , magistrates were persecutors of the church of god , and hindred the members of christ to live in peace and godliness ; 1 tim. 2. 1 , 2. ( 9 ) because , moses cryed unto the lord in behalf of pharoah ; exod. 8. 12. abraham prayed unto god for abimelech ; gen. 20. 17. iacob blessed pharoah ; gen. 47. 7 , 10. ( 10 ) because , many blessed martyrs going to death have prayed for their persecuting magistrates , following the example , and command of our blessed saviour ; luke 23. 34. matth. 5. 44. quest. viii ought any man at his own hand , or at the instigation of other men , to assassinate or kill a magistrate , or any private or publick person , under the pretence , they are hereticks , and persecutors of the truth ? no. exod. 20. 13 : prov. 1. 10. 11. well then , do not those men of the romish-church err , and others too , who own this dangerous tenet ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , all sort of murder is expresly forbidden in the sixth command , thou shalt not kill ; exod. 20. 13. where there is a clear distinction made by thou , between a private man and a publick magistrate , that doth it by divine authority . ( 2 ) because , though saul was a man rejected of god ( 1 sam. 15. 26. ) yet david says to the amalekite , how wast thou not affrayed to stretch forth thine hand , to destroy the lords anointed ; 2 sa. 1. 14. see 1 sam. 24. 5. 1 sam. 26. 9. ( 3 ) because , whatever may be alledged from phineas his fact ; num. 25. 8. from ehuds fact in stobbing eglon ; iudges 3. 21. from samuels fact in killing agag , 1 sam. 15. 33. and from elijahs fact in killing the priests of baal ; 1 kings 18. 40. they will not by any means favour private mens assassinations ; for certainly phineas had a divine motion , as ehud had ; stirring him up , which was evident by the lords approving the fact , and rewarding it . samuel ( no doubt ) was moved hereunto by an inward motion and instinct of god , and the conduct of his spirit , as was elijah ; so that their facts , and suck like were altogether particular , and cannot be abused by imitation , and followed by every one , as rules , whose calling is not properly to use the sword of justice . ( 4 ) because , it would bring a mass of confusion , to the utter ruine of all societies , if every man at his own hand might execute vindictive justice upon offenders , who deserve it , or upon pretence they do deserve it , which is to fight against god , who is the god of order politick , as well , as ecclesiastick , and not of confusion . ( 5 ) because , the wrath of man worketh not the righteousness of god ; ia. 1. 20. ( 6 ) because , it is a contempt of publick laws , and publick order . it is an usurpation of the magistrates sword , which god hath put into his hand for punishing and protecting , it is an invasion of gods right and prerogative of executing vengeance , which he hath so expresly reserved to himself ; psalm 94. 1. rom. 12. 19. deut. 32. 35. prov. 25. 21 , 22. ( 6 ) because , solomon sayes , my son , if sinners entice thee , consent thou not , if they say come with us , let us lay wait for blood , let us lurk privily for the innocent , walk not thou in the way with them . prov. 1. 10 , 11. ( 7 ) because , a righteous man regardeth the life of his beast , much more ought a righteous man to regard the life of his neighbour ; prov. 12. 10. the sin of murder may be many wayes aggravated . first by the quality of the person murdered , whether he be a superiour , as a magistrate , or minister , or parent , or whether he be of a near relation , as a brother , or near kinsman . secondly , from the manner , extream cruelty being used , or sudden and unexpected death , putting a man into eternity in the twinckling of an eye . to which we may add deliberation and premediate murder , of which solomon speaks in the forecited place . quest. ix . are ecclesiastick persons exempted from due obedience to the magistrate ? no. rom. 13. 1 , 1 kings 2. 26. acts 25 9 , 10 , 11. 2 peter 2. 1 , 10 , 11. iude verse 8. 9 , 10 , 11. well then , do not the papists err , who maintain , that the clergy ( as they call them ) and their goods are altogether free , by the law of god from secular powers ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the command of obedience is general , and universal . let every soul be subject ; rom. 13. 1. ( 2 ) because , christ commanded the pharisees , who were of the clergy , to render unto cesar , the things which are cesars ; matth. 22. 21. nay christ himself , payed tribute money , to wit , a stater , in value two shillings , and three pence , which peter found in the fishes mouth , when he opened it ; matth. 17 , 27. ( 3 ) because , paul did acknowledge himself subject to the magistrate , when he appealled unto cesar ; acts 25. 11. ( 4 ) from the example of the priests who were subject to their kings . did not abiather at solomons command , go to anothoth ? 1 kings 2. 26. quest. x. hath the pope any power , or iurisdiction over magistrates , in their dominions , or over any of their people ? no. rev. 13. 15 , 16 , 17. 2 thes. 2 : 4 : well then , do not the papists err , who maintain , that the pope of rome , as pope , hath full power by divine right , over the whole world , as well in matters civil as ecclesiastical ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , christ expresly discharges his disciples , from taking to themselves , any such power or dominion , matth. 20 : 25 ; mark 10 : 42 : ( 2 ) because , the kingdom of christ is not of this world ▪ iohn 18. 36. neither ought the popes kingdom to be of this world who calls himself the vicar of christ. that is , one who supplieth christs room , and taketh pains for him , his depute here on earth . ( 3 ) because , when the people would have made christ a king , he departed again into a mountain himself alone ; iohn 6. 15. ( 4 ) because , the apostle peter discharged this dominion ; 1 peter 5. 1 , 2 , 3. ( 5 ) because , its never heard , that any of the apostles did ever use any civil power , or command ; or sate as judges in civil matters , but stood alwayes to be judged , by civil powers , as is evident from the history of the acts. ( 6 ) because , god hath put a difference , between the government of the church , and the civil government ; and hath given to each , their own proper , and distinct officers . neither can the one invade the other without very great sin ; 2 chron. 19. 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. ( 7 ) because , it is the mark of antichrist , to exalt himself above all , that is called god ; 2 thes. 2. 4. chap. xxiiii . of marriage and divorce . question i. is marriage between one man and one woman ? yes . is it lawful for a man , to have more than one wife , or for a woman , to have more than one husband at the same time ? no. gen. 2. 24 : matth : 19 : 5 , 6. prov : 2 : 17 : well then , do not the anabaptists , and familists err , who maintain , that it is lawful for a christian , not only to have more wives at the same time , but as many as he desires ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the having of two wives , or many wives , is contrary to the first institution of marriage , for the lord gave to adam , one wife only ; gen. 2. 24. ( 2 ) because , the law of god forbidds expresly bigamie , or two wives ; lev. 18. 18. ( 3 ) because , the lord doth find fault sharply , with polygamie , many wives ; mal. 2. 14 , 15. ( 4 ) because , christ says , he that puts away his wife ( except in the case of adultery ) and marries another , committeth adultery ; matth. 19. 9. but if it were lawful to have at one time , more wives than one , he should not be guilty of adultery in marrying another , whether he put away the former wife or not . ( 5 ) because , bigamie and polygamie , take away the true peace of a wedded life , as is evident from the examples of iacob ; gen. 30. and of elkana ; 1 sam. 1. 6. ( 6 ) because , the invention of bigamie ; was the device of a wicked man lamech ; gen. 4. 19. quest. ii. is it lawful for all sorts of people to marry , who are able with judgement to give their consent ? yes . heb. 13. 4. 1 tim. 4. 3. 1 cor. 7. 36 , 37 , 38. gen. 24. 57 , 58. well then , doth not the popish-church err , that forbids , and discharges marriage to their church men ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , marriage is honourable among all men , and the bed undefiled ; heb. 13. 4. ( 2 ) because , the apostle commands , for avoiding fornication , every man to have his own wife , and every woman to have her own husband ; 1 cor. 7. 2. ( 3 ) because , the apostle reckons up the forbidding of marriage , among the doctrines of devils ; 1 tim. 4. 3. ( 4 ) because , a bishop must be the husband of one wife ; 1 tim. 3. 2. 4. titus 1. 6. ( 5 ) because , the apostle reckons over the qualifications which are requisite for bishops wives ; 1 tim. 3. 11. ( 6 ) because , it can be gathered from scripture , that some of the apostles , and other ministers of the gospel , have been married persons . concerning peter , the matter is evident : matth. 8. 14. mark 1. 30. and we read that philip the evangelist , had four daughters , all of them prophetesses ; acts 21. 9. and sayes not the apostle , have we not power to lead about a sister , a wife , as well , as other apostles , and all the brethren of the lord , and cephas ; 1 cor. 9. 5. quest. iii. ought marriage to be within the degrees of consanguinity , or affinity forbidden in the word ? no. can incestuous marriages ever be made lawful , by any law of man , or consent of parties , so as these persons , may live together , as man , and wife ? no. 1 cor , 5. 1. amos 2. 7. mark 6. 18. lev. 18. 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28. well then , doth not the popish-church err , that speaks in the decrees of the council of trent , after this manner . if any man affirm , that these degrees only of consanguinity or affinity , which are set down in leviticus , may hinder a contract of marriage to be made , or may dissolve a marriage contract already made ; and that the church hath not power to dispense with some of these degrees ( that is to say to permit incest ) or may not make new laws , and constitute far more forbidden degrees , than are exprest in leviticus , let him be an anathema , and accursed ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? before this be done , take notice , that there are here two heads to be considered . first , whether or not we must stand , to the forbidden degrees of consanguinity and affinity exprest in leviticus : secondly , whether , to these degrees set down as forbidden in leviticus , new degrees may be added by the church of rome , which will render a marriage incestuous ? to which we answer , that it is not in the power of any creature to dispense ( that is to say , to suffer that to be used , which is forbidden by the law of god ) with any of these laws in leviticus , which forbid incestuous marriages . and next , we affirm , neither is it in the power of any creature , to add to these degrees forbidden in leviticus , any other which are not forbidden , ( 1 ) because , such a power of dispensing , is not to be found in all the scripture . ( 2 ) because , the lord sayes expresly , what thing soever i command you , observe to do it : thou shalt not add thereto , nor diminish from it ; deut. 12. 32. but the lord himself hath made these laws , and established these marches so sure , that no council , no pope , no creature , can either dispense with any of them , or add new ones to them . see leviticus 18. ( 3 ) because , these laws are of common , and perpetual right ; and therefore cannot be dispensed with . for the breach of them is reckoned up , amongst the abominations wherewith the nations about polluted and defiled the land ; lev. 18. 24. 25 , 27. quest. iv. is it lawful to marry a second wife , after the first is dead ? yes . is it lawful after divorce to marry another , as if the offending party were dead ? yes . matth. 5. 31 , 32. rom. 7. 2. 3. matth. 19. 9. well then , do not the novatians , the puritans of old , truely so called : and the tertullianists err , who absolutely condemned second marriages ? yes . this absurd tenet is confuted from rom. 7. 2 , 3. and from 1 cor. 7. 39. do not likewise the papists err , who deny , that after divorce , second marriages are permitted to christians ? yes . but here by two distinctions they explain their mind . first , they distinguish between cohabitation , the bed , and the ty. the first is , the dwelling together of man and woman , in one family . the second is , the right of giving , and requiring due benevolence . the third is that , whereby both are made one : whereby the one cannot but be the others while they are both living . they distinguish next , between persons that are believers , and that are unbelievers . if then both parties , or one of them be unbelievers , they grant that the marriage is valide , both as to cohabitation , to the marriage bed ; and to the ty , or bond. but if both parties be christians , they think that the marriage may be dissolved , as to bedding together , and cohabitation , yet the bond standeth sure , and abideth unloosable : especially , if the marriage be contracted after baptism : and therefore a second marriage after divorce is unlawful to any of them . but this is easily confuted ? ( 1 ) because , christ permitted marriage after divorce ; matth. 5. 31 , 32. matth. 19. 9. here christ forbidding a man to put away his wife , and to marry another , in express words , excepts the case of fornication . therefore he suffers a man to put away his wife in the case of fornication , and to marry another . ( 2 ) because , the apostle says , but if the unbelieving depart , let him depart : for a brother , or sister , is not under bondage in such cases ; 1 cor. 7. 15. therefore , if a brother or sister , when there is such a wilful and obstinate desertion , be not under bondage , then surely the bond is dissolved : and all remedies being tryed in vain , for bringing back the obstinate party , i doubt not , but the innocent party may marry another without blame . if this be , then much more may the innocent party marry another , when a divorce is obtained . quest. v. is nothing but adultery , or such wilful desertion , as can no way be remedied , by the church , or civil magistrate , a sufficient cause of dissolving the bond of marriage ? nothing . matth. 19. 8 , 9. 1 cor. 7. 15. matth. 19. 6. well then , do not the enthusiasts , and familists err , who maintain , that it is free to a man , to put away his wife when he pleaseth ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the god of israel hatteth putting away ; mal. 2. 16. ( 2 ) because , whosoever putteth away his wife , except in case of fornication , he causeth her to commit adultery ; matth. 5 , 32. ( 3 ) because , the apostle says , art thou bound to a wife , seek not to be loosed ; 1 cor. 7. 27. do not likewise the papists err , who maintain that there are other causes of divorce , than adultery and wilful desertion ? yes . they first tell us , that marriage contracted , but not consummated , may be dissolved ; to wit , by a monastick vow of a perpetual single life . they tell us secondly , that infidelity , and heresie are just causes of divorce . so say the anabaptists . and thirdly , they tell us that murder committed upon the hope of getting such a match , is a sufficient cause of divorce . that coldness , perpetual impotency , and such like fancies are causes ? by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , christ says , what god hath joyned together , let no man put asunder , matth. 19. 6. but marriage contracted , and ratified , though not consummated , is made by god : therefore it cannot be dissolved by man. neither ought any man once married , to turn a monck ; for a single life is only fit for those , that have the gift of continency ; for god commands them , that have it not , to marry ; 1 cor. 7. 9. ( 2 ) neither can infidelity , or heresie , be a ground of divorce , as is clear from 1 cor. 7. 12 , 13. if any brother hath a wife that believeth not , and she be pleased to dwell with him , let him not put her away . and the woman that hath an husband , that believeth not , if he be pleased , to dwell with her , let her not leave him . chap. xxv . of the church . question i. doth the catholick , or universal church which is invisible , consist of the whole number of elect , that have been , are , or shall be gathered into one under christ , the head thereof ? yes . eph. 1. 10 , 22 , 23. eph. 5. 23 , 27. col. 1. 18. well then , doth not the popish-church err , who deny any catholick invisible church , consisting of the elect only , effectually called : who maintain , the catholick church , to be absolutely visible , and as visible a society , as the republick of venice , or the kingdom of france : and that it consists no less of reprobates , unbelievers , great and manifest sinners , void of all inward and true grace , than of the elect effectually called ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , we profess to believe , according to the creed , that there is a church universal , namely such a one , as we have now described : but what we believe must be invisible ; heb. 11. 1. ( 2 ) because , the internal form of the church ( namely her effectual calling by the word and spirit ; 1 peter 2. 9. ) is invisible ; 2 tim. 2. 19. 1 cor. 2. 11. ( 3 ) because , the glory of the kings daughter ( that is of the universal church , as the adversaries themselves confess ) is internal , and therefore hidden and invisible ; psalm 45. 13. ( 4 ) because , the word tells us , that there is a church , even the number of those , whom christ hath loved ; for whom he gave himself to the death ; whom he hath sanctified , and washen and cleansed , and redeemed , with his own blood , and whom at last , he will glorifie ; eph. 5. 25 , 26 , 27. ( 5 ) because , the scripture tells ; that there is a church , which is the mystical body of christ ( and therefore invisible to the eyes ) which by a most mystical , and most marvelous union , is conjoyned , and united straitly with him ; eph. 1. 10 , 22 , 23. ( 6 ) because , the church universal , as to its internal forme , is a spiritual house , built of lively stones , in christ ; 1 peter 2. 5. ( 7 ) because , the members of the church universal , considered as to their internal state , and condition , are united , and conjoyned together in one body , by one spirit , and by one faith ; 1 cor. 12. 13. eph. 4. 4 , 5. ( 8 ) because , the members of the church universal , considered the former way , are the lively members of christ , which he himself doth cherish with a lively , and quickning nurishment ; eph. 5. 29 , 30. quest. ii. is the visible church , under the new testament , catholick and universal ? yes . 1 cor. 1. 2. and 1 cor. 12. 12 , 13. psal. 2. 8. rev. 7. 9. rom. 15. 9 , 10 , 11 , 12. well then , do not the independents err , who maintain , there is no visible church , under the new testament , except what may meet in one place , and may perform all their holy services in a private church ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , in very many places of the new testament , the word church ( to wit visible ) is so largely taken , that it cannot be restricted , to any particular congregational church ; acts 8. 3. gal. 1. 13. acts 2. 47. 1 cor. 10. 32. eph. 3. 10. 1 cor. 12. 28. 1 tim. 3. 15. ( 2 ) because , it hath been foretold , in many places of the old testament , that the catholick church shall be visible ; psalm 22. 22 , 23 , 25 , 27 , 28. psalm 72. 8 , 9 , 10 , 11. psalm 86. 9. isaiah 2. 2 , 3 , 4. zech. 14. 9. ( 3 ) because , the donation , or the gift of the kingdom ( that is of the church universal ) made by the father to the son , is universal , and of all the world ; psalm 2. 8. psalm 72. 8. isaiah 49. 6. dan. 7. 14. ( 4 ) because , the gospel of the kingdom , is universal ; and according to the stile of the scripture , worketh the visible conversion of the whole world , and therefore the church visibly converted , and gathered together , is catholick and universal ; matth. 26. 13. mark 14. 9. col. 1. 16. ( 5 ) because , the visible charter , which constitutes the church is universal : and therefore since one charter , constitutes one politie , or government , all the visible particular churches , which are constitute by that one catholick charter , are one church universal ; matth. 28. 19. eph. 3. 6. ( 6 ) because , if there be officers of a church visible universal , there must be a church visible universal it self : but the first is true , since the donation of the ministry , and the giving of it in a gift , is made to the catholick church ; 1 cor. 12 , 28. matth. 28. 19. ( 7 ) because , there is a general outward call , and a general outward covenant into which all christians enter outwardly , by vertue whereof all of them , are knit , and tyed together ; acts 2. 39. ( 8 ) because , that same individual system , and body of external laws , proceeding from that same authority , in which all particular churches are equally concerned , and by which they are ruled , is universal ; 1 tim. chap. 3. and titus 3 chap. ( 9 ) because , that external union of brotherhood , which is amongst all the visible christians in the world , is catholick , and universal ; acts 15. 23. acts 24. 14. gal. 5. 14. ( 10 ) because , the initial visible seal , admittance , and enrowlment , are things catholick , and oecumenical . for he that takes up his freedom in a whole corporation or kingdom , is free of the whole , and in every part thereof , and hath right to all the general priviledges and immunities thereof . there is a patent for baptism go and baptize all nations . and by vertue of the priviledges thereof , they that are baptized in any one church , are accounted visible subjects of christs kingdom , in all places of the christian world . matth. 28. 19. ( 11 ) because , all churches are one body ; rom. 12. 5. ( 12 ) because , peter writting to the strangers scattered abroad throughout pontus , galatia , cappadocia , asia , and bithynia calleth them all one flock ; 1 peter 5. 2. ( 13 ) because , all the churches of the world are one sheepfold ; iohn 10. 16. ( 14 ) because , the visible church is one great house ; 2 tim. 2. 20. quest. iii. doth the visible church consist of all those thorowout the world that profess the christian religion , together with their children ? yes . 1 cor. 1. 2. psalm 2. 8. 1 cor. 7. 14. well then , do not the donatists , anabaptists , and puritans of old so truely named , err , who affirm the visible church to consist of those only , that are pious and holy ? yes . do not likewise the independents err , who think , none ought to be members of the visible church , save those , who in the judgement of men very spiritual , and discerning are esteemed true believers , and saints : who have given sufficient proof of their knowledge in the fundamentals of religion : who have reported in order , and given a good account of the experimental work of their conversion , and effectual calling ; who have shewed their conversation in the world , to have been without the omission of any known duty , or commission of any known fault , and that for a considerable length of time . yes . do not lastly the quakers err , who think the only visible church of god on earth , to be themselves ; and all others not of their profession , and practise , to be unregenerate , and wanting the spirit ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the visible church , is compared to a garner , in which there is not only wheat , but chaff mixed with it . to a field , in which tares , and darnel are mixed among the good corn. to a net , in which both good fishes , and bad are taken ; matth. 13. chapter . to a great house , wherein are not only vessels of gold , and silver , but of wood , and of earth ; 2 tim. 2. 20. ( 2 ) because , christ will answer some at the last day ; who will say to him , lord , have not we prophesied in thy name , and in thy name casten out devils , and have we not eaten and drunken at thy table , i know you not . this evidently shews , that many have been members of the visible church , whom christ will not own at the last day ; matth. 7. 22 , 23. ( 3 ) from the parable of the ten virgins , five whereof were foolish , five wise ; matth. 25. 1. ( 4 ) from the parable of the banquet , where one was found at the table , without a wedding garment ; matth. 22. 11. ( 5 ) because , many are of the visible church , who are not of the invisible church ; 1 iohn 2. 19. ( 6 ) because the apostle , calls the church of corinth , the church of christ , notwithstanding of their gross enormities ; 1 cor. 1. 11. 1 cor. 3. 3. 1 cor. 5. 1. 1 cor. 6. 7. ( 7 ) because , moses did acknowledge , even those then to be members of the visible church , to whom yet he knew , the lord had not given ears to hear , nor eyes to see , nor a heart to understand , the great and wonderful miracles which he wrought in their sight ; deut. 29. 10 , 11 , 12 , 13. compared with the verses 2 , 3 , 4. ( 8 ) because , iohn the baptist did admit many thousands into the communion of the visible church , without making a narrow search of their true grace , and conversion ; matth. 3. ( 9 ) because , the apostles did instantly , and without the delay of one day , baptise all those that professed the christian religion ; acts 2. 38 , 41. acts 8. 12. iohn 3. 26. ( 10 ) because , the preaching of the gospel , is appointed by god , as an ordinary mean , no less for the conversion of men , and women , than for the advancement of those in grace that are converted ; prov. 9 ▪ 3 , 4. 2 cor. 5. 18 , 19. 20 , 2 tim. 2. 24 , 25 ( 11 ) because , we are forbidden by the apostle , to judge the spiritual state and condition of our neighbour ; rom. 14. 4. ( 12 ) because , christ did acknowledge iudas the theif , and traitor , as a member of his visible church , whom yet he foresaw to be the son of perdition ; matth. 26. 23. ( 13 ) because , christ had a visible church on earth many hundered of years before ever there were such cattle as quakers in the world. unless they will alledge that the primitive christians and all the saints , since the apostles dayes , have been their predecessors , and claime kin to them , as the samaritans did to iacob , who were truely descended of the heathen ; who were brought thither out of assyria , as the quakers are descended from the enthusiasts in germany , about 160 years since , as nicolas strokins , iohn matthias , and iohn of leyden , notorious hereticks , blasphemers , and bloody murderers . but how quite different , the quakers are to the primitive christians , and holy men of god then , and since , will evidently appear hence , that they did not contemn these two great ordinances of the gospel instituted by christ , to wit , baptism and the lords supper . they had bishops and deacons to govern , and instruct them , who were ordained to their functions by prayer and imposition of hands , whom they did not revile , with the ugly names of dumb dogs , and hirelings . these primitive christians , had not in their assemblies women-preachers as the quakers have , which is down right contrary to pauls injunctions ; 1 cor. 14. 35. neither were silent meetings ever heard of among the primitive christians . nor did they ever out of contempt call churches , places appointed for the publick worship of god , steeple-houses , but resorted to them for performing their devotions , and service to god , as did our blessed saviour , and his apostles ; iohn 18. 20. luke 4. 16. acts 3. 1. acts 13. 5. do not likewise the papists and lutherians err , who will have none members of the visible church that are unbaptized ? yes . do not lastly the anabaptists err , who will have no infants members of the visible church ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , that god commanded infants , and little ones , should stand before him ; should enter into covenant with him ; deut. 29. 10 , 11. ( 2 ) because , infants are called the people of god , no less than men and women come to age ; deut. 29. 11 , 12 , 13. ( 3 ) because , the promise of grace belongs to children as well as to the parents ; acts 2. 39. ( 4 ) if children be not members of the visible church , they must be members of the visible kingdom of the devil , for there can be no midst ; eph. 2. 12 , 13. and so there shall be no difference between the children of believers , and the children of turks and pagans . ( 5 ) because , infants under the old testament , had right unto the covenant of grace ; gen. 17. 7 , 12. and children of believers under the new testament have lost no right to that covenant of grace , which children under the old testament had ; seeing the covenant of grace , now under the gospel , is not more strickly , and sparingly administred , than long since under the law ; heb. 8. 6. rom. 11. 12. ( 6 ) because , infants are commanded to joyn themselves to gods ordinances ; ioel 2. 16. ( 7 ) because , if christ , while an infant , was head of the visible church ; then infants may be his members . but the first is true , from isaiah 9. 6. therefore the second must be true also . ( 8 ) because , they whom the false apostles would have to be circumcised , after the manner of moses ( and therefore infants ) were called disciples ; acts 15. 10. quest. iv. is there any ordinary possibility of salvation out of the visible church ? no. acts 2. 47. well then , do not the enthusiasts , quakers , and libertines err , who affirm , that any man , may be a true christian , and be saved , though he live within no visible church ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the lord iehovah , in his visible church ( ordinarly ) commands the blessing , even life for evermore ; psalm 133. 3. ( 2 ) because , the visible church , is the mother of all believers ; gal. 4. 26. by ierusalem which is above , i understand the true christian church , which seeketh its salvation ; not by the first covenant of the law , namely by the works of the law , but by the second of the gospel ; namely by the merits of christ , embraced by a true faith , which hath its orginal from heaven , by the powerful calling of the holy ghost . ( 3 ) because , they that are without the visible church , are without christ ; eph. 2. 12. ( 4 ) why are men and women joyned to the visible church but that they may be saved ? acts 2. 47. ( 5 ) because , they that are without the visible church , are destitute , of the ordinary means of life and salvation ; psalm 147. 19. 20. quest. v. hath christ given to this catholick-church-visible , the ministry , oracles , and ordinances of god , for the gathering , and perfecting of the saints in this life , to the end of the world ? yes . shall there be alwayes a church on earth , to worship god according to his will ? yes . 1 cor . 12. 28. eph. 4. 11 , 12 , 13. mat. 28. 19 , 20. matth. 16. 18. psalm 72. 17. psalm 102. 28. isai. 59. 21. well then , do not the socinians , anabaptists ; and libertines err , who affirm that the visible church may fail , and perish out of the world ? yes . do not likewise the scepticks commonly called seekers err , who affirm , that the whole universal church , which hath been upon the earth : and all religious worship , all external and outward preaching of the word , all administration of sacraments , and the use of all other religious things have perished a little after the apostles times , and are not to this day restored , until christ from heaven , shall send new apostles with an extraordinary commission , for restoring , and raising up again the visible church ? and that in the mean time , no man hath right or power , to dispense the word , or administer the sacraments , or perform any ecclesiastical duty : and that they who are now called the preachers of the gospel are not so ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the lord hath promised , that his church shall endure , so long as the ordinances of heaven shall continue ; isaiah 66. 22. ( 2 ) because , christ hath promised that the gates of hell shal not prevail against his church ; matth. 16. 18. ( 3 ) because , there is no end to be put to the kingdom of christ ; luke 1. 33. and therefore no end to his church ; isaiah 9. 7. ( 4 ) because ▪ glory will be to him , in the church by christ jesus throughout all ages , world without end amen ; eph. 3. 21. ( 5 ) because , christ who hath given power to his ministers , to teach his church , and to administer the sacraments , hath promised to be with them to the end of the world ; matth. 28. 19 , 20. ( 6 ) because , the lord hath promised to preserve a people to himself , to the end of the world which he shall rule , and govern , by his word and spirit ; isaiah 59. 20 , 21. isaiah . 9. 6 , 7. ( 7 ) because , the lord hath chosen zion : he hath desired it for his habitation , where he will rest , and dwell for ever ; psalm 132. 13. 14. ( 8 ) because , christ hath given some to be pastors , and teachers for the perfecting of the saints , till we all come into the unity of the faith , and of the knowledge of the son of god ; eph. 4. 11. and he hath appointed a ministry to continue even after the apostles dayes , as is evident from 1 tim. 3 chapter . from titus first chapter , where the apostle sets down the ordinary qualifications of ministers , and the rules for calling them to the ministry . ( 9 ) because , there is a general rule set down , for the government , and discipline , of christs church : which discipline and order , is to continue in it , to the end of the world ; matth. 1 18. ( 10 ) because , the lord commands , that we forsake not the assembling of our selves together : and hath promised to bless after a special manner , any that are gathered together in his name , any where , but our assembling for hearing the word of god , is done in the name of christ ; heb. 10. 25. matth. 18. 20. matth. 28. 20. ( 11 ) because , the death of christ , in the last supper , is to be shewed till he come ; 1 cor. 11. 26. ( 12 ) because , by the word ( even preached rom. 10. 17. ) we are born again ; 1 peter 1. 23. iames 1. 18. by baptism we are ingrafted into christ ; rom. 6. 3 , 4. gal. 3. 27. in the lords supper , we have communion with christ ; 1 cor. 10. 16. see more to this purpose ; chap. 21. question eight . quest. vi. hath the catholick church been sometimes more , sometimes less visible ? yes . rom. 11. 3 , 4. rev. 12. 6 , 14. well then , do not the papists err , who affirm , that the church hath been , is , and shall be most gloriously visible to all the whole world far and nigh ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the church of god , in the prophet elijahs time was brought to that pass , that he thought none remained but himself ; 1 kings 19. 10. rom. 11. 2 , 3 , 4. ( 2 ) because , for a long time israel was without the true god , and without a teaching priest , and without the law ; 2 chron. 15. 3. ( 3 ) because , the lord often complains , that his church and people have forsaken him , have not known him : that the faithful city hath become a harlot , that scarce a man could be found to do justice , and follow truth ; all which is inconsistent with that glorious condition of the visible church , which the papists dream of ; isaiah 1. 3 , 4. ierm . 2. 29. ierm . 5. 1. ( 4 ) because , in the time of the ten persecutions , the visible church was much obscured , and darkned . and after these storms were over , arose the arians , who did much trouble the church of christ , as is clear from history . ( 5 ) because , two wings were given to the woman , that is to the church of god , two wings ( i say ) of a great eagle , that she might flie into the wilderness , to hid her self ; rev. 12. 14. ( 6 ) because , the apostle paul did foretel that general defection , and apostasy of the visible church mentioned ; 2 thes. 2 , 3. ( 7 ) because , christ hath foretold , that before his second coming , he shall scarce find faith on the earth ; luke 18. 8. ( 8 ) because , the church of god is alwayes lyable to trouble , and persecution while it sojourneth in this world . but troubles and persecutions do much obscure the brightness , and splendour of a visible church ; luke 21. 17. iohn 16. 2. psalm 129. 1 , 2 , 3. quest. vii . are the purest churches under heaven subject both to mixture and error ? yes . 1 cor. 13. 12. rev. 2. and 3. chapter rev. 18. 2. rom. 11. 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22. well then , do not the papists err , who affirm , that the church cannot err , neither in matters absolutely necessary , neither in other things , which it proposes to be done and believed by us ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the visible church , under the old testament , oftentimes made defection to idolatry ; exod. 32. 8. iudges 3. 7. ( 2 ) because , as long as we are here , we know but in part ; and therefore we are subject , and lyable to mistakes ; 1 cor. 13. 9 , 12. ( 3 ) because , the seven churches of asia to which iohn did writ , are accused of mixture , and errors ; rev. 2. 4 , 5. ( 4 ) because , while christ was on earth , the disciples dreamed of a worldly kingdom ▪ and for a time , even after his resurrection they did believe it ; acts 1. 6. ( 5 ) because , before the day of christ be at hand , there shall be a falling away of the visible church , from the true orthodox faith to antichristianism , which in great part is already come to pass , and more than is to come between this time and his second coming : 2 thes. 2. 3. rev. 13. 3. ( 6 ) because , one of the chief differences between the church militant , and the church triumphant is this , that the one can err , but not the other ; 1 cor. 13. 9 , 10 , 12. ( 7 ) because , christ hath foretold , that there shall arise false christs and false prophets , and shall shew great signs and wonders , in so much , if it were possible they shall deceive the very elect ; matth. 24. 24. ( 8 ) because , when the son of man cometh , he shall scarce find faith on the earth ; luke 18. 8. ( 9 ) because , the converted iews erred , in being zealous for the law ; thinking that the ceremonial law , ought yet to be observed , not understanding that the same was abolished by christ ; acts 21. 20. so did the galatians err , in admitting circumcision ; gal. 1 , 6. and the corinthians , in their abuse of the lords supper ; 1 cor. 11. 18. quest. viii . is there no other head of the visible church , but the lord iesus christ ? no. can the pope of rome , in any sense be the head thereof ? no. col. 1. 18. eph. 1. 22. well then , doth not the popish-church err , who maintains , that not only christ , is the universal head of the church , but that there is another visible head under him , who ( say they ) is the pope of rome , christs vicar , or deputy under him ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , as not many husbands , but one only , is head of the wife , so christ only is head of the church ; eph. 5. 23. ( 2 ) because , the church is espoused to one only namely to christ ; 1 cor. 11. 3. ( 3 ) because , the church is the body of christ only ; eph. 1. 22 , 23. ( 4 ) because , among all the ecclesiastick orders instituted , and appointed by christ , we do not read of such a creature , as an universal vicar ▪ of christ ; eph. 4. 11. ( 5 ) because , the church is one body only ( unless it be a monster ) but one body , cannot have two heads ; rom. 12. 4 , 5. ( 6 ) because , christ only , can inspire , or breath in vigour , sense , motion , and spiritual life into his members ; eph. 5. 29 , 30. iohn 6. 48 , 50 , 51. iohn 15. 1 , 2. ( 7 ) because , there must not be lordship , and soveraignty among them , that are under christ their head and lord ; luke 22. 25. 1 peter 5. 2 , 3. ( 8 ) if the pope be not so much as a bishop of a particular church , he cannot be universal bishop . the first is true , because he doth not perform the office of a bishop , which is set down ; 1 tim. 3 , 2 , titus 1 , 7. 8 , 9. do not likewise the erastians , and others as arminians err , who make the supream magistrate head of the church ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the protestant religion , as it is contained in the harmony of confessions , especially in the confession of faith , recorded in the first parliament of king iames the sixth , laitly ratified , and confirmed , doth not acknowledge any supream head , or governor in the church , neither angel , man , pope , prince , nor potentate , save the lord christ , from whom alone , all subordinate power and authority is derived , to the officers , of his own church . ( 2 ) because , if the supream magistrate be a church officer he must derive his power from christ , and must be a spiritual , and ecclesiastick head and governour , and not a civil only . and if such then christ hath devolved his own place and office upon him , which is without scripture proof . ( 3 ) because , if the supream magistrate be head of the church , he must have a right to this title , either by humane law , or by a divine warrant . laws of a nation , cannot make him head of the church , because such laws cannot make him an ecclesiastick , and spiritual officer . there is no divine warrant , or commission from christ , as is clear from matth. 18. 17. from the epistles to timothy , and titus . from ephes. 4. 11. rom. 12. 7 , 8. and from 1 cor. 11. 28. quest. ix . is the pope that antichrist , that man of sin , and son of perdition , that exalteth himself in the church of god against christ , and all that is called god ? yes . 2 thes. 2. 3 , 4 , 8 , 9 rev. 13. 6. matt. 23. 8 , 9 , 10. though this be denyed by the church of rome , yet the true discription of antichrist agrees to him . ( 1 ) because , he is not one single man , but an order , and race of men , succeeding to one another , in that same state , and office , which you will see , by comparing ; 1 iohn 4. 3. 2 thes. 2. 7 , 8. together . ( 2 ) his coming , is after the manner of satan ; 2 thes. 2. 9. ( 3 ) as to his name , he calls himself a christian , but in very truth an adversary to christ : and by consequence , one that denys jesus to be the christ ; rev. 17. 14. rev. 19. 19. 2 thes. 2 8. 1 iohn 2. 23. ( 4 ) he sitteth in the temple of god , as god ; 2 thes. 2. 4. ( 5 ) he ruleth in the great city , and exercises dominion over the kings of the earth . 6 ) he deceiveth them , that dwell on the earth , with lying wonders , and miracles ; 2 thes. 2. 9. rev. 13 : 14 , 15 : ( 7 ) he causeth all sorts of persons to receive his mark , on their right hand , or on their forehead ; rev : 13 : 16 , 17 : ( 8 ) to him agrees , what paul sayes : and now ye know what with-holdeth ( namely the roman emperour ) that he might be revealed in his time ; 2 thes : 2 : 6 , 7 : chap. xxvi . of the communion of saints . question i. are the saints bound by profession , to maintain an holy fellowship , and communion in the worship of god , in performing such other spiritual duties , as tend to their mutual edification ? ye , . heb. 10. 24 , 25. acts 2. 42. 46. isa. 2. 3. 1 cor. 11. 20. well then , did not the donatists of old , and separatists now err , who maintain , that hypocrites and wicked men , do pollute , and defile the worship of god , not only to themselves , but also to others that worship with them : and that therefore , we must separate from communion in the worship of god , because of them ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the church of the iews in christs time was very corrupt ; matth. 15. 7. mark 6 , 7 , 8. and yet both by his practise , and his command , he would not have his hearers to separate from it . for he both observed the feasts , and preached in their synagogues ; iohn 8. 1. luke 4. 15. iohn 10. 22. and he commands his hearers to observe what the scribes , and pharisees bad them do ; matth. 23. 2 , 3. ( 2 ) because , the apostle is so far from commanding separation from the church of corinth , that he praises their meetings ; ( 1 cor. 5. 4. 1 cor. 11. 20. 1 cor. 14. 23. ) notwithstanding of the many gross scandals , which were among them ; 1 cor. 1. 11 , 12 , 13. 1 cor. 5. 1 , 2. and 1 cor. 15. 12 , 13. ( 3 ) because , the apostles calls the galatians , the church of christ , brethren , and the children of god , who were yet in some measure removed from god , to another gospel . nay , says paul , o foolish , ( or senseless ) galatians , who hath bewitched you , ( that is , so blinded the eyes of your understanding , that ye cannot see the right truth ; as the iuglars bewitch the outward eyes , that men think they see that which they see not ) that ye should not obey the truth ; gal. 3. 1. and yet since it was a constitute true church , it was his judgement , there should be no separation from it , notwithstanding of all the foresaid faults . ( 4 ) because , the church of ephesus was a true church , though they made defection from their first love . so was the church of pergamus , though there were in it who held the doctrine of balaam . so was the church of thyatira , notwithstanding that they suffered iesebel , that called her self a prophetess , and taught the servants of christ to commit fornication , and to eat things sacrificed to idols . ( 5 ) if we must separate from the communion of the church in things lawful , for the faults of others , of for the faults of ministers , and if their sins pollute the worship of god to others , than , we must not keep communion with any church : seeing there can hardly be a church where there are not some hidden hypocrites . nay , where there are not some , who are known to be such by the minister . yet such are not to be excluded , as christ himself teaches ; matth. 13. 24. to 31. see the 47. and 48. verses of that same chapter . ( 6 ) if the worship be polluted to some , for the faults of others , with whom they worship , then must the word and sacraments , have their efficacy and worth from the persons , that worship , and from the dispensers of them , which is absurd . ( 7 ) because , wicked and evil men , do not pollute the worship to others , but to themselves only ; as it appears from the man , that wanted the wedding garment ; matth. 22. 11. and from those who did eat and drink unworthily at the lords table . such do not eat and drink damnation to others , but to themselves ; 1 cor. 11. 27 , 29. ▪ quest. ii. doth this communion , which the saints have with christ , make them in any wise partakers of the substance of his god-head , or equal with him in any respect ? no. is there a mixture of the divine essence , with the substance of all the creatures , because the divine essence is infinite , and every where present ? no. doth every règenerate man , that is united with god , by vertue of this union , become god the maker of heaven and earth ? no. are all the acts of a mans will , and all his actions , even his most cursed , and wicked actions , wholly divine , which to resist , and contradict is rebellion against god ? no. iohn 1. 14. col. 1. 18 , 19. well then , do not the familists err , who teach , that the saints are made god , and christ , by an essential and corporal union with them ? yes . do not likewise the manicheans err , who blasphemously taught , that the divine essence , was mingled with soul and body of every man , and that therefore all his actions were wholly divine ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the personal union is given to none , but to christ only ; iohn 1. 14. the word was made flesh , that is , a true man like unto us in all things , yet without sin . ( 2 ) because , in him dwelleth all the fulness of the god-head bodily . namely by an essential inhabitation of the son of god in the humane nature , by the uniting of his divine nature with the humane , in the unity of his person . bodily , that is personally , essentially , and truely . ( 3 ) because , the union of the saints with christ is by faith , not indeed by a personal union ; eph. 3. 17. ( 4 ) . because , there is no man that sinneth not ; 1 iohn 1. 8 , 10. ( 5 ) because , gods essence , is most simple , and single , and infinitely above and beyond all creatures ; exod. 3. 14. ( 6 ) because , holy , holy , holy , is the lord god of hosts ; isaiah 6. 3. ( 7 ) because , solomon in his prayer says , behold the heaven of heavens , cannot contain thee , how much less this house which i have builded to thy name ; 1 kings 8. 27. ( 8 ) because , the prophet isaiah says , behold the nations are as a drop of a bucket , and are as the smallest dust of the ballance estemed ; chap. 40. 15. ( 9 ) because , the manichean error , is the outmost stretch of satans invention , beyond which he is not able to go . they deserve not confutation , but to be looked upon , as devils incarnate . quest. iii. doth the communion of saints , which they have one with another , take away or infringe the title , or propriety which each man hath in his own goods , and possessions ? no. acts 5. 4. exod. 25. 14. eph. 5. 28. well then , do not the anabaptists err , who affirm , that the goods and possessions of the saints ought to be common ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , in the time of the primitive church , no man was obliged out of necessity to deliver his goods . neither did believers loss their right and propriety which they had to them ; acts 5. 4. ( 2 ) because , the eight command , which is of perpetual use to all men , supposeth a distinction , and propriety of goods . for if all goods were common , it were impossible to steal . ( 3 ) because , there should be no giving of almes : there should be no hospitality , which is contrary to the apostle ; eph. 4. 28. heb. 13. 2. chap. xxvii . of the sacraments . question . i. are the sacraments holy signs and seals of the covenant of grace , immediatly instituted by god , to represent christ , and his benefits ; and to confirm our interest in him ? yes . do the sacraments put a visible difference , between those that belong unto the church , and the rest of the world ? yes . do the sacraments solemnly engage men and women to the service of god in christ , according to his word ? yes . rom. 4. 11. gen. 17. 7 , 10. matth. 28. 19. 1 cor. 11. 23. 1 cor. 10. 16. 1 cor. 11. 25 , 26. gal. 3. 7. rom. 15. 8. exod. 12. 48. gen. 34. 14. rom. 6. 3 , 4. and 1 cor. 10. 16 , 21. well then , do not the socinians err , with the anabaptists , who maintain , that the sacraments , are not seals of the covenant of grace , instituted by god , to represent christ and his benefits : but only bare tokens , and tests of our christian profession ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , circumcision is expresly called a sign , and seal of the righteousness of faith ; rom. 4. 11. now , if circumcision was a seal , and sign ; why ought not baptism , and the lords supper to be signs , and seals also ? ( 2 ) because , the names , and properties of the things signified , are given to the sacramental signs . thus circumcision is called the covenant ; gen. 17. 10. the bread is called the body of christ ; matth. 26. 26. and baptism is called the washing of regeneration ; titus 3. 5. for no other reasons , but because they represent and confirm things spiritual to believers . ( 3 ) because , the cup of blessing in the sacrament , is the communion of the blood of christ ; and the bread is the communion of the body of christ ; 1 cor. 10. 16. ( 4 ) because , the sacraments bring into our memories , christ and his benefits ; and therefore , as it were , they set him before our eyes , and so increase and confirm our faith : 1 cor. 11. 24 , 25. quest. ii. is the grace , which is exhibited in , or by the sacraments , rightly used ; conferred by any power in them ? no. rom. 2. 28 , 29. 1 peter 3. 21. well then , do not the papists and lutherians err , who maintain , that the sacraments of themselves are true , immediate , and effectual causes of our iustification , and give life ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the holy scripture attributes our justification to faith only , as an instrumental cause , and to no other thing ; rom. 1. 17. rom. 3. 28. gal. 2. 16. and therefore the sacraments cannot be the efficient causes of our justification , and life . ( 2 ) because , the scripture makes an express difference , between the work of a man dispensing the sacraments , and the work of the holy ghost ; matth. 3. 11. ( 3 ) because , signs and seals of grace cannot confer , and effectuat grace . but the sacraments , are but signs and seals of grace ; because to signifie , and to have vertue , and power to do differ in nature and in kind . ( 4 ) because , many are partakers of the sacraments , who yet are not partakers of the grace of god , as simon magus ; acts 8. 13. ananias , and saphira ; acts 5. 4 , 9. and how many thousands do eat and drink unworthily , drinking and eating damnation to themselves ; 1 cor. 11. 29. ( 5 ) because , many have been justified , before ever they did partake of a sacrament , as abraham ; rom. 4. 11. and cornelius with his fellows ; acts 10. 46. quest. iii. doth the efficacy of a sacrament depend upon the piety or intention of him , that doth administer it ? no. matth. 3. 11. 1 cor. 12. 13. well then , do not the donatists , and anabaptists err , who maintain , that the sacraments dispensed by a wicked , and graceless minister are of no vertue , or efficacy ? yes . do not also some others now a days err , who are not far from the same opinion ? yes . do not lastly the papists err , who maintain , that to the perfection of a sacrament , the actual intention of the minister , at least his vertual intention of doing that , which the church doth , is necessary ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , iudas who was a thief , and a traitour , did according to the command of christ baptize , as well as the rest : yet christ , never called in question his baptism . ( 2 ) because , the efficacy of the word , doth not depend upon the piety , goodness , worthiness , or good intention of the instrument ; phil. 1. 16 : therefore , neither doth the efficacy of a sacrament depend upon the intention of him , that doth administer it . ( 3 ) if the efficacy of baptism depended upon the good intention of the minister , then no christian could be sure , that he is baptized : seeing no man can be sure of , or know the ministers intention . ( 4 ) because , the operation , and efficacy of the sacraments , depend upon the operation of the holy ghost , and the word of institution ; matth. 3. 11. 1 cor. 12 , 13. ( 5 ) because , the papists themselves ( which is argumentum ad hominem ) cannot be sure , that the bread in the eucharist is transubstantiat into the body of christ. and therefore in their adoration , and falling down to the host , they commit most damnable idolatry in worshipping that which is neither god , nor any divine thing . i say , they cannot be sure , because the priests intention , may be deficient , while he is consecrating the bread. quest. iv. are there only two sacraments , ordained by christ , in the gospel ? i answer two only , namely baptism , and the lords supper . matth. 28. 19. 1 cor. 11. 20 , 23. well then , do not the romanists err , who make seven sacraments , by adding to baptism , and the lords supper , confirmation , pennance , extream unction , ordination , and matrimony ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , no other sacraments , save baptism and the lords supper are instituted by christ , in all the holy scripture . ( 2 ) because , the description , and definition of a sacrament , as you will find it in the first question ; doth agree only to baptism , and the lord , supper , ( 3 ) because , christ was a copartner , and sharer of baptism , and the lords supper , which in his own person , he did sanctifie , and by them did testifie and profess his communion with his people of the new testament , but never was a sharer of any of these five bastard sacraments . quest. v. may baptism and the lords supper , be dispensed by any but by a minister of the word , lawfully ordained ? no. matth. 28. 19. 1 cor. 11. 20 , 23. 1 cor. 4. 1. heb. 5. 4. well then , do not the anabaptists err , who maintain , that the sacraments may be dispensed , and administred by any believer ? yes . do not likewise the papists and the lutherians err , who maintain that it is lawful for laicks , or women , to administer the sacrament of baptism , in case of necessity ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , christ gave the power of dispensing the sacraments to them only , to whom he gave the power of preaching ; mat. 28. 19. but the power of preaching is not given to all men ; heb. 5. 4. ( 2 ) because , all that ever did dispense the sacrament of baptism in the new testament , were either called ordinarly , or extraordinarly : as is evident from the examples of iohn the baptist , and the disciples of christ. from the example of peter ; acts 2. 41. from the example of philip , acts 8. 38. from the example of ananias ; acts 9. 18. from the example of paul and silas ; acts 16. 15. 33. ( 3 ) because , it is unlawful for any man , to affix the kings seal to a charter , or letters-patent , unless he be a person authorized , and deputed by the king for that use . but the sacraments are seals , of the covenant between god and his people ; rom. 4. 11. ( 4 ) because , women are not permitted to speak publickly in the church : therefore they have no power , to dispense the sacrament of baptism ; 1 cor. 14. 34. 1 tim. 2. 12. ( 5 ) because , the adversaries grant that it is unlawful to women , or laicks to administer the lords supper : therefore it is as unlawful for them to administer baptism . no just cause of reason , or disparity can be given . ( 6 ) because , the benefit of regeneration is not tyed ( as the adversaries may dream ) to the outward baptism , as is clear and evident from the conversion of the thief upon the cross . and from 1 peter 3. 21. therefore , there is no such necessity of baptism , as the papists , and lutherians do fancy . quest. vi. are the sacraments of the old testament , in regard of the spiritual things , thereby signified , and exhibited , the same for substance with those of the new ? yes . 1 cor. 10. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4. well then , do not the papists and lutherians err , who maintain , that the difference between the sacraments of the old testament , and the new , consists in this , that those did deliniate and shaddow forth grace ; these contain , offer , and confer grace ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the apostle ( 1 cor. 10. 1 , 2 , 3. ) expresly says , that the cloud , and the passing thorow the red-sea , did signifie these same things to the iews , which baptism signifies to us . and that the manna , and the water from the rock , did signifie the same thing to them ; which the lords supper signifies to us . ( 2 ) because , the sacraments of the old and new testament , did obsignate and seal up the same righteousness of faith ; rom. 4. 11. ( 3 ) because , the scripture applyeth to believers , under the old testament , the sacraments of the new ; 1 cor. 10. 1 , 2 , 3. and on the other hand , the scripture applyeth the sacraments of the new testament , to believers under the old ; which is not done by reason of the sign , for the signs are diverse and different : therefore it must be done , by reason of the thing signified ; and by consequence the sacraments of the old testament must agree in the thing signified with the sacraments of the new. ( 4 ) because , the sacraments of both testaments agree in the word of promise ; gen. 17. 7. acts 2. 38 , 39. rom. 4. 11 , 12 , 13. gal. 3. 29. chap. xxviii . of baptism . question i. is the sacrament of baptism with water by christs appointment , to be continued in his church to the end of the world ? yes . matth. 28. 19 , 20. well then , do not the quakers err , who maintain , that baptism with water , is not an ordinance of divine institution , and that there is no gospel precept for it ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , christ taking his fare-well of his disciples , gave them this commission , go ye therefore and teach all nations , baptising them in the name of the father , son , and holy ghost . or according to the original word , make all nations disciples , by your doctrine , baptising them , in the name of , &c. all which words are spoken with one breath . whence it is clear , that the same very persons that were commanded to make all nations disciples by their doctrine , were commanded to baptise them . but it was not in their power to administer the inward baptism ; that is , to baptise with the holy ghost , and with fire . men may well administer the water , or external sign ; but it is christ that bestowes the inward grace , and thing signified ; as is clear from matth. 3. 11. where iohn the baptist , sayes , i indeed baptise you with water unto repentance , but he that cometh after me , shall baptise you with the holy ghost , and with fire . if any man had received this power of baptising with the holy ghost , then surely iohn should have received it , whom jesus so highly commends , as , that there was not a greater than he born of women ; matth. 11. 11. and though our saviour subjoyns , he that is least in the kingdom of heaven , is greater than he , yet this will not infer , that any among the teachers of the gospel , had the power of baptising with the holy ghost , which he had not ; but only , that they did shew christ more clearly , as having most perfectly accomplished whatsoever was requisite to our salvation ; and did publish this , not only to the iews , but also to the gentiles . and so christ as the master employed only the disciples , as his servants to dispense and act ministerially in his service , reserving the blessing of their employments to himself . now , baptizing with the holy ghost , is the greatest blessing of the gospel , and so cannot flow but from christ himself . ( 2 ) because , the disciples of christ acted only ministerially under him in working of miracles : therefore they could not administer baptism , with the holy ghost , seing this is a greater power , than the other . the cureing of the soul is a far greater work , than to cure miraculously the body . the work of conversion , and regeneration , is a work beyond the creating of heaven and earth . there was only here , the introducing of a new form , but no contrary form , or quality to be expelled . but in this , the heart of stone must not onely be taken away , but a heart of flesh must be given . that they acted only ministerially under christ , it is evident from what peter sayes , ye men of israel , why look ye so earnestly on us , as though by our own power and godliness , we made this man to walk ; acts 3. 12. and the same peter says , eneas , jesus christ maketh thee whole ; acts 9. 34 see mark 16. 17. 1 cor. 12. 10. ( 3 ) because , if this commission , empowred the apostles to baptise onely with the holy ghost , and not with water ; then they in the exercise of this commission , would onely have baptized men and women with the holy ghost , and not with water , but the contrary is manifest . ( acts 2. 38. ) where peter makes a distinction between being baptized in the name of jesus christ , and receiving the gift of the holy ghost : namely the gifts and graces of the holy spirit , which are common to all believers , and necessary to salvation . ( 4 ) because , if baptism with the holy ghost be here meant , then all whom the apostles did baptize , were baptised with the holy ghost , which is false : for ananias and saphira could not have been hypocrites , if they had been baptized with the holy ghost . and simon was baptized and yet not with the holy ghost , as appears by peters answer to him verse 21 , 22. of the fifth chapter . ( 5 ) because , if christs commission carry not a warrant for baptizing with water , whence then had the apostles a warrant for baptizing with water ? either they must produce and let us see another commission for it , or else they must acknowledge , that the apostles did warrantably baptise with water . but another commission the quakers cannot shew us from scripture . quest. ii. is dipping of the person ( to be baptised ) into water necessary ? no. is baptism rightly administred by pouring , or sprinkling water upon the person ? yes . acts 2. 41. acts 16. 33. well then , do not the anabaptists err , who maintain , dipping to be an absolute and necessary ceremony in baptism ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the greek word in the original signifies , as well to poure , and sprinkle water , as it signifies to dip ; mark 7. 4. where it is said , and when they come from the mercat , unless they wash , or be baptised , they eat not . ( 2 ) because , we read of three thousand baptised in one day , in the streets of ierusalem , by twelve apostles at the most , where there was no river to dip them into ; acts 2. 41. and was not ierusalem , and all iudea , and the region round about iordan , baptised by iohn the baptist himself alone , which could not be done to all and every one by dipping ? matth. 3. 5 , 6. ( 3 ) were not many baptised in private houses , as we read in the history of the acts , chapter 10. 47. and 18. 8. with 9. 17. and 16. 33. ( 4 ) because , dipping of infants into water in these cold countries , would be hurtful and dangerous to them . but god will rather have mercy than sacrifice ; matth. 9. 13. quest. iii. are the infants of one , or both believing parents to be baptised ? yes . gen. 17. 7 , 9. gal. 3. 9. 14. col. 2. 11. 12. acts 2. 38. 39. rom. 4. 11 , 12. well then , do not the anabaptists err , who maintain , that no infants though born of believing parents ought to be baptised ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , to covenanted ones ( of which number the infants of believers are no less than their parents ; acts 2. 38 , 39. acts. 3. 25. rom. 11. 16. gen. 17. 7 , 22. ) that seal of the covenant , of which they are capable , is not to be denyed ; gen. 17. 7 , 10 , 11. ( 2 ) because , the outward sacrament of water , cannot be denyed to such , as have received the spirit of christ , and to whom the promises of the new covenant , sealed up in baptism do belong ; acts 10. 47. acts 11. 15 , 16 , 17. but to some infants of believers , as well as to others come to age , the spirit of christ hath been given ; ierem. 1. 5. luke 1. 15. matth. 19. 14. mark 10. 13 , 14. and to them do the promises belong ; acts 2. 39. ( 3 ) because the infants of believers are members of the church , which is sanctified and cleansed , with the washing of water by the word ; eph. 5. 25 , 26. ioel 2. 16. ezek. 16. 20 , 21. 1 cor. 7. 14. ( 4 ) because , infants no less than others come to age , were baptised , in the cloud and in the sea ; 1 cor. 10. 2. ( 5 ) because , christ commanded that all nations should be baptised , a great part whereof were infants ; gen. 22. 18. matth. 28. 19. ( 6 ) because , christ commanded baptism to be administred to disciples , ( infants also are here to be taken in ; acts 15. 10. ) matth. 28. 19. the word in the original is matheteusate , teach , instruct , or make disciples all nations , or make disciples among all nations , baptising them . the signification of this greek word may be gathered from iohn 4. 1. where it is said , that the pharisees had heard , that jesus made disciples . so that matheteuein and mathetas poiein , are both one thing . ( 7 ) because , the children of believers , were by a divine right circumcised , under the old testament : therefore , the children of believers under the new testament , ought to be baptised ; because the one hath succeeded to the other . that baptism succeeds to circumcision , is evident first , because , they both seal up , the same very thing . next , as circumcision was the initiating seal , under the old testament , so is baptism under the new : because the apostles did administer it so early to the disciples at the first appearing of their new birth , and interest in the covenant . moreover , because by baptism , we are said to put on christ ; gal. 3. 27. that they both seal up the same thing , is evident by comparing rom. 4 : 11 : with mar : 1 : 4 : acts 2 : 28. where circumcision is declared to be a seal of the righteousnes of faith , and baptism is held forth to be a pledge of the remission of sins , as also may be seen ; rom. 4. 6 , 7 , 8. see col. 2. 11. 12. where the apostle teaches , that our being buried with christ in baptism , is our circumcision in christ ; which shews that baptism hath succeeded to us in the room of circumcision . ( 8 ) because , the apostle sayes , that the infants but of one believing parent are holy ; 1 cor. 7. 14. that is , are comprehended in the outward covenant of god , and have access to the signs , and scals of gods grace as well as they are , that are born of both believing parents . quest. iv. are grace and salvation so inseparably annexed unto baptism , as that no person can be regenerated , or saved without it ? no. are all that are baptised , undoubtedly regenerated ? no. acts 8. 13 , 23. well then , do not the papists and lutherians err , who maintain , that baptism is simply necessary to salvation ; and that all , and those onely , who are baptised , are most surely regenerated , in that same very moment of time , wherein baptism is administred ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the thief upon the cross , and others were saved , that were never baptised ; luke 23. 43. ( 2 ) because , persons unbaptised have had saving faith ; acts 10. 22 , 44. ( 3 ) because , infants that are predestinated unto life , though they die in their mothers belly , yet they cannot perish ; matth. 18. 14. ( 4 ) because , some children before their baptism , have been beloved of god , whose love is unchangeable ; rom. 9 11 , 13. others have been regenerated by the holy ghost ; luke chap : 1 : ver : 15 : and some have also been comprehended within the covenant of grace ; acts 2. 39. ( 5 ) because , that baptism , without faith , and the inward operation of the holy spirit , hath no efficacy to salvation ; mark 16. 16. 1 peter 3. 21. ( 6 ) because , the baptism of the spirit , at one time goes before , at another time follows baptism with water ; acts 10. 37. matth. 3. 11. ( 7 ) because , very many that are baptized within the visible church , are damned ; matth. 7. 13 , 14. ( 8 ) because , in those that are come to age , faith , and repentance , are pre-required to baptism ; and therefore before they be baptized , they have the beginning of regeneration ; acts 2. 38. ( 9 ) because , not all that are baptized are elected ; matth. 20. 16. but all that are elected by god , are in time regenerated ; 1 peter 1. 2. ( 10 ) because , the holy ghost , is a most free agent , and worker : and therefore his operation ( whence the efficacy of baptism depends ) whereby we are regenerated , is not tyed to any one moment of time ; iohn 3. 8. ( 11 ) because , baptism is not a converting , but a confirming ordinance , even as the lords supper is . the papists do otherwise contradict the second part , in affirming , that the vertue and efficacy of baptism ( as to the abolishing , and sealing up the remission of more grievous sins and faillings , which they call mortal ) doth not extend it self , to the time to come , but to the time past : so that if the person baptized , fall into some deadly and dangerous sin , which wounds the conscience , there is need of another sacrament , to wit , pennance , whereby the remission of that mortal sin , as they call it , is sealed up unto him ? by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the sacrament of baptism , after the administration thereof doth not cease to be a sacrament , of the blood of christ which purgeth us from all our sins ; mark 1. 4. 1 iohn 1. 7. ( 2 ) because , justification by faith ( which is sealed up to us by baptism ; rom. 4. 11. col. 2. 11 , 12. ) is for all sins committed before and after baptism ; acts 13. 36. ( 3 ) because , our saviour says , he that believeth and is baptized shall be saved ; mark 16. 16. ( 4 ) because , not onely the beginning of our salvation , is referred to baptism , but also salvation it self , and eternal life ; 1 peter 3. 21. ( 5 ) because , the scripture bringeth arguments from the use and remembrance of baptism , by which we that have been baptized , are stirred up to holiness , and newness of life , and to put off the old man , and consequently all those sins , which the adversaries call mortal ; rom. 3. 2 , 3. gal. 3. 27. col. 2. 11. 12. quest. v. is the sacrament of baptism , but once to be administred to any person ? once only ; gal. 3. 27. titus . 3. 5. well then , do not the marcionites err , who maintain , that men after grosser faillings ought to be re-baptized ? yes . do not likewise the hemerobaptists err , who maintain , that men according to their faults every day , ought every day to be baptised ? yes . do not lastly , the anabaptists err , who maintain , that children baptized , ought to be rebaptized , when they come to age ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , baptism is a sacrament of admission into the visible church , and of regeneration , ( which is one onely , 1 iohn 3. 9. ) 1 cor. 12 , 13. tit. 3. 5. eph. 5. 26. ( 2 ) because , there is a command for repeating , and frequent using the lords supper ; 1 cor. 22. 25 , 26. but no precept , or command for repeating baptism . ( 3 ) because , circumcision ( to which succeeded baptism ) was never repeated , as the passover was . ( 4 ) because , baptism is a seal of adoption ; gal. 3. 26 , 27. but whom god loveth , and hath once adopted , those he never casteth off afterwards ; rom. 11. 29. ( 5 ) because , the apostle sayes , there is but one baptism ; eph. 4. 5. namely , not only in number , but also in the administration upon us all ; rom. 6. 3 , 4. chap. xxix . of the lords supper . question . i. is the sacrament of christs body and bloud , called the lords supper , an ordinance of god , to be observed in the church , unto the end of the world ? yes . 1 cor. 11. 23 , 24 , 25 , 26. 1 cor. 10. 16 , 17 , 21. matth. 26. luke 22. well then , do not the quakers err , who maintain , the sacrament of the lords supper to be no gospel ordinance , and that there is no gospel precept , for the administration thereof , until his second coming ? yes . they look upon this ordinance , as a type onely and figure , or shadow of christs body and blood , which was commanded for that time , and for some time to come , but not unto his second coming . thus they abandon that most precious ordinance of taking and eating the bread and drinking the wine , as they do baptism with water , and all other ordinances , to the introducing of black atheism into the world. they pervert the true meaning of the scripture for the defence of their damnable tenets , as by this one instance till he come , which is meant ( say they ) not of his second coming at the last day , but of his coming to dwell in his disciples and apostles , as if christ had not been in them , both before , and after his ascension ; even as they deny baptism , in christs commission ( matth. 28. 19. ) to his disciples , to be meant of baptism with water , because water is not exprest ; they deny either wilfully , as their ring-leaders do , or ignorantly , or by a delusion from the devll , as the most part do , the most sure and evident truths in scripture , pratling and gagling in their discourse , sense , and nonsense , being oftner out of purpose , than in a purpose , skipping from one subject to another , to save themselves from the strength of reason , like subtile foxes , which when they are beaten from one hole , flie into another . but while they are obstinate , and pertinacious , in maintaining lies , and untruths , they ought to be confuted , as the man was , that denyed snow to be white . for it is not so much a blindness of mind , or a weakness of judgement , as many well meaning people are misled by , as a wilful , obstinate resisting of the truth , as the perverse iews did , or as , iannes and iambres withstood moses . they that are against commanded gospel ordinances , and the ministers of christ , whom they look upon as the priests of baal , would ( if they durst ) shake off the very scripture , and word of god. and it is more than probable , that if they could shun the odium of open blasphemy , and the hazard of standing laws against blasphemers , the most part of them would disown the scriptures , as many of them have done . for what kindness or respect can they have for the scriptures , but such as men carry to topicks or common places , whence they draw arguments to impugne others , or defend themselves with . for they do not look upon the word as their rule , seing ( as they dream ) they have a light within them , beyond that more sure word of prophesie , which the aopstle peter prefers to a voice from heaven . nay , they have so little veneration for the scriptures , that they will not suffer them to be called the word of god , contrary to many express places of the scripture ; as iohn 10. 35. 2 chr. 36. 22. psalm 119. 172. mark 7. 9 , 10 , 13. 1 kings 16. 12. 2 kings 9. 36. ezra 1. 1. 2 king. 23. 16. isaiah 28. 13. ephes. 6. 17. isaiah 37. 22. quest. ii. is christ offered up to his father in this sacrament ? no. is there any reall sacrifice made at all , for remission of sin , of the quick or dead ? no. heb. 9. 22 , 25 , 26 , 28. well then , do not the papists err , who maintain , that in this sacrament there is performed a true and real sacrifice ( commonly called the mass ) wherein christ under the forms of bread aud wine , without sheding of blood , is offered unto god , by a priest , and sacrificed for the living , and for the dead , to obtain remission of sins ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the sacrificing and offering up of christ , is a part of his own priesthood ; heb. 9. 14. but the priesthood of christ cannot be transferred from himself to any other ; heb. 7. 24. therefore , no priest can offer him up under the forms of bread and wine unto god. ( 2 ) because , the offering of the body of christ , is once for all . it is but one single offering , and cannot be repeated ? heb. 10. 10 , 12 , 14. ( 3 ) because , the sacrificing and offering up of christ , is one only , and of a most perfect merit , and efficacy ; heb. 9. 14. heb. 10 : 14. but the repeating of the same sacrifice , and the multitude of priests , are a token of an imperfect sacrifice , heb. 9. 25 , 26. heb. 10. 10 , 11. ( 4 ) if christ be often offered , he must often die and suffer ; heb. 9. 25 , 26. but christ being now raised from the dead , cannot any more suffer and die ; rom. 6. 9. ( 5 ) because , that one and most perfect sacrifice of christ , did abrogate and take away all those external sacrifices , and caused them to cease ; daniel 9. 27. ( 6 ) because , there can be no propitiatory sacrifice for sin , without shedding of blood ; heb. 9. 22. neither doth he die any more , but is now in heaven to appear in the presence of god for us , and to interceed in our behalf ; heb. 1. 3. heb. 9. 24. heb. 10. 12. ( 7 ) because , in every sacrifice there is required ( and really is ) a dying , and destruction of the thing sacrificed . but christ still liveth , rom. 6. 9. ( 8 ) because , no man can offer jesus up to god , but christ himself ; heb. 7. 27. ( 9 ) because , in all external sacrifices , properly so called , there is necessarly required , a visible external host , or thing sacrificed , as the adversaries grant . but the thing which is said to be offered up by the mass-priest , namely the body of christ , is neither external nor visible here , it being in heaven and not on earth with man ; acts 3. 21. quest. iii. are private masses , or the receiving this sacrament by a priest , or any other alone ; as likewise the denyall of the cup to the people ; worshipping the elements , the lifting them up , or carrying them about for adoration , and the reserving them for any pretended religious use ; are all these ( i say ) contrary to the nature of this sacrament , and to the institution of christ ? yes . mark 14. 23. 1 cor : 11. 25 , 26 , 27 , 28 , 29. matth. 15. 9. well then , doth not the romish church err , whose mass-priests standing in the altar , celebrate private masses , ( the people eihter being absent , or standing idle ) who take the cup to themselves only , and drink thereof . that administer the lords supper privately to sick persons , and bed-rid ; that teach to administer the communion to laicks , under both the forms of bread and wine , is not only not necessary , but unlawful : who teach , that for adorations-cause , the elements are to be lifted up , and carried about , and reserved for religious uses ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , christ did institute the last supper not for one a part , but for many together ; matth. 26. 27 , 28. ( 2 ) because , christ in celebrating the last supper , did not eat and drink himself alone , but the disciples did also eat and drink with him ; matth. 26. 27 , 28. ( 3 ) because , the apostle commands the corrinthians , that when they come together to eat , they tarry one for another ; 1 cor. 11. 33. ( 4 ) because , the lords supper is a sacrament of brother-hood , and communion of the saints ; 1 cor. 10. 16 , 17 : 1 cor. 11. 33. ( 5 ) because , in the dayes of the apostles , the disciples and brethren met together for breaking of bread ; acts 20. 7. ( 6 ) because , christ when he had taken bread , and distributed it , is said , to have likewise taken the cup ; 1 cor : 11 : 23 , 24 , 25 , 26 , 27. ( 7 ) because , it is expresly said , and commanded ( christ foreseeing this black errour , which is now in their church ) drink ye all of it ; matth : 26 : 27. ( 8 ) because , the common people , which are communicants , gather more fruit from both the forms , than from one onely ; 1 cor : 10 : 16 : and 1 cor. 11 : 26 : ( 9 ) because , the blood of christ , the sign whereof is the wine in the cup , is not onely shed for apostles , preachers , and pastours , but also for lay-men , and those that are not of the clergy , as the popish church speaks ; iohn 3 : 16. ( 10 ) because , the apostles and christians of the primitive church , did communicate under both forms ; mark 14 : 22 : 23 : 1 cor : 10 : 11 , chapters . ( 11 ) because , it is a villany to detract and withdraw any thing from christs testament : and therefore the cup ( which is left to us by legacy ; matth : 26 : 27 , 28 : ) is not to be denyed to any communicant ; gal : 3 : 15 : ( 12 ) because , christ did not institute any adoration of the elements : therefore this adoration is to be condemned , as will-worship , matth. 15 : 9. ( 13 ) because , the adoration is founded upon the corporal presence of christs body in the sacrament , which is blasphemous , seing christ now is at the right hand of god ; heb : 1 : 3. ( 14 ) because , this popish adoration of the elements , is a worshipping of the creature together with the creator , a most abominable idolatry ; daniel 11 : 38 : matth : 23 : 16 : to verse 23. ( 15 ) because , if the elements ought to be adored , because christ is sacramentally present in them ; then ought believers ( in whom christ dwelleth ; iohn 14. 20. ) to be adored , which is absurd . nay the water of baptism , ought to be worshipped , seeing the whole trinity is no less present there , than in the supper . ( 16 ) the worshipping of the bread , since no man ( as the adversaries confess ) is able to know certainly , that the host is consecrated , is a work done without faith , therefore a sin ; rom. 14. 23. ( 17 ) because , christ commanded the element of bread to be broken , eaten , and distributed . but no where doth christ command the bread to be reserved ; 1 cor. 11. 23 , 24. ( 18 ) because , the bread which is the communion of the body of christ , is the bread which we break ; 1 cor. 10. 16. ( 19 ) because , the bread and the wine , are not sacramental symbols , but in the very action ; 1 ▪ cor. 11. 26. here it is said , for as often , as ye eat this bread , and drink this cup ; but not , as often as ye reserve this bread . ( 20 ) because , god commanded , that nothing should be reserved , of the pasehal-lamb ( to which bread and wine in the lords supper have succeeded ) till the morning ; exod. 12. 10. that it might not be put to any other use , whether for idolatry , or common food . quest. iv. do the outward elements in this sacrament , in substance , and nature remain still , truely , and only bread and wine , as they were before ? yes . matth. 26. 29. 1 cor. 11. 26 , 27 , 28. well then , do not the papists err , who maintain , that the bredd and wine , by the power of the words of consecration this is my body , are truely transubstantiat into the very body and blood of christ ; nothing remaining but the outward forms , and accidents of the bread and wine ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the doctrine of transubstantiation makes christs body every where present , invisible , that cannot be handled , without shape , and figure , without humane quantity , which is contrary to matth. 26. 6. here christ is only present in bethany . and iohn 20. 27. thomas toucheth christ. and according to acts 3. 21. the heavens must receive him ; and therefore cannot be every where . see heb. 2. 14 , 17. ( 2 ) because , before and after consecration , the bread is called the communion of the body of christ : but nothing is said , or can be the communion of its own self ; 1 cor. 10. 16. ( 3 ) because , afrer consecration , the apostle calls not the bread , a species or form of bread ; 1 cor. 11. 26 , 27 , 28. and after consecration , christ calls the wine the fruit of the vine ; matth. 26. 29. ( 4 ) because , christ did institute the supper to be a memorial of himself until he come again . but a memorial , is not of things corporally present , but of things absent ; 1. cor. 11. 25. ( 5 ) because , that which is properly broken , is not the body of christ , but the bread is properly broken , therefore the bread is not the body of christ , 1 cor. 10. 16. ( 6 ) because , christ went up to heaven bodily , and is to tarry there until the end of the world ; acts 3. 21. ( 7 ) transubstantiation destroys the very essence , and being of the lords supper . first , it destroyes the sign , because it takes away the substance of the bread and wine ; the accidents , and outward forms only remaining . secondly , it destroys the thing signified , for it robes and spoils the body of christ , of its true quantity and dimensions ( for according to that infallible philosophical maxim , sublatis dimensionibus corporis , tollitur ipsum corpus . that is , by taking away the length , breadth , and thickness of any physical or natural body , you destroy consequentially the very essence and being of that body ) and introduces instead of one body , many bodies . ( 8 ) because , transubstantiation takes away the sacramental analogie : and so , when the sign is turned into the thing signified , all similitude between them is gone , and ceaseth . ( 9 ) from this doctrine do follow many great absurdities inconsistent with religion , sense , and reason . as first , that christ in the supper , did both eat and drink himself : that he was wholly in his own mouth : that he had a double and twofold body ; one visible , another invisible : that a mouse , or rat , may eat christs body : that his body being reserved , and laid up into a cupboard , in a short time may turn into vermine . must not christs body be in many places at once ? must not his body , and all the parts thereof , his head , hands and feet be in the smallest , and least crumb of the host ? must not christs body , having now that bigness in heaven , which he had upon earth , be biger , than it self ; longer , and thicker ? if christs body may be in diverse places at once , why may not a mans body be in diverse places at once ? this is granted by the adversaries ) but a man cannot be in diverse places at once . can peter , for example , be both at edinburgh and london , in the same moment of time ? he may then be both a man and not a man , at the same time : he may be a man , because living at edinburgh ; and not a man , because dead at london . may not peter at edinburgh go to york , and meet peter there from london ? and what a mirry meeting must it be , when peter shakes hands with peter , and takes a glass of wine from him ? may not peter from london be killed there at york , and peter from edinburgh be left alive ? may not peter alive be re-produced in a thousand cities at once , and marry there a thousand wives , and beget in one night a thousand sons , and daughters ? may not peter be so many times re-produced , till he make up an hundred thousand fighting men ? may not one candle by re-production be made as many ; as may give light to the whole universe ? may not one bottle of water be made so many , as may serve an army of an hundred thousand ? may not one guiney be reproduced as many times as may amount to five and twenty hundred thousand pounds sterling ? a brave invention for paying five or six hundred thousand merks of debt : next , as the adversaries are engaged to maintaine that one body may be in many places a , once , so are they under a necessity to affirm that many bodies may be in one place together , by way of penetration , for in every crumb of the host , is christs body . from which position , it follows that a mans body may be contained within a nut-shel . that a snuff-box may contain athurs seat : the hollow of an ox eye , the whole globe of the earth . that a sparrow may swallow , one by one , the seven planets , seeing each one of them , may occupy no more bounds , or space , than a grain of barly corn doth : and yet the sun which is swallowed , will be as big as at present : for christs body in the host , is as big and tall , as when he was on the cross , as the adversaries confess . ( 10 ) we never read of a miracle wrought by god , but what was evident , and conspicuous to all , and evidently seen to be such . as when moses his rod was turned into a serpent , and became a rod again ; exod. 4. 2 , 3. such were the wonders of egypt . such was the dividing of the red sea : the stricking of the rock : and the flowing out of the waters ; numb . 20. 11. the destruction of korah , dathan , and abiram , was evident to all the israelites ; numb . 16. 31 , 32. so were the miracles , which were wrought by the holy prophets , such were the miracles which christ and his apostles wrought . was not the water most evidently turned into wine ; iohn 2. 7 , 8 , 9. but after the words of consecrationn uttered by the mass priest , the bread as to sense , is the same thing it was . the bread hath the same taste , thè same smell , that same touch , that same outward form , and figure , that same colour , that same weight . it occupies that same space and bounds , and hath the same quantity in all its dimensions . but the rod was seen a serpent , and the serpent was seen a rod. the water was seen wine : it was known to be wine by the taste , by the smell , by the colour . christ never wrought such a miracle as the miracle of transubstantiation . in all his miracles he appealed to our outward senses . and was it ever heard that christ wrought miracles without a necessity ? quest. v. is the body and blood of christ in this sacrament corporally , or carnally in , with , or under the brèad and wine ? no. 1 cor. 10. 16. well then , do not the lutherians err , who maintain , that the body and blood of christ , are corporally in , with , and under the bread and wine : and that ( as the papists also teach ) his body and blood , are taken corporally by the mouth , by all communicants , believers , and unbelievers ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , christ was sitting with his body at the table . ( 2 ) because , he himself did eat of the bread , and drink of the wine . ( 3 ) because , he took bread from the table : he took not his own body : he break bread , and did distribute it , he break not his own body : so he took the cup , and not his own blood . ( 4 ) because , christ said , the cup was the new testament in his blood : but the cup is not in , with , and under the wine . ( 5 ) because christ said , the bread was his body , which was broken ; the wine was his blood , which was shed . but neither was his body broken under the bread , nor his blood shed under the wine , seing christ as yet , was not betrayed , crucified , and dead . in the next place , the end of the lords supper is , that we may remember christ , and declare his death until be come ; luke 22. 19. 1 cor. 11. 24 , 25 , 26. therefore if christ be now present with his body , in , with , and under the bread , the sacramental remembrance of christ , and the declaring of his death , ought to cease . this doctrine of consubstantiation , is contrary to the articles of our faith. it is against the truth and verity of his humane nature , which is visible , palpable , and in a certain place circumscriptive . it is against the article of his ascension : for it makes his body , which is now in heaven , until the last day , to be in , with , and under a piece of bread . it is against the spiritual communion of the saints with christ the head , which the lutherians makes by this doctrine a corporal and carnal communion , contrary to 1 cor. 10. 3 , 4. ephes. 1. 22. ephes. 4. 4. rom. 8. 9. 1 cor. 6. 17. 1 iohn 4. 13. iohn 15. 5. it brings with it many and great absurdities ; as that the body of christ , non habeat partem extra partem ; hath not one part of it without another ; but as if all the parts of his body , were in one part , which is contrary to the nature of a true and real quantum , which consists essentially in three dimensions , length , breadth , and thickness . it makes in effect his body to be no body . it brings down the glorious body of christ from heaven , and puts it under the base elements of this earth . it makes as many bodies of christ , as there are pieces of eucharistical bread . it makes his body to be broken in , with , and under the bread , and bruised with the teeth : it sends his body down to the stomach , where it is turned into a mans substance , and afterwards throwen out . moreover , all true eating brings life and salvation ; iohn 6. 50 , 51. but eating by the mouth profiteth nothing ; iohn 6. 63. again , our union with christ , ( and therefore our eating of his body , from whence ariseth this union ) is not corporal but spiritual ; eph. 3. 17. and the body and blood of christ , are meat and drink ; not carnal but spiritual ; even as the hunger , whereby we long for this meat is spiritual : and the life to which we are nourished , is spiritual , and the nutriment is spiritual . lastly , according to this doctrine of consubstantiation , stiffly maintained by the lutherians , it follows , that christ did 〈◊〉 his own body , while he did eat the bread of the first supper . that his disciples did eat their lord and masters body . that christ before he was crucified , was dead : that his disciples were more cruel and inhumane to him than the iews were that crucified him : that he is often buried within the intrals of wicked men . quest. vi. is the body and blood of christ as really , but spiritually present , to the faith of believers , in that ordinance , as the elements themselves are to the outward senses ? yes . 1 cor. 10. 16. well then , do not the socinians err , who maintain , that the body and blood of christ , in the sacrament of the supper , are not really present ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the body of christ in this sacrament , is spiritually eaten by believers ; and his blood is spiritually drunken . but a spiritual presence , is a true and real presence ; because , it comes and flowes from true and real causes , namely from faith , and the holy spirit . ( 2 ) because , in the right use of this sacrament , christ is united to a man by faith , and by the holy spirit ; 1 cor. 10. 16. ( 3 ) because , the body of christ , in so far as , it was given to the death , and was broken for us on the cross , and in so far , as his blood was shed for the remission of our sins ; all these ( i say ) are the internal matter of this sacrament ; luke 22. 19. mat. 26. 28. 1 cor. 11. 24. ( 4 ) because , those who eat and drink unworthily , are said , not to discern the lords body : and therefore to such as eat and drink worthily , the body and blood of christ must be truely present , according to their spiritual sense , namely faith ; 1 cor. 11. 24. ( 5 ) because , length of time doth not hinder , but that faith may make things past , and things to come spiritually present : and therefore distance of place doth not hinder , but that things most distant , as to place , may be made spiritually and truely present ; heb. 11. 1. iohn 6. 56. phil. 3. 10. heb. 11. 9. quest. vii . are all ignorant and ungodly persons , as they are unfit to enjoy communion with christ , unworthy of his table ? yes . can they without great sin against christ , while they continue such , partake of these holy mysteries ? no. and are not therefore church-officers to debar those who appear grosly ignorant , and scandalous ? yes . 1 cor. 11. 27 , 28 , 29. and 2 cor. 6. 14 , 15. and 1 cor. 5. 6 , 7 , 13. matth. 7. 6. well then , do not some men err , in their practise , if not in their opinion , who suffer many ignorant , scandalous , and ungoodly persons , to come to the lords table ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , ignorant and wicked men eating and drinking unworthily , are guily of the body and blood of christ , and so bring judgement upon themselves ; cor. 11. 29. ( 2 ) because , all were not admitted to eat of the passover , neither was it for all promiscuously to partake thereof ; numb . 9. 6 , 7. and 2 chron. 23. 19. esek . 22. 26. ( 3 ) because , it was not lawful for any man to come to the marriage feast that wanted the wedding garment ; matth. 22. 11. ( 4 ) because , pearles are not to be casten before dogs and swine : men manifestly ungodly , and wicked ; matth. 7. 6. ( 5 ) because , they who deserve to be excluded from the fellowship and society of believers , ought not to be admitted to the sacrament of intimate communion and familiarity with god : but such are all these who walk inordinatly ; 2 cor . 6. 16. ( 6 ) because , if the church willingly and wittingly admit such persons , they stir up the wrath of god , against themselves , for suffering gods covenant , and his holy symboles , to be openly prophaned ; 1 cor. 11. 30. ( 7 ) because , the lord will not suffer such as are manifestly and contumaciously wicked , to take his covenant in their mouth : and therefore to such persons , the seals , and symboles of his covenenat , ought not to be offered ; psalm 50. 17. ( 8 ) because , ignorant , prophane , and godless persons , ought to be esteemed as heathens , and publicans ; matth. 18. 17. chap. xxx . of church censures . question i. hath ▪ the lord iesus as king , and head of his church , appointed therein a government , in the hands of church-officers , distinct from the civil magistrate ? yes . isaiah 9. 6 , 7. 1 tim. 5. 17. 1 thes 5. 12. acts 20. 17 , 18. hebr. 13. 7 , 17 , 24. 1 cor. 12. 28 , matth. 28. 18 , 19 , 20. well then , do not the erastians , and others err , who maintain , that in the holy scripture there is no particular form of church government set down , and appointed by christ ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the lord jesus christ hath delivered to the ministers of his church , as to his own delegates and ambassadours ( and therefore according to his own laws ) the whole power of governing the church , which he himself received from the father , to be managed , and put in execution in his own name and authority ; iohn 20. 21. matth. 28. 19. acts 1. 2. eph. 4. 7 , 8 , 11. ( 2 ) because , all the substantials of church government , under the new testament , which either concern ministers , ordinances , censures , synods , councils , and their power , are proposed , and set down in scripture , namely in the third chapter of the first epistle to timothy ; acts 15. chapter . and 1 cor. 14. 26 , 40. ( 3 ) because , the lord jesus christ , hath looked to the good of his church , no less under the new testament , than under the old. therefore , since the church under the old testament , had a most perfect form of government prescribed to it : and since there is as great need and necessity of church order , and discipline , under the new testament , as was under the old , it must follow , that there is a patern and form of church government no less set down , and prescribed under the new testament , than was under the old ; heb. 3. 1 , 2 , 4 , 5. heb. 13. 8. 1 cor. chap. 5. 1 tim. 5. 20. and 1 tim. 1. 20. ( 4 ) the end of the church government is spiritual namely the gaining of mens souls to christ. but nothing that 's meerly of humane authority , can reach this end ; matth. 18. 15 , 16 , 17. ( 5 ) because , all the parts of church government , are particularly set down in scripture . as first , those things which concern the key of doctrine , as publick prayer , and giving of thanks ; 1 tim. 2. 12. 1 cor . 14. 14 , 15 , 16. singing of psalms ; eph. 5. 18 , 19. col. 3. 16. publick reading of the word , preching , and expounding the same ; acts 6. 4. acts 13. 15 , 17. acts 5. 21. 2 cor . 3. 14. matth. 18. 19 , 20. 2 tim. 4. 11. heb. 6. 1. gal. 6. 6. secondly , those parts likewise , which concern the key of discipline ; namely the ordination of presbyters , with the imposition of the hands of the presbytrie ; 1 tim. 4. 14. and 1 tim. 5. 22. titus 1. 5. acts 14. 21 , 23. thirdly , the authoritative giving of judgement , and sentence concerning doctrine ; and that according to the word ; acts 15. 15 , 24 , 28. fourthly , admonition and publick rebuking of those who have offended ; matth. 18. 15 , 16 , 17. 1 thes. 5. 14. 1 tim. 5. 20. fifthly , the excommunicating of those who are contumacious , and ungodly , and who are convicted of manifest crimes , and scandals ; matth 18. 17. titus 3. 10 ▪ 1 tim. 1. 20. 1 cor . 5. 2 , 3 , 4 , 5. lastly , the receiving again into the fellowship of the church persons cast out by excommunication , having testified their repentance ; 2 cor . 2. 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. do not the same erastians err , who make no distinction between church power and the secular power ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , christ hath committed the keyes of the kingdom of heaven to the officers of his church which are governours distinct from the civil magistrate ; matth. 16. 18 , 19. matth. 18. 19. iohn 20. 21 , 22 , 23. ( 2 ) because , church power , and civil power differ specifically . the church , and the common-wealth are polities formally , and essentially different . they are not , as such , powers subordinate , at least in a right line , but co-ordinate ; acts 4. 19 , 20. 2 chron . 26. 18. next , god the creator and governour of the world ; is the efficient of the power of the civil magistrate ; rom. 13. 1 , 2 , 4. but god-christ , our blessed mediator , and lord of his church , is the efficient of the church particularly , and of its government . the matter ( materia ex qua ) of the civil government , is the secular sword : but the matter of the church government , are the keyes of the kingdom of heaven . the matter of the civil government ( materia in qua ) may be a senate , many people , the person of one king , of a child . 〈◊〉 woman . but the matter of the church government , is not of this kind ; heb. 13. 22. 1. tim. 3. 15. 1 cor . 14. 34 , 35. the matter of the civil government ( materia circa quam ) are men and women , as members of the common-wealth , without , as well as within the church : but as christians and members of the church , they are not such ; 1 cor . 5. 13. the formal causes of both are distinct ; the one inflicts punishments meerly spiritual ; the other inflicts punishments meerly civil . lastly , the end of this , is the corporal and external good of a society ; but the end of that , is the spiritual good of the church and its edification ; matth. 14. 15. 1 cor . 5. 5. 2 cor . 10. 8. do not likewise the socinians , anabaptists , quakers , many independents , and others err , who maintain , that the key of doctrine , or the publick preaching of the word , is proper to any man furnished with sutable gifts , though not called , and sent to that employment ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , no man can believe in christ of whom he hath not heard , and how shal he hear without a preacher ; and how shal he preach unless he be sent ; rom. 10. 14 , 15. ( 2 ) because , women may have sutable , and competent gifts for preaching , and yet they are forbidden to speak in the church ; 1 tim : 2. 12. ( 3 ) because , the scripture blames such , as have run , and yet have not been sent ; ierem. 23. 21 , 32. ( 4 ) because , no man taketh this honour to himself ( that is , he ought not to take it ) but he that is called of god , as was aaron ; heb. 5. 4. ( 5 ) because , the scripture mentioneth , that god hath set apart certain peculiar ministers , for the preaching of the word ; rom. 1. 1. ephes : 4. 11. titus 1. 3. ( 6 ) because , no man can take the office of a civil magistrate , or of a deacon of the church upon him , unless he be called thereunto ; luke 12. 14. acts 6. 5. 1 tim. 3. 10. and therefore no man ought to take upon him the publick preaching of the word , unless he be called thereunto likewise . ( 7 ) because , he that taketh upon him this office , without a call , he usurpeth authority in the church , seing preaching is an act of authority ; 1 thes. 5. 12. ( 8 ) because , the titles which are given to the preachers of the gospel , are names of office ; they are called the ambassadours of christ ; 2 cor . 5. 20. stewards of the word ; titus 1. 7. the men of god ; 1 tim. 6. 11. and angels ; rev. 2. 1. ( 9 ) because , there is not one approven example , in all the word of god , for a gifted brother to preach without a call ; and therefore seing it is not done in faith , it must be sin. must every fellow that takes a laxit in his tongue , go up to the pulpit and ease himself ? ( 10 ) because , there are precepts and rules set down in scripture , for all the ages of the church , to the end of the world , anent the calling of men to be ministers of the gospel ; 1 tim. 3. 2 , 3 , 6 , 7. and 1 tim. 5. 21 , 22. do not likewise the independents , brunists , and anabaptists err , who maintain , that the right and power of governing the church , belongs no less to the multitude and community of believers , than to the officers of the church ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the scripture expresly teaches , that god hath committed the government of his church , and the care of his people , to certain chosen persons , and not to all , and every one ; ephes. 4. 11. 12 , 13. 1 cor. 12. 28. ( 2 ) because , if the power of the keyes were given to believers , in common ; either they are given to them as believers , or as they are gifted by god , with gifts , and qualifications above others , for governing the church , and chosen out of the rest , for performing that office . if the last part be affirmed , it follows , that the power , and right of the keyes , is committed not to a community of believers , but to some select persons , which we own , and maintain : but the independents deny . if the first be asserted , then it follows first , that the care of governing the church is committed to women , and children , being believers ; and so they must necessarly have the power of seeing , as being eyes , and watch men to the church : the power of hearing , as being the ears of the church : and the body of the church must be deformed ; because the whole body is the eye , and the whole body is the ear , and whose many members are made one member ; 1 cor . 12. 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19. ( 2 ) it follows , that the power of the keyes , it not only given to all , but to believers only : but it is evident by the example of iudas , and other reprobates , that many in christs name have preached , who were not believers ; matth. 7. 22 , 23. phil. 1. 16 , 17 , 18. ( 3 ) because , to whom christ has given the power of governing the church ; to them also , he hath promised to give gifts , and enduments largely for performing that office ; iohn 20. 21 , 22 , 23. 1 cor. 4. 6 , 7. matth. 28. 19 , 20. but to a community of believers , god has never promised a spirit for the ministry , nor gifts for that employment . nor did he ever bestow , or confer any such enduments . ( 4 ) because , christ our mediator , appointed ecclesiastical officers and church-governours , before ever there was a formal church , under the new testament gathered , and set up ; luke 9. 1. luke 10. 1 , 2 , 3. iohn 20. 21 , 22 , 23. matth. 28. 19 , 20. this was all done before his death . and before his ascension he did the like ; ephes. 4. 8. 11 , 12. acts 2. 1 cor. 12. 28. now it is evident , that there was no formal gathering together of a church , before the feast of pentecost ; acts 2. ecclesiastick ministers , and officers were appointed for calling in , and gathering together the mystical body of christ , to wit , his members : therefore it was needful , that ministers baptizing , ought to be before persons baptized . that gatherers of the church ought to be before persons gathered . that callers and inviters to christ , ought to be before persons called and invited . ( 5 ) this democracy or popular government , cannot but bring in great confusion , whence many absurdities will follow . as the church of god should not be an organical body . that women who are forbidden to speak in the church , most have the keyes of the kingdom of heaven hanging at their belt , forsooth . all must govern , and none must be governed . all must attend the government of the church . all must be rendred uncapable for going about their particular callings , which god calls them to every day . therefore seing this sort of government , brings so much confusion with it , it is most probable , that it is not of god who is a god of order , and not of confusion ; 1 cor. 14. 33. quest. ii. are church censures necessary for reclaiming , and gaining of offending brethren ; for deterring of others from the like offences ; for purging out of that leaven , which might infect the whole lump , for vindicating the honour of christ ; and the holy profession of the gospel , and for preventing the wrath of god , which might justly fall upon the church , if they should suffer his covenant , and the seals thereof to be prophaned by notorious and obstinate sinners ? yes . 1 tim. 5. 20. 1 tim. 1. 20. 1 cor . 11. 27. to the end ; iude 23. verse . are the officers of the church for the better attaining of these ends to proceed by admonition , by suspension from the lords table , for a season , and by excommunication from the church according to the nature of the crime or scandalous offence , and demerit of the person ? yes . 1 thes. 5. 12 , 1 cor . 5. 4 , 5 , 13. matth. 18. 17 titus 3. 10. well then , do not the socinians , anabaptists , quakers ; and other sectaries err , who deny that any church censures should be inflicted upon offenders ? yes . do not likewise the erastians err , who maintain , there should be no suspension from the lords table or excommunication from the church ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the power of the keyes , is given to the ministers of the church , wherewith not only by the preaching of the word , but also by church censures , they open and shut the kingdom of heaven ; as will appear by comparing these places of scripture together ; matth. 16. 19. matth. 18. 17. ( 2 ) because , he that offends publickly , and after admonition , persists pertinaciously in his sin , should be esteemed as a publican and heathen ; matth. 18. 17. ( 3 ) because , the apostle says , if any man obey not our word by this epistle ; note that man , and have no company with him . note him , that is , either by excommunication , or some other note of church censure ; 2 thess. 3. 14. ( 4 ) because , the apostolick church , being moved by the same reasons ( which now are ) used the power of the keyes , and excluded from the sacrament , men that were manifestly contumacious , and wicked ; 1 cor. 5. 2 , 3. and 1 tim. 1. 20. 2 thes. 3. 6. 14. ( 5 ) because , the apostle sayes , them that sin ( to wit publickly ) rebuke before all , that others also may fear ; 1 tim. 5 : 20. ( 6 ) consider the various ends of ecclesiastical censures , as the reclaiming of offending brethren , and the rest of them , which are set down in the question . chap. xxxi . of synods and councils . question i. ought there to be such assemblies for the government and further edification of the church , as are called synods and councils ? yes . acts 15. 2 , 4 , 6. are the decrees and determinations of councils , and synods , if consonant to the word of god , to be received with reverence , and submission , not only for their agreement with the word , but also for their power , whereby they are made , as being an ordinance of god appointed thereunto in his word ? yes . acts 15 : 15 , 19 , 24 , 27 , 28 , 29 ; 30 , 31. acts 16 , 4. matth. 18. 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 : well then , do not the ●●●unists and independents err , who maintain ; that every particular congregation , or church hath in it self , the full power of church government for exercising the whole power of the keyes , without subordination , or subjection to any classical or synodical meeting : and that presbytries , and synods , have only a power of counselling , advising , and exhorting , but no power of iurisdiction , to command or enjoyn any thing in the lord , to particular churches or congregations ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the apostolick church referred all weightier matters , which did equally concern many congregations , to the free suffrages , and votes of the apostles , pastors , and select brethren , and not to the determination of any one particular church , or congregation ; acts 15. 23 , 24 , 25. acts 6. 2 , 3. ( 2 ) because , it is evident from scripture , that there have been many particular churches , and congregations subordinate to one presbytrie . for , in the church of ierusalem , it is manifest , that there were more than one congregation . first , from the multitude of believers , who were of a greater number than could be of one congregation , for hearing the word , and communicating ; acts 2. 41 , 42. acts 5. 14. acts 6. 1 , 2 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7. acts 21. 20. ( 3 ) from the multitude of pastors , and ministers , whose pains and labours many churches required ; acts 1 : 12. 13 , 14 , 26. acts 2. 1 , 14 , 37 , 42. acts 4 : 31 , 34 , 35 , 37. acts 6. 2. acts 8 : 14 : ( 4 ) from the diversity of tongues among the disciples at ierusalem , which were given , not only for the edification of those that were of that church ; but also for signs and wonders to others , who were without , and not of that church . ( 5 ) it is manifest from this , that in those dayes , they had no churches , or meeting houses built , but only met and conveened in private houses , and upper rooms . the same is also true of the church of antioch , ephesus , and corinth , from the acts of the apostles ; and other places of scripture . but all these congregations were ruled and governed by one colledge of pastors . ( 1 ) because , all these particular congregations , are called but one church ; acts 18 : 22 : acts 12 , 5 : ( 2 ) because , in that one church , there were church presbyters , who were called governours , not of any one particular congregation , but of the church , which was made up of many particular churches ; acts 20. 17 : acts 15 : 2 : 3 : acts 13 : 1 , 2 , 3 : ( 3 ) because , these presbyters did meet together for governing the church , and performed acts of iurisdiction , which concerned the whole church in common ; acts 11 : 30 : compared with chapter 4 : 35 , 37 : and acts 21 : 18 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 : and acts 13 : 1 , 2 , 3 : ( 4 ) because , there is a particular example of a synod , which had the power of iurisdiction , and which consisted , and was made up of members , out of diverse classical conventions : for when the question about circumcision , and the keeping of moses law , which troubled the churches of syria , cilicia , antioch , and ierusalem , could not be determined in their own particular churches , the matter was referred to a synod of apostles and presbyters , who met at ierusalem , which decided the controversy , and appointed their decrees to be obligatory , and binding to all these foresaid churches ; acts 15. acts 16. 4. acts 21. 25. ( 5 ) because , the iewish church , which was a politick body , had in every city synagogues subordinate to one supream council , or great synagogue which was at ierusalem ▪ deut. 17. 8 , 12. 2 chron . 19. 8. 11. exod : 18. 22 , 26. seing therefore , dangers and difficulties for the preventing , and healing of which , the lord hath appointed and set up , in that church such a government , may be as great , if not greater in his church , under the new testament than was then : and seeing the lord has no less consulted the good of his church now , than he did of old ; it follows , that there must be councils , no less under the new testament than under the old , to which , particular churches ought to be subordinate . ( 6 ) from the light of nature , and right reason : for the law of nature directs to a diversity of courts ; namely , where there is any rule or government in a city or common-wealth , and orders the inferiour courts to be subordinate to the superiour , the lesser to the greater , and appeals to be made from them to the greater . and in bodies both natural and politick the parts ought to be subject to the whole , for the good of both . besides there are , and will be very many ecclesiastick affairs which will concern many congregations equally and alike , which cannot be determined by any one . ( 2 ) because , the pastors and presbyters of particular congregations will stand in need each one of anothers help , and assistance mutually . ( 3 ) because , cases and difficulties may occur , more intangled , and intricate , than can be settled and composed by the governours of any one congregation . ( 4 ) seing particular congregations which ly nigh one to another , ought to shun divisions , and differences , and to live in peace and unity , it follows manifestly , that there ought to be synods or councils , consisting of the presbyters of many particular congregations , which ought to be subordinate , to these councils , and synods . ( 5 ) from christs own precept , and command , tell the church ; matth. 18. 15 , 16 , 17. for if our blessed lord appointed , that for a single brothers offence , ( he trespassing against god , or his brother , for gaining of him , and removing the scandal ) he be brought before the church , it follows by consequence , that the same course ought to be taken , when any one particular congregation , offends against another , and remains obstinate in their scandalous opinion , and practise . for our blessed lord , hath sufficiently prescribed a remedy in this place , for removing of all scandals , and offences , whether of one brother against another , or of one congregation against another . nay , surely , since christ hath consulted so much the conversion of one brother , that hath sinned , and gone astray ; much more will he look to the good , and conversion of a whole congregation . ( 6 ) because , any one single congregation , with one pastor only , hath not the power of ordination , an instance whereof cannot be given , either from precept , or practise , in all the new testament . nay , the ordination of ministers , in the new testament , was alwayes performed by a colledge of pastors associate together ; acts 6. 6. acts 13. 1 , 2 , 3. 1 tim. 4. 14. ( 7 ) because , from this doctrine of the independents these and the like absurdities will follow . first , that the prophets must be censured , and judged by way of authority , not by other prophets , but by the multitude : and vulgar of the congregation , which is contrary to 1 cor 14. 32. ( 2 ) that all the councils , in the times of the apostles , which were convocated upon necessary occasions for matters which concerned many churches alike , were but during the time , and extraordinary , and so not obliging succeeding churches , though the occasions , and causes , why these councils were convocated then , are , and will be to the end of the world . ( 3 ) that private believers , must be the bishops of their own bishops , watch-men of their own watch-men . no communion or fellowship among ecclesiastick ministers . that single and particular churches , though they have defiled , and pudled themselves , with the most black , and ugly heresies , with the most abominable faults , and vices , yet are not lyable to any ecclesiastick censure , but must be refered , to the immediate judgement of christ , at the last day . ( 4 ) that a colledge of pastors , and presbyters conveened together from several congregations , shall have no more power of the keyes of the kingdom of heaven , than any one particular man , that is able to look to the good of his brother . ( 5 ) that a pastor , out of his own congregation , hath no power to administer the sacraments , or to preach the word , or exerce any ministerial act. from which absurdities , it follows evidently , that this kind of church government labours under a manifest defect of the means of propagating the gospel . ( 6 ) that christ , hath as many visible bodies , as there are particular congregations . that men and women , are to be accounted members only of a particular congregation , and not of the church-catholick . and that those who are excomunicated , are only casten out of a particular congregation not out of the church universal . quest. ii. may not the ministers of the church of themselves , by vertue of their office , meet in assemblies , with other fit persons upon delegation from their churches , when magistrates are open enemies to the christian religion ? yes . acts 15. 2 , 4 , 22 , 23 , 25. well then , do not the erastians err , who maintain , that the ministers of the gospel have no right or power in themselves , or by vertue of their office to meet in a synod , or council ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the church of god , in the primitive times , had power in themselves , to convocate their own assemblies , for worship and government , not only without , but against the consent of the civil magistrate , as is evident from the acts of the apostles , and church histories . ( 2 ) though the power , and right of meeting in church assemblies be visible in the constitution , and exercise , yet it is intrinseck and within the church , as well as the power of preaching . quest. iii. may magistrates lawfully call a synod of ministers , and other fit persons to consult , and advise with , about matters of religion ? yes isa. 49. 23. 1 tim. 2. 1 , 2. matth. 2. 4 , 5. prov. 11. 14. well then , do not the papists err , who maintain , that the civil magistrate hath no right or power to convocate synods , or councils , but that it belongs to the bishop to convocate diocesian synods ; to the metropolitan to convocate provincial synods ; to the primate and patriarch to convocate national synods : to the pope onely to convocate and call oecumenick and general synods ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , under the old testament , councils , and synods were appointed and called by godly kings ; 1 kings 8. 1. 2 kings 23. 1. 2 chron . 29. 4. ( 2 ) because , it is the duty of the civil magistrate being born within the church , to take care that peace and unity be preserved and keeped in the church : that the truth and word of god , be intirely , and soundly preached and obeyed : that blasphemies and heresies be kept under and supprest ; that all corruptions in worship and discipline be reformed : that all gods ordinances be lawfully established , administred , and preserved . and if it should happen , that both church and state iudicaturies , should make an universal defection from the purity of doctrine and worship received and acknowledged , it is the duty of a godly king , by vertue of his regal power , and authority , to set about a work of reformation , and to call and command all ranks of people to return to the true worship and service of god ; isa. 45. 23. psalm 122. 7 , 8 : 9. ezra 7 : 23 , 25 , 26 , 27 , 28. levit. 24. 16. deut. 13. 5 , 6 , 12. 1 chron . 13. 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9. 2 kings 23. from the first verse to the 26. ( 3 ) from the example of constantine , that did convocate the first nicene council : from theodosius the elder , that did call the first council of constantinople : from theodosius the younger , that did call the first council at ephesus : from martianus , that did call the chalcedon council . quest. iv. may all synods or councils since the apostles dayes err ? yes . and have not many actually erred ? yes . well then , doth not the popish church err , who maintain , that councils confirmed , and solemnised by the popes authority , cannot err , neither in explaining doctrines of faith , nor in delivering precepts , and rules of manners , common to the whole church ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , all the priests , levites , and prophets of the iewish church , who had the same promises which the christian church hath now under the new testament ; ( 1 cor. 10. 3 , 4. 2 sam. 7. 16. isaiah 49. 15 , 16. ) together with the high priest have sometimes erred , as is clear from the following scriptures ; isaiah 56. 10 , 11. ierem. 6. 13. ierem. 14. 14. hos. 9. 7 , 8 , 9. mic. 3. 9. the lords prophets that were immediately guided , and inspired by him , must be excepted . ( 2 ) because , councils under the old testament , lawfully called , have often-times erred ; 2 sam. 6. 6. 3. ier. 26. 7 , 8 , 9. 1 kings 22. 6. and under the new testament ; iohn 9. 35. iohn 11. 47 , 48 , 52. matth. 26 , 57 , 59 , 65 , 66. acts 4. 5 , 6 , 17 , 18. ( 3 ) because , the pope cannot shew a proof of infallibility ; rom. 3. 4. ( 4 ) because , it is foretold in the new testament , that many pastors , and teachers shall become false prophets , and turn seducers ; and that antichrist shall sit in the temple of god , shewing himself that he is god ; mat. 24. 11 , 24. acts 20. 29 , 30. 2 peter 2. 1. 2 thes. 2. 4. ( 5 ) it is most evident , that many councils approven and authorized by the pope , have most foully erred , and that some have openly contradicted others . caap. xxxii . of the state of men after death , and of the resurrection of the dead . question i. are the souls of the righteous , being made perfect in holiness , received into the highest heavens where they behold the face of god in light and glory ? yes . acts 3. 21. ephes. 4. 10. well then , do not the greeks , arminians , anabaptists , and papists err , who maintain , that the souls of the righteous are not presently after death , admitted to enjoy happiness , which consists in seeing of god ; but are put into some mansion , though it be not a heavenly one ; yet a place above hell , where they enjoy , even until the resurrection , some heavenly delight , and recreation , without seeing of god ? yes . do not likewise the socinians err , who affirm , that the souls of the righteous after death , until the resurrection , are extinguished , and put out , to speak so ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the souls of the righteous after death are with christ in heaven , and enjoy that blessed vision ; phil. 1. 23. acts 3. 21. ephes. 4. 10. ( 2 ) because , the spirits of iust men after death return to god , and are received by god ; eccles. 12. 7. acts 7. 59. note , that solomon onely speaketh of the people of god. yet some understand it of the souls both of believers and unbelievers , which are both sentenced by god , as supream iudge , immediately when a man dieth , every man to his place , the souls of believers to heaven , of unbelievers to hell . ( 3 ) because , the saints departed , together with the angels , are said to sing perpetually praises and thanksgiving before his throne ; rev. 4. 6 , 9 , 10 , 11. rev. 5. 8 , 9 , 10. rev. 7. 9 , 10. ( 4 ) because , christ promised , that the thief should be with him in paradise , that same very day he died ; luke 23. 43. paul also calls it the third heaven ; 2 cor . 12. 2. 4. ( 5 ) because , the spirits of just men , are said to be made perfect in holiness and glory , and placed in the heavenly ierusalem with the angels ; heb. 12. 22. 23. ( 6 ) because , the apostle sayes , that if our earthly house of this tabernacle were dissolved we have a building of god , an house not made with hands , eternal in the heavens ; 2 cor. 5. 1 , 2. ( 7 ) because , the same apostle sayes , therefore we are alwayes confident , knowing that whilst we are at home in the body , we are absent from the lord ; 2 cor. 5. 6 , 8. ( 8 ) because , the souls of the righteous after death are comforted , and carried into abrahams bosom ; luke 16. 22. 25. quest. ii. are the souls of the wicked cast into hell , where they remain in torments , and utter darkness reserved to the judgement of the great day ? yes . luke 16. 23 , 24. acts 1. 25. iude 6 , 7. verses . 1 peter 3. 19. well then , do not the greeks , and others err , who maintain , that the souls of the wicked are not adjudged to hells torments , till after the resurrection ? yes . do not likewise the socinians err , who maintain , that the souls of the wicked shall never be tormented in hell ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the particular judgement of every single man , follows immediately his departure out of this life ; heb. 9 27. ( 2 ) because , the soul of the rich glutton , after it departed from his body , was tormented in the flames of hell ; luke 16. 22. 23. ( 3 ) because , the souls of wicked men departed go to their own place , that is to hell ; acts 1. 25. ( 4 ) because , the souls of wicked men , are no less punished in hell , than the apostate angels ; iude verses 6 , 7. ( 5 ) because , the spirits of those who in the time of noah were disobedient are said to be in prison ; 1 peter 3. 19. this prison is hell ; matth. 5. 26 , 27. quest. iii. doth the scripture acknowledge any other place than heaven and hell for souls departed from their bodies ? no. well then , do not the papists err , who besides these two places , have devised other four . first , a place called limbus patrum , in which the faithful , who died before christs passion , have been shut up , as in a dark prison , under ground ; and being without torment , and for the time wanting happiness , have been keeped closs there until christs resurrection and ascension into heaven . secondly , a place called limbus infantum , in which infants which die without baptism , suffer the eternal punishment , not of sense , but of loss . the third is a most pleasant meadow , in which as in a royal prison , the souls that are in it , want happiness , yet suffer no punishment of sense , except what ariseth from the delay of happiness , but only of loss . this place seems to be the elisian fields , taken out of the sixth book of virgils aeneiods . the fourth place is called purgatory , which is a middle place between heaven and hell , in which are the saints , who have departed from this life , without making satisfaction by temporal punishments , for their venial sins , yet have gone thither for the guilt of their punishment , the fault whereof is pardoned in this life : that when they have satisfied and are well purged from every spot and blemish , they may be admitted to that blessed vision in seeing god for ever . do not ( i say ) the papists err , who besides heaven and hell maintain other four places , for souls departed ? yes . by what reasons do you confute limbus patrum ? ( 1 ) because , the souls of the faithful that departed before christs passion , were made inhabitants of the same heavenly ierusalem , with the angels ; heb. 12. 22 , 23. ( 2 ) because , the spirits and souls of the faithful that died before christ suffered , returned to god who gave them ; eccl. 3. 21. ( 3 ) because , the vertue of christs sacrifice did no less extend it self to believers under the old testament , than to believers under the new ; rev. 13. 8. ( 4 ) from the example of enoch , and of moses , and elias , which two before the passion of christ , were seen upon the mount with him ; gen. 5. 24. 2 kings 2. 11. luke 9. 30 , 31. heb. 11. 5. by what reasons confute you limbus infantum ? ( 1 ) because , the covenant belongs to the children of believers though not baptised ; in which covenant , glory and life eternal are promised ; acts 2 : 39. ( 2 ) because , christ said , that the kingdom of heaven belonged to little children , though not baptised ; matth. 19. 14. ( 3 ) because , the infants of the israelites dying before the eight day , were not shut up in limbus infantum , as the adversaries themselves confess . but the nature and essence of baptism under the new testament , and the nature and essence of circumcision under the old , are the same ; col. 2. 11 , 12. ( 4 ) all the arguments which are brought against the absolute necessity of baptism , do clearly overturn this fiction of limbus infantum . thirdly , there is no such place , as a most pleasant meadow , in which , as in a senatorian prison , the souls that are in it want felicity ; yet suffer no punishment of sense . this was made evident in the first question . lastly , there is no such place as purgatory . ( 1 ) because , there is no such thing as venial sin , as it is explained by the popish-church , upon which false foundation , is built this fancy of purgatory ; rom. 6. 23. ( 2 ) because , temporal punishments do not extend themselves beyond this life ; rom. 8. 18. 2 cor. 4. 17 , 18. 1 peter 5. 10. for in this life onely , the godly receive their evil things , as the wicked receive their good things ; luke 16. 25. ( 3 ) because , after the fault is pardoned , there remains no punishment to be undergone ; ezek. 18. 22. psalm 32. 1 , 2. micah 7. 19. rom. 8. 1 , 33. ( 4 ) because , the thief upon the cross , that was converted , did not suffer afterwards any punishment in purgatory ; luke 23. 43. neither could his death , and confession upon the cross , be accounted a perfect satisfaction ( as the adversaries affirm ) because he did acknowledge , he had received the due reward of his deeds ; luke 23. 41. he that suffers as a murderer , or as a thief , or as an evi doer , his punishment cannot be accounted a satisfaction ; 1 peter 4. 15. ( 5 ) because , they that die in the lord , rest from all their labours ; rev. 14. 13. ( 6 ) because , christs satisfaction for the sins of believers , is most full , compleat , and perfect , and doth not need our imperfect satisfactions , whether for the fault or the punishment ; isaiah 53. chapter ; titus 2. 14. 1 iohn 1 : 7 : heb : 10 : 14 : col. 1 : 20 , 21 , 22. neither by our sufferings in purgatory , is christs satisfaction applyed to us . first , because our sufferings there cannot be an instrument for applying christs merits to us . for on gods part , we have the word , sacraments , and the spirit as means , for applying his merits to us . on our part we have faith. was it ever heard of in the word of god , that the lord made use of exquisite torments for applying his grace ? to apply mercy by the executing of justice : is forgiving debt , applyed by exacting the debt ? shall pardon be applyed to by the punishing of us ? quest. iv. will such as are found alive , at the last day not die but be changed ? yes . 1 thess. 4. 17. 1 cor. 15. 51 , 52. well then , do not the papists err , who maintain , that such as are found alive at the last day shall die ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , christ is ordained of god to be judge of quick and dead ; which distinction would be needless , if all truely died ; act 10. 42. ( 2 ) because , the apostle says ( as was cited ) we shal not all sleep but be changed : which place of scripture is not to be read , we shall all therefore sleep , as the papists say , putting in the greek particle oun , for ou , therefore for not . because this illative particle oun , cannot agree sufficiently with the apostles preface , behold , i shew you a mystery : this mysterie is not death it self , but a change in place of death , which is a great mystery indeed . ( 3 ) as the resurrection of many of the bodies of the saints , was a preamble of the great resurrection of our bodies ; ( mat. 27. 52. ) so the translating of enoch , that he might not see death , seems to be a preamble of this change in place of death heb. 11. 9. quest. v. shal the dead be raised up , with the self same bodies and none other , although with different qualities , which shall be united again to their souls for ever ? yes . iob 19. 26 , 27. 1 cor. 15. 42 , 43 , 44. well then , do not the socinians , arminians , anabaptists , photinians , and marcionites err , who maintain , that the same individual body , is not raised up , which we carried about with us here , and laid down in the dust , but another body made of air , or of some matter more subtile than air , altogether void of flesh and blood , made a-new by christ ? yes . do not likewise many of the quakers err , who maintain also , that the same individual body is not raised again , but that there is a change thereof in substance , as well as in quality ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , it is evident from scripture , phil. 3. 21. that there shall be a transforming of those vile bodies at the resurrection , to be fashioned after the glorious body of christ ; and so not the forming and making of a new one , which is hard to conceive , if the same individual body should not be raised , and if this change here spoken of , be as well in substance , as in quality . ( 2 ) because , the apostle sayes , he that raised up christ from the dead , shall also quicken your mortal bodies ( and therefore not bodies made of air ) by his spirit , that dwelleth in you ; rom. 8. 11. ( 3 ) the same apostle sayes , for this corruption must put on incorruption , and this mortality must put on immortality ; 1 cor. 15. 53. ( 4 ) because , the iustice of god requires , that the same individual bodies shal receive rewards , or punishments , which have done good or evil , while life remained ; 2 cor. 5. 10. rom. 2. 6. eph. 6. 8. ( 5 ) because , the body of christ , who is the efficient cause of our resurrection , ( 1 cor. 15. 4 , 12 , 13 , 16. ) rose again that same individual body ; luke 24. 39 , 40. quest. vi. shal the bodies of the unjust by the power of christ , be raised to dishonour ? yes . acts 24. 15. iohn 5. 28. 29. phil. 3. 21. well then , do not the socinians err , who maintain , there shall be no resurrection of the unjust ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the apostle sayes , we must all appear before the judgment-seat of christ , that every man may receive the things done in the body ; 2 cor. 5. 10. ( 2 ) because , the hour cometh , in the which , all that are in their graves shall hear his voice , and shall come forth ; they that have done good , unto the resurrection of life : and they that have done evil , unto the resurrection of damnation : iohn 5. 28 , 29. ( 3 ) because , the apostle sayes , being accused before tertullus , there shall be a resurrection of the dead , both of the just and unjust ; acts 24. 15. ( 4 ) because , according to the enochs prophesy , the lord cometh with ten thousands of his saints , to execute judgement upon all , and to convince all that are ungodly among them ; iude verses 14 , 15. ( 5 ) because , many of them that sleep in the dust of the earth , shall awake , some to everlasting life , and some to shame , and everlasting contempt ; daniel 12. 2. chap. xxxiii . of the last iudgement . question . shal the wicked who know not god , and obey not the gospel of iesus christ , be casten into everlasting torments , and be punished with everlasting destruction , from the presence of the lord , and from the glory of his power ? yes . matth. 25. 31 , to the end ; rom. 9. 22 , 23. acts 3. 19. 2 thes. 1. 7 , 8 , 9. well then , do not the socinians err , who defining eternal death to be the extinguishing of the body and soul , maintain , that the wicked are to suffer no torment in hell ; and that their whole punishment will be to be deprived of eternity , or anihilated , that is , both soul and body turned into nothing ? yes . do not likewise the origenists , and some anabaptists err , who think , that not only the wicked , but the devils themselves , after many torments in hell , shall be received by god into favour , and be made blessed and happy ? yes . by what reasons are they confuted ? ( 1 ) because , the apostle affirms , almost in so many words , that which we have asserted ; 2 thes. 1. 7 , 8 , 9 , 10. ( 2 ) because , life eternal , and death eternal , are in scripture opposed to one another in the same sense ; mat. 25. 46. but life eternal in scripture , is not taken for being simply eternal , but for being eternally happy , or to be in a blessed eternal state and condition ; psalm 133. 3. therefore , eternal death must be taken in scripture not for anihilation , or being turned into nothing ; but for an eternal wretched and miserable state and condition . ( 3 ) because , the scripture saves , but the children of the kingdom shall be casten into utter darkness , there shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth ; matth. 8. 12 , 13. ( 4 ) because , the scripture affirms expresly , that the wicked are tormented in hell ; luke 16. 24. next , there are some degrees of torments there , but there are no degrees in non esse , that is , in not to be . ( 5 ) because , abraham saves expresly , there can no man pass from the place of torment , to the place of bless and happiness ; luke 16. 26. ( 6 ) because , the torments of the wicked are called a worm that dieth not ; a fire that cannot be extinguished . ( 7 ) because , the scripture sayes , that the smoke of their torment ascendeth up for ever and ever ; rev. 14 : 11. rev. 19. 3. ( 8 ) because , the wicked will be carried into everlasting fire , prepared for the devil and his angels ; matth. 25. 46. and the same wicked , are to rise again to shame , and everlasting contempt ; daniel 12. 2. and to suffer the vengeance of everlasting fire ; iude verse 7. and now only is the accepted time , and now is the day of salvation ; 2 cor. 6. 2. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a35959-e260 * in magnis voluisse satest . a treatise of liturgies, power of the keyes, and of matter of the visible church. in answer to the reverend servant of christ, mr. john ball. by thomas shephard, sometimes fellow of emanuel-colledge in cambridge, and late pastour of cambridge in new-england. shepard, thomas, 1605-1649. 1652 approx. 560 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 107 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a93091 wing s3148 thomason e681_17 estc r206794 99865900 99865900 118154 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a93091) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 118154) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 105:e681[17]) a treatise of liturgies, power of the keyes, and of matter of the visible church. in answer to the reverend servant of christ, mr. john ball. by thomas shephard, sometimes fellow of emanuel-colledge in cambridge, and late pastour of cambridge in new-england. shepard, thomas, 1605-1649. [2], 211, [1] p. printed by e. cotes for andrew crooke, and are to be sold at the green dragon in pauls church-yard, london, : 1653. [i.e. 1652] a reply to "a short treatise containing all the principall grounds of christian religion", an expanded version of "a shorte catechisme" by john ball. thomason received his copy 20 november 1652. annotation on thomason copy: "nouemb 20 1652"; the '3' in the imprint has been crossed out. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng ball, john, 1585-1640. -shorte catechisme. religion -controversial literature -early works to 1800. 2007-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-05 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a treatise of liturgies , power of the keyes , and of matter of the visible church . in answer to the reverend servant of christ , mr. john ball. by thomas shephard , sometimes fellow of emanuel-colledge in cambridge , and late pastour of cambridge in new-england . veritas nihil erubescit praeterquam abscondi , turtul . sua silentia amat spiritus per quae nobis illabitur , seque insinuat cupidis non gloriae sed cognoscendae veritatis , melanct. let the blessing come upon the head of joseph , and upon the top of the head of him that was separated from his brethren , deut. 33. 16. london , printed by e. cotes for andrew crooke , and are to be sold at the green dragon in pauls church-yard , 1653. the preface to the reader . it was the profession of the lord jesus before pilate , when he questioned with him about his kingdome , john 18. 37. that for this cause he was born and came into the world , to beare witnesse of the truth . many truths about the spirituall kingdom of christ hath he imparted to us , if therfore we be born into the world , or sent into this wildernesse to beare witnesse to his truth , it is unto us reward sufficient , that we should be witnesses thereunto , even to the utmost parts of the earth . wee confesse wee have been too slow in this service of christ , not having to this day set forth an unanimous confession of that form of wholsome words which is preached , received , and professed in these churches of the lord jesus ; and which we are not unmindfull of , though our distances , and other difficulties may delay the opportunity . but this in the meane time we professe in generall , that ( so farre as wee know ) there is the same blessed spirit of truth breathing in the ministery of the country ; the same faith embraced and professed in the churches , which is generally received as the orthodox doctrine of the gospel , in the best reformed churches , and particularly by our godly learned brethren of england and scotland . and though errours have sprung up among us , and some are gone out from us , that we feare were not of us , yet wee have borne witnesse against them , and by the blessing of god , by the breath of christ in the mouths of his servants they have been blasted . neither doe we understand that these churches are accused of any errours about the saving truths of the gospel , and therefore we thought our selves not so much called of god to such a confession at present , as to cleare up to the world those truths we professe about the kingdome and government of christ in his churches , which is the great worke of this age , and of this nick of time . and yet here also we feare that we have been too slack ; for though it bee said , vvee are the volunteers , such as cry up this way , &c. and so it seemes wee are apprehended to bee one cause of these present differences : yet if things be well weighed , we may seem rather to bee farre behinde in the duty that lyes upon us . indeed some briefe answers sent over to some particular persons , to satisfie brethren what our practise is , ( with some briefe touch of our reasons ) rather then to discusse those points , have been printed by some without our knowledge , or assent , upon what grounds they best know . and some short treatises by some reverend brethren have been published to declare their affectionate desires of the unanimous endevours of all our deare brethren , for a generall and holy reformation : but what hath been said or done that either may justly offend the minds of the godly , provoke their spirits , disunite their affections , or hinder a godly reformation ? yea , wee have been too slow to cleare our doctrine and practise from the many objections , harsh interpretations , and manifold criminations cast upon the same , wherein wee feare our lothnesse to intermeddle in these controversies for feare of making the breach wider amongst brethren ; and our desire rather to attend what light we might receive from others in these points wherein wee professe our selves seekers after the truth , have made us guilty of neglect in this our duty . but now we see our selves pressed hereto , by a necessity of justifying our wayes against the many aspersions cast upon them , as well as against the reasons used against them , for wee perceive by the first letter of our brethren , how the with-drawing of christians from the liturgy was imputed to us , and by this reply both in the epistle and divers passages , wee cannot but see what apprehensions are raised of us ; yea , many are apt to think , that if we had said nothing , yet our very act in forsaking the churches of god in our deare native country , and the cause of christ there , together with the practise of these churches thought to bee so different from the reformed churches , have been , not onely a great weakening to the hands of the godly , ( that have stood by the cause of christ ) but also have caused great disturbance to the reformation in hand : to which much might be said , but that wee should exceed the bounds of an epistle . yet let us intreat all the godly wise , to consider and look back upon the season of this great enterprise , undertaken by us , and the manner of our proceedings in it , with the admirable workings of gods providence first and last about it ; and we think ( though we were silent ) they may easily satisfie themselves , whether this was of god or men , a sinfull neglect of the cause of christ , or a manifest attestation to the truth , by open profession against corruptions of worship in use , and for the necessity of reformation of the church ; and that confirmed by no small degree of sufferings for the same . for was it not a time when humane worship and inventions were growne to such an intolerable height , that the consciences of gods saints and servants inlightened in the truth ) could no longer bear them ? was not the power of the tyrannicall prelates so great , that like a strong current carryed all down streame before it , what ever was from the law , or otherwise set in their way ? did not the hearts of men generally faile them ? where was the people to bee found that would cleave to their godly ministers in their sufferings , but rather thought it their discretion , to provide for their owne quiet and safety ? yea , when some freely in zeale of the truth preached or professed against the corruptions of the times , did not some take offence at it , judge it rashnesse , and to bee against all rules of discretion , who since are ready to censure us for deserting the cause ? many then thought , it is an evill time , the prudent shall hold their peace , and might wee not say , this is not our resting place ? and what would men have us doe in such a case ? must wee study some distinctions to salve our consciences in complying with so manifold corruptions in gods worship ? or should wee live without gods ordinances , because wee could not partake in the corrupt administration thereof ? or content our selves to live without those ordinances of gods worship and communion of saints which hee called us unto , and our soules breathed after ? or should wee forsake the publique assemblies , and joyne together in private separated churches ? how unsufferable it would then have been , the great offence that now is taken at it , is a full evidence . and if in cities , or some such great townes that might have been done , yet how was it possible for so many scattered christians all over the countrey ? it is true , we might have suffered , if wee had sought it , wee might easily have found the way to have filled the prisons , and some had their share therein . but whether wee were called thereunto , when a wide doore was set open of liberty otherwise ; and our witnesse to the truth , ( through the malignant policy of those times ) could not bee open before the world , but rather smothered up in close prisons or some such wayes , together with our selves , wee leave to bee considered . wee cannot see but the rule of christ to his apostles and saints , and the practise of gods saints in all ages , may allow us this liberty as well as others , to fly into the wildernesse from the face of the dragon . but if it had been so , that the godly ministers and christians that fled to new-england , were the most timorous and faint hearted of all their brethren , that stayed behinde , and that those sufferings were nothing in comparison of their brethrens ( for why should any b●ast of sufferings ? ) yet who doth not know that the spirit who gives various gifts , and all to profit withall , in such times doth single out every one to such worke , as hee in wisdome intends to call them unto ? and whom the lord will honour by suffering for his cause , by imprisonment , &c. hee gives them spirits suitable thereto : whom the lord will reserve for other service , or imploy in other places , hie inclines their hearts rather to fly , giving them an heart suitable to such a condition . it is a case of conscience frequently put , and oft resolved by holy bradford , peter martyr , philpot , and others , in queene maries bloody dayes , viz. whether it was lawfull to flee out of the land : to which their answer was , that if god gave a spirit of courage and willingnesse to glorifie him by sufferings , they should stay ; but if they found not such a spirit they might lawfully fly , yea , they advised them thereunto . those servants of christ , though full of the spirit of glory , and of christ to outface the greatest persecuters in profession of the truth , unto the death , yet did not complaine of the cowardize of such as fled , because they deserted them and the cause , but rather advised divers so to doe , and rejoyced when god gave liberty to their brethren to escape with their lives to the places of liberty , to serve the lord according to his word . neither were those faithfull saints and servants of god uselesse and unprofitable in the church of god that fled from the bloody prelates . the infinite and onely wise god hath many workes to doe in the world , and hee doth by his singular providence give gifts to his servants , and disposeth them to his worke as seemeth best to himselfe . if the lord will have some to beare witnesse by imprisonments , dismembring , &c. wee honour them therein ; if hee will have others instrumentall to promote reformation in england , wee honor them , and rejoyce in their holy endeavours , praying for a blessing upon themselves and labours . and what if god will have his church and the kingdome of christ goe up also in these remote parts of the world , that his name may bee known to the heathen , or whatsoever other end hee hath , and to this end will send forth a company of weake-hearted christians , which dare not stay at home to suffer , why should wee not let the lord alone , and rejoyce that christ is preached howsoever , and wheresoever ? and who can say that this work was not undertaken and carryed on with sincere and right ends , and in an holy serious manner , by the chiefe and the body of such as undertooke the same ? the lord knows whether the sincere desires of worshipping himselfe according to his will , of promoting and propagating the gospel , was not in the hearts of very many in this enterprise ; and hee that seeth in secret , and rewardeth openly , knows what prayers and teares have been poured out to god by many alone , and in dayes of fasting and prayer of gods servants together , for his counsell , direction , assistance , blessing in this worke : how many longings and pantings of heart have been in many after the lord jesus , to see his goings in his sanctuary , as the one thing their soules desired and requested of god , that they might dwell in his house for ever ; the fruit of which prayers and desires this liberty of new-england hath been taken to bee , and thankfully received from god. yea , how many serious consultations with one another , and with the faithfull ministers , and other eminent servants of christ , have been taken about this worke , is not unknowne to some ; which cleares us from any rash heady rushing into this place , out of discontent , as many are ready to conceive . wee will here say nothing of the persons whose hearts the lord stirred up in this businesse ; surely all were not rash , weake-spirited , inconsiderate of what they left behinde , or of what it was to goe into a wildernesse . but if it were well knowne and considered , or if wee were able to expresse and recount the singular workings of divine providence , for the bringing on of this worke , to what it is come unto , it would stop the mouths of all that have not an heart to accuse and blaspheme the goodnesse of god in his glorious workes : whatever many may say or think , wee beleeve after-times will admire and adore the lord herein , when all his holy ends , and the wayes he hath used to bring them about shall appeare . look from one end of the heaven to another , whether the lord hath assayed to do such a worke as this in any nation , so to carry out a people of his owne from so flourishing a state , to a wildernesse so far distant , for such ends , and for such a worke : yea , and in few yeares hath done for them , as hee hath here done for his poore despised people . when wee looke back and consider what a strange poise of spirit the lord hath laid upon many of our hearts , wee cannot but wonder at our selves , that so many , and some so weak and tender , with such cheerfulnesse and constant resolutions against so many perswasions of friends , discouragements from the ill report of this countrey , the straits , wants ; and tryalls of gods people in it , &c. yet should leave our accommodations and comforts , should forsake our dearest relations , parents , brethren , sisters , christian friends , and acquaintances , overlooke all the dangers and difficulties of the vast seas , the thought whereof was a terrour to many , and all this to go to a wildernesse , where wee could forecast nothing but care and temptations , onely in hopes of enjoying christ in his ordinances , in the fellowship of his people ; was this from a stupid senslesnesse or desperate carelesnesse what became of us or ours ? or want of naturall affections to our deare countrey , or nearest relations ? no surely , with what bowells of compassion to our deare countrey ; with what heart-breaking affections , to our deare relations , and christian friends many of us at least came away , the lord is witnesse . what shall we say of the singular providence of god bringing so many ship-loads of his people , through so many dangers , as upon eagles wings , with so much safety from yeare to yeare ? the fatherly ●are of our god in feeding and cloathing so many in a wildernesse , giving such healthfulnesse and great increase of posterity ? what shall wee say of the worke it selfe of the kingdome of christ ? and the form of a common-wealth erected in a wildernesse , and in so few yeares brought to that state , that scarce the like can bee seen in any of our english colonies in the richest places of this america , after many more years standing ? that the lord hath carryed the spirits of so many of his people through all their toylsome labour , wants , difficulties , losses , &c. with such a measure of chearfulnesse and contentation ? but above all wee must acknowledge the singular pity and mercies of our god , that hath done all this and much more for a people so unworthy , so sinfull , that by murmurings of many , unfaithfulnesse in promises , oppressions , and other evils which are found among us , have so dishonoured his majesty , exposed his worke here to much scandall and obloquie , for which wee have cause for ever to bee ashamed , that the lord should yet owne us , and rather correct us in mercy , then cast us off in displeasure , and scatter us in this wildernesse , which gives us cause with mich. 7. to say , who is a god like our god , that pardoneth iniquities , and passeth by the transgressions of the remnant of his heritage ; even because he delighteth in mercy ? though we be a people of many weaknesses and wants , yet wee acknowledge our god to have been to us a god of many mercies , in respect of that sweet peace which he hath taken away from so many nations , yet continuing the same to us ; in respect also of that liberty wee have in gods house , the blessed ministery of the word , the sweet unity and communion of gods churches and ministers , increase and multiplication of churches , christian government in the common-wealth , and many other mercies wee enjoy , but especially the gracious presence of christ to many of our soules in all these . but wee will not insist much upon this subject , being perswaded it is in the consciences and hearts of many of our dear countrey-men to thinke that we should be an object of love and tendernesse to that state and people , by whose laws and unkind usages we were driven out into a wildernesse , rather then to bee judged as desertors of our brethren , and the cause of christ in hand : with whom ( excuse us if we now speak plainly ) it had been far more easie unto many of us to have suffered , then to have adventured hither upon the wildernesse sorrows wee expected to have met withall ; though we must confesse the lord hath sweetned it beyond our thoughts , and utmost expectations of prudent men . but passing by this wee must desire the reader to beare with us a little in removing that apprehension that wee are the great stumbling block in the way of reformation , which ( if it were true ) it had been better we had been driven so farre into this wildernesse , as never to have been heard of more . concerning our affection to this blessed worke of a publique reformation , of the nation in generall , and the particular churches or congregations of the land in particular , ( as it is best knowne to god ) so wee thinke it is not unknowne to men , not onely here by our daily prayers for it , and sometime solemne seekings of god about it ; but also we have given some testimonies thereof both by private letters , and the publique motions of some of gods eminent servants among us tending that way . we conceive two things specially in our doctrine and practise , that may seem to bee stumbling blocks in the way of this publique reformation , which we shall here remove . the first is our practise wherein wee seem so much to differ from the reformed churches , in receiving to our churches onely visible saints and beleevers . this we doe freely confesse that our practise and judgement doe evidence this to all , that we thinke reformation of the church doth not onely consist in purging out corrupt worship , and setting up the true ; but also in purging the churches from such profanenesse and sinfulnesse as is scandalous to the gospel , and makes the lord weary of his owne ordinances , esay 1. and wee doubt not but this was in the hearts of many , ( if not most ) of gods servants , to desire a separation of the precious from the vile , in the dispensing of gods ordinances ; and if the charity of some be of larger extent herein then others , this hinders not agreement in the maine . this day hath discovered what kinde of people are to bee found every where in the parishes of england : can light and darknesse , christ and belial agree together ? popish episcopall enemies and haters of all godlinesse and reformation , cleave together in one church of christ , with the saints of god ? yet neither our doctrine nor practise do prescribe and limit the way of attaining this reformation , whereby any should justly from our example stand off from concurring in such a publique worke . it is true , where there is no church relation , but a people are to begin a new constituting of churches , reformation is to be sought in the first constitution . this is our case . but where corrupted churches , ( such as we conceive the congregations of england generally to be ) are to be reformed , there we conceive that such congregations should bee called by able ministers unto repentance for former evills , and confessing and bewayling their sins , renew a solemn covenant with god to reform themselves , and to submit unto the discipline of christ . by which meanes such as refuse so to doe , exclude themselves , and others by the severity of discipline should bee purged out , if falling into sinne they remaine impenitent in the same . what some particular persons may have said or done contrary to this our profession , wee cannot say , nor doe we justifie , but wee know nothing that hath come from us to the contrary , to weaken the hands of godly reformers , or to perswade the people to separate from the congregations , if by any meanes they might attaine ( with toleration of what can be ) the reformation thereof , with the liberty of gods true worship therein . if indeed that cannot bee obtained , but men contradict and blaspheme them , as paul separated the disciples , so wee see no other remedy the faithfull have in such a case . the second stumbling block may be our doctrine and practise about church-government , when wee give discipline as well as other ordinances to particular churches , not subjecting them to any government out of themselves ; but onely to take the brotherly counsell and helpe one of another . but how this should hinder a generall reformation we see not , for if every church so reforme themselves ( as is aforesaid ) and have such officers over them as the rule of the new testament requires , 1 tim. 3. tit. 2. wee need not feare to betrust the church ( having such officers ) with that power which we conceive christ hath given to the same , other churches watching over them , counselling and admonishing them in the lord. but if there be not such a reformation of the churches , nor such guides set over them , the power of the keyes in a presbytery of such pastors as may not be according to the rule , may as much abuse them as a particular church may doe , and it may be to the hurt of many who would use them better , in their own congregations , then they can in a classis , being over-voted there . and we cannot conceive but both the care of reforming the matter of a church , and the recalling of the power of government to the church , tends much to further this worke of reformation , no way to hinder the same . and if wee might obtaine that of our deare brethren , which wee humbly crave , viz. that our doctrine and practise might be taken candidly according to our plaine meaning , and declarations , and not represented unto the world under such shapes and formes as make it seeme rigid ( all one with the most rigid separatists , donatists , arminians , socinians , &c. ) we should hope that we shall goe for lovers and friends to a godly and generall reformation , not for disturbers of the same ; but the contrary dealing we meet with too too oft through the mistakes of brethren ; this learned author mr. ball , though in the epistle he desired us to rest assured , that although he had conceived such thoughts of us as leaning to separation , yet he would gladly receive every syllable from us that should dislodge such thoughts , yet against our plaine profession sometime he will needs fasten the opinion of separation upon us , and very frequently sets mr. robinson in a parallel with our opinions , ( as if we generally went that way in those things ) which are well known to be the doctrine of many of our godly and best reformers . the learned may plainly see , how easie it had been for us and upon better grounds to have filled our margents with quotations out of papists and prelates as parallel with many passages of this reply , but we have purposely abstained from so doing , that we might not cast any blur or provoke the spirits of brethren . and seeing we are inforced to wipe off such aspersions , we humbly desire our beloved brethren ( whose learned labours wee honour ) to beare with us if we lightly touch this sore , for wee confesse it brings blushing into our faces , and sadnesse to our hearts , to read so often such harsh imputations cast upon us , which we cannot conceive but ( falling from such pens ) they breed a strange loathing of us in the stomachs of many that read bookes without serious examinations thereof . first , how oft doe wee meet with that imputation , that wee make none members of a visible church but such as are really saints and beleevers , contrary to our frequent profession , that visible saints that are such in judgement of charity are fit matter of the church ? secondly , that we make a vocall church oath or covenant , the essentiall forme of a church , when as wee frequently acknowledge that this covenant which constituteth a church , i● either implicite or explicite , and that congregations in england are truly churches having an implicite covenant ; and it is far from our practise to use any oath in our covenant , and strange to us to read so many pages against our church oath , and swearing to a covenant , to make our courses horrid and too too rigorous . thirdly , that we set up a popular government , making the elders of the church no more but moderators , &c. and that ministers receive their power from the people , are their servants , and administer in their name , ( as mr. ball and others object ) when we oft professe the contrary , that all authority ( properly so called ) is in the hands of the elders , and the liberty of the people is to bee carryed in a way of subjection , and obedience to them in the lord : neither doth it follow from any doctrine of ours , no more then from the ordination of pastors by the presbytery , that they are their servants , &c. fourthly , that if a congregation reject a pastor for no fault , they take both nomen & esse , the name and nature of a pastor from him . for this the reader is referred to our answer of the twenty fift question of the thirty two questions sent unto us , where nothing at all is said , but reference is made to our answer to the nine questions , amongst which the seventh being of this very point , our answer is quite contrary to what is imputed to us . our words are these , concerning the minister himselfe thus deposed , &c. we conceive though hee bee by them deprived of the execution of his ministery amongst them , yet untill hee accept of a call to another people , hee still remaine a minister of christ ; in whose account hee hath true right of administration among the people . now if hee remaine a minister of christ , and have true right to administer , let any judge whether wee take away nomen or esse ; or that wee make church censures worke ex opere operato , clave errante , as is also imputed to us . many such mistakes we finde , but let these suffice to informe the reader how wary hee had need bee in receiving such reports against brethren : and this charity wee have cause the more earnestly to crave of all , that they would reserve one eare to heare what their poore out-cast brethren can say for themselves , because wee are placed at such a distance and disadvantage , that oft-times it is not possible for us to take notice of such objections , and return an answer under a yeare or almost two years , whereby satan hath a marvailous advantage to work strange thought● and distastefull affections towards us , and fasten them so deeply that hardly they will bee taken off again . but thus it falleth out too too frequently , that when brethren , otherwise deare to each other , differ in their judgements , and breake out to open contention about the same , they are very apt to make the opinions of the contrary party as unpleasing and absurd to the judgement of others , as may bee , whence griefe , offence , and alienations of affections ( through the subtilty of satan , and the corruption of our hearts ) are ready to follow . and this makes us both fearfull of our selves , lest wee should give way to any unloving thoughts towards the deare servants of christ , or returne any offensive language unto them ; yea , this causeth us oft to bewaile that , which can never bee enough lamented , the sad distances and sharpe contentions between such neare brethren , whom the lord hath so conjoyned in the same cause of reformation . and oh that our deare brethren would beare with us a little here , and give us leave to poure out our humble and affectionate requests and expostulations into their bosomes ! wee would bee very loath to impute any thing to our deare country and beloved brethren that is not evident , or to rip up private failings , and make them publique : but when pulpits and presses proclaime to the world not onely the distances in judgement , but also alienation of affections ; when there is such straining to make the contrary tenents as odious to the world as may bee , such inlarging of differences , as if the wounds could never bee healed ; such gall and vineger poured on , in stead of the salt of savoury speeches , and the oyle of smooth and soft words to calm and pacifie spirits already provoked ; yea , when there want not some that seeke all private letters they can gather up , and search every corner to discover and publish to the world the seeming failings of brethren ; when contentions are grown to that passe , that such orthodox , learned , and godly brethren whose faithfull labours in the lords worke , and great service and use they may be of in time to come , might worthily plead for a roome in the bosomes and inmost affections of their brethren , are cryed out against as not to bee indured in the countrey , because of some difference in some points of discipline : when these things are so , who that have any sense of gods dishonour , or true love to his countreys good , can forbeare from teares , or hold his peace , that have any opportunity to utter his griefe ? wee will not take upon us to say who began this fray , or who have most transgressed the rules of charity and wisedome . the lord give every man an heart that hath failed to bee affected with their owne , and ready to pity and pardon one anothers weaknesses : neither doe wee hereby blame loving and candid debating of differences to finde out the truth ; but give us leave to say thus much to all , ( for our hearts and soules are with all the faithfull servants of christ , that desire according to their light to promote the kingdome of christ jesus , what ever their distance of judgement from us may be ) what , deare brethren , is there no balme in gilead , no physitian to heale this wound ? alasse , how is it now so wide and deep , that at the first was presented to the world so small , or scarce any at all ? when the prelates petitioned for their government , because the reformers were not , nor could ever agree upon one forme : it was professed that in six points ( whereof some are now the greatest bones of contention ) all did agree ; and doubted not but if the prelates were downe , all would agree in one . and was this bare words to put off the prelaticall petition ? or did the author speake without ground at adventures ? god forbid wee should thinke so ; but what the common adversary will think and speak , it would grieve a godly heart to consider . how comes it then to passe the breach is growne so great ? it rejoyced our hearts to see that ingenuous , christian and peaceable disposition in that ever honoured brother mr. herle , who brought the distance in his preface to such a narrow , as if one plaster more might seeme to have healed it ; oh that there had been many more of that peace making spirit ! what heart burnings and contentions had been prevented . wee thought also that me●ke apologetick narration gave a faire opportunity of closing with brethren in such things as they professed to concur in , but what contrary entertainment it found , wee lament to consider . and is it now come to this passe , that these who were in a manner one cannot live together in the same kingdome ? oh the depth of the malice and subtilty of that old serpent ! oh the policy and undermining faculty of the jesuiticall generation , ( who no doubt have a great influence in this division ! ) oh the frailties of flesh and blood in gods dearest saints ! oh the unsearchable depths of the lords eternall counsels , that for holy ends leaves his owne to such temptations , and yet knows how , and will assuredly improve all this to his owne glory , and the lifting up of the name and kingdome of christ in despite of all the gates of hell ; and give his servants once a season to sing together this song of moses and of the lambe in triumph over all their enemies . but what ? is the cause past helpe and remedy ? shall we think , alasse , there is no hope , they will not leave untill they have devoured each other , better for us to say nothing , wee shall bee but censured and slighted of all ? god forbid , have wee ventured thus farre , and shall wee not presume a little further ? oh that we were worthy and fit to propound any thing that might tend to mollifie this sore : or that the lord himselfe would speake by such poore creatures any word in season to helpe ( at least a little ) in this sad case ! we will not , deare brethren , make this long epistle more tedious by presenting unto you all that might be said to move and perswade your hearts to study peace and unity , and with one shoulder to set your selves to further this blessed worke of publique reformation , for which the lord hath put such an opportunity into your hands , as never was the like , and god knows , whether ever it will bee , if this bee slipped . wee are perswaded , when the heate of contention is laid aside , the blessed spirit of christ in you doth secretly suggest arguments enough unto your hearts . doe you not oft heare such whisperings as these . are they not brethren who differ from us ? hath ●ot the lord received them ? doe they not stand or fall to their own master , and how shall wee reject or judge them ? have we not our ignorances and frailties ? what , is there no consolation in christ , no comfort of love , no fellowship of the spirit ? or if so , should not this perswade us to bee of one minde in the lord ? doe wee not hope to live in heaven together , and shall wee stand at such distances here ? shall wee thus suffer peace to goe from us , and not follow and pursue it ? shall we lose the blessing of peace-makers ? shall wee by such differences , thus gratifie satan , jesuites , prelates , &c. and strengthen their hands by weakening our owne ? are we not in the high-way to devoure each other , and expose all to ruine ? is it not high time for us that are one in the orthodox truth , to joyne heart and hand to pray , and preach , and write as one , to stop the flood-gate of errours and abominations that satan hath set open to the drowning of many soules , and the hazzard of many of the sheep of christ , whiles wee are contending about some matters of order which though they bee of moment , yet must give way unto . more fundamentall truths ; and oh that this mischief were sufficiently laid to heart , and the dangerous spreadings of such gangrenes looked to in season ! what will not all our vowes , covenants and solemne oaths binde us together ? these and many such heart-breaking considerations wee doubt not are before your eyes daily , which therefore wee will not inlarge . onely give us leave to propound what we conceive in our weake judgement might somewhat tend to heale this distance . wee confesse wee stand farre from the marke , and may misse the matter , but if we doe , let our well-meaning bee accepted , and our weaknesse pardoned . two things , as we touched before , we conceive keep our deare brethren from closing together in one to promote the publique and generall reformation . first , that point of reformation which concernes the members of the churches , and here wee feare the distance at present is great . for when it 's thought , on the one hand , that there is no need of sending godly preachers to the ignorant and prophane parishes to instruct them , humble them , and prepare them for a gracious reformation , but that pastors ( if they could bee found ) should bee sent to them , and minister to them as they are , if they will but joyne in the nationall covenant , as most have done , ( for we see no other required ) and when godly pastors may not have power to try their people whether they can examine themselves , discerne the lords body , and walke according to christ , before they admit them to the lords table , nor may exclude them but upon some scandalous evill , which seemes short of that which even the common-prayer-booke did allow . considering in what a state multitude of parishes are in england , how full of malignants , atheists , prophane wretches , &c. wee must needs acknowledge it will bee very hard for the godly to satisfie their consciences in such church-communion , or godly pastors to minister unto their parishes in such a state , and therefore wee cannot wholly condemn such ministers and people as have been gathered into congregations if there were no hope of remedy in this case . secondly , on the other hand , when some shall gather out of many congregations the most godly and able christians into severed churches , wee must acknowledge it may occasion grief to the ministers of such congregations . but is there no middle way wherein according to god these two might meet ? wee suppose there is . if the lord would vouchsafe to help his people in these few things . 1 is it not possible to obtaine of that ever renowned parliament , not onely such liberty for godly pastors , and their churches to debarre from the lords table such as are not qualified according to the former description of the reverend assembly ; but also all favour and furtherance from authority to purge out of the church all such according to rule , that live impenitently in any known sinne and scandalous evill ? we cannot doubt but that if brethren would agree with one heart to petition the same , such as have done so worthily many things for purging the house of god , would also promote this needfull point of reformation . 2 if all the godly ministers would joyne as one man , and take unto them the zeale of john bap. thundering out the direfull wrath of god against the pride , vanity , luxury , prophanenesse , and late swarmes of monstrous errors , ( the usuall tares accompanying reformation ) and other sinnes of the time , to lay all levell before the lord ; and with holy calvin , resolve to suffer their hands to bee cut off rather , then to deliver that holy seale of grace to the openly wicked and impenitent sinner ; how would the lord goe out with his servants , and cut downe sin by the sharpe sword of his word , and severity of discipline , if all joyned together ? whereas we feare sin and prophanenesse will out-stare all godly pastors , when they stand so much divided . 3 if these things being obtained and agreed , all godly ministers and christians , which are the salt of the earth , and might by the blessing of god season the congregations wherein they live , they would not cast them off , or withdraw from them , till first by publike and private admonitions and exhortations they had convinced them of sin , and sought by all good meanes their reformation . whereby some no doubt might be gained , and what a blessed worke were that ? and as for others that prove obstinate and impenitent , there would bee just cause of rejecting them from the ordinances and society of the church ; or if this part of the kingdom of christ would not be born in congregations , with how much peace and satisfaction to their owne soules , and to the consciences of all , should such godly ministers and people withdraw themselves from them , to a nearer communion one with another ? and shall wee not hope that england is capable of such a reformation as this , if gods faithfull ministers would with one heart and mind endeavour the same ? farre , farre be it from our deare countrey , after all those notable steps unto reformation , that it should stick in this , which is the life of all the rest . but if it should bee so , that either the great ones should bee too big to stoope downe to the lord jesus in the wayes of his wholsome discipline ; or the multitude so carnall , worldly , wilfull , prophane , impenitent , as not to reforme themselves , families , and so their congregations , humbly submitting to the rule of christ ; or if the ministers ( at least , most of them ) should looke at preferment , honour , credit , riches , authority over the people , and not minde such a work as this is : and this , after all the heavy , humbling , dreadfull judgements of god come upon the land ; after all the glorious out-breakings of the light of the gospel in many parts of the kingdome ; after all the protestations , covenants , oaths , whereby so many have bound themselves to this particular reformation of themselves , and to further the reformation of the publique ; wee tremble to speake it , but our hearts cannot but feare it , that woe , woe , woe will bee to poore sinfull england . it seemes to us to bee a propheticall speech of mr. brinsly , long since at rest with god , when lamenting the prophanenesse of england , with their connivence at popery , and complyance with the wicked ; he saith , that if the lord of hosts doe call for them , ( meaning the popish faction ) to rise up against us in new conspiracies , or open violence , and with them all the crew of wicked and ungodly men , in whom we have so delighted , to take part with those to our destruction , ( as they , it is to bee feared , will be as outragious as the other against all soundly fearing god ) is it not just ? yea if hee should let them make it bellum prodigorum , the day of all the spend-thrifts , and of all the vile persons of the land , to have their fingers in every mans coffers , and their hands washed in the blood of them , whom they have hated , so soon as ever any of the babylonish designes shall take their effect , could wee wonder at it ? and is not this fulfilled in these times ? which wee wish may well bee laid to heart . the second thing which wee conceive may chiefly hinder this closing , is that point of church government , which concernes the power and liberties of particular churches or congregations , and here wee must acknowledge the distance is too great . for on the one side , wee cannot see either by treatises , or by the directory for worship , that congregations are acknowledged to bee compleat churches , especially standing among other churches , or that any power or liberty is given to them to administer church censures , no not so long as they administer rightly according to the rule , but all such power is taken indeed from the churches , though in words they are perswaded that it is to strengthen them ; and if this also come down from the catholick church , and so to lesser synods , the greater part having power over the lesse , as it were jure divino , it will strike sore at the liberties and power of particular churches . but what here to say of the distance on the other hand , wee cannot tell , wee see or read nothing , but that our deare and honoured brethren doe freely imbrace communion of churches in consultative synods , for the brotherly helpe of each other , and the weaker churches ; yea , and in a doctrinall way to declare the will of christ , and to threaten his judgements against such as shall refuse wholsome counsell , and withdraw communion from such as wilfully refuse to heare what is propounded according to the minde of christ . and what should we here say ? but on the bended knees of our soules intreat our reverend brethren to consider what power any or many churches can challenge over another , to require them to give up their right to them , to rule in common , if a sister church furnished with officers shall refuse the same ; or what rule bindeth the churches of an hundred , or any such civill division to come into such a combination with those churches , rather then others , if that refusing , churches have just reasons to object against such churches , or their officers . we think the more voluntary and free such consociations are , the better : here we shall be bold to propound this one thing , viz. why may not the fifth and sixth articles of agreement publikely professed to the world , in answer to the prelaticall petition , obtaine amongst our brethren , that it may appeare to the disappointment of their hopes , that the prelates being downe , the agreement would be easie , as is there said . viz. ar. 5. each particular church hath her owne power and authority , and the use and benefit of all the ordinances of christ ; neither is there any thing to be done without the expresse or tacit consent of the congregation , in matters which are proper and peculiar to a particular church , whether in election or ordination of ministers , or in admitting or excommunicating of members . ar. 6. it is in many respects expedient both for the members of each church , whether ministers or people , and for the right governing and well-being of the particular churches , in a nation professing christian religion , that besides their particular assemblies and elderships , they meet by their ▪ commissioners , ministers , and elders in greater assemblies , that matters that concern all the churches within their bounds respective may with common advice and consent be agreed upon for their good and edification . and we hope the lord may yet have such a mercy for england , if the crying sins thereof bee not still impenitently against this glorious shining light of the gospel , persisted in , which wee confesse is our greatest feare , godly brethren wee hope would agree , if englands sins hinder not . we confesse it was the saddest newes that this yeare came unto our eares , that the kingdome of christ is hardly like to obtaine , so much jealousie there is , lest the discipline of christ should , crosse ▪ the licentionsnesse of this age ; yea , that generally there is no more regard of the solemn covenant , especially in personall reformation , then if it were never made , that many reject the reformations they seemed to desire at the first . these , with other sad things come to our eares , which sadden our spirits . oh england ! england ! our beloved england ! wilt thou not be made cleane ? when will it once bee ? wilt thou still return the lord jesus , ( graciously striving with thee for to save thee ) such an unkind answer , we will not have this man reigne over us ? hast thou not yet learned so much wisdom , as to kisse the son , no not now when he is angry and the sword in his hand ? that voice of god soundeth oft in our eares , when wee thinke of england , put off thine ornaments , that i may know what to doe unto thee ; but for ought we heare , the pride of england did never so much testifie to their faces as now , when sackcloth and ashes were more suitable . the lord humble the hearts of our deare countrey-men , or else wee feare the yoake of christ will never be born , and how the lord jesus will beare and indure that , we tremble to think . but what doe we thus to take upon us , and let loose our pen so far ? pardon , we beseech you , christian reader , this seeming boldnesse , it is our hearty affection to the peace and prosperity of our deare countrey , and the saints of god in it , that have drawn these things from us . say not , what calling have these thus to admonish and censure us ? censure we doe not , ( that we would doe onely to our selves ) but faithfully to admonish and exhort in the lord , we hope we may presume . neither have we taken upon us this whole weighty worke , of our owne minds , but at the request and call of divers our reverend brethren , whose voice herein we looked upon as the voice of god ; nor have wee accepted that call , out of any lust we have to contend , or enter the lists of disputation with any . wee love the peace of the churches , and unity and concord with all our deare and godly brethren too well , to have any such ends . and though wee are not unwilling to receive and consider any returne that may bee made , and we hope with a mind to submit to the truth ; yet wee must professe two things chiefly inclined us to undertake this worke . first , to cleare up such truths as we conceive to bee according to the minde of christ , which were obscured by this reply . secondly , ( and that especially ) hoping that what wee should write , would tend rather to a peaceable healing of offences and differences , then otherwise ; and therefore have presumed to preface thus farre , and so to present these our affectionate requests to our deare brethren , and country-men , which wee heartily recommend to their serious consideration , and to the blessing of god , who onely can incline the hearts of men , to attend to any thing of god set before them ; though wee bee the meanest and weakest of many , to take upon us , thus to speake to our deare country-men , yet through the grace of christ who put us into the ministery , we have bestowed a great part of our labour in these parts , neither ( we hope ) altogether in vaine ; which makes us somewhat the more engaged and encouraged to write as we doe . and now having thus farre in this epistle , and in the booke following , testified our love to the truth , and desires of the peace , unity , reformation , and prosperity of our beloved england , and the churches of god therein , wee commend both to the consideration of the reader , and all to the grace and blessing of christ jesus , and rest . from new-england , novemb. 28. 1645. tho. allin , tho. shepard . advertisements to the reader . to the epistle of the author of this reply wee say nothing , because it savours ( for the most part ) of love and desire of unity , which we thankfully acknowledge ; onely we cannot but take notice of two passages . 1 a complaint made against some standing affected new-england ward , who have carryed it so , as if a chiefe part of holinesse consisted in separation ; and that therefore some have separated from all private and publique communion there ; others from all publique , but not from private ; others from the sacraments onely , allowing publique communion otherwise . to which wee answer , that as the church fell by degrees into universall pollution , by the apostasie foretold to bee under the man of sin ; so by degrees it recovers out of it againe : if therefore separation reach no farther then separation from sinnes , and such sinnes of churches wherein our selves in joyning with them must bee involved , wee suppose such separation ( all due respect and love reserved and professed to the churches themselves ) cannot justly bee accounted unwarrantable ; and 't is the profession of the author in his epistle , to plead for communion with the churches of christ , no farther then they hold communion with christ : if any transgresse these bounds , either in respect of private or publique communion in england , wee must professe openly , that if any mourn for it , wee are ( or would bee ) companions with them in that griefe . whose heart bleeds not to see gods flock scattered , and needlesse rents made ? that scarce truth or errour can now adayes bee received , but it is maintained in a way of schisme ; directly contrary to the gathering and uniting spirit of jesus christ : a wide conscience calls evill , good , and therefore can communicate with any evill ; a strait conscience cals good , evill , ( as gerson observes ) and therefore can readily separate even from that which is good . when rash and sudden men are grown masters of their consciences , it troubles not them from whom they divide , nor whither they run in separate wayes ; when weak ( yet godly men ) are under the tendernesse , ( yet much darknesse ) of conscience , being very timorous of wayes that are evill , grow many times shy ( at least in simplicity are led ) from wayes that afterward are found to be lawfull and good . 't is the usuall misery of english spirits , either to spin the spiders web , and swallow down all corruptions in churches ; or so to breake downe the gap in forsaking corruptions utterly to abandon the churches themselves : the wine of causelesse separation hath a spirit in it , ( if god graciously prevent not ) that hurries men headlong to strange distances , that in separating from publique , they separate from private ; in separating from corrupt churches ( as no churches ) they separate from the purest , even those of their own ; in separating from pollutions of gods ordinances , at last they fall to the storming of some , if not to the utter renouncing of all the ordinances themselves : we mourne ( wee say ) for such evills , and could with bended knees desire our deare countrey-men to consider , whether this bee the spirit of christ jesus that so carries them ; to reject them whom the lord jesus hath not yet wholly forsaken ; and not rather with one heart , and with bowells of compassion ( if any liberty can bee procured ) to study how to heale the bleeding breaches , and manifold evills of sick and sinfull england , that in their owne recovery from pollutions , the whole may arise and share alike with them therein ; tolerating with all long-suffering many things amisse , & mourning daily after the lord , till such times come wherein he wil give his people his ordinances , not only in purity , but also in power ; when the lord shall be one , and his name one , zach. 14. 9. over all the earth . as for our selves , wee look not upon our departure to these parts to be a separation ( rigidly taken ) but a lawfull secession , or a heavenly translation from corrupt to more pure churches , by the hand of our god ; and how far we allow of separation , the ensuing treatise will declare . 2 the second is , that we dissent one from another as much as others from us , and perhaps the lesser part of us . answ . we confesse we know but little , and that but in part , and therefore if we should say , that in some things we did not dissent , we should not speak the truth , nor say that we were sinfull men ; yet this we must speak to his praise whose we are , and whom we serve with our spirits in the gospel of his son ; that although satan hath been oft busie to make breaches among us , yet the ministers of christ have been hitherto generally ( if not all ) of one heart and mind in the maine and principall things of his kingdom amongst us : and ( which is observed by many ) where ever differences are sown , yet the ministers never disagree : and that although some differences have and doe arise before their convening together , yet they never yet met , but grace hath over-wrestled corruption ; peace , trouble ; and truth , errour ; and so have most sweetly accorded in one ; the thoughts of which christ-like peaceablenesse of spirit and love , as it oft sweetens many other sorrows , so we desire to bee spared herein , and that this our crowne may not bee taken from us by such passages , ( suggesting great differences ) as these be . now for the reply it self , we desire the reader to consider , that we had neither time , nor bookes ready at hand to consider some of the quotations made in the margent ; and therfore being such testimonies as cast not the ballance one way or another , we have passed most of them by with silence . it had also been easie for us to have analysed more orderly the words of the reply , then as they are set downe ; but ( because we would not doe the least wrong ) we have set them down as we finde them in the book ; not every passage ( for that were needlesse ) but those things wherein there seemes to bee any observable matter of dispute between us ; nor are we conscious of doing the author the least wrong in setting down his own words , as hereafter you find them . we confesse , that in sundry of our answers , we have studied not onely to answer to the reply , but have taken in what sundry others godly learned object against our principles , but without mentioning ( scarce any time ) their names , of which we are sparing for no other reason , but because we honour the men from our very hearts , and could wish ( though differently minded from us in some things ) as melanchthon did in another the like case , to live and die in their bosomes . the name of this servant of christ now asleep , is an oyntment poured out and precious to us ; we could therefore have wisht it our portion to have answered the booke without the least reflecting upon him , but the necessity herein is unavoydable . this onely we adde , that whatever weaknesses may passe from us , let them not bee imputed to those servants of christ , that set us on work , and have wanted leisure to review what is here done ; every one may not bee in all things of the same mind with us , for they may meet us in the same end , though they use not the same arguments , or become followers of us in the same path ; yet we know wee are not alone in any thing , but may safely say thus much , that what is here defended , is generally acknowledged and received in these churches of christ . a defence of the nine positions . chap. i. concerning the title . whereas it is called a new church-way ; wee little expected that brethren studious of reformation , who have been so exercised with imputations of novelty , would have so readily , and in the frontispice cast the same upon us , who with them desire to walk in the first wayes of our lord jesus christ and his holy apostles ; but as in most substantiall points of church-order , wee goe along with the best reformed churches , so wee doubt not to make it good that wherein wee ( pressing after further reformation ) seeme to differ from them ; yet wee build upon scripture grounds acknowledged by many godly and learned reformers , in our english and other reformed churches : which , if the lord have in mercy given us further light , ( or rather opportunity to practise ) then they had , let it not bee imputed to us for novelty . a new edition of the old church-way of godly reformers , in some things perhaps corrected and amended , is no new church-way ; or if it be thought the mending of some crooks in the old way make a new way , wee answer with junius in a case not unlike ; vteunque novam esse videatur , attamen quaecunque sunt vetera , fuerunt nova , ac non propterea novitati● nomine vitiosa , nisi forte novam pro renovatâ & restitutâ accipitis ; quo sensu novam esse hanc viam agnoscimus . one thing more in the title page the reader is to take notice of , that whereas it is said , this treatise of mr. ball was penned a little before his death , and sent over 1637. it seemes to bee a mistake of the printer ; for the nine questions themselves were sent over 1636 , the answer returned 38 , but miscarrying , another was sent 39. from which time wee longingly expected a return , but partly for the reason rendred in the epistle , and what else wee know not , wee never in so many yeares received any , till this printed reply by a friends meanes came occasionally to our hands , 1644. concerning the epistle to the reader . whereas the publishers of this treatise impute unto us , or some related to our cause , that we are the volunteers , such as cry up this way , and forward to blow such things abroad in the world , which pressed them to make this controversie publique . 1 wee may truly professe before the world , that our epistle sent with our former answer , proceeded from a spirit of love and peace , with an humble willingnesse to receive further light by the holy and just animadversions of our reverend and beloved brethren , which wee earnestly expected as men searching after the truth . 2 that wee were altogether ignorant of the printing of that our answer ; and in that it was published then , was not without our utter dislike ; wee have neither sounded trumpet , nor struck up drum to any ( if any such ) volunteers , wee heartily grieve that there are any differences between brethren , much more that they should bee published ; most of all , if before they bee privately debated , and brought to some head by mutual consent , are thought fit to be sent out to publique considerations . 3 for our brethren in england , we know no reason to question the truth of that apology of our brother , mr. thomas weld , in his answer to w. r. pag. 2. obj. 3. answ . 1. where he professeth in the name of himselfe and others of our way , a lothnesse to appeare in the case , and that although they had bookes of this subject ready for the presse , yet by joint consent they suppressed them , ( happily to the detriment of the cause ) being unwilling to blow a fire ; and whether they appeared in pulpit or presse without instigation , and how sparingly , hee appeales to all the godly to judge . 4 lastly , wee desire our brethren to consider the date of mr. ball his booke printed for stinted liturgies , ( one chiefe part of this controversie ) and the printed answer to the nine questions , and let that resolve the question , who of us came first volunteers into the field ; and if any through weaknesse , or zeale without knowledge , have been too clamorous to cry up new-england way , with reproach to others ; wee desire the world to take notice , that they have neither patent nor patterne from us so to doe , who came not hither proudly to censure others , but to reforme our owne . chap. ii. qu. 1. that a stinted forme of prayer and set liturgie i● unlawfull . reply . this position cannot beare that meaning which you give it , if you take it according to our minds , and the plaine construction of the words . we never questioned why you made not use of a liturgie , &c. answ . let our answer bee viewed , and it will appeare that wee had just cause to premise those distinctions of formes of prayer into private and publike ; and publike into such as are imposed by others , or composed and used by ministers themselves before their sermons ; otherwise we must have involved such in the position , as wee doe not condemn . now if your generall thesis justly admit such limitation to publike imposed formes , where shall wee finde any set stinted imposed liturgies , but in churches of the papacy or prelacy ? no reformed churches stinting or imposing their formes of prayer , but leaving ministers and people at much liberty . onely the english liturgy therefore is such , according to the plaine construction of the words . 2 concerning your minds in the position , wee deny not but you might intend to draw from us an approbation of stinted liturgies in generall , that so you might have to stay the separation of people from your liturgy , whereof you complaine : but by that it appeares plainly , what your chiefe scope and ayme was in the position : according unto which wee thought it most safe and pertinent for us to answer . and this wee did the rather , for our reason mentioned in our letter , because though all of us could not concurre to condemne all set formes as unlawfull , yet wee could in this , viz. that though some set forms may bee lawfull , yet it will not follow , that this of the english liturgy is , therefore to remove all obscurities , and breake all snares , and resolve the question in the true intent of it , wee were forced to distinguish of formes , and so touch the true helena of this controversie ; and therefore if any shall narrowly observe mr. ball his large defence of set forms in generall , they shall finde those wings spread forth in a very great breadth , to give some shelter and warmth to that particular liturgie , then languishing , and hastening ( through age and feeblenesse ) towards its last end . reply . it is true , people separate from our liturgie , because stinted , not because this , or that , or ours in particular . answ . if because it's stinted , then because yours , for we know none properly such , but yours , and it may well bee one offence to all godly consciences , that yours are so imposed and stinted as they bee : though it is hardly credible to us , ( so farre as our observation reach ) that the main causes of the godly withdrawing from your liturgy , should be the stinting of it , when so many corruptions in matter and forme have been objected against it , by the best godly reformers . and seeing the same persons will joyne with prayers of godly preachers , though they use the same forme of prayer usually , and so in a large sense freely stinting themselves thereto , though not properly in such sense as your liturgy is stinted . reply . but say you , such set formes used by preachers are disliked also , and your reasons , especially the two last , why you admit not a stinted liturgie , conclude against both in our understanding . answ . wee deny not but some may dislike the constant use of such formes , especially when studiously framed with elegancy of phrases , and as the manner of some is ; but doe any we now speak of , condemne all use thereof ? or withdraw from them that use them ? which is now the case in hand : for our parts , wee neither know such men ; or if we did , we should condemn such minds . as for our reasons in generall , or the two last you mention in particular , it passeth our understanding to conceive , how any such inference can bee made ; if the reply had formed the inferences from our arguments , it may bee wee should have seene more by the helpe of such spectacles . but passing over what we say to the position , as we interpret it , you think fit to advertise us of some things , which are ●ix . reply . advert . 1. your reasons why you accept not a stinted liturgie , are ambiguously propounded , and so , that such as looke at stinted liturgies as images , forbidden command . 2. may easily draw your words to their meaning . answ . if our reasons themselves being sound , and unanswered by you , contain any thing that may be drawn to such a position ; that cannot arise from the ambiguousnesse of words which are plaine , but from their abuse who mis-apply them . reply . advert . 2. the reasons you bring against a set forme of prayer , doe hold as strong against a set forme of catechisme , confession and profession of faith , blessing , baptizing , and singing of psalmes . answ . 1 concerning forms of catechismes , and confessions of faith , if religiously and perspicuously framed , wee account them of singular use , ( though abused by men ) nor without some sacred allowance : yet from hence to infer the like use of set formes of prayers , neither our reasons , nor any other will in force : for catechismes and confessions ( as well as psalmes ) in the nature of the thing , require in some sense a set and limited forme ; but publike prayers , though they may admit of a set and comely order in the generall , to prevent errour ; yet of their owne nature they require no set forme ; for god gives us no new matter or doctrine daily to be beleeved , but he gives new matter of new affection in prayer daily . 2 if by set forms of catechismes and confessions , bee meant ( according to the termes of the question ) stinted formes , like stinted liturgies , i. e. beyond , or short of which , ministers may not teach , or christians beleeve and professe , then wee should say the same of these as wee doe of stinted formes of prayer ; wee confesse there is danger in casting by all formes of confessions and catechismes , lest through the instability of ungrounded and heady men , pretending new light , or searching after further light , the churches adhere to nothing : and their faith ( as the learned leyden professors terme it ) become fides h●raria , or menstrua , the faith of an houre or moneth , and then cast it off the next . and on the other side there is danger , that by imposing such confessions too far , that which is indeed further light be supprest ; wee therefore thinke it usefull and needfull to pave out such high wayes of catechismes and confessions , so as the subjects of christ jesus our king and law-giver may walke therein without shackles , reserving liberty for further future light , in points lesse cleare , yet standing in a readinesse alwayes to confesse and hold fast the present truth which appeares most cleare . 3 concerning forms of blessing , baptizing , singing scripture psalmes , there is a far differing reason from this case , for the lord himselfe hath left us formes in these cases , not onely for instruction , but allowing the use of the same , as numb . 6. 23 , &c. luke 10. 5. matth. 28. 20. 2 chron. 29. 30. and therefore such may bee used as hee hath left ; yet the lord hath not imposed ( some of these at least ) to bee used alwayes and onely in his churches , much lesse doth hee allow any man to impose their own forms upon his churches , or conforme to such as are tyrannously imposed . reply . third advert . we have not called you at this time to witnesse for , or against the corruptions of the common-prayer-book , this you fall upon by straining the sense of our demands . answ . wee have spoken to this before , and we thinke whatsoever your intent and desire was , yet the nature of the thing , and the case it selfe gave us a just call to testifie against it , especially seeing the corruptions then increased in england , and the impositions were more rigid and violent . reply . the reasons you bring against the communion-booke , wee cannot approve them all ; the exceptions against it wee know , but to esteem the whole for some corruptions found therein a monument of idolatry , that we have not learned . answ . the answer calls it not a monument of idolatry for some corruptions onely found in it , though the corruptions in matter and manner , bee objected as the first reason why wee used it not ; but being never commanded of god , greatly abused unto idolatry and superstition , and o● no necessary use , the same that was in popery for substance , which are the usuall arguments for abolishing images , ceremonies , and all monuments of idolatry ; and wee marvaile how any could passe over these things in the answer which might evince it to bee a monument of idolatry , as the argument of the abridgement to which we referred , doth prove . reply . the argument in the abridgement used against conformity to the ceremonies , did not in the judgement of the authors bold against the liturgie , of which judgement we are . answ . it matters not whether they saw so far , and so judged , if indeed the reason and nature of ceremonies , and the book be the same ; for the first reformers thought their arguments strong against oyle , creame , and spittle , &c. in baptisme , but saw not that they would hold against the crosse , surplice , &c. as well ; yet we doubt not but the reverend author did judge of all in the same manner ; and so it is in this case . reply . advert . 4. if these reasons bee intended onely to shew why you receive not our forme of administration , it is that which wee are perswaded you know we never required of you , if to disallow the use of the book amongst us altogether in things lawfull , good , and pertinent , they will not hold weight . answ . 1 wee were told in the first epistle of our reverend and deare brethren , that whiles wee lived in england , wee joyned in the same ordinances and purity of worship , and therefore wee might have some just cause to cleare up our differing practise from disusing that forme of administration there , considering that our differing practise might occasion others to rend off from your administrations there , whereof you complain . 2 we doubt not but in the popish forms of masse , matten , and evensong , &c. some things lawfull , good , and pertinent may bee found , yet would not the godly allow these very reasons wee alledge in the answer sufficient to refuse the whole forme , and so those good and lawfull things in that forme ? as that they are devised by men , without the command of god , imposed by an antichristian power , abused to idolatry and superstition , wherein the people place much holinesse , and necessity , full of scandall , &c. and if these reasons do not hold against this forme in the communion booke , the reply should have acquited it from them : or else the consequence must bee yeelded in this case , as in the other , notwithstanding all the good and pertinent things therein . john sim●son , and john ardly martyrs in q. maries dayes , and faithfull witnesses , made answer to the sixt article of bonner , concerning the masse , that 't is of the pope , not of christ , and therefore not good , not having in it any goodnesse , saving gloria in excelsis , the epistles and gospels , the creed and pater noster ; and for this cause ( they said ) they have not , nor will not come to heare masse : the same answer was made by six more in those dayes , mentioned by mr. fox . if therefore corrupt formes may bee used because of some things good and lawfull mixt with them , there should have been shewn us some proofe for it , but if the meaning bee , that there may bee a lawfull use of those things which are lawfull and good in it : wee say so too , ( due circumstances of their use being observed ) but then wee fall off from the question between us ; otherwise wee know that things lawfull and good in themselves , yet ( not duly circumstantiated ) may be evill and scandalous in their use . heare what paul saith , it was lawfull for paul to eate some kindes of meat , yet if it maketh my brother offend , i will eate no flesh whiles the world standeth , 1 cor. 8. 13. heare what the authors of the second admonition to the parliament say , in queen elizabeths dayes , the booke of common-prayer , which of all others must not bee touched , because they have gotten the state to beare it out , yet hee hath but a bad conscience , that in this time will hold his peace , and not speake it for feare of trouble ; knowing that there are such intolerable abuses in it : if there were never an ill word or sentence in all the prayers , yet to appoint it to bee used , or to use it , as the papists did their mattens and evensong , as a fit service to god , though the words bee good , yet the use is naught . but if this seem too sharpe , heare what — a late godly and learned writer speakes , rejicimus ill as precum , cultusque publici formulas , quae tyrannide quâdam , conscientiis hominum , ut ●ultus divini partes essentiales impo●●ntur ; quamvis quoad materiam sunt legitime dispositae , quoad formam & modum tamen quo inducuntur , illegitima crudelit●tis instrumenta fiunt , & praetextus improbae malitiae & occasiones violentae tyrannidis in dignissimos & optimos ecclesiae filios . reply . advert . 5. you are generally ( you say ) loath to meddle with the affaires of other churches , unlesse necessarily called thereunto : but when some upon request ( as we suppose ) of private friends , and others out of their zeal and forwardnesse have laboured to draw many to separate from the sacrament , because ministred in a stinted liturgie , wee cannot apprehend any just ground of this apologie ; the rent is wide , and some brethren bad their hands deep therein , which made u● crave your judgements and the reasons thereof , to make up the breach . answ . 1 what you impute to some , if justly , wee grant will not allow this apologie to bee generall for all ; but how many that some is , or who we know not , it may bee one or two ; and if so , one or two exceptions will not much infringe a generall rule , nor hinder this generall apology . 2 if such brethren had a necessary call to speake or write what they did , it hindreth not our apologie at all : the desire of private friends , which you onely suppose the moving cause , might bee very weighty , the satisfying of tender consciences of neare friends , or such as once depended upon our ministery , in such a time of pressing humane inventions upon men , as that was ; might bee a very urgent call to interpose : but that any have endeavoured out of zeale to draw many to separation from the sacrament , upon such a ground as you say ; as we utterly dislike such fire upon the top of the house , so it must be proved , before we can call to minde or acknowledge any such thing . reply . advert . 6. j. d. object to mr. p. that his manner of preaching ( proceeding it should be ) was disorderly , in carrying to the classis a matter , before hee had declared it to the church , &c. and may not we with like reason object that this manner of proceeding is disorderly , in seeking to draw men to separation , because of a stinted liturgie , before you had shewed us or other brethren , whom it may concren , by scripture , or reasons that a stinted liturgie is unlawfull ? answ . what j. d. objects , wee cannot tell , seeing you neither quote the place , nor the printer give us his words in any way to make sense ; but so far as we guesse at the meaning , the case is very wide from this in hand . j. d. might justly complaine of wrong offered to him and the church , in neglecting them , to goe immediately to the classis , and yet some of our brethren , at the requests of tender consciences , might declare their judgement , when no rule called them to write to their pastors , which perhaps , were bitter persecutors , or if better , yet such as they had no knowledge of ; and if any by such writings did abstaine from the sacrament for such corruptions , as their consciences would be defiled with , no hinderance from us was in the way , but that you might call them to account before the church , and convince and censure them , if there were just cause ; which was the objection against mr. p. in flying presently to the classis . chap. iii. 2 position . that it is not lawfull to joyne in prayer , or receive the sacraments , where a stinted liturgie is used : or , as wee conceive your meaning to bee in this as in the former , &c. viz. where and when that stinted liturgie is used . reply . if we mistake not your judgement and practise both , you have born witnesse against both that you call the rigid separation , and this more moderate also ; and wee humbly wish that the moderate doe not degenerate into the rigid ere long ; it is very strange if they take not great encouragement upon your grounds . answ . if you will needs account not joyning in that stinted imposed liturgy , to bee a moderate separation , wee must confesse , we have witnessed against such separation ; yea , not onely conformed to that corrupt worship , but also to divers of the ceremonies thereof , some of us with shame before the lord may confesse it : but we desire that may be no prejudice to the truth since discovered to us : but wee have ever conceived , that the separation witnessed against , both by your selves and us , have been such as to separate from the churches of england as no true churches , the ministery , as no true ministery : their separations from corruptions in doctrine and worship , their endeavour to enjoy all the ordinances of the lord jesus in purity , if wee bee not mistaken , your judgement and practise with ours , have alwayes approved ; and the question now in hand is not about a new kinde of separation more moderate , from the churches and ministery of england ; but whether the liturgy of england be not indeed one of those corruptions in worship , which you and wee had need reject , as well as the ceremonies , and no longer conforme to the same . and wee heartily wish that the growing endeavours of the godly , after more purity of worship , and to bee purged from all the pollutions of the man of sinne , bee not too rashly branded with the odium of separation : and breach of peace and unity of the church . as for degenerating into the rigid separation , wee think you need not feare it , upon our principles , no more then upon the common grounds of non-conformists , and you know what they inferre upon those principles , now justly it concernes you to consider , as well as us ; but as it is truly observed in england , it was the justification and pressing of ceremonies and other corruptions , that drave many to separation , not the endeavour of further reformation ; so you may feare , the too too much conformity of ministers to humane impositions , and justification of the liturgie , &c. have and will more dangerously alienate godly minds from your churches and ministery , and so drive to separation ; then all the principles and progresse of the godly in wayes of reformations : and wee shall refer it to the judicious and common experience , whether the discovery of the corrupt worship in the liturgy , or contrary conformity to it , be the greater block of offence , and strengthens the hands of the separatists most , which yet you after object unto us . wee suppose the worthies of this renowned parliament , together with those of the reverend assembly , would not so soone have removed the whole frame and fabrick of this book , nor wholly stopped up this pit , if building of battlements about it , and keeping watchmen neare it , to bid passengers take heed , had been the readiest way to cure separation : nor doe wee thinke that this reverend man of god , would have been in more jealousie and feare of us ( if hee had considered how tenderly we returned our answer to the question ) then of those faithfull witnesses in scotland , who separated their lives into the hands of death , rather then communicate in the use of this booke ; and yet wee thinke they deserve a better place , then to bee ranked so neare to the rigid separation ; notwithstanding for our selves we are heartily thankfull for what he humbly wisheth , and for his jealousie over us so farre as it is godly ; but so farre as such wishes cast a cloud of evill suspition over us in the hearts of others , as if we were going faster then we knew where to stay , we wish humbly such words had been spared till some other time . concerning this distinction , a letter of this subject is cited , printed without the authors knowledge , that put a difference indeed between the reasons of the separatists proper to them qua tales , and other reasons used by himself , common to others studious of reformation . to which we answer . 1 that letter acknowledgeth no such distinction of separation , rigid , and moderate , onely ( if you will ) a separation from churches , and separation from the sins and corruptions of churches , which latter is all we professe . 2 those reasons which the letter ascribes to them , qua tales , will wee suppose bee found in their books thus farre , that the prayers , preachings , sacraments , &c. are unlawfull , because offered in a false church by a false ministery for the subjects of antichrists kingdome . that there should be no separatists in the world , because none , it is said none , pl●ad against the booke of common-prayer as unlawfull , because offered up in a false church ; is strange to us , that this learned author should not read or observe the same , exceeding frequently in the separatists writings ; take but a taste in the first pages of mr. smith against bernard in his parallels , censures , and observations , his words pag. 9. are these , hee would prove that an erroneous constitution of a church , is a reall idol ; and the prayers they offer with the prayers of the wicked , comming from that false constitution , are tainted with the idolatry of that constitution . and pag. 10. it is idolatry to offer up service to god in a church of a false constitution . and pag. 13. tell mee mr. bernard , can there be a true ministery , true baptisme , true faith , true prayer , true preaching and administring the supper , true excommunication , in a church which is falsly constituted ? did the lord accept the sacrifice of the church constituted by jeroboam ? so page 14. a church falsly constituted , is not accepted of god , neither are their actions ecclesiasticall , as prayer , preaching , &c. acceptable in the sight of god. and againe , a false ministery , worship , government , may bee in a true church , through ignorance , and the like : but a true ministery , worship , government cannot possibly bee in a false church . we thinke it needlesse to recite more testimonies ; aliquando bonus dormitat homerus , a good memory may sometimes fall asleep , and not see that , which is sometimes most obvious and visible . but what other arguments they have , are , or may bee common to others studious of reformation , as their arguments against ceremonies are common with non-conformists , and therefore if some of our grounds bee found in them , it doth not follow , they are shafts taken out of the same quiver , and peculiar to them , as you object . reply . th●se reasons shall be common to all , that plead for the purity of gods ordinances , which were never taken to bee sound and true , either by the reformed churches abroad , or by the godly brethren at home , dead or living , or yet by the most of the brethren amongst whom they live , and hold society , or by any minister and society holding the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace , these 1400. years and upward , unlesse within these few dayes , and that by a few onely . answ . here is a great colour of novelty and singularity objected to be in the grounds and reasons of the letter , used against conformity to the liturgy : but it is easie to conceive that the same common grounds of all reformers , may be justly carryed on against such further corruptions , as they never saw : not attending their owne principles in such particulars , as was said before of the first reformers , that purged out salt , creame , oyle , &c. not the crosse , &c. and so here it may fall out , that as the lord is pleased to let in more light in this or that particular corruption ; so upon common grounds it is rejected , though yet but one or few apply those grounds to such a particular case . neither here was the number so few as is pretended , when this reply was drawn up , or else at least , it is much increased of late time , since the assembly and parliament in england have so openly in their directory witnessed against such stinted formes , and generally the churches of scotland renounced that liturgy of yours , as a piece of popery . besides all the orthodox churches in new-england , and holland , and many godly in england . reply . as yet wee thinke most of them , that have separated are not so farre gone , as to condemne all our assemblies as no churches of christ . answ . by this you seeme to insinuate , that notwithstanding our acknowledgement of your churches and ministery , wee may justly bee accounted amongst those wee properly call separatists : but it is but your thought of most of them , without ground , contrary to their generall profession in their publique confessions and apologies . and therefore we see no reason of it , or that it toucheth us ; but passing these generalls , let us come to the matter more particularly . reply . your judgement concerning the position , you deliver in three propositions ( for so many they bee for substance ) in respect of the persons reading the liturgie , or the thing it selfe that is read ; as if any part of the liturgie be read ( put case some few select prayers onely ) by an unable and ungodly minister , it is unlawfull ( say you ) for the people to joyne in that case . but if unlawfull for the people to joyne , when an ungodly minister readeth some few select prayers , it is either in respect of the minister , or the prayers themselves ; not of the prayers themselves , for they be select and choyce , faultlesse , in respect of matter and manner , as is taken for granted , unlesse this distribution bee to no purpose ; if in respect of the minister , then it is not lawfull to joyne with such an one , in any ordinance of god whatsoever . in that you analyse our two propositions into three , we shall not contend , but follow your method , yet wee cannot but marvaile at the liberty that is taken in stating the first proposition , both leaving out and adding such things as will not stand with the termes in our answer ; and indeed this is too frequent in divers places of this reply , which gives a great colour of strength unto the arguments ; but when they come to be scanned , it will discover the impertinency of them . for , 1 although the answer distinguisheth of the liturgie , either of the whole , or of some select prayers which may bee conceived to bee lesse offensive , yet the application of this of select prayers , is onely made in the second proposition of the answer , no way intended in the first . neither doth the answer confesse those prayers , as you say , to bee choyce and faultlesse for matter and manner , but which may bee conceived lesse offensive . 2 whereas the proposition is of an unable and ungodly minister , such unlearned idol-priests that are countenanced and established by the liturgie , and can doe no more then read the same , to the unspeakable hazard and ruine of a multitude of soules ; you carry along your arguments onely in the terme of an ungodly minister , which leaves out one chiefe ground of our proposition , viz. unable . to reduce therefore this proposition unto its true state which the answer puts it in , which is thus , if the question bee of joyning in prayer with , and when that whole liturgie is read , or where that which is used , ( viz. though not the whole ) is read by an unable and ungodly minister : wee see not how it can bee lawfull to joyne , &c. where that which is read by an unable and ungodly minister , cannot have reference to the select prayers , but onely was put in , to reach the whole case , lest any should say , may we not joyne , therefore if they read not all , ( as sometimes such doe not , for haste to the alehouse , beare-baitings , &c. ) and the case is so well known to our selves and others , what the manner of such priests is , how farre they are from making any choyce of select prayers : or having any skill indeed so to doe ; that if any bee more superstitious then others , they would soonest choose them ; so that it was farre from our thoughts to impute it to them , to read the select prayers onely . the question being rightly stated , the argument will halt very much ; for wee say , it is unlawfull in both respects , and the rather , when jointly considered ; and therefore you should first have justified the whole liturgy , or so much as such idol-priests use to read to bee lawfull , and also the standing and calling of those men , before the argument can hold , both which you have wholly left naked without proofe , and argue onely about the lawfulnesse of joyning with an ungodly minister in the ordinances of god , which will not reach this case . if one should affirme it is unlawfull to goe to mattens or evensong , when the whole is read , or that which is read , is done by a popish priest , and you should answer then , it is either because of the prayers or the priest . not the first ; for the prayers ( if select ) may bee good , and faultlesse , and not because of the priest , for then wee may never joyne with an ungodly minister in the ordinances of god : the answer would bee very imperfect and impertinent , and just so it is here in the frame of the reason , though the corruptions in that service and this be not alike we grant . but before wee answer to the second part of your dis-junction , let us consider a little here once for all , the act of the people in joyning with the reading of this liturgy , or so much of it , as is read usually by such idol-priests . first , concerning the liturgy it selfe , if you respect the matter and forme , or manner of it , it would bee too tedious to rip up , what for matter hath been objected by the godly reformers . consider but two things objected strongly by mr. cartwright against the forme or manner of it . first , that it is taken out of the popish masse-book , concerning which hee affirmeth , that although there were nothing in it unlawfull , or against the word of god , ( which saith hee ) i wish there were not , yet no word of god , no reason , nor example of the ancient churches , jewish or christian , will permit us to use the same formes and ceremonies ( viz. with papists ) being neither commanded of god , nor such as there may not bee as good as they , and rather better established , yea considering how neare the papists live amongst us , it were more safe to conforme to the ceremonies of the turks that are farre off . and this hee speaketh of the forme of liturgy , as well as ceremonies , cartw. reply to whitgifts answer to the admonition to the parliament , pag. 131 , 132. and although you seeme to make light of this objection , after page 15. end , yet in a like case , when whitgift had said , it is not materiall that deanes , canons came from the pope ; cartwright replyeth thus ; it is as if hee had said , it skilleth not , if they came out of the bottomlesse pit ; for whatsoever commeth from the pope , who is antichrist , comes first from the devill , cartw. reply , pag. 204. secondly , hee objecteth that absurd manner of chopping and interrupting the prayers , of which mr. cartwright saith , that if any man should make such a supplication to a prince , he would thinke him to make his supplication before hee knew what to ask , or that hee had forgotten some piece of his suit ; or that he were distracted in his understanding . much more might bee added , but wee have onely touched this sore , and in the words of that learned and zealous reformer , that it may appeare , neither the opinion of that booke , nor the reasons against it , are so new or proper to the separatists , as is pretended . now what comfort can anygodly conscience have to joyn in , or conform unto such a form of worship as this is ? further consider the administration of the sacraments , according to the book ( as we speak still of joyning in it ) who knows not , that such must subject their children to that grosse idol of the crosse , and see and approve the pollution of gods ordinances with the same : and at the lords table joyne in that idolatrous gesture of kneeling ; and therefore how the godly can joyn lawfully in the whole , or such parts as those idol-priests dispense , let all non-conformists judge ; and it is well knowne , how superstitiously precise such are , in pressing all conformity to every gesture and ceremony prescribed in their booke , which they so idolize , as they have good cause , being that which maintaines them . secondly , if wee consider the imposition hereof by the prelates and late strict pressing thereof upon the people to be present and conforme fully to it , as well as upon ministers to use it . the very yeelding of conformity thereto , doth miserably cast away the liberty purchased by christ to his churches , inthrall the churches to antichrist , and lift up the power of antichrist in his tyrannous usurpations upon the churches of christ . thirdly , we might adde the dangerous consequences and scandals that follow from admitting this liturgy , which being touched in our answer to the first position , we here passe over . these things considered , it appeares , not onely that there was need to disprove the first part of your disjunction , which you declined in stating the question ; but also the truth of the position it selfe is confirmed . now let us consider your proof of the second part of your disjunction ; which is thus , reply . if in respect of the minister , then it is not lawfull to joyn with such an one in any ordinanee of god. for if the minister make it unlawfull , then all communion in any part of gods worship with such ministers is unlawfull : and so the churches in all ages of the world , the prophets , our saviour christ , the apostles , and the faithfull in the primitive church , sinned in holding communion with such , when the priests were dumbe dogs , &c. but we never read that the prophets , our saviour christ , the apostles did ever forbeare themselves , or warne the faithfull not to communicate with such in the ordinances of worship . our saviour charged the disciples to beware of the leaven of the scribes and pharisees , but never forbad them to communicate with them in the ordinances of god. answ . to this we answer ; first , that if you speake to the case in hand of those unable and ungodly ministers of england , readers ( as they are called ) of the common-service , wee grant it is not lawfull to communicate in a stated way with them , in any ordinance of worship properly ministeriall ; in any act that private persons may performe , wee may communicate with them , but not in ministeriall worke , as sacraments ; for although being imposed on any church as ministers , and so received by them , their ministeriall acts are not a nullity ; yet if wee speake of the lawfulnesse of such their act of receiving them , then the church sinneth in choosing them , or being imposed , in receiving them , and submitting to their ministery , being such as are utterly contrary to the rule of christ , and rejected of him . and by the like reason the godly sinne in receiving sacraments , &c. from them , as ministers of christ , knowing they intrude into that office , and have no authority by the rule of christ so to doe . wee may heare a private gifted christian prophecy , but if hee intrude without a lawfull calling into the ministery , we may not receive him , nor approve of him therein . cyprians speech is commonly noted , that plebs maxime habe● potestatem vel eligendi dignos sacerdotes , vel indignos recusandi ; yet the occasion of it is not so generally observed , which is this , plebs obsequens praeceptis dominicis , deum metuens , à peccatore proposito separare se debet , nec se ad sacrilegia sacerdotis sacrificia miscere , ●um ipse maxime habet potestatem eligendi , &c. that is , the people observing divine precepts , and fearing god , ought to separate themselves from a wicked minister , neither joyne themselves to the sacrifices of a sacrilegious priest , seeing they chiefly have power of choosing worthy ministers , and rejecting unworthy . secondly , wee see no demonstrative argument that the priests and pharisees were wholly unable for the worke of those times , as these wee speake of are for — : though the priests , esay 56. 10. were dumb dogs that cannot barke ; yet it seemes by the place to be meant actually , rather then habitually , through their slumbering or security there mentioned , not telling the people of their sinnes , nor warning them of judgements , rather then of their totall inability . men of good parts and able gifts may be actually such dumb dogs , as seldome preach , or never to purpose , and bee spiritually ignorant through much prophanenesse , yet not totally deprived of common gifts : it is most evident that the pharisees were blinde , yet taught the people , and hence the disciples were permitted to heare them ; but what is this to the question , which is of unable , as well as of ungodly ministers ? thirdly , suppose some of the priests and levites were unable , yet the ministery of the old testament was limitted by god himselfe to the tribe of levi , and that by succession , which is farre otherwise in the new testament , being left to the churches election , and therefore they had no power to reject them , o● withdraw from them , when they had ministred the ordinances of god. fourthly , suppose some of them were not called of god , being not lineally descended of that tribe , yet those things wherein the faithfull , christ and his apostles , and others did communicate with them , were necessarily commanded of god , viz. sacrifices , offerings , &c. in the temple , which seale of god we see not stamped upon this liturgy in question , to make it currant . and thus peter martyr answereth in the like case , that though there were many pernicious doctrines taught by scribes , pharisees and wicked priests , yet sacrificandi ritus , &c. the rites of sacrificing were not changed ; for the same oblations were offered , which the law commanded , and therefore the saints might use them , having the word of god conjoyned with them . fifthly , what you grant concerning christ his warning his disciples to take heed of the leaven of the scribes and pharisees , no doubt hee did the like , concerning the corruptions of the priests in their administrations of gods ordinances , and wee doubt not , but you will acknowledge that the prophets and apostles did or ought to abstaine from all actuall communion with those corruptions , and the lord jesus out of question did abstaine : which being so , wee may retort this argument thus in regard of conformitie to ceremonies , if it bee not lawfull to partake in the ordinances of god , where wee must actually joyne with such ceremonies , then christ , the prophets and apostles must not have joyned in any ordinance of god in severall ages of the church , when worse or as ill corruptions were admixed with that worship : but they never refused the ordinances of worship for such corruptions ; therefore wee should not now for these ceremonies abstaine ; put case for kneeling at the lords supper , &c. if you please to solve this knot , the same answer will serve our turne as well . reply . it is not for private christians to withdraw themselves from the ordinances of worship , and communion of the church , because such are permitted to deale in the holy things of god , whom they judge or know unfit ; when men joyne in the worship of god with unworthy ministers , they doe not countenance them , their place and office , but obey the commandement of god , who requires their attendance upon his highnesse in that way and meanes . answ . first , wee grant it is not alwayes for private christians so to leave the communion of a church in the ordinances of god , for such a reason , but if they have first done their part according to their place to reforme or cast out such an unworthy and unable ministry , and cannot , or see no hope to procure one sufficient to edifie the church , hee may and ought to betake himselfe to some other church , where hee may bee edified , and it is a great mistake to thinke , ( in the constitution of the gospell ) that a christian cannot reject all fellowship with such idoll priests , but hee must forsake the ordinances of christ , or rent off from the church , when indeed hee deprives himselfe of many ordinances in joyning with them , and attaines them in forsaking of them . secondly , if we consider wherein the outward call of all church officers in the new testament lies , viz. in a great part in the choice of the church , or at least in their after consent and receiving of them , being chosen by others for them , act. 1. and 6. and 14. how can any godly man receive , submit unto , or acknowledge such unable wretches by receiving gods ordinances from them , as ministers , but they must needs countenance them in their places , and set up to themselves an idoll or meanes of worship to edifie themselves , which god never appointed ; for let it bee proved that ever god appointed readers of a liturgie to edifie the people . answ . thirdly , but that to joyne in worship with such should bee to obey gods command , who requires attendance upon himselfe in that way and meanes , wee thinke it a speech not so throughly digested , if wee carry in our eye the case now in hand , concerning these idoll priests and silver shrines . for where can they shew any such command ? or why hath it been suffered by any of our brethren , that the godly living under such priests , have been so frequently absent from them , reading the liturgy , to heare their sermons ? nay why have they not told them , they were bound to attend upon god in hearing their sir john read at home ? wee appeale to all consciences , whether they would approve of any godly man , that would rest in such meanes , and not call him to leave all his outward conveniences , for some godly able ministry : or at least not to attend on them , but get where they may bee better edified . reply . to goe no further then the text you quote , hosea 4. 6 , 7. because thou hast despised knowledge i have rejected thee ; properly the text speaketh of the ten tribes and the priests amongst them , who worshipped the calves , &c. whom the lord threatens to reject ; but neither this nor any other text proves , that people joyning in worship with such , doe countenance them in their places . answ . the text proves that god rejects such priests as these are , ( just like jeroboams priests of the meanest of the people ) and that was all it was alledged for , and that receiving such as ministers doth countenance them in their places , was proved before . and if it bee meant of jeroboams priests , as you say , the approved practise of the godly in those dayes , 2 chron. 11. 16. will well justifie and lead us to reject and leave these also . secondly , there seemes to bee foure arguments , why the people should withdraw from these kind of priests : first , in regard of their miserable perishing for want of knowledge by their meanes . secondly , because the people in receiving them , rejected knowledge , as calvin notes upon the place . thirdly , because god would take a time to disburthen the church of them , whence drusius in locum wisheth , utinam tales bodie à ministerio amoverentur . fourthly , because the lord would cast off their children from being his , for this sinne , as calvin also notes upon the place ; the promise of shewing mercy to a 1000. generations , being chiefly annexed to the observers of the second command , and the instituted meanes of worship , which those priests never were . reply . on the contrary , if you will extend this text to all unworthy ministers of what sort soever , whom the word of god condemns , as not approved ministers of god , &c. answ . wee intended no other sorts then such as wee have in hand , the unable and ungodly idoll priests of england , and therefore this discourse concernes us not . for wee freely confesse , that it is lawfull in divers cases , at least for a time , to communicate with such unworthy ministers as may bee contained in your description : but that people must and ought to joyne with such in the worship of god , and sinne , if they separate from the ordinances , ( as you say ) the scriptures alledged teach not this so evidently , that wee can see , as 1 sam. 2. 12 , 13. 17. 24. that imputation , verse 24. they make the lords people to transgresse , doth not depend immediatly on verse 13 , 14. 17. but on verse 22. 23. where they are charged to have layne with the women , the other passages being interrupted by the story of samuel and his mother , verse 18 , 19. 20 , 21. so jer. 8. 8 , 9. micah 3. 11 , 12. containe onely threats against wicked ministers , but not a word to prove people ought to joyne with them , &c. phil. 1. 15. speaking of such as preach and preach christ , though not of sinceritie , doth not reach such ministers as the word condemnes : for many such may be approved ministers by the word , having a call according to the same ; but wee shall not contend in this case , wherein wee doe not dissent , so that christians bee left to their lawfull libertie of withdrawing from ministers grossely wicked , and teachers of false doctrin , or idle and unsufficient , when they cannot reclaime them , or remove them in the use of all lawfull meanes within their power . reply . the reasons whereby the ancient churches condemned the donatists and catharists for their voluntary and seditious separations , and the moderne churches condemne the anabaptists for their renting from the body of christ , will hold against separation from the prayers of the congregation , because they are read by an ungodly minister . wee deny that wee teach or hold such separation , because read by an ungodly minister , as is sufficiently shewed before ; but what we speak is against conformitie to and communion with the corruptions of the liturgie especially used by an unable as well as ungodly minister , and therefore the arguments mentioned will hold against our proposition , just as the accusations and imputations of donatisme , puritanisme , anabaptisme , which the prelates cast upon all non-conformists and men studious of reformation , will hold and fasten upon them , which is nothing at all . reply . the second proposition , where the whole liturgie is used though by an able and godly minister , it is not lawfull to joyne in prayer in that case ; wee cannot bee of your judgement herein , for in the times of the prophets , and our saviour christ as great abuses no question were found , &c. but they never taught people to separate from the holy things of god. answ . first , wee must still mind the reader of the true and full state of the question , which in our answer is of joyning in prayer , with , and when that whole liturgy is used , and hee that joynes with that whole liturgie must needs bee supposed to have actuall communion with all the corruptions thereof what ever they bee , and therefore though this proposition reach to the practise of able and godly ministers , yet let none thinke wee plead herein separation from their ministery , but onely that people may not conforme with them to any corruption in worship , and by this proposition also the author might easily have seene that wee denied the other ( which was woven in with this ) not because of the ungodlinesse of the minister alone as hee carried his dispute , but chiefly in respect of the corruptions of the worship , together with the unlawfulnesse of such a ministery that is both unable and ungodly . secondly , concerning the argument it runs as full for conformitie to all the corrupt ceremonies of the booke as the corrupt worship it selfe therein , as was said before , cleare the one , viz. non-conformitie to ceremonies , shew a reason why you will separate from the sacrament , because you will not kneele according to the booke , and you answer your argument here alledged against us : but the reply proceeds . reply . and if presence at formes of prayer bee not lawfull by reason of the corruptions alledged , there can bee no visible societie named , since 200. yeeres after christ or thereabout , wherein a christian might lawfully joyne in prayer , reading the scriptures , hearing the word , or participation of the sacraments ; their doctrines , prayers , rights being lesse pure then ours : but no man wee hope will bee so bold as to affirme the state of the churches within 200. yeers after christ to bee so miserably decayed that the faithfull could not without sinne hold communion with them in the foresaid ordinances of god. answ . first , this argument holds as strongly for conformitie to the ceremonies as to the whole booke of common prayers , as was said before . secondly , this is a dangerous kind of reasoning from the practise of the faithfull in corrupt times of the church , especially when they are declining , and growing clouds of darkenesse , and superstition overspread the churches . it is no breach of charitie to thinke that through the iniquitie of the times , the godly lived in many evils through ignorance and weakenesse which after light is come into the churches wee ought to abandon wholly ; these are times of light and of the consumption of antichrist , and time for us to abolish his liturgies and corrupt formes of worship as well as images , ceremonies , &c. who doe not pitie the weaknesse of godly bilny and others that seeing some grosse corruptions were yet so devoutly obedient to the church ( as they called it ) in many grosse superstitions ? and the like may bee said of those former times , and wee see not but this reason will goe farre in justification of communion with many false worships of antichrists that are not grosly idolatrous . thirdly , it is a great charge upon those times to say no visible societie throughout the world can bee named since 200. yeeres after christ , that was not lesse pure then england in doctrine , rites , &c. it may bee , that as generally churches were corrupt , so they contemned and censured such as professed more puritie : but that there were some visible assemblies more pure may bee conceived by that testimony given to aerius and many orthodox christians with him , though condemned for a hereticke , in that which wee all now hold to bee an undoubted truth ; also after the waldenses casting off the pope and his will worships , and the following reformed churches , those of scotland , geneva , and divers others in france and switserland , &c. whose doctrines , rites and administrations wee doubt not will bee confessed more pure then english churches . it would bee too tedious , and in these knowing times needlesse to search all records and to compare the puritie of the prayers , and rites of these with former times , wee read of very few formes used for 300. yeeres , some short ones they had which are retained yet in our liturgie , with many more , and those formes they had , not imposed nor stinted , which is the great offence of this , untill about the yeere 406. and there wee read in the milevit●n councell that no prayers should bee used in churches but what were either composed of able and sufficient men , or approved by the synods , and this was determined onely in regard of the ignorant ministery of those contentious and hereticall times , as chemnitius observes , ne forte aliquid contra fidem vel per ignorantiam , vel per minus studium sit compositum . if the roman bishops did multiply ( as indeed they did excessively ( unlesse their owne admirers erre grossely ) rites and formes of prayer , yet it is well knowne how long it was ere the churches in other places submitted to their power , so that this comparison might well have beene spared . to conclude , though wee say not that all churches since 200. yeeres after christ were so miserably decayed , that the faithfull might not without sinne communicate with them , yet wee may bee bold to say many of them were so corrupt , that the faithfull did not , nor could not communicate in many parts of gods worship without sinnes of ignorance conforming to the corruptions themselves ; and that if they had seene and discovered the evill of them , they ought , and we beleeve would have abstained from divers ordinances in regard of the corrupt administrations of them ; yea after all meanes used to purge them out , and not prevailing , they ought and would have withdrawn themselves to more pure churches , or erected such amongst themselves . reply . the prayers of the ministers conceived or stinted in a set forme bee not his private prayers , but the publike prayers of the assembly ; but you will not say the people ought not to joyn with their pastour therein if ought bee amisse , for matter , manner , or both . answ . there is a wide difference betweene the whole liturgie , so imposed , and so clogged , as is before shewed : and such prayers of the minister having something amisse . but you may put the case so , as it would bee unlawfull for people to joyne in such prayers also : as if the minister for matter usually pray to saints , for manner , turne himselfe , and fix his eye on a crucifix . reply . it is all one to the people in this ●ase , whether the fault bee personall ( as some distinguish ) or otherwise ; knowne before hand or not knowne ; for if simple presence defile , whether knowne before hand or not , all presence is faultie , and if simple presence defile not , our presence is not condemned by reason of the corruptions knowne , whereof wee stand not guiltie . answ . first , we distinguish not here between personall and ministeriall faults , but object against the personall act of him that joynes with that whole liturgie , and so in the corruptions of it , as hee must needs doe , that joyns with the whole , not onely saying amen to them , but as is knowne he takes his share in those shreds of prayers , responds , &c. which in mr. cartwrights judgement is so absurd , as makes a man seeme out of his wits . and therefore his personall , actuall conformitie must needs carry guilt , and therefore there is more then simple presence in this case , as is cleare to any understanding . secondly , it is not all one whether the faults bee knowne , or not knowne before hand , as appeares plainely , 1 cor. 10. 27 , 28 , 29. where wee see , if a man come to a feast , and know not they eate with reference to the idoll , nor that any take offence , he may eate without asking any question : but if hee know such things , he may not eate . besides , publique sinfull actions of ministers are either , 1 accidental & occasional , or 2ly . known & appointed in a stated service ; now the frailties of a minister , which accidentally fall in and are not known before , nor are any part and essence of the service , unto which men that come , doe or should take themselves to bee called , hinder not communion ; because they doe not prae se ferre by their presence to attend and observe them , but the corruptions of the liturgie are knowne and appointed , and to which and with which the imposers call others to joyne as in a stated service to god ; the use of which if it bee an humane frailtie in gods ministers , not yet convinced of the evill thereof , yet for those to communicate herein , who know such evills , have surely passed the bounds of frailtie and infirmitie ; because in this action of prayer there is not onely communion by way of presence , as it is in hearing the word ; but communion of action : publique prayer being the common action of the whole church towards god. there can be no prayer by any man offered to god , but there will be some humane frailties attending on it ; if therefore for this cause wee should reject communion in prayer , wee should reject the ordinances of god , and never joyne in any prayer in this world ; but the corruptions of the liturgie are not such , but that they may bee more easily cast off , then kept . this case stands not in tolerating faults in another ( as the reply makes it ) but in actuall joyning with the sinnes of another , wherein hee that joyneth is involved , and therefore whether they bee corruptions , that may bee tolerated or not in another , yet if sinnes , they may not bee practised and so joyned in with another . and therefore the case you put of communion with any person obstinate in errour , till hee may bee convinced , is nothing to this purpose . for wee must not joyne with him in his error , no not an houre , though wee may tolerate him a moneth . reply . hath not christian wisedome and experience of humane frailties lessoned you ( deare brethren ) to beare one with another in matters of greater consequence , then any have , or can bee objected truely against the forme of prayer in use among us ? answ . the lord hath lessoned us to tolerate and beare with many humane frailties not onely in one another , but also in our deare brethren abroad ; but to joyne with the best of men in conformitie to knowne and grosse corruptions in worshipping god , or to stoop so low , to the insolent tyranny of usurping prelates , as to beare on our backs their whole liturgie , and the corruptions thereof , wee confesse wee have not yet learned , and now wee hope never to goe to that schoole againe to learne the same . reply . and why such corruptions should not bee ascribed to humane frailtie , we see not . for if a godly minister make use of a booke , in things which hee judges lawfull for matter and manner , the corruption of him that useth it , according to his judgement , from what cause can it spring but humane ignorance and frailtie ? answ . first , the learned replier is very apt to forget the termes of the proposition , which is of the whole liturgie , not of some things in it , that hee may judge lawfull , to judge the whole lawfull , wee thinke none of those who sent the questions doe . secondly , our question is not whether the minister use the book of humane frailtie , but whether the worship offered therein , bee not so corrupt for matter and manner , as puts a great difference betweene it , and the prayers of a minister that may bee subject to faylings of humane frailtie . wee doubt not , but bilney , latimer , &c. used the prayers and ceremonies of the church of rome , out of humane frailtie , yet the service it selfe and those ceremonies of holy water , holy bread , &c. which latimer turned to as good use , as hee could , were evill and no way to bee conformed unto by the godly . thirdly , there are many things done of others through humane frailtie , that is , ignorantly and in some measure perversely , yet such frailties , though they are to bee very long tolerated in the man , yet every humane frailtie is not so to bee tolerated , as to bee communicated with ; for the grossest idolatry in popery may in this sense , if ignorantly done , be accounted humane frailtie . it is true , wee may bee freed from communicating in anothers sinne two wayes . 1. by bearing witnesse against his sinne , or 2ly by withdrawing from the person committing it . there were times wherein the lord raised up witnesses against the growing abominations of antichrist for many yeeres ; and there are times ( as cameron well observes ) wherein the lord commands his people not onely to beare witnesse , but to come out of babylon . the case may be so put as that wee may quit our hands from communicating with other men , in their sinfull worship , by bearing witnesse onely against the sinne , yet communicating with them in the rest ; & è contra the circumstances may bee such , as that wee best free our selves from sinne , by withdrawing from them in such acts . and wee freely confesse wee know not how to acquit others that communicate in the whole liturgie , without the one or the other . reply . wee rest assured you question not the integritie of many , who make much more use of the booke , then onely in a few select prayers . answ . you may so doe , and wee rest assured you question not the integritie of many that have conformed to the ceremonies , yet wee hope you will not justifie them in that act , no more then we doe any in this . reply . from the bottome of our hearts , wee pray that the lord would remove out of his church what ever offends , and yet all things might be so done , as might be approved in the consciences of all . answ . wee not onely joyne with you in this hearty desire , but blesse god that wee live to see the same so farre accomplished in a good part of england , as it is ; but as wee are perswaded the growing light and zeale of many godly ministers and christians , that have discovered the evill of the booke it selfe , as well as the ceremonies thereof , and their resolute rejection of the same , was one blessed meanes hereof , so wee feare the pleas and indeavours of some brethren to excuse it and the use of it , will be a dangerous meanes to uphold in the hearts of many too good an opinion of it , and loathnesse to cast it quite away to the moles and bats , from whence it first came . reply . to aggravate faults , especially when it tends to draw away people from the ordinances of god , is no lesse evill then to excuse them , it m●y bee greater . answ . wee grant at some times and in some cases it may bee so , but in matters of corrupt worship , wherein god is so jealous and at such a time as this was ; when the burthensome corruptions of humane traditions so violently imposed on the churches , grew to such a number and unsupportable weight to the consciences of so many , wee doubt not to affirme , that now extenuations were farre more dangerous and offensive to the lord : wee cannot but with sad hearts con●ider and call to minde how many weake christians have ventured to swallow downe all manner of humane traditions and worships imposed upon them , imboldned much ( wee feare ) by the examples , if not the reasonings of many godly ministers , which scandall some of us with many amongst you have have cause to bewayle before the lord and give satisfaction before the world ; and wee hope our departure from these burdens , and flight into these wildernesses to enjoy christ in more pure ordinances of his worship , and the witnesse wee have thereby borne against them , have not been in vaine through the grace of jesus christ . reply . in them that joyne according to christs command ( and libertie of absence from christ hath not been shewed ) notwithstanding the corruptions , wee hold the prayers to bee an holy and acceptable sacrifice to the lord , and pleasing to jesus christ . answ . how any man can joyne with this whole liturgie according to christs command , who in the second commandement forbids all humane devices in his worship , whereof this liturgie is so full ; it is hard for us to conceive , and strange to see it affirmed : and that libertie from christ to bee absent cannot bee shewed . the whole sentence as it standeth , wee confesse to us seemes an high justification thereof , which wee little expected . reply . the corrupt sacrifice is that which the deceiver bringeth voluntarily , and our of neglect , having a male in his flock , but the godly bringeth himselfe and godly desires according to the will of god , and the corruptions in matter or manner are not his , they cleave not to his sacrifice to staine and pollute it . the text in malach. 1. is misapplyed , and wee desire such as alledge this passage against simple presence at the prayers of the liturgie , advisedly to consider whether god allow them to make such application of his truth , which we much doubt of , to say no more ▪ answ . that people joyning in the whole liturgie , voluntarily offer up the same , wee thought had beene no question : if any joyne by feare and compulsion ( though the will in this case is not forced , for mixta actio is voluntaria ) [ wee thinke that will not ease , but aggravate the evill , arguing a reluctancy or doubtfulnesse at least in his conscience , and so what hee doth is not of faith , and therefore sin , rom. 14. ] 2ly . what you say of the faithfull here , might be said for the faithful in malachi his time , if any godly man came with godly desires to jerusalem to worship , and then carelesly buy and take a corrupt sacrifice for cheapnesse , ease , &c. shall hee not bee counted ( at least in part ) this deceiver , and beare the curse ? and why not so here in this case ? let a man bring himselfe , and never so godly desires , yet if hee will joyne in a knowne corrupt service , will his godly desires excuse him ? shall not his broken absurd responds , his standing at the creed , kneeling at the sacrament , &c. all which hee must doe , if hee joyne in the whole liturgie , shall none of these cleave to his sacrifice ? what though the minister offer the service ? so did the priest the sacrifice ; but both in the name of the people , and they joyning with him in offering the same to god. 3ly . concerning malach. 1. 13 , 14. the more advisedly wee consider it , the more perswaded wee are , the lord allow us to make such application of the truth contained in it , and wee thinke others will bee of our mind , not onely in respect of the similitude that is in this case , with that in malachi , but also if wee consider , what an argument the lord useth to convince them of their corruptions and carelesnesse in his service , verse 11. wherein the lord upbraids the jewes and provokes them to jealousie , as the apostle paul speakes , by declaring the reverend esteeme of his name amongst the heathen , and that every where incense should bee offered and a pure offering to his name . and what is that incense , and pure offering , but the pure prayers , and worship of god that should be in all gentile churches under the gospell ? as tertullian , eusebius , jerom and austin with others expound it . and hee applies it againe , verse 14. i am a great king , and my name shall bee great amongst the heathen : if then the lord oppose the pure prayers and worship of gentile churches to the corrupt carelesse sacrifices of the jewes , the application is not onely sutable , but the place containes a sad admonition to all gentile churches , that by their corrupt worships , and incense , so farre frustrate ( as it were ) gods expectation and glorying of their pure oblations . reply . your third proposition . that as you are very tender of imputing sinne to those men that joyne in some select prayers read by an able and godly minister , so on the other side , you are not without feare , l●st such joyning may bee found unlawfull , unlesse it may appeare , that the ministers with whom they have communion , neither give scandall by reading them , nor give unlawfull honour to a thing abused to idolatry and superstition , nor doe suffer themselves to bee sinfully limited in the reading of them . 1 wee cannot conceive how you should imagine the practise of a godly minister in reading some few select prayers to bee scandalous , or offensive in the congregations , when the people generally in their assemblies and in the whole land were perswaded of the lawfulnesse of that course , till now of late times some have beene drawne away to separate ; who yet by warrant of scripture produce nothing of weight , to countenance that practise . answ . concerning this proposition , wee doe ingenuously confesse , that it may seeme over rigid and tending to separation , and therefore we will not wholly justifie the same : yet diverse things there bee , which may much mitigate the seeming rigidnesse of it . 1 in the words of the answer , where wee doe not determine any thing positively , wee doe not impute sinne to any in such a case , wee say onely that wee are not without feare , lest it may bee found unlawfull , where any scandall , unlawfull honour , or sinfull limiting bee found in the ministers : and if our feares bee needlesse , wee hope , such as know how jealous the lord is in matters of his worship will easily forgive us . 2 because you marvell wee should bee so timerous in this case , wee shall give you some reasons of it , which perhaps may abate much the marvell or wonder . first , let it bee remembred that these select prayers are yet a part of that liturgie , which is acknowledged to bee corrupt in matter and manner and clogged with such evill consequences as are afore touched ; taken out of the masse-booke , &c. and master parker ( who was no separatist ) doubts not to affirme , that the touching of antichrists things maketh uncleane , for which hee cites , 2 cor. 6. 17. haggai 2. 14. john 4. 23. park . of the crosse , part 1. pag. 137. secondly , let it be considered that this booke is imposed by an unlawfull antichristian authoritie of the prelates , to whom to give place and subjection in any thing is justly to bee questioned . and wee know that a man may acknowledge his fealtie and hold his lands of the lord of the manner by a small rent , as well as by a greater . thirdly , con●ider this corrupt service-booke hath beene over-long tolerated and borne withall in the english churches : it deserveth not so honorable a buriall as the jewish worship : but hath stunke above ground twice 40. yeeres , in the nostrills of many godly , who breathed in the pure ayre of the holy scripture , being witnessed against by the writings and sufferings of many godly ministers and christians in england and scotland . fourthly , many godly men ( it is well knowne ) have been ( of late times especially ) offended at many good ministers silence in these things , that they would no more plainely and boldly discover the corruptions in that booke , and at their compliance with the same . fiftly , these are times of more light , whereby the lord is consuming antichrist , with the breath of his mouth . and therefore we have cause the more to feare how we meddle with any thing of his . sixtly , consider the season when this answer was sent , was it not at a time , when superstitious opinions of the whole booke and the ceremonies thereof , were growne to a great height in the mindes and hearts of very many ? when divers superstitious popish worships , as bowing at the name of jesus , reading at the table set altar-wise , &c. were added to the heape of former corruptions ? when the tyranny of the prelates raged in the pressing of the booke , and their other humane inventions ? when many ministers and people ( well thought of by the best ) were carried away shamefully with these things ? when many weake christians were staggering and wavering and looking at the judgement and practise of their guides , ready to stand or fall with them ? lastly , consider that things lawfull in themselves may bee inexpedient ; because offensive in their use , and so farre unlawfull ; which offence wee chiefly looked at in this act , as appeares by our answer . let all these things bee laid together and weighed in an equall ballance ( which wee hope our brethren are now at some libertie and leasure to doe ) and let the consciences of all speake , whether it was not high time , for all the godly in england to take unto them that zeale and courage , which was soone after in our brethren of scotland , to cast off and wholly abandon the book it self and all the formes of it , and use of the same in every part and peece thereof ? at least wee hope you will cease to marvell at our timerousnesse of such a season , how ever wee confesse , wee have sometime been more bold in the darke . these considerations premised , as they may in a great measure abate the seeming rigour of the proposition : so they will much take off the edge of the reply . for it will appeare that all conformitie of ministers and people to any parcells of that booke , at such a season as this was , is a farre differing case from those that are put in some of the replies . 1 to the first reply then , wherein you put it beyond imagination , that such a practise should bee scandalous or offensive , wee know not what you have observed in some particular congregations neere you : but what ever have beene the opinions of men formerly concerning this practise , yet you know that the booke in generall hath been condemned of all godly reformers , and the use of any part of it hath been counted burdensome to many for the reasons named . but of later times , as the booke and conformitie thereto was urged more hotly , so the spirits of very many grew more zealous against it , and began to loath it , and to withdraw wholly from it ; many very inquisitive about the lawfulnesse or unlawfulnesse of joyning with it at all , and your selves complaine of the withdrawing of many , from joyning in the ordinances , where it was used , so that wee see not , but at least in some persons and at some places and times it might probably bee offensive and scandalous so to practise . 2 wee looked not onely to the offence of those in your owne congregations , but to the imboldning and hardning of papists in honouring any part of their portuises , above the formes of other reformed churches abroad ; and you cannot bee ignorant how many of the lords witnesses now asleepe have testified of the offence and danger thereof . reply . 2 you say if the booke were an idolothyte , yet latent offence doth not oblige . answ . the offence in this season , and as all things stand , cannot bee latent , complaint is made of the offence taken by many , and therefore it is evident . reply . 3 the booke so farre as it is sound and good ( by your confession ) is no idolothyte , nor taken out of the masse booke , in such sense as you object : but rather the masse and other prayers added to it ; popery is a sca● ▪ leaving to the church , and many truths belonging to the church , as her proper legacy , were stolne , and heaped together in that denne ; and why the true man may not challenge his goods where ever hee finde them , or the theefe plead title to the true mans goods by prescription wee know not . answ . first , wee judge the whole booke an idolothyte , and whence you gather , that wee confesse the contrary of any part of it , as it stands apart in relation to that whole , wee know not . secondly , that it was taken out of the masse booke , was proved by the confession of king edward ; and other evidences are many ; but you say , not in such sense as wee object . but rather , ● contra masse , &c. added to it , &c. but where to finde such a legacy bequeathed to the church in the testament of our lord jesus christ , wee could never yet see : so that wee rather feare all those formes of prayer , of marriage , burialls , visitations of the sick , confirmation , &c. are rather the copper counterfeit coyne , of a well growne antichrist , whereby he cousened the churches , when hee stole away the golden legacy of christ , rather then any part of the true churches legacy : and therefore it had been more happy for the churches that they had never challenged the same , but let the theefes prescription to have been a good plea to hold them still : this further we adde , when we say it was taken out of the masse-booke , wee understand masse-booke in a large sense , ( as it is commonly taken ) for to speake narrowly it was collected out of three popish bookes , the first part of publique prayers , exbreviario ; the second part , viz. the order of administring sacraments , matrimony , visiting the sick and burialls , è rituali ; 3. the order of consecration in the supper , the epistles and gospels , and collects , è missali , as the forme of consecration of bishops and priests was taken è pontificali , as the author of altare damase . shews , pag. 612. thirdly , because those words , popery is a scab , &c. may bee a seed of much evill , an egge out of which a serpent may bee hatched , if men zealous of mouldy formes may but have time againe to set upon it , if the wheele of these evill times , ( through gods judgement on this wantonage ) turne the prelates or other zelotes for this liturgie uppermost , wee shall therefore crave libertie to examine this speech more narrowly . and because ( as it is said ) unumquodque ex suâ origine rectissime judicatur , wee shall grace the steps of the first times and so downeward , to see what sound parts of liturgie there was , on which this scab is supposed to grow . 1. our blessed saviour taught his disciples a blessed forme , which though it may bee lawfully and comfortably used , the rather , not being of mans , but the lords composing : yet it is evident hee never appointed his people to use it as their onely forme , and therefore the apostles in the primitive church , in that heavenly prayer , acts 4. did not attend to the words and forme of this prayer , though they might have this in their eye , as the comon rule and direction how to powre out their prayers to god , for particular things , which may be an everlasting witnesse against their usurpations , that will limit the churches to their formes which the lord christ would not doe to his owne . 2. in the first 300. yeeres after christ , wee read of few formes , that the churches used , and those rather short ejaculations , then set formes , but contrarily wee read frequently of the exercise of their gifts in prayer . they prayed sine monitore , quia de pectore , saith tertullian , i. e. they prayed without a promptour , because from the heart , which as zephirus observes was in opposition to the prompted formes then in use amongst the pagans . wee read also what they prayed for , viz. pro inimicis , pro imperatoribus , pro statu seculi , pro morâ finis , &c. but of any set formes we read not . their persecutions and dayes of afflictions preserved them from formalitie in prayer , and taught them how to finde their hearts and knees , and tongues , to poure out their soules to god , while under the altar they were pouring out their blood . 3. but after the churches had enjoyed peace for some space of time , ( wherein securitie usually makes insensible , and insenssblenesse formall ) then indeed wee read ofset and imposed formes , which the rather prevailed in regard of the grosse and palpable ignorance of a blind ministry , under a more learned prelacy , and therefore it is well observed by chemnitius that the third councell of carthage decreed this ; ut nemo in precibus , &c. viz. that no minister in his prayers either names the father for the sonne or the sonne for the father , but when hee comes to the altar , to direct his prayers alwayes to god the father , and that no man use his owne formes , till hee have conferred and shewed his formes to men more able , which wee finde sometime to bee the synod . 4 after these times they added the commemoration of saints to their prayers and letanies , as appears from manifold instances , whereof take but this one imputed to chrysostome : sanctissimae deiparae & semper virginis mariae , cum omnibus sanctis , memoriam agentes , nos ipsos & omnem vitam nostram christo deo nostro commendamus . which letanies at first being used more seldome at some times of the year , afterwards grew into ordinary use , to every end of which the people added , lord have mercy upon us , and exaudi domine , we beseech thee to hear us good lord. 5 from commemoration of saints , ( being so near the brink ) they soon came on to invocation of them , first in private prayers , then in publick , and that by degrees . for first , they called upon christ to hear their intercessions for them . intercessionibus sanctorum t●orum , salvator , salva nos : and thence they fell to direct and immediate invocation of them . maria deo supplica , ut animas nostras salvet . 6 at last they became so superstitious in their letanies or liturgies , that praying was magnified above all preaching , and almost all preaching was changed into formall , corrupt , and blind praying ; and thus it was generally in the churches , till about the sixt century , as ( if need were ) might be shewed at large . 7 though other churches were thus over-grown with forms of worship , yet the roman bishops especially , did multiply forms and superstitious rites excessively . rome being ( in gods secret providence ) left to become the very seat and throne of antichrist . the bishops themselves also finding it exceeding hard to bring in the religion of christ , without conforming to the pagan rites , as casaubon observes . for it appears even in the time of theodosius , wherein christianity was risen to a great head , the senate being sent unto by him to renounce their pagan religion , and receive the law of christ , they returned answer that they would not , but that they would observe the ancient law pompilian , to avoid the ruine of the common-wealth , which they feared might come by the change of religion . the roman bishops also for 400 years together , could never obtain of the senate , nor multitudes of the roman idolaters , to renounce their inveterate idolatry , and receive the gospel . hence they conformed their rites and ceremonies to the pagan and idolatrous customes , the better to allure them to christ according to their carnalll policy . we finde all the principal parts of the masse to be borrowed from the idolatrous pagans , and to have their originall from numa pompilius that conjurer , who lived 700 years before christ , to adorn and deck ( as the bishops thought ) the religion of christ jesus , to the which with much ado at last the romans were converted . to which principall parts , viz. vestments , holy-water , the con●iteo● , organs , incense , offertory , &c. other deckings were added also , as divers letanies , and the kurie elyson to be sung nine times , invented by gregory a monk at first , well studied in the laws of num● and tullus hostilius : damasus ( as platina and sabellius shew ) inriched it with gloria patri , &c. i. e. glory be to the father , son , and holy ghost . sergius , with an agnus dei , to be sung three times . alexander and other bishops added the canon of the masse ; others , the epistles and gospels : the graduall and collects were added by gelasius , anno 493. the gloria in excelsis by symmachus 508. at last came the host in about 1062. much more might be said . all which when we consider , we confess we are pus●ed to discern the difference between the sound part and the scab . for if the principal formalities of the masse ( out of which our liturgy was taken ; as is confessed ) arose out of a politick push to conform the christian to the pagan religion , and the deckings of it , from the itching humor of the roman busie bishops , admirers of humane inventions and ceremonies ; let the reader then judge what sound parts are left beside the scab . we do not speak this to condemn everything for the matter ▪ of it that is in the common-prayer-book : yea , we honor the affection and piety of the first reformers , and the godly then , that were glad to hear prayers in their own tongue , and according to the glimmering light of those times , aymed at the winning of papists to the true religion by such a form of worship . but now since experience hath taught , it rather hardens them against the truth , then draws them toward it ; when we see the pressing of it is rather a temptation to conform to popery , then otherwise ; we verily beleeve , if they had lived in these times of further light , they would have born witnesse against it , as others have done . lastly , though the originall had been good ( which yet is contrary ) we may answer in the words of peter martyr , to such as did plead for a lawfull presence at masse , because the originall was good ; who answers thus : in ●isce re●us non ●rigo , &c. in these matters , not the originall , but the nature is to be considered ; for the brasen serpent had its originall from god , and was honored with miraculous works : yet when abused , piis hominibus redditus est detestabilis , it became ( most ) loathsome to godly men . reply . it is no hard ta●k to shew , that our service-book was reformed in most things , according to the purest liturgies which were in use in the church , long before the masse was heard of in the world . and if that could not be shewed , yet forms of speech generally taken ( we speak not of this or that speciall word or phrase ) is no more defiled by idolatry , then the light , air , or place where idolatry is committed , &c. answ . it is just cause of grief unto us , that this reverend author should thus use the prelates plea for surplice and other ceremonies , to justifie this corrupt liturgy ; for these were before the masse , and many other idols of the papists : and though a phrase o● word be not polluted by their use of it ; yet a needless ceremony , and so a devised form of worship , and a bundle of ceremonious and corrupt worships , must needs be polluted by the use of them ; better to use the forms of turks then papists , saith cartw. supra . reply . fourthly , put case the minister in reading give offence , give unlawfull honor to a thing abused to idolatry , and suffer himself to be sinfully limited in reading ? what is that to the faithfull ? this can be no ground that the people may not joyn , &c. answ . we doe not conclude that they doe sin , but fearfull we are lest they may so do ; all things considered in this case , as have been before propounded . if indeed the case stood as formerly it hath done in england , we would have been lesse scrupulous and doubtfull of the matter : but if by the out-breaking of light , after so long toleration of the book , we see so many evill effects of it , and see such superstitious opinions of it increasing , and such pressing the same to the oppression of the churches , so many fall , so many weak ones stagger , and look at the example of their guides : if now when all are called of god to rise up against it with zeal and detestation , a minister godly and able will use any part of it with offence , &c. we suppose we had cause to fear and leave it doubtfull , whether the godly might lawfully joyn with them therein , and therefore we desire you to call back your sharp censure of such withdrawing , as you conclude this passage withall , or else we shal appeal to the reverend assembly of ministers , and their late and godly directory herein . reply . fifthly , if these , and such like scruples make it unlawfull to joyn in the ordinance of worship , we must hold communion with no society under heaven . for may not the brethren which hold all stinted liturgies and set forms unlawfull , say with like reason , it is not lawfull to joyn with others in conceived prayers , if they give too little honor to it , as conceiving the other lawful , or sinfully limiting themselves to one stinted form , though conceived at first by themselves , &c. answ . we must in treat the christian reader still to carry in minde with what tendernesse we offered our selves in this point , and upon what considerations we durst not wholly excuse and cleare such joyning as the case now stood , and therefore we think these reasonings would be far differing from the case in hand , and we would not be taken so as to justifie such rigid principles as these are . we heartily joyn in the conclusion , that such advancing of small differences , would indeed bring all to confusion , and we are far ( we hope ) from any such meaning . if our answer in this or any other passage , give just advantage to such separations , we are heartily sorry for it ; but we hope what hath been said will satisfie the ingenuous and christian reader . reply . sixthly , we have credibly heard , that you hold fellowship with professed rigid separatists , without acknowledging of their error , and receive them as members , or communicate with them in the priviledges of the church , though you professe you approve not their opinion or practice : and if in godly wisdome you can see grounds to joyn with them , we marvail you should be so timerous in this particular . answ . although in many of our churches we know not that there be any such professed rigid separatists , that reject the churches of england , as no churches ; and their ministers , as no true ministers ; yet we deny not but some such there may bee in some of the churches . whence we grant it may follow that we can have communion in gods worship with men of severall judgments , yet we may be justly timerous of joyning or approving others to joyn in any part of a corrupt worship , in case of scandall , &c. we think these things have not the same face or shew of reason in them ; and therefore so long as they live peaceably with us , we can well have fellowship with them , as we have also with other , that think ( it may be ) better of the churches and wayes of it , then there is cause , in regard of the corruptions thereof ; so we be not bound to approve their opinions , nor conform to any of their corrupt practises . reply . seventhly , if to administer in a stinted form be scandalous to such as separate , it is scandall taken , not given ; and we should do it the rather , that they be not confirmed in their error , the truth be not prejudiced , needless scruples occasioned , &c. answ . 1 this is from the question , for we dispute of your liturgy , not of any liturgy or stinted form. 2 take in the case in all its circumstances , ( as before declared ) and it will appear scandall may be given ; at least we put the case of a scandall really given . 3 how far a man in some cases of clear and undoubted truths may do a thing , the rather for such reasons , though others take offence , we will not dispute : but if for meat ( or by use of our liberty by eating of such meat , as another accounts unclean ) we may destroy the work of god , and therefore must not eat flesh , nor drink wine , nor any thing whereby a brother stumble , &c. rom. 14 14 , 15 , 20 , 21. how dangerous then to use such corrupt forms of worship , or any part thereof , so much the rather , when a weak brother stumbles at them , we leave it to the christian reader to judge , we doubt it will not agree with the rules of charity prescribed rom. 14. 1 cor. 8. chap. iii. 3 position . that the children of godly and approved christians are not : to be baptized , untill their parents be set members of some particular congregation . 4 that the parents themselves , though of approved piety , are not to be received ▪ to the lords-supper , untill they be admitted as set members . reply . what is here premised to prevent mistakes , doth seem more to raise , then to abate scruples . you refuse not all communion with all that are not church-members , and so much they professe who formerly have gone for , and professed themselves separatists from our assemblies ; you doe not appropriate these priviledges of the seals onely to members of your own churches , &c. if you mean onely that the sacraments administred in other churches be true for substance ; it is no more then you will confesse of rome . if you deny not fellowship with them in the seals , and to receive them to the sacrament , your judgement is against your practise , or you exclude the churches of england from the number of true churches . answ . we see not how such scruples could be raised without great mistake of our meaning , our expressions were so plain and distinct . for , 1 what if some separatists admit private communion with such , yet they reject your churches and ministery as null , which we doe not . and many of them have refused also such private communion . 2 we marvail how you could fall into such a mistake , as to suppose we onely allow the truth of sacraments for substance in other churches , when we speak in the same sentence of receiving satisfaction by letters , or otherwise concerning those we admit to the seales ; which plainly shew we speak of communion with such churches . 3 concerning fellowship with those churches , we may admit members of them to the seales with us , when we cannot always joyn with them in their administrations , by reason of some sinfull corruptions , wherein we must have actuall fellowship with them ; as your selves would not joyn , in case you must kneel at the lords-supper . 4 concerning the dilemma . we answer ; 1 our practice is not crosse to this profession . for such as come recommended from forein churches , and give such satisfaction as is meet , we doe receive ; and such as have wholly cast off all relation to english churches , and live amongst us , we have looked at as scattered stones , till they joyn some where in a church ; and themselves generally so judge of themselves ; but if any will hold to their membership in england , and come orderly to communion with us , we have not , no● shall not under that notion refuse them , if they be fit for the ordinances ; and therefore we exclude not the english churches out of the number , and herein we deal no otherwise with them , then with the members of our owne churches . reply . all possible care to keep the ordinances of god from contempt , we allow and commend , so you deny not church priviledges , to whom they are due , nor the name of churches to such as god hath blessed with meanes of grace , and have r●ceived the tables and seales , and entred covenant with god. your liberty to receive such satisfaction as is meet , is not questioned , nor whether you are to keep the bond of the spirit inviolable according to order : but whether this be according to ▪ order , to exclude from the sacrament true visible christians , or known recommended christians , formerly members of visible churches amongst us , and their children ; and to put such difference between them , and such as are in your church order . answ . 1 if the learned author would hold to what here is granted , we hope this controversie would soon be at an issue ; but it will appear after this order allowed binds onely in case of the ministers to dispense sacraments , but christians are left at a loose end , in respect of combining themselves unto particular churches according to the order of christ , which is the thing wee plead for . 2 we have not denyed the name of churches to such as are said to have plentifully the means of grace , tables , seales , and covenant . 3 concerning the stating of the question , too much liberty is taken , as in other cases ; for neither in the position , or in our answer , doe we limit the question to members in our church order , ( as here it is called ) but expresly extend the same to other churches of christ , though through error or humane frailty , defective in matters of order , yea , to the members of any true church , as in the answer is said . 2. concerning such as come over , and are for a time without seales , it is not because we refuse communion with them , as being members of your churches known , or recommended christians , as you say . for if any godly man remaining a member in any true church with you , or elswhere , come so recommended , or be well known to the church , we never under that notion refuse any , but giving such other satisfaction as is meet , shall readily receive them , as we always professe , and therefore we must still call for attendance to the state of this question in its right terms , viz. whether the children of godly parents , or themselves though of approved piety , are to be admitted to the seales , not being members of some particular congregation , or untill they be such . chap. iv. reply . to the first consideration : if by the church be understood the society of men professing the entire faith , the seales are given to it , as peculiar priviledges , but if you understand a congregationall assembly , the seales were never appropriated to it . answ . 1 our meaning is plain in the second sense , as may appear by the reasons alledged against any such universall church , as instituted and politicall , wherein the seales are dispensed , which reasons you answer not , but grant there is no such catholick church in our sense , pag. 21. and if no such church wherein the seales are administred , as we proved , then the cause it self is yeelded , and the seales must belong to particular churches . 2. seeing the main hinge of this question turns upon this point , to what church the administration and participation of the seals belong , wee shall a little further open our selves in this point . and because we affect and study peace with truth ; we shall freely acknowledge , first , that as there is an invisible church and body of christ , consisting of all the elect , effectually called throughout the world in all ages of it , the whole family in heaven and earth : so unto jesus christ , all the visible beleevers and churches of the world , are as one body to him , he governing , protecting , instructing all as his visible body . secondly , we acknowledge a visible communion of all the true churches of the lord jesus , in all offices of brotherly love , and in the holy things of christ , so far as may appear , the lord have ordained and commanded , and by his providence called them to exercise one with another . thirdly , we grant that all true beleevers , where-ever they bee , have by faith in christ , a true right and interest unto jesus christ and all his benefits , whatsoever he hath purchased for them ; but here we must first distinguish of these benefits of christ , whereof some are meerly spirituall , inward , and flowing immediately from christ unto them ; and therefore peculiar to true beleevers , as justification , sanctification , adoption , accesse to god in prayer , &c. some are outward and tending to the help and furtherance of our spirituall communion with christ , being outward and visible meanes thereof ; and therefore are also extended to hypocrites being visible beleevers , as the ministery of the word , seals , church-discipline , &c. and these cannot be dispensed by christ immediately nor ordinarily , but by means of a visible church . 2. we distinguish of right to these outward benefits of christ ; which is either remote , called , jus ad rem ; or near , and immediate , called , jus in r● ; right to the enjoyment and fruition of it . now in the first sense we grant , all visible beleevers have a right to seals , &c. but the immediate fruition of them , they must have mediante ecclesiâ visibili : now here lyes the true state of the question , whether the lord jesus have ordained an universall visible church , in which , and unto which , by the officers thereof all these outward visible priviledges and means of grace , are to be dispensed and immediately enjoyed of the faithfull ; or whether ( not the remote right , but ) the immediate fruition and administration of all these ordinances by the institution of christ , be given to particular visible churches ; and surely to whom one of these is given , all are given : for there is the same nature , reason , and use of all , ministry of the word , seals , discipline , all are outward ordinances , priviledges , means of grace , belonging to the visible church , where christ hath given one , he hath given all . but we must confesse , however you call this , a new church way , it is new to us to read so much of late , of such a catholick church , to which administration of seals , censures , &c. belong . we are yet of the opinion of baynes , parker , and cartwright , &c. that have against papists and prelates maintained , that in the new testament there is no instituted catholick , nationall , or provinciall church ; but onely the church of a particular congregation , both for the reasons alledged in our answer , as also for the impossibility thereof in the days of the new testament , when the lord jesus sent his apostles into all the world ; therefore impossible both in regard of distance of place , and variety of language almost ever to meet in one , so much as by representation , and that not onely by accident , as may befall a particular church , by sickness , persecution , &c. but by the necessity of nature and invincible hinderances foreseen by christ , and intended by him . and therfore , as the lord limiting his church to one nation , united it into that form of a nationall church , ordaining one place , stated times and duties of worship , and one government for the same : so now the lord neglecting all such things , hath ordained a compleat administration of all his ordinances in particular congregations , and therefore if there be no other instituted visible church but of a congregation , and seals in their administration be given to the church , our first consideration will still hold firm . but seeing in so vast a subject to say little , is to say nothing ; and there is scarce any truth in this wilie age but is almost disputed out of countenance , and much darkned with humane evasions ; and seeing much depends upon this controversie , it may be so most usefull before we come to the defence of our argument to take into consideration the nature and order of the visible church of christ catholick and particular . we are not ignorant of the knots and difficulties of this question , which of late have so much exercised the minds of many godly-learned : and we think the notions of a catholick church , as it is now held , being but newly taken up amongst godly reformers , who formerly ran in another channell , ( as is ingenuously confessed by some according to the truth ) this new-birth seems not yet so formed to its distinct proportions , as time may bring it unto : and it might make us afraid ( being the weakest of many ) to venture upon so diffuse and knotty a question , when we look upon our own insufficiency to such a task , and the learned labors of such in this point , whom we reverence in the lord : yet , when we consider of what great weight and moment the clearing up of this truth would be unto the orderly proceedings of the great work of reformation in hand ; 2 how unavoydably it lyes in our way in this work the lord hath called us unto ; and that he sometimes doth vouchsafe to speak by weak ones , that the praise may be his own , in hope of his blessed guidance which we depend upon herein , taking the light of his word in our hands , we shall ( rather as learners then otherwise ) venture to propound what is suggested to us herein . concerning which having digressed a while , we shall return ( we hope ) with some advantage of clearer evidence to justifie the first argument of the answer , against what is said in the reply . chap. v. a digression tending to clear the state of that controversie concerning a catholick visible church , in respect of the nature , unity , visibility , and priority of the same . the world hath been long troubled with the equivocation of the word [ church : ] and therefore ( as it is needfull ) we shall labor to set down our thoughts as distinctly and plainly as we can in certain propositions that may be some ground of our discourse . propos . 1. the true church of god is the whole number of elect and called ones out of the world to fellowship with jesus christ their head , with whom they make up one mysticall body , ephes . 1. 23. this whole church is of the same nature , and one in essence from the beginning of the world to the end ; for this church christ laid down his life , ephes . 5. 26. joh. 10. 15. and therefore he adds , vers . 16. such as are not yet of his fold ( actually ) shall be brought into the same , viz. by effectuall calling , that there may be one shepheard and one sheepfold : wherby it appears that the whole fold of christ to which he stands as one shepheard , contains all his members and sheep to the end of the world , and it is one fold in relation to christ that one shepheard . propos . 2● this one entire body of christ doth naturally fall under various notions and considerations , as ( omitting others ) when it is considered according to the adjuncts of visibility and invisibility , which are onely adjuncts of the same church , as is generally observed by divines . in respect of the inward union which every such member hath with christ the head , by the spirit of christ , and by faith , whereby we are united to him ; it is called invisible , because this union is not visible to men . in respects of some visible fruits and manifestations of faith to the judgment of men , it is called visible ; and hence though true beleevers be onely univoce , and properly members of this body of christ ; yet to men that judge onely by outward effects many hypocrites , equivoce and improperly are accounted of the church ; and hence the scripture frequently speaks of visible churches , as if they were all really saints . propos . 3. as this church comes to be visible , so it becomes a fit and capable subject of visible policy , and visible communion with christ their head , and one with another in all the visible ordinances of christ , a capable subject we say , or matter fit for such a state ; for by its visibility it self it is not so , having yet no more then a spirituall relation to christ and one another : no visible combination one with another ; for visible beleevers may be so scattered in severall countreys , that they cannot make up one society . propos . 4. and therefore we add , that there is no way for this church to enjoy actuall visible communion under the visible government of christ , and in the visible instituted ordinances of christ , but in a society . a thousand uncombined persons meeting occasionally in one place , though their naturall relations were as near as brethren , yet have no power of government or actuall communion in any civill priviledges , if they stand not in relation to one another as a combined society ; as after shall be shown ; so here : and therefore , acts 2. 41 , 42. first they were added to the church , and then followed their fellowship in all the ordinances of the church ; as after will more fully appear . and hence it is said , acts 5. 14. beleevers were added ; first they were beleevers , standing in that spirituall relation to christ and his whole body , and then added to the church by visible combination . propos . 5. there is no visible society of a church who hath actuall and immediate right unto , and communion in the visible government of christ , and the dispensation of his instituted worship and ordinances , but such a society as the lord jesus hath in the gopel instituted and ordained for that end . we say actuall and immediate right unto the same ; for though a beleever , quâ beleever , have an immediate right , and actuall enjoyment of such benefits of christ as necessarily and immediately flow from his internall union with christ , as justification , adoption , &c. and such right to christian communion with all the saints in their prayers , gifts , &c. as flow from his spirituall relation unto them ; yea , and also he hath a true right to all benefits purchased by christ in a due order and manner : yet we say instituted priviledges and ordinances doe not immediately flow from spirituall union and relation to christ and his members , but are dispensed by christ to his people mediately , and in such an order as he hath in wisdome ordained : and this the nature of visible government and ordinances of christ necessarily requires . and hence it is , that although the church in its nature and essence , and in respect of its spirituall union and relation to christ and one another , profession of the same faith , &c. have been always one and the same in all ages , yet both the visible government and ordinances of worship , and also the instituted form and order of church-societies hath been various according to the wisdome and will of christ , whereby it appears , that the order , government , forms of visible church-societies , to which actuall enjoyment of visible ordinances doe belong , cannot justly be deduced from the common nature of the church catholick , or any respects of reason or logicall notions under which it may fall : but onely this depends upon the will and pleasure of christ , who hath in all ages instituted the forms and orders of such societies to whom the actual enjoyment of instituted ordinances was given : and hence the argument for a nationall form of a church to be in the new testament as wel as in the old , drawn from the common nature , essence , prosession of faith , &c. of the church in all ages , falls flat to the ground , for by the same reason it must then be in families onely now , as it was about abrahams time . propos . 6. hence it follows that the true state of this great dispute about a catholick church ( so far as tends to clear up to what church the actuall administration of church-government , and all instituted worship belongs ) doth not lye in the consideration of the common nature , essence , unity , visibility , or any other notions under which it may fall ; but the true state lyes here concerning the nature , order , form of such visible societies , as christ jesus by divine institution in the gospel hath reduced his visible members unto , for the actuall and immediate enjoyment of all his instituted ordinances . and therefore ( with due respect to the godly-learned be it spoken ) we conceive many large disputes in this question fall short of the issue that is desired and intended ; for what if it be granted : 1 that there is a catholick visible church , which in some respects of reason ( as mr. ball saith ) is one that having partes visibiles , is a totum visibile . 2. that the visible church is not onely a totum genericum , in relation to all the particular congregations , as species specialissimae , of a visible church in generall , ( which respect of reason in some sense we freely consent unto ) but also that it may fall under the notion of a totum integrale , as some contend , ( though we conceive in this notion , they are so intangled in their own logicall principles , as that they cannot get out without breaking them , and flying to theologicall considerations ) yet we say , what if that also be attained ? 3 yea further , what if this catholick church be in some respects of reason and order of nature also the first church , and particular churches , ortae ? 4 yea further , what if it were gained also by such disputes , that the keys and officers , ordinances , &c. be given firstly to this catholick church as to the object and end ? we confesse we do not see that what our brethren contend for , is by all this obtained . for , first , if the universall number of visible beleevers be one totum aggregatum ; yet it will bee hard to prove that these are one instituted and politicall society , that can enjoy visible communion together in visible worship and government ; and yet more hard to prove that by the institution of christ , these all are to be actually governed as one totum . secondly , what though the members of the church catholick be in order of time before particular churches , as being fit matter for them , and constituting of them ? yet this proves not one politicall body before they combine , but rather the contrary . thirdly , be it so that this catholick church is the first church to which christ hath firstly given the keys , ordinances , promises , &c. for which christ firstly performed the offices of king , priest , and prophet , and what else soever can be said in this kinde ; yet all this may be in this respect that christ looked at this catholick church firstly as the chief object and end for whose sake and good he ordained and gave all these things , and this will not carry the cause ; for as the church catholick visible in this sense is the first church in respect of the particulars , so the invisible body of christ is in nature and priority the first church in respect of visible , as visible ; for christ no doubt firstly intends and gives all these things to the invisible church , as to the object and end of the same for whose good they are all ordained ; rather then for the catholick visible church , which containes many hypocrites and reprobates within the verge of it . but now if we speak of a subject of the keys , to which the actuall exercise and dispensation of keys and instituted ordinances belong : who doe not see that in this sense the invisible church quâ talis , cannot be that instituted society to which the keys , &c. belong ; and by the same reason the catholick visible church quâ totum , and quâ catholick , cannot be this instituted society to which they are given . it is a known rule in reason , that , that which is first in intention , is last in execution ; and so it is here , first , christ propounds this end to himself to gather , edifie , perfect , sanctifie , save his catholick church , ephes . 4. 11 , 12. & 5. 26. and therefore institutes all ordinances as means to farther and attain this great design ; but in execution he may ( for all this ) give the keys and ordinances in regard of the immediate exercise to any form of visible societies that he shall be pleased to institute , and it may be that will prove the least society sooner then a greater . and seeing our brethren otherwise minded make much use of similies in this dispute : we hope it will not be amisse for us to illustrate what we say by a similitude , partly to make our conceivings the more plain to all whose edification we seek ; and partly , to discover the invalidity of many discourses of this nature ; and because similia arguunt fidemque faciunt , ( as he saith ) viz. so far as rightly applyed ) we will therefore propound it in way of argument . the similitude is this , genus humanum , or mankinde in generall is the subject of civill government in generall , and of all the priviledges thereof , as the object and the end : and let the question be , whether this catholick number of all mankinde is the first subject of all power of civill government , and the priviledges thereof ; and if so , whether such consequences will follow as our brethren deduce from the unity , visibility , and priority of the catholich church . now we reduce what we intend into an argument , thus : if all that can be said from scripture and reason concerning the unity , visibility , and priority of the catholick church , may as truly be affirmed upon like grounds of the catholick body of mankinde , then à p●ri it will follow that there is no more one catholick visible instituted totum , that is the first subject of church power and priviledges in the actuall exercise and enjoyment of the same , then that there is such a catholick body of mankinde that is the first subject o● civill power , &c. and that actually doth or ought to govern and be governed as one catholick body in communion : but it will appear from scripture and reason , that the same things may be said of mankind that can be said of the other ; ergo , and it is proved per partes , thus : 1 for the unity ; are not all mankinde oft in scripture called the world ? joh. 3. 16 ▪ so god loved the world , that is , mankinde in the world ; which is one . so , frequently all mankinde is called man , gen. 6. 5 , 6 , 7. i will not strive with man , &c. yea , it is one kingdom , psal . 145. 11 , 12 , 13. which ( if we view the whole psalm ) must be understood of the generall government of gods providence over all the world , and especially mankinde therein , 1 chron. 29. 11 , 12. &c. so that all is one kingdom , acts 17. 26. god hath made of one blood all nations ; all are one blood , all have their bounds set by god , &c. that they might seek him , and feel after him ; and as it is said for one catholick church , because it hath one lord , one faith , one baptism , one spirit , and are bound to love and pray one for the other , &c. so there is a like unity here , for the whole number of mankinde hath one lord and king over all , god who is king over all the earth called an head over all , 1 chron. 29. 11. yea , jesus christ is lord of lords , and king of kings , and head over all to the church , ephes . 1. 22. all have one law , the morall law , the common rule of equity and righteousness whereby they are bound to walk towards god and one another , and this writ in the hearts of all ; they have all one spirit of reason disposing them to society and mutuall offices of love , one faculty of speaking to fit them for communion , one end to feel after god , act. 17. and seek ye good of the whole kinde ; all ought to love one another , desire and seek the welfare of the whole , and of one another , esay 58. 7. yea , the lord as a common head by the working of his common providence , and out of his love of mankinde , hath a common and constant influence into all , giving not onely life and breath , and all good things , acts 17. but also all gifts of wisdom , art , skill , for government , &c. to kings , judges , fathers , masters , and all officers of civill government , for the good of the whole ; and what ever else may be said to prove the catholick church on● , may here be applyed . and as for principles of reason , it is easie to conceive that all mankinde will fall either under the notion of one genus homo , whereof the individua are species specialissimae , or in another respect all persons , all families , cities , kingdomes may ( in a sense ) make one totum integrale , or aggregatum . secondly , it is as evident that all this number of mankinde are one visibile totum , by the arguments used for the visible catholick church , for that which hath visible parts , is a visible totum , i● holds here as well as in the other case . yea , if the catholick church be one visible body , because it hath organs and visible officers in it , it will hold here , for all mankinde is but one army of the lord of hosts , who hath armies of heaven , and armies on earth , and in this body god by his providence hath set , and by his ordinance hath ordained fathers , masters , husbands , judges , kings , &c. to govern in this body of mankinde for the good of the whole . ruling and subjection by the fifth commandement of the morall law , which is in all mens hearts , is ordained of god for the order , peace , and welfare of all mankind , and therefore why is not this by the same reason a totum visibile ? thirdly , for priority , it is clear , that as god hath firstly in nature and intention given christ to the whole church , then to this and that particular beleever , and the power of feeding and being fed and governed by shepheards . first , to the whole race of sheep . secondly , to this or that flock . so in nature and gods intention he hath firstly given to the race of mankind power of being governed with government and governors , before they are given to this or that family , city , kingdom , &c. so likewise what is said of promises , given to the church catholick firstly ; is it not as true here ? those promises and blessings increase and multiply , subdue the earth and inhabite it . the feare and dread of you shall be on all beasts : and all like promises and priviledges of marriage , of liberty to eat flesh , &c. mentioned , gen. 2. & 9. and all over the scripture , are they not in nature first given to mankinde ? and then to this or that person , family , city ? so if church power , and all officers and offices be firstly given to the catholick church , not to this or that particular church : so it 's here , when the scripture saith , submit to the higher powers , for all powers are of god , rom. 13 〈◊〉 me , saith god , kings reign , and princes decree judgment , and such like scriptures ; doth this firstly belong to this or that kingdome , city , &c. and not rather that god hath firstly set up and ordained civil powers for mankind , to be obeyed of all mankinde firstly , and then in this or that state . is foederall holinesse first the priviledge of the catholick church ? ( which in a sense we will not now contradict ) so is legitimation , first the priviledge of married society in generall in all mankinde , and then of this or that family . are the members of particular churches firstly of the catholick church ; and is it not so here ? the members of every family , city , &c ▪ first and last of the number of mankinde ; and so when the societies are dissolved , they are still of mankinde : and doe not all societies spring of mankinde , and are an additament and increase to it ? the one is true as well as the other . it would be over tedious to follow this parallel so farre as wee might , these may be sufficient instances to guide the reader to apply whatever else is , or can be said in this kinde from the common nature and logicall notions under which the catholick church visible may be considered : what is said that may more properly concern the case under the notion of an instituted society , we shall consider in due place . now from that which hath been said , the conclusion , as we conceive , doth easily and naturally follow , that as notwithstanding all that is said , there is no catholick visible body of mankinde , to which , or to the officers wherof is given the power and priviledges of civill government to rule this catholick body , either as one totum politicum ; or the parts of it , families , cities , kingdoms in communi , by subordination of all societies with reference to the whole ; or so as every king , major , &c. should be an officer of the whole . so these , and like consequences will not follow in respect of the guides , government , priviledges , &c. of the catholick church , notwithstanding all that is said from these considerations of unity , visibility , priority of nature , &c. 1 object . if any shall object , the case is not alike , because in this catholick church were universall officers set up , as the apostles ; not so in the world of mankinde . ans . we say , these were but for a time in the first beginning for the setting up of the fir●● order in all the churches ; who being dead , there is none to succeed them in that respect of catholick power . secondly , we say likewise , at the first for a time adam , and after noah , had a generall power over mankinde , though after them none had the like , as it is here . and therefore the comparison stil runs clear . 2 object . if any object , as some doe , in answer to an argument somewhat like this , that this similitude holds not , because there is not that externall union of visible communion in the common-wealths of the world , as in the church ; if one say , god hath placed kings , dukes in the common-wealths , as in one organicall body who have one head , who giveth influence to so many organs of head , feet , &c. as the apostle speaketh of the body the church , 1 cor. 12. then indeed all the common-wealths of the world would make but one body . answ . to the scripture alledged we shall speak after , here onely let us clear our parallel . and first take the similitude as it is stated by us , and it will be clear . first , compare the catholick number of mankinde , with the catholick church , which is the number of called ones , and then there is as much externall union of visible communion in one , as in the other . for , first , all mankinde may and ought to maintain civill communion one with another , in all offices of humanity , for the common good of the whole , as the members of the catholick church doe , or ought to doe ; and common humanity , and the command of the morall law binds thereto , as well as christianity and rules of the gospel bind here . secondly , if we compare civill societies , as families , cities , common-wealths with instituted churches , it is as possible , and as well the duty of all common-wealths in the world , by principles of humanity , and the morall law in all mens hearts , to maintain externall union of leagues of friendship , and communion in all offices of civill society , as it is possible , and the duty of all church societies , by the principles of christianity , and rule of the gospel to maintain externall union of visible communion in the duties of church society . thirdly , ( not to dispute here whether there be such an externall union of visible communion amongst all the visible churches , as parts of the church catholick ) if the reason alledged be sufficient to prove the same , viz. because there is one head in the church , who giveth influence to so many organs of head , feet , eyes , &c. in the church . then still our parallel will hold ; for as this head is no other then christ jesus in his spirituall kingdom , the church giving that influence named ; so the same lord that is king and head over all , 1 chron. 29. 11. ephes . 1. 22. doth give influence to many organs in this body of mankinde , even to all kings , judges , fathers of families . and christ is the same in respect of all authority , power , gifts , administrations civill , &c. to this kingdome of men , as he is to the kingdom of his church of all power spiritual : and although the church be a body of nearer relation to christ , then the body of mankinde ; yet in regard of a common relation between a head and body there is a similitude , which is sufficient in this case . there is one thing more we meet withall that here we shall remove , viz. when it is objected that the catholick visible church cannot be one , because it cannot convent together in one society ; it is answered usually , that such comming together in one society is not needfull , because as a kingdom may be one , though all parts of it never meet together , having the same king , laws , &c. and as an army may be one , having the same generall , the same laws of discipline , the same cause , &c. though the severall brigades should never be drawn up into one body : so the catholick church having the same king , laws , cause , enemies , is but one though it never meet . to this we shall here reply so far as it lyes in our way : 1 as all union is for communion , and all communion flows from union ; so look of what nature the union is , such , and no other is the communion ; and look of what nature the communion ought to be , of like nature ought the union to be , else it will not reach the end . and therefore here as the mysticall spirituall union of the catholick church to christ the head by faith , and to one another by love , is sufficient to afford spirituall communion with the same : so unto politicall communion there must bee a politicall union into one policy . and as the nature of politicall communion is , such must the nature of the union be , that it may reach the end . to apply this , a politicall church is instituted of christ for communion in all the worship and ordinances of christ instituted in the gospel , as the ministery of the word , the seales and discipline ; now no church as one can have communion with christ and one another in these things , but it must have a politicall union suitable thereunto , that is , they must be one society that can at least meet to combine together . and therefore if all churches make one politicall body , for politicall communion , it must be such an union as will reach that end , which cannot be imagined in such a catholick totum politicum as the catholick church . 't is true , distinct churches ( as distinct kingdoms ) may have communion in some politicall priviledges answerable to their union , consisting in a fraternall relation one unto another , yet not make up one body politicall ; of which we speak . secondly , to the similitudes brought , we answer , this whole kingdom or army is properly and clearly one politicall body under one politicall head the king or general , as stands by covenant as members of that one policy ; and those who have right to choose their king or generall , may and doe some time or other convene . let the like be shewed in the catholick church , that all politicall churches are moulded up into one politicall body , either de jure , or de facto , or that it is possible ( as the case stands ) so to be , and then the similitudes would be of some use . thirdly , in a kingdom or army , suppose they never meet , yet there is such politicall union as fully reaches the politicall communion for which end it was combined , viz. that they should enjoy peace and justice in and by a just government , or by the protection of the army . but if such a politicall body were combined to have such communion as a church-communion is , then it would require conventing together , as elswhere we shall more fully manifest : for our parts , we do not see that christ hath ordained the whole catholick church as one , to have politicall communion together , which is impossible . and therefore we see no need of such a politicall combination , but as he hath ordained a brotherly communion of counsell and helpfulnesse one to another , as need requires ; so a spirituall relation and brotherly consociation of churches together is union sufficient for such a communion . and thus far we have endevored to take away all those arguments which are built upon the generall considerations of the unity , visibility and priority of the catholick church , which we leave to the consideration and examination of the judicious . we shall now , ( as the lord shall helpe us ) come to cleare the state of this knotty controversie , as we think it ought to be stated and carryed . viz. what is that form of a politicall church which jesus christ in the gospel hath instituted and appointed as the subject of church power of government , and administration of all the ordinances of the gospel for actuall communion with christ , and one with another therein ? and here give us leave before we enter into the question it self , to make a little further use of our former similitude for illustration ; and then we will shew where the ne plus ultra , as we conceive must stand . it hath been shewed in respect of the body of mankinde , that although much may be said for the unity , visibility , and priority thereof before any parts of it , yet no reason will inforce that it is the first subject of civill power , &c. in respect of actuall administration , and immediate enjoyment thereof , and so here in respect of the church . we will now add but this one thing more , that notwithstanding all such reasons , yet in execution for the good of the whole , the least civill society , yea , a family may be , and is the first subject of civill power , and priviledges of civill government ; so the least politicall church society may be the first subject of these keys of church power in the exercise thereof , and of immediate communion in all visible ordinances , and we think that there by divine institution it is seated , and the edification and perfection of the catholick church may best be attained thereby . concerning families , we see no footsteps in the propagation of mankinde from adam and noah , of any soveraign or universall government , further then in the first fathers of mankinde , after whom as they increased , families went out , and combining made cities , and so common-wealths by mutuall consent , as in gen. 10. and other stories appear , except by the tyrannous usurpations of some as nimrod , the rest were brought under ; and this no doubt amongst any free people is still the most orderly , just and safe way of erecting all forms of civill government , families to combine into townes , cities , kingdomes , or aristocraticall states . but here some will say ; if so , that according to this similitude , a particular congregation may be the first church that have the keys of church power , and church communion ; then as families should combine into towns and cities , and they into greater common-wealths , for the good of all mankinde ; so here these first churches may not stand independently , but ought to combine into greater bodies , till they come to be one whole church ; to this we say , this will not follow upon this evident reason , because civill societies and government thereof , is herein left to rules of humane prudence by the lord and governor of the whole world ; and therefore may admit various forms of government , various laws and constitutions , various priviledges , &c. according as men shall conceive best for themselves , so they be not against the common morall rules of equity , and the good of those societies : but here in the kingdom of christ as wee must attend what kinde of church he hath instituted , so we must cleave to such rules , priviledges , and forms of government and administrations as he hath ordained , not presuming to goe one step beyond the same . and hence it is not in the power of any church to alienate the power , rights , or priviledges christ have set in the same , or to mould up any other politicall churches then he hath appointed ; and here we conceive stands immovably the ne plus ultra of this similitude between the visible church , and the estate of mankinde in reference to power and government , &c. all which things well weighed , to us seems to overthrow all such intermediate forms of churches , or the usuall churches , as mr. ball calls the same ; as , classicall , provinciall , diocesan , nationall , patriarchicall , &c. which we see not how according to the rule of christ they can be constituted either descendendo , from the common nature of the catholick church ; or ascendendo , from the combination of particulars , except institution can bee found for the same . we find indeed , that some endevor to build such forms upon the foundation of morall principles , and the law of nature ; as , that god hath given government to be over a multitude , and that of many societies , as well as persons , that one society may not suffer as well as one person ; and that therefore must be given of the god of grace to a society and multitude of little churches power of externall government . to which we answer ; 1 that there is no such principle in nature that generally binds free societies to submit to one common government ; must many kingdoms , &c. by consequence all kingdoms combine in government , lest one kingdome bee hurt , ● . must moab , ammon , edom , tyre , sydon , judea , &c. being so contiguous in near vicinity to each other , combine in one government ? 2 is it not as suitable to morality and reason , in such combinations , that they set up one to rule over them , when many grow ignorant , evill , or heady , to preserve peace , and prevent wrong , as to set up many ? 3 did abraham , lot , melchisedeck , and such family churches , walk against grounds of morality and nature , that did not so combine ? we might add more , but forbear ; but we could desire our dear brethren to be wary of scattering such principles ; for though in the matters of the church , and worship , and government of christ , grace doth not destroy nature , yet look as a particular church constitution and government was never erected by the law of nature ; but divine institution , so for the governing of many over one , why should there not be the like institution ? but to come more near to the case it self , we shall endeavour to clear two things : 1. that there is no catholick politicall church society instituted by christ , to which the actuall administration and participation of church government and communion in the instituted ordinances of christ , is given as to the first subject thereof . 2. that the true form of all church societies instituted by christ , to which he hath given the actuall administration and immediate participation of church government , and all other instituted ordinances , as the subject thereof , is onely congregationall . first , concerning the first , to make our discourse more distinct and plain , we shall premise here , that we doe not here at all take in , or respect that question about the power of the keys , whether it be in the fraternity or guides , ( we shall god willing have a fit place to speak something of it ) but here ( that we may not intermingle things ) we look onely at the true subject , in which , and unto which the actuall and immediate dispensation and participation of church government and outward ordinances is given by the institution of the gospel . and here we first reason thus , such a church society as christ instituted , the apostles of christ constituted and governed in : but the apostles never constituted such a catholick church society , or governed it in such a manner as is said : ergo. the proposition is evident , because the apostles were to do whatsoever christ commanded in matth. 28. 20. and were sufficiently furnished with power and wisdome so to doe : besides , the apostles having all power from christ as hee received from the father , john 20. and the whole number of beleevers being then at the fewest , there was never since such an opportunity or possibility to constitute such a church , if christ jesus had instituted such a thing . the assumption or second part of the reason is proved thus , if the apostles ever constituted and administred in such a church catholick , it was either that at jerusalem mentioned acts 1 , & 2. &c. or that assembly that met , acts 15. ( for we meet with no other that can with any colour of reason bee supposed ) but neither of these were such a constituted church ; ergo. 1 concerning the church named , acts 1. carryed on , acts 2. &c. we freely grant it was a constituted church , wherein the apostles with elders and deacons afterward chosen did govern , for as it is called a church , acts 2. 47. so likewise we see there were in it elections , act. 1. & 6. and administrations of instituted ordinances of worship , acts 2. 41 , 42. admission of members , chap. 2. 41 , 47. and by the same reason there might have been excommunication also : but that this church was not the catholick church , we prove thus : if it were the catholick church , then it was such either in respect of the whole essence of the catholick church , or in respect of representation ; but neither ways : ergo. the first it could not be , because it consisted at the first but of 120. which was a very small part of the catholick number of visible beleevers ; for , 1 cor. 15. 6. there were above 500 brethren to whom christ appeared at once , which was but some few weeks before , besides all that in the jewish church were converted and baptized by john , which were very many ; yea , if we speak of the catholick church , properly all the jewish church , not yet dissolved , were part of the catholick church of that age visible . lastly , if it had been the catholick church , beleevers being already of it , could not be said to be added to this ; as , acts 5. 13 , 14. secondly , it was not catholick in respect of representation , for if so , then in respect of the apostles onely as the catholick guides , or in respect of the whole assembly with them , acts 1. not the first , for then the apostles onely should have had power to set apart barnabas and matthias , but it is evident that that election was by peter himself committed to , and acted by the whole company called the brethren and disciples , acts 1. 15 , 16 , 26. where it appears that as he spake to all , so it was concluded with the common suffrages of all . secondly , if so , because the apostles were catholick guides , then where-ever they met was a catholick church , yea , where two or three , or any one of them was , there was the catholick representative church , and so many such churches , for any two or one had the catholick power as well as all ; paul ordains , rules , and orders of discipline in all the churches , as well as if all the apostles had met , 1 cor. 7. 17. 1 cor. 16. 1. 2 that assembly was not the representative catholick church , because , first , there were the women in the same , now women are no way capable of being messengers to represent churches : secondly , besides , these could not be representative messengers from other churches , because this was the first constituted church ; we see no colour of reason that there were any other constituted visible churches before this . lastly , all the actions of that church mentioned , especially those in acts 2. 41 , 42. of admission of members , baptism , word , seales , fellowship day by day in such ordinances , choice of deacons , &c. speak aloud against a representative church , we should rather have heard of constitutions , censures , &c. from such a representative catholick church of generall counsell . object . we are not ignorant what is said to the contrary , viz. that it was the catholick church , because they elected a catholick officer for the whole church , viz. an apostle . ans . to which we answer ; 1 all the catholick church and guides thereof had no power so to do , no more then a particular church , being a case reserved to christ himself , else pauls argument to prove his apostleship had not been strong ; because he was not called by man , but by christ himself , and had seen the lord , &c. gal. 1. 1. 1 cor. 9. 1. 2 the act of the church was onely a preparatory act thereunto with an after consent : the election was properly done immediately by a lot , and what was done might as well be done in the first particular church guided by the infallible spirit of the apostles , as by the catholick church it self . object . secondly , it is objected , many of these were men of galilee , which by their habitation could not pertain to the church in jerusalem . answ . true , the apostles and others were of galilee , but they had forsaken all to follow christ , and were commanded by christ to remain a time at jerusalem , and then to goe forth to samaria , judea , and the utmost parts of the earth , acts 1. 4 , 8. and therfore no church relation in galilee could hinder them from joyning in this first constituted church , or give any colour that they came as members representative from any churches in galilee . and so much for the plea for a catholick church from acts 1. &c. now concerning that which is supposed of a catholick church representative in act. 15. if it were such , then in respect of the apostles ( the catholick officers ) onely , or in respect of the body of the assembly also , but in neither respects : ergo. 1 ▪ not the first , for then as was said , any one apostle may make a representative catholick church , having the whole power , as much as all of them together ; for though they would meet oft to consult and assist one another ; yet not for defect of power in any one ; and we think our brethren here will not say it was in respect of the apostles alone , supposing here they acted rather as elders with the rest , then out of their apostolicall power . 2 not in respect of the whole assembly , for then that assembly must consist of the messengers of all the particular churches , and the decrees should have been directed to all the churches ; but neither of these can appear ; for , first , wee read of no other messengers but those from antioch , and how to evince more then the scriptures reveal , is hard . secondly , if we look back and consider how far the gospel was spread before this assembly , it will appear very strange and absurd to suppose such a thing ; for paul had been in arabia before ever he came to ierusalem , gal. 1. 17. and when he and barnabas were sent out from antioch , acts 13. they went to severall islands and countreys , as cyprus , paphos , salamis , &c. besides what other places scattered christians and apostles had preached in : now there is no probability of messengers ▪ sent from all these places . secondly , the decrees were expresly directed to the gentiles beleeving , in antioch , syria , and cilicia , where it seems this question had troubled the minds of the disciples , acts 15. 23 , 24. which was far short of the catholick church ; neither is it proved that the churches of syria and cilicia had any messengers there , much lesse that all the churches had their messengers . object . but it is said , they might have had their messengers there , if they would , and therefore they were bound to the decrees as of a generall councell . answ . it must first be proved , that all churches had lawfull summons to send their messengers to that assembly , before there can be laid any blame on them for neglecting the same , or they be all tyed to the decrees of such an assembly as a generall councell , which seems to us not so much as probable , much lesse to be proved by any where the scripture is so silent . arg. 2. every politicall body is constituted by the combination of all the members into a society . but christ hath not instituted that the catholick church should combine into a society . ergo. propos . proved , because there can be no instances given of any free society , civill or sacred , that was under policy , but that it arose from combination . how came israel to be one nationall church , but by a national covenant ? and that before it had officers ; or how comes any nationall , provinciall , classicall church that are pleaded for to be such , but by some such combination ? why is this church of this classis not of another but by combination ? secondly , in a politicall body , the whole hath power to order every part , but this power among persons that are free , is onely by combination . assump . proved : first , because christ never instituted that which is impossible , as this is , for the catholick visible church in every age so to doe . secondly , christ ordained combination for communion in his worship , but this communion also is impossible to the catholick church as one : ergo. thirdly , corrupt churches are visible churches , but it is hard for us to beleeve , or any to prove that christ hath instituted such combination of all churches , asian , african , european , american , corrupt and uncorrupt , for prudent men may easily foresee the heavy consequents thereof . argum. 3. every politicall church by the institution of christ hath power to elect her own pastor or pastors over it . but the catholick visible church hath not such power : ergo. proposit . proved . this all scripture examples shew , that every church or flock of beleevers had her pastor , act. 14. tit. 1. secondly , ( according to our brethrens principles ) if a particular church may choose a pastor , much more the catholick , because all priviledges are primarily given to the catholick church , and what belongs to the part of a similar body , ( as a part ) that much more belongs to the whole . assump . proved first , if the catholick church may choose pastors over it , then they may make apostles , because catholick pastors over the catholick church . secondly , the reasons against an universall bishop are strong here , as that their office is not described in the word , nor their power able to reach all churches . if it be said , that the catholick church can choose her pastors in the parts or particular societies , which are pastors of the catholick church , though not catholick pastors of the catholick church . answ . if this be meant of the particular churches choosing pastors over themselves , who are in some respects for the good of the whole , ( as being partes partium , and so partes totius ▪ ) then they come to our hand , for thus it appears that there is no catholick totum , that is the subject of officers but in its parts . but the question is , whether all particular churches having the officers in them , do make one political body or catholick church , and so have power to choose catholick pastors . argum. 4. christ jesus instituted no such politicall body as destroys church policy . but such a catholick church politicall destroys policy : ergo. assump . proved : because it swallows up the power not onely of all churches congregationall , but all other forms of churches , by taking the power of excommunication from them ; for the power of excommunication is seated by christ in that church , from which there can be justly no appeal , for matth. 18. the power of excommunication is seated in such a church , as whatsoever it binds on earth , is bound in heaven by the highest judge , in the highest court ; and from the sentence of this highest court and judge , how can there be any appeal ? but now supposing such a catholick church having power of excommunication , and that as the highest church , hence no inferior church can binde on earth , so as that the same is bound in heaven , seeing appeales may be made from them to an higher power on earth . object . if it be said that the sentence of an inferior judge , proceeding rightly ( as in an inferior sanhedrin ) is ratified in heaven , yet may we appeale from him . answ . we deny that the sentence of every civill court doth binde in heaven ( in the sense of our saviour : ) for every civil court hath not this promise of binding and loosing , the power of the keys not belonging to the civill magistrate . secondly , suppose there were such a binding in civill courts , and appeals may be yet made from them , yet this is because there is supposed a supreme court in being , to which the appeale may be prosecuted and there determined , ( as in the highest sanhedrin of israel . ) but there is not in the church , nor like to be , such a supreme court where such appeals may be ended : ergo. object . 2 ▪ if it be said , that what a particular church binds on earth is bound in heaven , except they erre , but then appeals may be made , and their power is gone . answ . on this ground the universall church should not have power to bind on earth so as in heaven without appeales , for they may erre ; and that not onely rarely but frequently ; witnesse the complaint of nazianzen and others of the time passed ; yea , they may be as much inclined to erre ▪ considering the greatest part of churches in the world are for the most part corrupt , yea , though they may have better eyes , yet they are further from the mark ; if particular churches have no power of excommunication , because they may erre , be corrupt , be partiall , or be divided ; upon the same consideration , neither classicall , nationall , or oecumeniall councells have any such power ; for they may erre , grow corrupt , be partiall , and be miserably divided , as well as a congregationall church ; other churches may admonish in case of scandall , and counsell , when a particular congregation wants light ; and moderate ( if desired ) in case of difference ; but still the power is in the particular church . other arguments might be added , but seeing this controversie , as we hope , will be more fully and purposely disputed by a farre better hand , therefore we shall fall to the consideration of such scriptures , and some few generall arguments which we meet withall in mr. ball briefly propounded , and in divers other authors more largely insisted upon ; which if the lord be pleased to helpe us to vindicate and clear up , we think other reasons and scriptures of lesse force will fall of themselves . and first we finde , cant. 6. 4. &c. to prove the whole catholick church visible to be one ministeriall body , because it is called one , compared to an army terrible with banners , in respect of the order of discipline , and described as being an organicall body having eyes , hair , teeth , &c. answ . 1 theologia symbolica non est argumentativa , except it can be made clear that the parable is applyed according to the true scope of it , and no further , which here is very hard to evince : we know the whole book of the canticles is variously applyed by good interpreters , brightman ( none of the meanest in this kinde of scriptures ) applyes this place to the church of geneva , and the times of purer churches to arise after it , which are said to be terrible as an army with banners ; not in respect of discipline , but in respect of warlike power , whereby that state of the church shall defend it self . 2 but suppose that it is a description of the catholick church visible , yet it cannot be a sufficient argument that it is one ministeriall church : for , first , the catholick church is the same in all ages , and therefore by this reason it was a catholick ministeriall body , as well in the days from adam to abraham , &c. as in the new testament ▪ secondly , by this argument we may prove christ the head and husband of the church to be an organicall body , as he is the head of the church , for cant. 5. 10 , 11. &c. the church doth allegorically describe the beauty and excellency of christ , in severall organs and parts : but we suppose though christ jesus in his humane nature hath members , yet the scope of the church is not at all to set forth the members of his humane body , but the glorious excellencies , and spirituall perfections of christ as the redeemer and saviour of his church , according to the manner of lovers , who are taken with the beauty of their spouses in all their members ; when the spouse saith , cant. 1. 1. let him kisse me with the kisses of his mouth ; it were too grosse to apply it to the humanity of christ , or to argue from thence that christ the husband of his church is an organicall body . thirdly and lastly , when the church is called one , the onely one of her mother ; though it 's true she is one , it seems rather to set out her excellency as rare , and but one , then her unity : and so the other descriptions all tend to set forth her beauty in the eye and esteem of christ ; neither is it any thing that the church is compared to an army terrible with banners , for in the same chap. vers . the last , she is compared to the company of mahanaim , or two armies , ( which is all one ) for the company of mahanaim consisted of two armies , gen. 32. 1 , 2 , 3. where jacobs host meeting an host of angels , he calls the place mahanaim , or , two hosts ; and therefore we may as well say the catholick church is terrible , with two armies of banners , as one . answ . a second and chief scripture we meet withall in divers authors is 1 cor. 12. 12 , 13. &c. whence the reason stands thus : that church wherein apostles , prophets , teachers , &c. are set , is an organicall church . but those are set in the catholick visible church ; ergo. for the better clearing of this scripture , it is needfull , that we attend the scope of the apostle , who comming now to another branch of the things this church had written unto him about , chap. 7. 1. & 8. 1. & 12. 1. and this about spirituall gifts , wherein they abounded , chap. 1. 7. being the occasion of all their contentions and disorders , chap. 1. 12 , 13. hence he is studious the more to re-unite them again , chap. 12. 13. and to direct them how to improve their gifts orderly to edification , chap. 14. and in this chapter he perswades their minds to unity who were divided , partly through pride in their own gifts ; partly , by disdain of others not so gifted ; hence he puts them in minde ; 1 what once they were following dumb idols . 2 that all gifts are from the free dispensation of god , and that one god , one lord , one spirit . 3 that god in his wisdom hath dispensed great variety of gifts , operations and administrations . 4 that all are given to profit withal , and these things he illustrates by a simile taken from a naturall body , which having largely presented and applyed to this church , vers . 27. he concludes with the variety of administrations in such things wherein they so much differed , chap. 1. 12 , 13. god hath set , saith he , in the church not onely apostles , or prophets , or tongues , &c. but all these ; are all apostles ? are all prophets , & c ? no , but the wisdom of god hath given you variety of these gifts and administrations ; and therefore , chap. 3. to quiet them , he saith , paul an apostle , apollos an evangelist , &c. all are yours ; and as this is the scope of the apostle , so we see nothing in the chapter but is appliable to corinth in particular , yea , applyed unto them by the apostle , as what he spake vers . 22. of one body , he applyes to them , vers . 27. what he spake , vers . 28. of apostles , and other gifts set in the church , he applyes also to them , chap. 14. whereas he speaks of the exercise of divers gifts in that church , when the whole church came together , vers . 23 , so he speaks the same of himself an apostle , vers . 6. when i come , &c ▪ we take notice of divers reasons alledged from the chapter , that he spake of the catholick church , but they doe not inforce it ; for grant such things are true of the catholick church in a sense , viz. that in it god works all in all , in it are diversities of gifts , &c. yet the apostles scope is to speak to this church , as hath been shewed , and all are truly applyable unto it , this church came behinde in no good gift , chap. 1. 7. this church was one body , vers . 27. and baptized into one body , whether jews or gentiles , bond or free , the members of this church needed the helpe one of another , must not make schismes in the body , must care one for another , &c. yea , apostles as well as other gifts were in the church , 1 cor. 3. 1. 1 cor. 14. 6. so that from the scope and drift of the apostle , all these offices and gifts might be , and were set in corinth , and therefore this place will not evince a catholick organicall body ; yet we mean not that apostles were wedged in here , but they were set also in every church , as also teachers are in every church , but each according to the nature of the office , the one limited , the other not . secondly , we deny not but in this discourse the apostle also , vers . 12 , 13. intendeth the whole mysticall body of christ , which is one christ , neither doe we deny that these gifts of apostles , prophets , &c. are given to this church , but this will not prove it to be an organicall church . for what is this body of christ , this one christ into whom all are baptized , &c. it is properly the whole company of true beleevers in all ages , and so containes the invisible body of christ ; which catholick body of all ages , cannot properly make an organicall body : and be it so , that this body is visible , having visible ordinances , baptized and drunk into one body , yet the apostle respects the reall union of all the members to christ ; and therefore interpreters understand spirituall and effectuall baptism , containing the inward vertue with the outward sign . again , the apostles were fit for the gathering in of the elect amongst all the heathen nations , but that proves not all these elect ( who also are a part of christs sheep , john 10. 16. ) were an organicall church , or a part of it , till called and added to the church . in a word , apostles , prophets , &c. were given to , and set in the mysticall body of christ , as the chief object and end for whose sake and good , they were intentionally ordained of christ , but not set in it as one organicall body , for the actuall and immediate administration of the visible ordinances of christ to it , but thus to it , as gathered into such church societies as the lord hath instituted for that end , and in this sense we agree with learned mr. rutherford libro of the right of presbyt . pag. 291. ask ( saith he ) to what end , and to what first principall subject hath the lord given reason , and the faculty to discourse ? is it to peter , john , &c. as to the first subject , and to them as for their good ? no , no , it is to , and for the race of mankind . the case is just so here , 1 cor. 12. 28. god hath set apostles , &c. we say also it is just so here , as god hath given reason in respect of the end to mankinde first , and then to the individua ; so god hath set in the mysticall church for the good of it , as chiefly intended by christ , apostles , prophets , &c. but now as in the actuall dispensing of this gift of reason for the good of mankinde , reason is not given to any such body , as the whole race of mankinde , to descend to john , peter , &c. but first to john , peter , and all the individualls , that so by induction of all particulars , the whole kinde of reasonable man may be made up , and the end attained , and so it is here : god in giving officers and gifts for the good of the mysticall body of christ firstly , yet in execution gives these officers , and sets them in particular churches , that by the edification and perfection of all particulars , the whole may be attained . thirdly , apostles , prophets , and all gifts and offices in generall and indefinitely , are given to the church indefinitely considered , but particular officers , paul , cephas , apollo , titus , archippus , &c. are given or set in particular churches ; we mean , according to the severall natures and extents of their offices ; as unto bees in generall is given a power to gather honey , and order themselves in their hives ; but in their exercise of this power it is given to the severall swarms in the hives , who have their queens , &c. to order themselves . but as this power in generall makes not a universall organicall body of bees ; no more here an universall organicall church . lastly , to speak more particularly , we conceive that the place in the utmost latitude of it is meant of the mysticall body , that one body into which all are baptized , vers . 13. and that the fundamentall mistake of our brethren is this , that because the church here mentioned hath organs and politicall officers in it , that therefore it must needs make one politicall church , where some organs are to rule in common , and every part is to be subject to the whole . for although the mysticall church hath organs and politicall officers in it ; yet it follows not therefore that it is one politicall body . for the invisible church conjoyned with the visible , hath politicall officers set in it , and given to it as invisible , as well as visible , in respect of gods generall designation and particular application of them to this whole church ; yet it follows not that they are one politicall body by actuall combination thereunto ; actuall combination , we say , for although christs institution must warrant and prescribe all forms of politicall bodies , yet it will not be found that ever there was any politicall society without actuall combination , whether civill or sacred , whether nationall or more particular . the mysticall church may be said to be organicall in respect of the officers amongst them in the severall parts thereof ; every part being a part of the whole spiritually , though not politically . but it doth not thence follow that the whole is one politicall body , but mysticall . politicall officers may , and must suppose some part of the church to be visible , but not that the whole should be politicall . for the apostles ( by extraordinary commission for their time were officers of visible beleevers , fit matter for a combination , as well as of particular combinations : yet it follows not that visible beleevers existing out of combinations were a politicall society that would never meet to combine ; but they were onely a visible number of saints . we have been thus large in clearing this scripture , because we conceive the chief strength of the contrary opinion to lye in it . and this being answered , the light of it we hope will scatter the darknesse that is brought upon divers other scriptures which are drawn to prove such a kinde of catholick church , as rom. 12. 4. &c. col. 1. 25. 1 tim. 3. 15. ephes . 4. 11. in which last scripture we never doubted but that the officers were given , not for that particular church of ephesus onely , much lesse to such a diminutive congregation consisting of 40 , 60 , or 100 onely , as if we intended to impawn all power in this or that congregational body ; but to a congregationall church considered as the genus of all particular congregations of the world . neither to this congregationall church onely , but to all that are to be gathered to the unity of the faith . but doth this argue one politicall body consisting of all these ? for though , vers . 16. the whole body be said to be compacted ; yet that this should be understood of a politicall , not spirituall way of compacting , we confesse ( with submission ) our weaknesse cannot apprehend . the last scripture which we find cited that seemeth to look this way , is 1 pet. 5. 1. feed the flock which is among you . answ . 1 we answer : it must necessarily be understood distributively , for the severall flocks in all those countreys to be fed by their particular elders ; not collectively , to be fed as one flock in common : for the countreys are so many and large , as it was impossible . yea , we have a clear parallel , james 2. 2. where writing to the jews of the twelve tribes scattered abroad , yet he speaks of a man comming into their assembly ; which cannot be meant collectively , as if they had one assembly amongst them all , but distributively of any assembly . 2 though they bee called a flock , not flocks , yet this , as baines observes , was not because it was one flock really in themselves , but in some respect of reason ; which also he expounds to be per internam ( we had rather say , spiritualem ) unionem , but not per externam combinationem ; in respect of which spirituall union , that is true which mr. ball citeth out of cyprian , etsi pastores multi sumus , unam tamen gregem pascimus . as also that there is episcopatus unus ▪ & ecclesia una in toto mundo . hence also may appear an answer to divers arguments , the chief whereof we shall run through . object . 1. if by baptism we are not admitted into one particular church , but into the whole catholick visible church , 1 cor. 12. 13. then there is such a catholick church . answ . baptism admitteth us into the whole mysticall body of christ , whether visible or invisible of all ages : but this is not a catholick politicall body , of which we speak ; for then every baptized person should be a member of every particular church , and have an oa●e in every boat , in electing officers , admitting members , censuring offenders , &c. which mr. ball will not grant , and indeed would bring in endlesse confusion into the churches of christ . besides , no man can be a member of any combined society without their consent , for otherwise so many may croud into the church because baptized , as shall overthrow the edification thereof , and that against the consent of the church , and all the officers thereof . object . 2. when any scandalous person is delivered to satan , he is cast out of the whole catholick church , ergo , he was a member of the whole catholick church , for be cannot be cast out who was never within . answ . 1 some answer that he is cast out of all onely consequenter , by reason of communion of churches ; neither doe we see that this is taken away by saying , that , as when the left hand cutteth off a finger of the right hand , it is not the left hand onely that cuts it off , but the whole man , deliberate reason and will consenting : for if this similitude would suit , then the whole catholick church must be called to consult and consent antecedenter , before a particular church can cut off any member , which ordinarily is impossible to be attain'd . 2 but further ▪ according to our former principles laid down , we say he that is justly cast out of one church , he is morally excommunicated out of all , but not politically and formally : for to excommunicate politically and formally , is by vertue of a superior authority next under christ ; so that what is bound by them , is bound in heaven . in which act the minister doth not onely bind the person , but also by vertue of his ▪ office chargeth the church not to have communion with him . but we doe not think that our brethren will say that one church putteth forth such an act of superior authority binding or charging all churches politicè and judicialitèr not to have communion with him ; for so one church should exercise jurisdiction overall churches , and that without their actuall approbation , for , quod spectat ad omnes , debet ab omnibus approbari . if it be said , that a particular church doth excommunicate by an intrinsecall power not onely in it self , but intrinsecall in the whole body ; the question will be , what is that intrinsecall power ? is it naturall or voluntary ? to say it is naturall , were too absurd ; if voluntary , then neither congregations , classes , provinces , nations , have power to excommunicate without the praevious consent of the whole catholick church , which must voluntarily concurr thereunto . and if the catholick presbytery ( as is said ) have no next , but a a remote power of excommunication , and this remote power bee extraordinary , or raro contingens , or almost never , then the ordinary power of excommunication , ( which is enough for us ) is not from an intrinsecall power of the church catholick . on the other side ( if it be said ) this power is in the whole , but not derived from the whole to the parts , as the power of seeing is first in the man , then in the eye , yet not derived from hands , leggs , shoulders , &c. and as the great body of the sunn hath intrinsecall light in every part , not by derivation from one part to another ; so this power of the keys is from christ the head to all the integral parts in points that severally concern the same . first , if this be so , then every particular congregation receives its power of the keys immediately from christ , not by derivation from any presbytery , or the catholick church , and is in that respect independent . neither also can congregations derive the power seated in them to presbyteries , nor any greater bodies take it from them . secondly , though we acknowledge this intrinsecall power of excommunication in particular congregations , as being there properly seated by christ ; yet that there are any such politicall churches , classicall , provinciall , nationall , or catholick , that have any such intrinsecall power as is in the sunn , this is not yet proved to our understanding . we deny not the use of lesser and greater synods , nor of such doctrinall power as the pattern acts 15. holdeth forth , and which is all that learned * mr. rutherford conceives to belong to a generall councell ; for thus he saith , verily , i professe i cannot see what power of jurisdiction to censure scandalls can be in a generall councell , there may be some me●● doctrinall power in such a councell , if such could be had , and that is all . and how a nationall , provinciall , or classicall synod being lesser parts of the whole , can put forth such acts as the whole cannot do , ipsi viderint . 't is true , a particular church may formally cast out a scandalous member according to the rule , matth. 18. yet the argument from proportion will not hold in respect of the power of excommunication in greater assemblies against any particular church offending , ( though other means appointed by christ we deny not ) for if excommunication casteth out an offender out of all churches , then such a particular church cannot be excommunicated , except it could be cast out of it self , though it may be deprived of the communion of other churches . lastly , if it be no sin , ( as is said ) but a crosse , that the catholick church cannot meet to put forth its supposed intrinsecall power , then let the particular churches enjoy that power till the catholick church can meet . 2 it seems to us very strange that the lord jesus should institute such a supreme power in a catholick body , which ( as is said ) de jure , should be till the comming of christ , and yet should be interrupted by the sin of man so many ages , and which ( for ought appeares ) never orderly met to this day . object . 3. if all pastors be pastors of the catholick church , then there is such a catholick church ; but all pastors are pastors of the catholick church : ergo. answ . if it be meant thus , that they are pastors of some particular part of the church , and in that respect in the whole , and for the good of the whole , the good of every part redounding to the good of the whole ; yea , if some pastorall care also be intended towards other churches , and to fetch in such as are yet not of the church ; we grant all this according to the meaning of that place , 1 cor. 12. 28. formerly opened by us . but if this argument intend that they are pastors of the catholick body as of one politicall church , then we deny the assumption upon this ground ; because a pastorall office consists properly in having a charge and power over those to whom he is a pastor , act. 20. 28. but he hath no charge of the whole ; for if so , he must give account to christ of the whole ; neither hath he power over such a catholick church , being never chosen by it , nor it subjecting to him . if it be said , such are made pastors by ordination of the presbyters , not the election of the people who onely appropriate him to themselves , who is a pastor of the whole church : then he is either a catholick pastor that hath power to intermeddle in all churches , as the apostles had , which we think none will yeeld them ; or else they are pastors onely in name , without power , which is absurd . nor doth the similitude of a physitian made doctor of physick at large by a colledge of physitians , helpe in this case . for it supp●seth him to be made such a doctor before he be elected by any people to exercise this faculty ; which applyed to this case of a pastor , as having ordination to make him a pastor at large , before election to this or that people , is utterly against all examples of scripture , as acts 1. & 6. & 14 , object . 4. that which belongeth to a little part of a similar body ( quâ talis ) belongs to a greater part much more ; and therefore if the immediate exercise of the keys belong to a single congregation , then much more to the whole , and to any greater part of the whole . answ . 1 such as say that the catholick church is a similar body , had need explicate themselves . for to speak properly and strictly , by this rule every particular visible beleever being a part of the whole as a totum aggregativum , must have nomen & naturam totius , and so every beleever is a church ; or if they so divide this catholick similar body , as to make a particular congregation that can joyn in gods ordinances , the minimum quod sic ; then particular visible beleevers considered as existing out of these congregations cannot be members formally of the catholick visible church . 2 we acknowledge the catholick church considered as visible and invisible , is one spirituall or mysticall body , yet this catholick body is under no catholick policy ; but onely in the severall parts of it , ( as hath been proved before ) and in this respect the church , which is spiritually one body , is politicè many bodies : so that the parts of this spirituall to●um are not distinct bodies spirituali relatione , ( for then every company of women are a church body ) but politicâ combinatione ; and hence though the catholick church be one similar body spiritually , ( due cautions and interpretations observed ) yet it is not one similar body politically ; and hence every society of beleevers is not a church . hence though it be true , that what belongs to a part of a similar body , as a part , belongeth much more to the whole ; and that therefore what belongs to a particular church , belongs much more to the whole : it is true in this sense , viz. what belongs to the part of the whole as spirituall , and so participates the nature of the whole , belongs much more to the whole , because the whole is spirituall : yet what belongs to the part as politicall , doth not much more belong to the whole , because the whole is not politicall : exempli gratiâ , consider a particular congregation , as a number redeemed , called to christ , espoused to him , this much more belongs to the whole ; and so if any priviledge belong to them as such , much more to the whole . yet consider a church as a combined body , so what belongs to this part , belongs not to the whole . for it belongs to the part to elect and enjoy constantly pastors over it , but this doth not belong to the whole as a totum . the catholick mysticall church is indeed the prima materia , out of which politicall churches by their combination are formed ; but it is no first formed politicall similar church , whence every particular church immediately participates of the nature of that whole , having in it partem talis materiae & partem formae . object . 5. if there be church communion between all churches , then there is one catholick church : but there is church communion of all churches in hearing , receiving sacraments , exhorting one another , praying one for another , &c. ergo. answ . we deny the consequence ; for there may be a fraternall , ecclesiasticall communion , not onely internally , but externally , without such an union as makes one politicall combined body , such as here we dispute of ; as , two or three congregations may have communion together , and yet not be one politicall body : twenty synagogues might have communion together in the jewish policy , and yet were not one politicall body : so the churches of galatia might have communion together , yet were distinct churches , not one church ; as also , the churches of new england have sweet and blessed communion , yet are distinct . and though the churches of galatia were called a whole lump , ( as is objected ) yet were they thus by politicall combination ; or as dr. downam ( to mould up a diocesan church ) compares the first church to a great lump of dough , or batch of bread , out of which particular churches were formed into many loaves ; or not rather called a lump by spirituall union and relation , common profession , and fraternall communion , being all the same countrey-men ; so also the apostles had church communion , yet were not a politicall body . kingdoms so may have civil communion and commerce , yet not be one kingdom . object . 6. if the keys be given to a particular church under the notion of the spouse of christ , a flock of redeemed ones , &c. and then much more to the catholick visible church , which is the spouse of christ , and flock of redeemed ones primarily , and to a particular church onely secondarily ; but the first is affirmed by such as deny such a catholick church : ergo. answ . 1 it is true , the notion of a flock of redeemed ones of the body , and spouse of christ , kingdom , house , &c. doe agree primarily to the church , not of this , but of all ages , and secondarily to the church of this age , colos . 1. 18. ephes . 5. 25 , 26. and 2. 19. 2 the church which is the body of christ existing in this age , the keys are given to it primarily , in comparison of particular churches coexisting with it , as to the chief object and end ; but not to it as a politicall body , in respect of actuall and immediate dispensation thereof : for ( as we have oft said ) if in respect of politicall dispensation the keys belong firstly to the body of christ as his spouse and redeemed ones ; then the church invisible as invisible , rather then visible , must have the dispensation of the keys primarily . 3 it is not said , that the keys are immediately given to a particular church abstractly , as a number of redeemed , but as consociated and politically combined : and in this respect that may be attributed to the part , a particular congregation of redeemed ones , which cannot be attributed to the whole . ex. gr . such a congregation is combined , so is not the whole , nor can be ; such a church may choose a pastor over it , but so cannot the whole ; so a man may tell the particular church , who may convene together , not so the whole . thus far ( through the helpe of christ ) we have endevoured to clear the first point propounded concerning a catholick instituted church . we come now to prove the second point , viz. that jesus christ hath instituted in the gospel a particular church of one congregation , in which , and unto which the actuall and immediate dispensation and participation of all instituted worship doe regularly and ordinarily belong . and here we shall shew : 1 what such a particular church is . 2 how the dispensation of church power and priviledge do belong unto it . for the first , we shall declare our selves in these five propositions . 1 it must be a visible society , for one man cannot make a church , nor can many visible beleevers living severally , without society in severall nations make one church . 2 it 's not every society of visible professors that doe make a church , for then every family of such professors are a church : then two or three ( which our brethren so much condemn ) are a church ; and then a society of women professing the truth may be a politicall church ; then many members of severall churches met to hear a sermon , or any like occasion , make a church ; then a number of professors may constitute a diocesan church , or any like form ; for out of this block , that any number of beleevers made a church , dr. downam hewed out his diocesan church , and so made a fit seat for his diocesan mercury . lastly , then particular churches should have no more any set form prescribed , then civill government , which is as variable as humane wisdome sees meet , for hence a particular church may be melted into any form or mould of civil society ; for imagine a number of professing beleevers , cohabiting either in a city , hundred , wapentake , shire , province , nation , empire , &c. there shall then be so many forms of churches contrary to the principles and unanswerable arguments of our best reformers , who accounted it a great absurdity that the heavenly kingdome of christ should be moulded and framed according to the weaknesse of humane wisdome and policy . 3 it must therefore be a society combined , and that by a covenant explicite or implicite , for it must be such a combined society where the whole have power over its members ; now whatever power one hath over another , if it be not by way of conquest or naturall relation , ( as the father over the childe ) it is by covenant , as husband and wife , master and servant , prince and people ; other powers are but usurpations : it is noted as a prophane speech in brennus , who professed he knew no other rule of justice , then for the greater to subdue the lesse . again , it is such a society as hath an ordinate power , to subject it self to officers , by electing of them to administer ordinances amongst them ; but this is onely a federall society . again , it is such a society , to the making up of which is required something more then faith , acts 5. 14. beleevers were added to the lord , or to his church ; so that they were first beleevers , before they were added to the church ; for there may be a number of beleevers converted at one sermon , and immediately scattered into many towns or countreys : now , if faith professed alone , makes not a church , but somewhat more is required , what can that be but foederall combination ? lastly , that , the dissolution whereof doth unchurch a people , doth constitute a church : but breaking the combination dissolves the church , whether by consent , schism , or when god himself removes the candlestick : ergo. 4 though a church be such by combining , and so subjecting themselves to the power of others , yet it must not be herein illimited , but according to the form and mould expressed in the word ; for if they have this power to combine as many , and as largely as they will , then a diocese , province , nation , may combine , and so put themselves under the power of a diocesan , provinciall , nationall society , which is unlawfull ; for the church must be such a form as a man may ordinarily bring offences unto it , according to matth. 18. tell the church ; but that cannot be in a diocese , much lesse in a province or nation , where the members can neither take notice of the offence , nor ordinarily so much as consent unto any censure acted by any officers in such a church ; nay , further , if their power be unlimited , they may choose a diocesan pastor , one , or many to feed all , or one to rule ( like beza his episcopus humanus ) with subjection in case of error to the censure of all ; nay , hence we see not , but they may choose an universall pastor , and so give away the power to one , if all will agree . in a word , they onely may combine into a politicall body , where the whole may excommunicate any part ; but this cannot be in a combination of many churches into one whole , because no particular church is capable of excommunication , for it is impossible to be cast out of it self , as was said before . 5 a particular church therefore must be such a society as is so combined together , that it may ordinarily enjoy church communion , to exercise church power , to be fed by her officers , and led by them ; hence titus was to set elders in every church , and these elders were such as could ordinarily feed them , by preaching the word , as well as rule and govern them . now that such a congregationall church is the institution of the gospel , appears first by those many scriptures that speak of the churches of one countrey , and in small compasse , as severall churches , not as one , as the churches of judea , samaria , and galil●e , acts 9. the churches of galatia , gal. 1. 1. yea , not only in one small countrey , but in cities , or near unto them ; we read of distinct churches , as corinth , though god had much people there , yet it was one congregation , 1 cor. 14. 33. and had another church near to it , viz. cenchrea : also rome , whom the apostle saluting , sends also salutations by them to aquila and priscilla , with the church in their houshold , which shew they were not far from that church of rome . to these add , that jerusalem the first church that was constituted by the apostles , and whose number was the greatest of any that we read of , yet it was but one congregation , as is evident by acts 1. and chap. 2. 41 , 42. what is objected against this to prove it the catholick church , was answered before ; other objections against this , and like examples , shall be considered in their due place , as we meet with them . but we shall not need to say much , that a congregation furnished with its officers is a church according to the institution of the gospel , but there are more objections against the compleatnesse thereof , which yet is proved thus , that church which hath power of all the keys given unto it for actuall administration within it self , is a compleat church : but so hath a particular congregation , ergo. the first part is evident ; because where all the keys are with full power to administer the same , there nothing is wanting ; the assumption is proved thus , if all those officers to whom is given the authoritative power of exercising the keys , be given to a congregation ; then all the keys are so given to it , but so it is ; for since apostles and extraordinary officers ceased , there are no other officers but pastors , teachers , and rulers , called sometimes bishops , sometimes elders : but these officers are given to such a church , as is proved acts 14. tit. 1. 4. and is acknowledged in all reformed churches , who ordain such officers in particular churches of one congregation : ergo. object . 1. if it be said , that though a congregation hath such officers as have the power of the keys , yet that such must combine with others in way of co-ordination to govern in common , and so to be helped and compleated by them . answ . we grant much help may be had by sister churches , and consultative presbyteries , but that which takes away the exercise of the keys in point of government from the church to whom christ hath given it , doth not compleat it , but take away and destroy the power and liberty of it ; for though the pastor of a congregation may oft consent , yet the major part of the presbytery must carry it , whether he consent or no , and therefore his power is swallowed up . besides , it seems to us a mystery , that every pastor , even such as have no flock , should be pastors of the catholick church , and yet a pastor should not have power to rule in his own flock over which christ hath made him a bishop , and for which flock he must give account unto god. object . 2. it cannot have a synod , which is one ordinance of god , therefore it is not a compleat church . answ . by this reason a classicall church is not compleat , because it cannot have a nationall councell ; nor a nationall church , because it cannot have a generall councell ; if it be said a classis have all ordinary meanes to a compleat church , we say the like of a congregation . object . 3. though a town or family being cast alone , may govern as a compleat body ; yet when it stands in a common-wealth , as in england , it may not be so independent , but submit to combinations : so here when a particular congregation is alone , it may govern as compleat ; not so when amongst other churches . answ . if such a town or family have compleat power , and all civill officers within it self , it is not bound to submit to such combinations in a common-wealth , except it be under a superior power that can command the same . as abraham having a compleat government in his family was not bound to combine with the governments he came amongst , neither did he ; in prudence he ioyned in a league of amity and for mutual help with aner , &c. but not to submit to their government : so here a church having compleat officers is not bound to submit to such combinations , except it be proved that any superior power of other churches can command the same . secondly , though a family no● having compleat civill government in it self must combine where it stands in a commonwealth , yet never to yeeld up its family-government over wife , children and servants to rule them in common with other masters of families , no civill prudence or morall rule taught men ever so to practise ; and therefore why in such a case should a church give up the government of it self to pastors of many churches to rule it in common , and not rather as a classis is over-awed by the provinciall onely in common things ; so in congregations pastors should govern their flocks , and onely in things common be under a presbytery . if it be said , that the classis do act in such things only ; for in excommunication of an offender , the offence is common to all . we answer , if so , then why should not the provinciall and nationall churches by this reason assume all to themselves from the classis ? for the offence of one is common to all : as also upon this ground , why should not the classis admit all the members of every congregation under them ? for this also may concern them all . thirdly , here is a great difference , for civill societies are left to civill prudence , and may give up themselves to many forms of government : but churches are bound to use and maintain such order of government as christ hath set in the church , and not to give it up to many , no more then to one : if testimonies were needfull , we might produce zanchi , zwinglius , parker , baines , and others , who are fully with us in this doctrine of a particular church ; yea , dr. downam himself confesseth ; that the most of the churches in the time of the apostle paul did not exceed the proportion of a populous congregation ; and this confession puts us in minde of a witty passage of his refuter , or his epistoler , who against the bishops maintains the doctrine of congregationall churches with us ; with whose expressions , ( for the recreation of our selves and the reader ) we will conclude : the papist , ( saith he ) he tels us ( just as the organs goe at rome ) that the extent of a bishops jurisdiction is not limited but by the popes appointment , his power of it self indifferently reaching over all the world . our prelatists would perswade us ( to the tune of canterbury ) that neither church nor bishop hath his bounds determined by the pope , nor yet by christ in the scriptures , but left to the pleasure of princes , to be cast into one mould with the civill state. now the plain christian finding nothing but humane uncertainties in either of these devises , be contenteth himself with plain song , and knowing that christ hath appointed christians to gather themselves into such societies as may assemble themselves together for the worship of god , and that unto such he hath given their peculiar pastors ; he , i say , in his simplicity calleth ▪ these assemblies , the churches of christ , and these pastors , his bishops . thus much concerning the nature of a particular church , and that it is instituted in the gospel . now in the second place wee are to shew how church government and ordinances are given to it as to the proper subject of the same . where we shall propound these theses for explication of our selves . first , though pastourship considered as an office in relation to a people to feed them anthoritatively , be one of these ordinances given to a particular church : yet christ hath given it for the gathering in of his elect unto the church , and therfore wee grant some acts of the ministery , viz. the preaching of the word , is to be extended beyond the bounds of the church . secondly , seales and other priviledges although de jure , and remotely they belong to the catholique church , or the number of beleevers : yet de facto and nextly they belong properly to this subject which wee speake of , ( as wee hope to make good . ) thirdly , they are not so appropriated to such congregations onely as to exclude the members of those congregations which are unde● the government of a common presbytery or other formes of government , for wee have a brotherly esteeme of such congrega●ions , notwithstanding that tertium quoddam separabile of government , ( as mr. baines cals it ) being a thing that commeth to a church now constituted , and may be absent , the church remaining a church . fourthly , although it be said by some divines , that as faith is the internall form of the church , so profession of faith is the outward form , and that therefore bare profession of saith makes a member of the visible church , yet this must be understood according to the interpretations of some of them who so speak , for there is a double profession of faith ; personall , which is acted severally by particular persons ; and common , which is acted conjointly in , and with a society : the first makes a man of the catholick number of visible saints , and so fit matter for politicall church-society : the other makes a man of the politicall church formally and compleatly ; and in this latter sense profession of faith is the externall form of a visible church , but not in the other . now that in and to this subject so professing , the seals and other ordinances belong may , be proved thus : argum. 1. first , the seals and other church-ordinances must either belong to the catholick church as such , or to the particular church : but these cannot belong to the catholick in actuall dispensation whereof we now speak : ergo. for that church which is uncapable of actuall dispensation of seales , censures , &c. is uncapable of the participation thereof in an orderly and ordinary way ; but the catholick number of visible beleevers as catholick , and out of particular societies , are not capable of dispensing the same ; ergo. the proposition is evident , for it cannot be shewed that any church in the new testament was ever capable of participating in seals , that was not capable of dispensing them , at least not having a next power to elect officers to do it . the assumption is evident from what hath been proved , that it is no politicall body ( the sole subject of church administrations ) neither in the whole , nor in the parts as existing out of congregations . argum. 2. if the members of the catholick church be bound to joyn into particular societies , that they may partake of seals , &c. then the seals are not to be administred immediatly to them , for then they should have the end without the means . but they are bound to joyn in such societies for that end , for otherwise there is no necessity of erecting any particular churches in the world ; and so all the glory of christ in this respect should be laid in the dust , and these particular temples destroyed , and thus a door of liberty is opened to many to live loosely without the care and watch , and communion of any particular church in the world . argum. 3. if the seals are to be administred immediately to beleevers , or professing beleevers as such , then they may be administred privately to any one where-ever he be found ; but that were very irregular and against the common doctrine of protestant divines , who give large testimony against private baptism , or of the lords ▪ supper , neither doe we see any weight in the arguments of the papists or anabaptists alledged for the contrary . argum. 4. lest we seem to stand alone in this controversies , let the arguments produced by didoclavius , and him that writes concerning perth assembly against private baptisms , be considered , and it will be found that most of them doe strongly conclude against administration thereof to any but church-members . argum. 5. the learned author mr. ball in this his dispute against our conclusion : yet in his discourse let fall sund●y ▪ things that confirm it ; as when he describes the catholick church to be the society of men professing the faith of christ , divided into many particular churches . whence we argue , if the catholick church existeth onely in these particular churches , the seales must onely be given to them and the members thereof ; also , that baptism is a solemn admission into the church of christ , and must of necessity be administred in a particular society : whence three things will follow ; first , that baptism sometimes administred privately by the apostles is not an ordinary pattern . secondly , that baptism is not to be administred to beleevers ( as such ) immediatly , if of ▪ necessity it must be administred in a particular society . thirdly , joyning to some particular society being an ordinance of god of so great concernment ; & if baptism must be administred in it , why ought not , why may not such joyn to that society ? ( at least as members for a time . ) also when he saith divers times , that men are made members of the church by baptism , ( speaking of such churches as choose officers over them ; ) yea , that the apostles constituted chrches by baptism , and the like , ( which we shall note in the answer ; ) now what doe these argue but a yeelding of the cause ? for if the apostles made members , and constituted churches by baptism , this was onely sacramentally , and if so , then of necessity they must be really members of such churches before baptism . thus we have run through this large field of the catholick and particular church , which hath detained us longer then we intended ; yet , to prevent mistakes from any thing that have been said concerning the union , communion , and combination of the churches ; we shall add these two things . 1 we observe that the scripture speaks of the church , sometimes as one body , sometimes as many , and therefore called churches ; and hence our care is to preserve not onely the distinction of churches , ( as many by particular combinations ) but also their unity , as being one by spirituall relation . 2 association of divers particular churches we hold needfull , as well as the combination of members into one ; yet so as there be no schism of one from another , nor usurpation of one over another , that either one should deprive the rest of peace by schism ; or many should deprive any one of its power by usurpation ; hence a fraternall consociation we acknowledge ; consociation we say , for mutuall counsell and helpe , to prevent or remove sinne and schism ; yet fraternall onely , to preserve each others power ; consociation of churches we would have cumulative , ( not in words , but in deed ) to strengthen the power of particular churches , not privative , to take away any power which they had from the gift of christ before . for as on the one side it may seem strange that one church offending should have no means of cure by the conceived power of many ; so on the other side the danger may appear as great , and frequently falls out , that when many churches are scandalous , one innocent church may be hurt by the usurpation of all . and hence we see not , but that fraternall consociation is the best medicine to heal the wounds of both . we utterly dislike such independency as that which is maintained by contempt , or carelesse neglect of sister churches ; faciunt favos & vespae , faciunt ecclesias & marcionitae , saith ter●ullian . we utterly dislike such dependency of churches upon others , as is built upon usurpations and spoils of particular churches . having thus largely digressed for the clearing of the foundation of the dispute in hand , we desire to be excused if we be the more brief in our answers to particulars , which now we shall attend unto as they lye in order . chap. vi. reply . the seals are given unto the church not onely in ordinary , ( as you say ) but also in extraordinary dispensation , &c. and when you say , the dispensing of the seals is an ordinance given onely for the edifying of the church gathered , must it not be understood of extraordinary dispensation as well as of ordinary , &c. added these words [ ordinary dispensation ] were , to prevent the objection which you foresaw might be made from the apostles practice and example , but so as they cut asunder the sinews of the consideration it self , and make it of no force . answ . before we come to the particulars of the reply , it is needfull to clear our meaning from this mistake about the word [ ordinary dispensation ; ] which being rightly understood , it will appear that it no way cuts the sinews of the consideration as is objected . for whereas , first , you extend the opposite term , [ extraordinary dispensation ] to the whole generall practice of the apostles and evangelists ; and secondly , take it for granted , that their practice was not to baptize members of particular churches : we neither intended the first , nor doe we grant the second ; as for the first , we acknowledge freely that the apostles and evangelists ordinarily and generally practiced according to comon rules in this point of baptizing , as well as in other , and left their practice for our pattern , and therefore their ordinary practice in this thing we shall stick to ; yet they having not onely extraordinary power above pastors and teachers , but also having sometime an immediate call unto some acts and speciall guidance of the spirit to warrant what they did , therefore there were some of their actions , especially in respect of some circumstances thereof , which ordinary pastors ( not so assisted ) may not doe ; as in this case when they baptized in private houses , in the wildernesse alone , and not in the face of a congregation , &c. and therefore if in some few cases some doe think they did not baptize into a particular church ; yet if their ordinary practice were otherwise , we ought to imitate the ordinary , not some extraordinary cases ; and thus the sinews and force of the consideration remains strong , notwithstanding this word of [ ordinary dispensation : ] and that this was our meaning , was not hard to discern , by the scriptures cited in the answer , to prove the seales are given unto the church in ordinary dispensation , amongst which , acts 2. 41 , 42 , 47. containing the apostles first practice in this kinde are expressed ; and mr. ball took notice thereof , as appears by his own reference to the same afterwards , though in his printed reply those quotations bee wholly left out : 2 let us consider whether the apostles ordinarily did not baptize into particular churches ; and this may be proved from the stories of their ordinary practice : first , it will be easily granted that the apostles did gather disciples into particular visible churches , but there is no other time or season of doing it can be shewed in all the stories of their acts ; yea , sometimes they were so suddenly called away , or enforced away by persecution after they had converted disciples , that it is very improbable , if not impossible , they should do it at all , but when they converted and baptized them , as acts 16 , 40. & 17. 5. &c. but to come more particularly unto the story it self , the apostles first , and exemplary practi●● being the best interpreter of their commission , and of their ordinary proceeding therein ; the first converts which the apostles baptized after the visible kingdom of christ was set up ▪ were those in that famous place , acts 2. 41. concerning whom observe , first ; that the apostle peter not onely preached unto them repentance and faith in the name of christ , with promise of remission of sins , and that they should be baptized , but according to that commission , mat. 28. with many other words he exhorted them , saying , save your selves from this untoward generation , being the very scope of his exhortation ; and this implies a gathering of themselves to the fellowship of the saints ; and al this word they gladly received before they were baptized . 2 when the holy ghost , vers . 41. declareth their baptizing , he records withall their adding to them , the latter being an exegesis of the former , and that the same day , as being performed at the same time ; and indeed when a convert publickly professeth his faith in christ , is it not as easily done , to receive ▪ him to a particular visible church , as into the catholick before baptism ; but first to baptize them , and then the same day to add or joyn them to the church , is altogether unprobable . and that this adding was to a particular church , is sufficiently proved before . the next place you may note , is acts 5. 14. where the holy ghost omitting the baptizing of those beleevers , yet speaks of their adding to the lord , as if the one implyed , the other ; and that their adding to the lord , was by their joyning to the church , is evident by the opposition between verse 13 & 14 of the rest durst no man joyn himself to them , but beleevers were the more added to the lord. 3 in the conversion of samaria , although so great a work is declared in so few words in one verse , act. 8 , 12. yet the text puts a manifest distinction of philips doctrine between the things of the kingdom of god , and the name of jesus christ : which plainly enough sheweth , that they taught the observing of the order of the kingdom of christ , as well as the doctrine of the name of christ , the object of saving faith . and this they received by faith , and professed before they were baptized . now the first and most famous examples of the apostles perswading that so they practised , why should we doubt of their like practice in other examples when nothing , is said that contradicteth the same ? as acts 10. in the baptizing of cornelius his house , where so many were met , and the holy ghost fell on all ; why should we think the apostle peter baptized them , and left them out of the order of christ , wherein they should worship him , and be edified in the faith ? if we doubt of it , because the scripture is silent therein , we may as well question whether those beleevers , acts 4. 4. & 9. 35. & vers . 42. whether any of these confessed their faith , or were baptized , for nothing is said thereof : so likewise acts 11. where we read of many beleeving , turning to the lord , vers . 21. of the adding others to the lord , vers . 24. but nothing of their confession of faith or baptism , and yet they are called a church ; whereby it appears that the holy ghost sometime expresseth their baptism without joyning to the church ; and sometimes joyning without baptism , and sometime he expresseth both , acts 2. 41. and therefore hence we may conclude the like of the case of lydia and the jaylor ; considering the former practice of the apostles : and that the apostle speaks so expresly of a church at philippi in the beginning of the gospel , phil. 4. at which time we have no more conversions expressed but of those two families ; at least , they were the most eminent fruits of pauls ministery at that time ; and it is very probable the church was gathered in lydia's house , seeing paul going out of prison to her house , he is said to see the brethren , and comfort them , so departing , verse 40. besides ; why might not the apostle baptize them into that particular visible church in such a case , as well as into the catholick , or all churches , as some say , they professing subjection to christ in every ordinance of his , with reference to that church he had there constituted ? the fulnesse of power in the apostles might doe greater matters without breach of order , though no rule for us so to do ; neither is it strange from the practice of those times to begin a church in a family , seeing the apostle speaks of churches in three severall families , rom. 16. 5. col. 4. 15. phil. 2. which though many understand to be called churches in regard of the godlinesse of those families ; yet i● we consider ; first , how many eminent saints the apostle salutes , ( who no doubt ●ad godly families ) not so much as naming their housholds ; much lesse giving them such a title , but onely to these three named . secondly , how distinct his salutations are , first the governors , and then the church in their house . thirdly , that the apostle doth not onely send his salutations to the church in the house of aquila and priscilla , rom. 16. 5. but also keeping the name of a church , he sends salutations from that church to the church of corinth , 1 cor. 16. 19. all which doe strongly argue there is more in it , then that they were godly families , and therefore may perswade us that there were indeed constituted churches in those families , though other christians also might joyn with them . thus having cleared our meaning , and the consideration it self , there will remain very few extraordinary cases , ( if any ) of whom it can be proved , they were not joyned to some particular church when baptized ; as that of the eunuch , which as it was done by an extraordinary immediate call of philip so to doe ; so also there was a speciall reason thereof , the lord intending thereby , rather by him to send the gospel into ethiopia , then to retain him in any other place , to joyn with his church : and the baptism of paul , who as without the ministery of the word he was converted by the immediate voice of christ , so he was baptized by the immediate call of ananias so to do . now let us proceed to consider what further is replyed . reply . the seals baptism and the lords-supper are given to the church , not onely in ordinary , but also extraordinary dispensation : true baptism is not without the church , but in it , an ordinance given to it . the sacraments are the seales of the covenant to the faithfull , which is the form of the church tokens and pledges of our spirituall admittance into the lords family . hence it is inferred , that if the seales in extraordinary dispensation were given to the church , and yet to members of no particular church , then also in ordinary dispensation it may be so . answ . 1 it will not follow ; for first , if the apostle in extraordinary cases baptized privately , will it follow that in ordinary dispensation it may be so ? secondly , if because the ministery be given to the church , and extraordinary officers were not limited to particular churches ; will it therefore follow that in ordinary dispensations , ministers ought not to be given onely to particular churches ? thirdly , as we have oft said , that seals belong de jure to all beleevers , as such , as members of the catholick church , ( they being given unto it firstly , as to its object and end ) and all that are truly baptized , are baptized into it , and thus never out of it , as being tokens of our spirituall admittance into the lords family both in ordinary and extraordinary dispensation ; but doth it hence follow that actuall fruition of the seales ( of which the question is stated ) may ordinarily be had or given to such as set loose from all societies ? the apostles had extraordinary power , being generall pastors over all persons beleeving as well as churches ; and therfore at some times by speciall guidance of the spirit they might doe that which ordinary pastors may not do . reply . secondly , as the seals , so the word of salvation preached and received , is a priviledge of the church , &c. if by preaching be meant the giving of the word unto a people , to abide and continue with them , and consequently the receiving of it at least in profession , then it is proper to the church of god. answ ▪ we grant , ( in some sense ) it is a priviledge , and proper to the church so to have the word ; but this no way takes away the difference between the seals and the word , which the answer makes , viz that the word is not such a peculiar priviledge of the church as the seals , in that the one is dispensed not onely to the church , but also to others for the gathering of them , which is not so in the seals , for the word of god received in corinth abiding with them , professed of them , was not so peculiar , but an idiot comming in might partake in the same , but not so in the sacraments , 1 cor. 14. reply . the word makes disciples , the word given unto a people is gods covenanting with them , and the peoples receiving this word , and professing their faith in god through jesus christ , is the taking of god to be their god , the laws and statutes which god gave unto israel , were a testimony that god hath separated them from all other people : the word of reconciliation is sent and given to the world reconciled in iesus christ , and they that receive the doctrine , law , or word of god , are the disciples , servants , and people of god. answ . in these words , and that which follows in the second paragraph , there seems to be a double scope : first , to prove the word proper to the church ; to which is answered afore . secondly , that where-ever the word of god is , there is the true visible church ; and so where the true worship of god is , there is a mark of the church , especially where it is received and confessed . to which we answer : 1 there is a covenanting between god and man , which is personall , and so whosoever receives the word of gods grace by faith sent unto him by god , enters into covenant to be his , and that before he makes any visible profession thereof , and so every beleever is a disciple , a servant of god , and one of gods people , but many thousands of these considered onely in this their personall relation to god , doe not make a visible church , many such might be in the world , but no members of the visible church , until they came and joyned to the church of israel of old , or to the visible churches in the new testament . 2 there is a sociall or common covenanting between god and a people , to be a god to them , and they a people unto god in outward visible profession of his worship ; and so the lord took abraham and his seed into covenant , and renewed that covenant with them , as an holy nation and peculiar people to him ; and in this covenanting of god with a people , whereby they become a church , there is required , first , that they be many , not one . secondly , that these many become one body , one people . thirdly , that they make visible profession of their covenant with god really , or vocally . fourthly , that this covenant contain a profession of subjection to the ordinances of gods worship , wherein god requires a church to walk together before him : and all these may be seen in the church of israel , who received gods laws indeed , but so as they became one people to god , visibly avouched god for their god , received and submitted unto all the laws of his worship , government , and other ordinances . and this is expresly or implicitly in every true visible church , though more or lesse fully and purely . now if you intend such a covenanting of a people with god , by a professed receiving of his word , and subjection to his ordinances ; we grant such to be true churches , and to such the seals do belong ; and therefore we willingly close with the conclusion that follows , they that have received the word of salvation entirely , and have pastors godly and faithfull to feed and guide them , they and their seed have right to the seals in order . and they that joyn together in the true worship of god , according to his will , with godly and faithfull pastors , they have right to the sacraments , according to divine institution . these conclusions we willingly embrace , and inferr , that if the seals belong to such a church , then to particular congregations . for where shall we finde a people joyning together with godly pastors , but in such particular assemblies ? for we doubt not our brethren doe disclaim all diocesan pastors or provinciall , &c. reply . that there is now no visible catholick church in your sense , will easily be granted , &c. if this be granted in our sense , so that there be no such catholick church wherein seals are to be dispensed ; then it will fall to be the right and priviledge of particular congregations , to have the seals in the administration proper to them ; and so the cause is yeelded ; but because there is so much here spoken of the catholick visible church , and so much urged from it , we shall refer the reader to what is said before , onely one thing we shall note about the instance of athanasius , that a man may be a member of the catholick visible church , but of no particular society . reply . you say it is evidenced , in that a christian ( as athanasius for an example ) may be cut off unjustly from the particular visible church , wherein he was born , and yet remains a member of the catholick visible orthodox church . answ . this case proves nothing ; for look how such a christian stands to the catholick , so he stands to the particular church : if he be unjustly censured , as he remains before god a member of the catholick , so also the particular church , for clavis errans non ligat : and in respect of men , and communion with other churches in the seals , if they receive him , being satisfied that he is unjustly cast out ; they may receive him , not for his generall interest in the catholick church , but in respect of his true membership in the particular church , that unjustly cast him out : whereas , if the churches were not perswaded but that he were justly cast out of the particular , they ought not to admit him to seales , were he as orthodox as athanasius himself in doctrine , and as holy in his life . reply . though there be no universall congregation , nor can be imagined , yet there are and have been many visible assemblies or societies , true churches of christ , to whom the prerogative of the seals is given , which have not been united and knit together into one congregation or society in church-order . for every society in covenant with god , is the true church of god. for what is it to be the flock , people , or sheep of god , but to be the church of god ? and where there is a covenant , there is the people of god , &c. answ . this assertion seems to us very strange to fall from that reverend and learned author , being a foundation of many inconveniences and absurdities , and tending to overthrow the order of christ in his visible churches ▪ for , first , if this be so , that every society in covenant with god , be the church of god , then men may set up as many forms of visible churches as they please , ( if the people be in covenant with god visibly at least ) the archdeacon with his commissary , priests , churchwardens , &c. being in covenant with god , are a true church : so the diocesan bishop in his cathedrall with his clergy , or any such assembly , are the church of god ; or what other form-soever men will devise , may goe for the church of god , and to them belong the seals , and ( you may as wel say ) discipline , and all ordinances of god , if they bee the true church . secondly , upon this ground every company of godly christistians in covenant with god , meeting in fasting , prayer , &c. are the true church of god , and to them ( as such ) the seals belong , and sending for a true minister of the catholick church , they may have baptism and the lords-supper administred , and by the same reason discipline also : yea , if but two or three ( as you say ) being in covenant with god , meet together in their travail at an inne , &c. are the church of god , especially every christian family is the church ; for they professe the entire faith , joyn ( daily ) in prayer and thanksgiving , receive the truth of god to dwell amongst them , are in some measure obedient unto the commands of god , and in covenant with god : and therefore being the church of god , why not call for a minister , and have seals ordinarily dispensed to them ? thirdly , upon this ground a company of christian women in covenant with god are a church , to whom the seales belong ; and who sees not , how all orderly dispensation of gods ordinances , and the whole order of visible churches in the gospel would be overturned by this assertion ? we verily beleeve this author was far from admitting these things , but the position it self will unavoidably enforce the same . neither can we impute this assertion to any inconsideratenesse through heat of disputation . for if any shall maintain the personall covenant of people with god to be sufficient to constitute visible churches , and not admit a necessity of a more publick or generall covenant explicite or implicite , whereby a company of christians are made one people , joyning in one congregation to worship god in his holy ordinances , and walk together in his ways , they must of necessity acknowledge every society in covenant with god to be a church , as here is said ; and therefore admit all forms of churches , and all families , &c. to be churches , and so bring in the confusion objected , which we desire may well bee considered . all your arguments stand upon that ground of personall covenant with god , which is too weak to bear up that conclusion , to make all such visible churches to whom the seals belong , as the absurd consequences thereof shew . these reasons , and the scriptures in the margent ( some of them ) will prove them fit matter for visible churches , and that they have a remote right unto the seals of that covenant , ( which we grant ) but they will not prove every society of such to bee true churches , having immediate right to have the seals dispensed unto them . reply . fifthly , if it be granted that the seals are the prerogative of particular visible churches , known and approved christians amongst us are members of such churches , and so to be esteemed amongst you , &c. and every visible beleever professing the pure entire faith , admitted to the right and lawfull participation of the sacraments , is a visible member of the true church , if he hath neither renounced the society , nor deserved justly to be cast out by excommunication , or church censure , &c. and if known and approved christians , members of our churches comming to new-england , shall desire to have their children baptized , or themselves admitted to the lords-supper , before they be set members amongst you ; we desire to know upon what grounds from god you can deny them , if you acknowledge our churches , ministery and sacraments to be true , ( as you professe ) and the members of the church be known and approved , orderly recommended unto you . answ ▪ we grant all this here expressed for the substance , however some reasons spoken unto before intermixed we passe over , and to your question we frame a ready answer from your own words . for , first , you grant , that if such members have renounced that society wherein they did partake of the seals , they are not to be reputed members of it ; and this is generally the case of all approved christians among us , who though they doe not so renounce the churches that bare them , and gave them suck , as no true churches ; yet seeing they were grown so corrupt many ways , as they could neither enjoy some needfull ordinances , nor partake in those they had without sin , they have therefore renounced and forsaken all further communion with them , and membership in them ; and so by your own grant , neither themselves , nor the churches here can take them as members of your churches , to receive them under that respect . secondly , if any yet have not so far renounced those churches they belonged unto , yet they are not orderly recommended unto us , which also you grant ought to be , and indeed otherwise we may oft receive persons justly excommunicate , or such as are no members of churches any where , or otherwise under great offence , as frequent examples amongst our selves doe shew , though the church may think well of such as offer themselves . what else follows in this paragraph , is the same in substance , and much of it in words also , that we have answered before ; and therefore we passe it over ; and that of the jewish church we shall speak to after . as for that you desire leave to set down , and us to examine what may be objected against that we affirmed , that the distinct churches named in the new testament were congregationall societies ; we shall consider as followeth : reply . the number of beleevers were so great in some cities , that they could not conveniently meet in one place as one assembly to worship god according to his will , and for their edifying , as in samaria , jerusalem , antioch , ephesus . answ . although we expected not objections in this case against the currant tenent of our godly reformers , baine , parker , &c. with whom we joyn ; and we might refer you to them for answer to this beaten objection of the prelates ; yet we are not unwilling to examine what is said in this digression . the argument stands thus : if the number of beleevers were so great in some city , as could not meet in one assembly to edification ; then there was some other form of a church besides congregationall ; but so it was in samaria , &c ▪ answ . we deny the consequences , for when they grew to so great a number , they might fall into more congregationall churches , and so no other form arise from the multitude ; but we suppose you mean of such a multitude as is called a church ; and therefore to answer to your assumption , we deny that any such multitude of beleevers as is here called a church were so great as could not meet to edification : and first concerning samaria . reply . that there was a church gathered in samaria , will not be denyed , for they received the word , and were baptized ; but that the church in that city was onely a congregationall assembly , is more then can probably be concluded . answ . we grant a church or churches were gathered in samaria ▪ and we accept your reason as good , because they received the word , and were baptized , where ( by the way ) you grant what we pleaded for before , that the apostles gathered churches , when they baptized them : but that there was but one congregationall assembly , lyes not in us to prove , untill you prove that all the beleevers were called a church , or one church , which doth not appear in the whole story , acts 8. nor any other where that we can finde ; and it is very probable that as philip converted and baptized so great a multitude at severall times , and gathered them into the church or churches as he baptized them , so he might gather severall churches , as well as one , seeing that none doubt but that congregationall churches are an ordinance of christ , what ever men contend for beside . and therefore be the number of beleevers in samaria as great as you would have it , it proves nothing . reply . the church at jerusalem was one , and distinct , yet encreased to 3000 , then to 5000 , &c. answ . be it so , the increase was very great ; yet so long as they are called one distinct church , it was one congregation , viz. untill they scattering by the persecution about stephen , acts 7. 8. which is evident by these two arguments . first , acts 2 41 , &c. where we see the 3000 added to the 120. they have their communion together described : 1 in regard of their spirituall communion , to be in the apostles doctrine , fellowship , breaking of bread and prayer , verse 42. secondly , in regard of their outward communion in the good things of this life ; they bad all things common , and sold their possessions , &c. verse 44 , & 45 : now the manner of both parts of this communion in respect of time and place is described , verse 46. viz. in their spirituall duties ; they continued daily with one accord in the temple . and secondly , in respect of their outward communion in their states , they eat their meat from house to house ; this latter requiring many tables and many houses to provide for them ; so that although in their outward communion , it was in private houses , yet their spirituall communion it was with one accord in one place , viz. the temple , where they had room enough ; being the place erected for a nationall church ; and having favour with all the people , were not interrupted therein by any persecution . we need not step out of our way to reply to all that is said against this reason . it is enough for us to note , that they daily with one accord met , and that in the temple , which is not answered by any 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2 this appeareth , acts 6. 1 , 5. where it is evident the election of deacons was before , and by the multitude , verse 1. by the whole multitude , verse 5. and this was the last church-meeting and church-act we read of before their scattering ; neither can it appear that the jews and grecians , whose widows murmured were two distinct congregations ; but the contrary is evident , in that the deacons were chosen al by the whole , and for the whole , not distinctly so many for this , and so many for that church , as it was needful if they were two churches . these proofs being so clear , the inconveniences objected are of no force , and sufficiently answered by many examples of as great assemblies meeting ordinarily to edification ; as beside the auditory of chrysostome , cited by others ; the assemblies of stepney in london , y●rmouth in norfolk , and others in our experience . beza , a man not loving to hyperbolize , saith , that being in paris , there met at a sermon * 24000. and of a synodall assembly that they received the lords-supper no lesse then 10000. beza epist. 65. reply . without question the number of beleevers at antioch was not small , of which it is expresly said , that a great number beleeved , and that a great multitude were added to the lord by the preaching of barnabas , &c. and therefore we may think the church rose to such a bignesse as could not well assemble in one congregation , acts 11. 21. & 14. 27. answ . 1 in that place , acts 11. 21. the great number that beleeved , was the fruit of all the scattered christians at phenice , cyprus , and antioch ; for the hand of the lord was with them all , and their whole successe is summed up together , nothing said before of the other places . 2 though paul and barnabas taught much people , yet it proveth not that this much people were converted to the church . 3 though much people were added to the lord , yet doth it follow they were more then could meet in one congregation ? and if first disciples were there called christians , must it needs be for their number , and not rather for eminent likeness to christ , with other specialities of providence ? 4 it is expresly said , the church was gathered together , acts 14. 27. which is not meant of the elders onely , as if they onely could meet ; for chap. 15. 30. they gathered the multitude together ; so that it was not such a number but might meet together in one place . reply . the number of beleevers was great at ephesus , where paul preached two years ; all that dwelt in asia heard the word ; a great door and effectuall ways open to him , where the shrines of diana her temple were in danger to be set at nought ; where those that used curious arts , burnt their books openly : which could not be done without great danger of the church , unlesse a great part of the city had beleeved , acts 19. 10 , 19 , 27. answ . 1 be it so , that many were converted , and the word grew mightily ; this proves not that all who heard paul , were of the church of ephesus , for then all asia should be of that church , ( acts 19. 10. ) who did hear the word both jews and gentiles ; as for the danger of the shrines , and diana's temple to be set at nought , a little spark might kindle such fears , and raise such outcryes in the covetous craftsmen , by whom the whole city was set in a superstitious uproare ; our own experience may teach , how soon a prophane people will cry out against a faithfull minister before he hath converted ten men in a city . 2 that they could not burn their books openly without danger to the churches , except a great part of the city beleeved , seems a strange reason : as if beleevers durst not professe openly , except they had a great number to maintain them with club-law : open profession in those times even amongst a few , was not wont to be daunted with the grim looks of persecution . 3 and lastly , we grant ephesus might be a numerous church ; yet neither there , nor any thing that is said from rev. 2. 7. ( hear what the spirit saith to the churches ) can perswade us that it was any more then one congregation ; for that argues no more , that ephesus was a compound of many churches , then that it was compounded with all the other six churches of asia ; yea , the churches of all the world : for what the spirit speaketh to one church , is spoken for the use of all . reply . it is not essentiall to the church to meet together in one place ordinarily , nor is the society broken off by persecution , when their meeting together in one place be interrupted . answ . it is true ; one church or society by persecution or otherwise , may meet in severall companies ; neither doe we say , that place , or meeting in one place , is properly essentiall to the church , yet it is necessary both necessitate praecepti & medii , to be able at least so to doe : for though it be not necessary to the unity of the society thus to meet together , yet it is necessary to the communion thereof in all ordinances . it is not necessary to the unity of a classicall presbytery to meet ordinarily in one place , but unto the communion thereof it is necessary . when the papists to maintain their private masses , say , that place is but accidentall to the ordinance : and that christians are not bound to the circumstance of place ( as hardin objects ) any more , then to observe dayes , moneths , times , condemned as beggerly elements by the apostle , gal. 4. as also , that all the faithfull are united together by the sacrament , though they meet not in the same place , as the ancients note : how doth learned chamier answer them ? he tels them , that although this or that particular place is not necessary , yet a place indefinitely taken is : and that the sacrament is restrained to be administred in a place , because it cannot be administred but conventu fidelium ; and this conventus must be in some place : and he adds , that although all the faithfull have communion in the sacrament , though they meet not in one and the same place ; yet this ( he saith ) is to be understood of spirituall , not sacramentall communion ; nunquam enim auditum , qui hierosolymis erant , sacramentaliter communicasse cum iis qui alexandriae : and therefore he thought communion in one place together necessary to church-communion , as wee doe . reply . seventhly , seeing then both the seals in ordinary and extraordinary dispensation , &c. answ . this , with that which follows , being but a recapitulation of the severall replies made , we shall leave it to the judicious , having well observed our answer , to embrace or reject the conclusion . chap. vii . consid . 2. reply to the second consideration of the answer . the proposition is granted , that the dispensation of the sacraments both ordinary and extraordinary , is limited to the ministery ; but in that you alledge for confirmation some things may be noted : 1 the first institution of baptism is not contained in that passage , but confirmed , for the seals were instituted before his death , &c. answ . the proposition being granted , and the proof mat. 28. 19. being ( we doubt not ) pertinent in the authors own judgment , as well as ours ; brotherly love might easily have passed over greater mistakes then the answer seems to have fallen into : for , by first institution here , we meant no more , then that it is the ordinance of christ himself , instituted in that first time of all divine ordinances . we were not so ignorant to think there was no use , and so no institution of baptism before the death of christ ; and therefore this confutation might have been spared . reply . secondly , we see not how you can apply that text , matth. 28 19. to preaching by office ; which by your exposition is a dispensing of a fit portion to every one of the household ; and it is plain the apostles were sent to preach to every creature , &c. answ . as if that commission , matth. 28. did not authorize them also , and require them to dispense fit portions to the churches : did not the care of all the churches lye on the apostle , 2 cor. 11. 28. so also 1 cor. 7. 17. were not apostles given to the church for the edifying of the body of christ , &c. as well as other officers ? ephes . 4. 11 , 12. 1 cor. 12. 28. and therefore this note also might well have been spared . reply . thirdly , if under the power of the keys you comprehend preaching by office , dispensing seals , &c. we deny the power of the keys to belong to the church , or community of the faithfull , in those passages which speak of this power , the execution of this authority is given to them to whom the authority is committed . answ . this of the power of the keys , and the execution thereof , was onely in the answer touched by the way , to prevent the objection of some . 1 it is well known that it is no new opinion to hold , that the church is the first subject of the keys , and to alledge matth. 16. & 18. for the same , and therefore might as well have been set in the margent ; many ancient divines , and our own modern , as fulke , whittaker , baine , parker , and others , as robinson , if there were not a desire to possesse people with that conceit , that we goe in new ways with the separatists alone . 2 we distinguish between power and authority : there is a power , right , or priviledge , as joh. 1. 12. which is not authority properly so called ; the first is in the whole church , by which they have right to choose officers , acts 6. & 14. receiving members , &c. authority ( properly so called ) we ascribe onely to the officers under christ to rule and govern , whom the church must obey . now we grant that where authority is given , there power to exercise it is given also , as mat. 28. joh. 20. &c. it is given to the apostles and ministers ; and so where power is given to the church , there power to exercise the same orderly is given also , as mat. 18. 1 cor. 5. 2 cor. 2. 10. reply . if the power of the keys be given to the church , the apostles themselves must derive their authority immediately from the church , and not from christ ; for the power must be derived from them unto whom it was given , &c. answ . we deny your consequence , for the lord may give power to his church in all ordinary cases , and yet reserve to himself that prerogative to doe what he please immediately without the church , as is cleare , that in this case he hath , first calling his twelve apostles , mat. 10. before he instituted the church of the new testament , after he was pleased to use the ministery of the church , acts 1. to choose two , and take one of them immediately by a lot ; and when paul was called he appeared to him immediatly , and called him both to the faith , and to his apostleship , whereby it is clear that their call is a reserved case . reply . if ministers dispense the seals as the stewards of christ , from whom they receive their authority immediately ; then the power of the keys is not in the community of the faithfull ; if as the servants of the church , from which they derive their authority ; then the office of a minister is not the immediate gift of christ ; nor the minister so much the servant of christ , as of the church from whom he must receive lawes , in whose names he must doe his office , and to whom he must give account . answ . this objection will hold as strongly against any other subject of the keys that can bee named , ( as classes , synods , or church catholick ) and therefore by this manner of reasoning the lord jesus must doe all things immediately himself in choosing officers , &c. or else his ministers must receive laws , doe all in the name of such as he delegates to that work of administration under him , and therefore let others look to answer this objection as well as we : our answer is briefly & plainly this , the office is the immediate institution of christ , the gifts and power belonging thereto are from christ immediately , and therefore he ministers in his name , and must give account to him , 1 pet. 5. and yet his outward cal to this office , whereby he hath authority to administer the holy things of christ to the church , is from christ by his church , and this makes him no more the servant of the church , then a captain ( by the leave of the generall ) chosen by the band of souldiers is the servant of his band. wee see in this reply here and elsewhere how apt men are to cast this odium upon this doctrine , and to ranke us with separatists in it , but it is easily wiped off and stickes as fast upon the classes , synods , catholick church , or any other subject of this power . reply . if the communitie of the faithfull have to doe in all matters of the body , to admit members cast out , make and depose ministers , &c. by authority from christ , wee cannot see how in your judgement the execution of the power of the keys is concredited to the ministers . answ . if the power , priviledge and liberty of the people be rightly distinguished from the authority of the officers as it ought , a dim sight may easily perceive how the execution of the keys by the officers authoritatively may stand with the liberties of the people in their place obedientially following and concurring with their guides , so long as they goe along with christ their king and his lawes , and cleaving in their obedience to christ dissenting from their guides , when they forsake christ in their ministrations ; if there need an ocular demonstration hereof , it is at hand in all civill administrations wherein the execution of laws and of justice in the hands of the judges and the priviledge power or liberty of the people in the hands of the jurours . both sweetly concurre in every case both civill & criminall ; neither is the use of a jury onely to finde the fact done , or not done , ( as some answer this instance ) but also the nature and degree of the fact in reference to the law that awards answerable punishments ; as whether the fact be simple theft , or burglary , murder or manslaughter , &c. and so in cases of dammages , costs in civill cases ; whereby it appeares , that although the power and priviledge of the people be great , yet the execution authoritatively may bee wholly in the officers . reply . fourthly , that which you adde , that god will not vouchsafe his presence and blessing to an ordinance but when it is dispensed by those whom hee hath appointed thereunto , must be warily understood , or it may occasion errors and distractions not a few , &c. answ . wee shall not contradict your warinesse in this case , for wee acknowledge a presence of god with his ordinances administred by such as hee appoints , though some corruptions bee admixed , in the entrance and administrations ; but wee doubt not the presence and blessing of god is more or lesse according to the purity or corruptions of the administration and participation of his ordinances : but what need there was , or use of this note wee see not , our words were sound , and safe enough , but it seemes your tendernesse of the standings of ministers and ordinances in england occasioned this warinesse , and wee deny not what you say , that gods presence , and blessing upon his ordinances dispensed by us gave some approbation to our standing and to his ordinances , the lord mercifully passing over our many corruptions : but this will no way give allowance to the many grosse corruptions , and defects which cleaved to our standings , and administrations , nor to the continuance of any in such corruptions after the discovery thereof . reply . secondly , as for the assumption , that pastors and teachers are limited to a particular church or society , but that flock is not ever one congregationall assembly meeting in one place , neither the bond so straight , whereby they are tyed to that one society that they may not upon occasion performe some ministeriall act of office in another congregation , or to them that bee not set members of their proper assembly . answ . for clearing of the the assumption , that wee may give the more distinct answer , wee shall take leave to explicate our selves concerning the limitation of the ministery to the church , which it is like they who drew up the answer had formerly done , had the times then been as criticall as they are growne since . 1 ▪ when we say the ministery is limited to a particular church , wee doe not so limit it to a congregation under her owne presbytery , as to exclude from communion in the seales , many congregations standing under one common presbytery , as wee have formerly said , we honour the reformed churches of christ jesus , and the godly members thereof . 2 ▪ when wee say the seales are limited to a particular church or congregation because the ministery is so limited ; our meaning is not of that congregation onely whereof the ministry is , but of any congregation in generall . 3 ▪ when wee say that where a minister hath no power , he may not do an act of power , this is to be so understood , that hee cannot performe such an act , as an officer over them or unto them as to his proper flock , the office being ( as wee said ) founded in the relation betweene the church and the officer , such a stated power as an officer over his owne flocke , hee hath not to those of other congregations partaking in his owne church , or in any act of his office in another church ; yet an occasionall act of power , or precaria potestas , charitatively to put forth an act of his office to those in an other church , over whom he is no officer , wee see not but he may ; but then this act of power is not towards them as over his owne flocke ; for two things are cleare to us . 1. that an officer of one church , is no officer over those of an other church , as not being his proper flocke , for there being no office of pastour at large without power of office , and the power that a pastour hath over others , being by the election of those that chose him their officer , who thereby become his proper flocke , hence he hath no power as an officer over those of an other flock , unlesse he should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . that such an officer may put forth acts of his office towards those that are not of his proper flock . e. g. a minister ex officio , & as a pastor , not barely as a gifted man only may preach for the gathering in of those that are out of the church , as well as for the edificaon of those that are within , ephe. 4. 11 , 12. and yet these are not his proper flock ; it is the office of every pastour to preach the gospel , the meanes of converting , and therefore not onely to intend but to attend the conversion of men , ( especially in preaching to his owne congregation ) for christ hath sheep , ( which are his flock ) to bee gathered into his fold , which are not the ministers proper flock , and the pastour is the minister of christ , as well as the pastour of his owne flock , and therefore he is to intend their gathering in as well as the good of his owne flock . againe , as he hath the keys of office by preaching the gospel , to open the kingdome of heaven to beleevers , so also he may ex officio , shut it against impenitent sinners and unbeleevers that reject his doctrine , matth. 16. 19. matth. 10. 14. jer. 1. 10. and yet these are not of his proper flocke . againe , a pastour may administer the seales , ( which is an act of office ) to members of other churches , in his his owne congregation , ( if they desire it ) who yet are not his proper flocke . lastly , a deacon of one church may performe an act of his office occasionally to those out of the church , or the poore of another church ; yet be no officer or deacon of the other church , and so 't is here . to illustrate this , a captaine of a band of souldiers is an officer onely over his owne band , but it 's an act of his office to subdue enemies , and to bring in those that submit . a steward is an officer over his masters family , not over others : yet it 's an act of his office to provide for the intertainment of strangers that come to his lords table . thus far it is cleare : but now whether a minister may administer the seales in another congregation , is not so evident , yet wee will not deny but that occasionally being called thereunto by the desire of the church , hee may lawfully doe the same , yet it 's no foundation of a stated presbytery out of a particular congregation , for in all such acts the church still keepes her power in her owne hands , while the minister hath no authority , nor can put forth any act of his ministery , but at her desire , and according to her owne necessity , neither doth this make a minister a pastour of the universall church , for pastorall office consists in taking charge of a people , and having power of authority to exercise the same towards his church : but all that is said doth include neither of these , nor doth it follow that because they may set up a presbytery over themselves in the same church , that therefore they may combine & set up a presbytery of many churches , the first being their duty injoyned by christ , not the other ; for it is necessary for them to have such amongst them as may ordinarily feed , teach , watch over them , and rule them ( the end of a ministers office ) but it 's not necessary so to submit to others , who may finde worke enough to feed and rule their owne , and therefore looke as it is not in the power of many congregations to joyne together , to set one pastour over them successively to feed them , ( for so they make a pluralist , and the bramble the king of trees ) nor yet in their power to set up ( as in the first ambitious time ) a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with power over all singly , but under all joyntly , so neither is it in their power to set up many pastours , who by their plurality of votes may wholly drowne that power of their owne . nor lastly doth it follow , that if they may desire the benefit and exercise of an others office occasionally , that they may or should doe it constantly , no more then because they may desire sundry ministers to preach amongst them every sabbath for a time in the want of officers , that therefore they should content themselves to live altogether without any of their owne . now for application of these things to the assumption of our argument . although a pastour ( in the sense explained ) may put forth acts of office in another congregation , or to others in his owne congregation , yet will it hence follow , that a minister may administer seales to such as are of no congregation ? which is now the question . reply . now to remove those 2013 objections of mr. ball , which onely reach the question in hand , whereof the first is reply the 8. when ordinary elders in the primitive church were to labour the comming of the infidels to god , these being converted were to bee baptized of the elders ordinarily in the cities , though the number might bee so great as they could not well meet in one congregation , nor bee subject to the same pastour : and therefore either the pastours must baptize them , being no members , or they must remaine without baptisme till they grow into a body , and choose ministers to baptize them , which is contrary to all precedents in scripture . answ . there is a third way which is passed over , that will ease the difficulty : viz. the pastours might baptize them unto their owne congregations so long as the numbers did not exceed beyond edification , and then dividing their numbers , might make divers churches of one , and they call pastours over them , and so wee see act. 2. they added 3000. and after more , till they were scattered : and when peace was restored , act. 9. the churches were not onely edified but multiplied , verse 3. and so the consequence of your 9. reply is also taken away . reply . there is no precept or example in scripture warrants the admitting of set members of one congregation to the seales in another , more then the admitting of approved christians that are not set members , the pastour is no more the pastour of the one then of the other , neither of them set members , and both of them may bee members for the time being . answ . wee have before shewed in the first consideration , that which warrants the dispensing of the seales to confederating beleevers , as the way of the gospel , and rom. 16. 1. wee have a plaine example of orderly receiving the members of one church to communion in an other , being recommended thereunto by the apostles , wee have not the like for any not in church order at all ; and though there be a parity in respect of particular relation with that pastour and flock , yet that is a disparity in regard of immediate right that the one have to the ordinances of christ and priviledges of a church , which the other have not , being out of that order of christ prescribed in the gospel , in which order of a visible church , visible ordinances are to be dispensed , as hath been proved before . reply . if a synod consisting of sundry members of particular churches , met together in the name of christ about the common and publike affaires of the churches shall joine together in prayer , and communion of the supper , we can see no ground to question it as unlawfull , although that assembly bee no particular congregation or church , hath no pastour over them , &c. answ . that su●h an assembly may pray together is no question , for every family may doe so : and that they may receive the supper also in a right order , wee deny not , for meeting where there is a particular instituted church , they may have communion therewith in the supper , being many as well as few , but whether they may as a church ( being no politicall body , but members of many politicall churches ) administer church ordinances proper to a church , wee would see some reasons before wee can judge it lawfull so to doe : for though some doe account such a synod ecclesia orta ; yet not properly such a church as hath ecclesiasticall power , authority and priviledge belonging thereto : they may consult and doctrinally determine of cases of that assembly , acts 15. but further to proceed , we see no rule , nor paterne . besides , if such an assembly of many churches may administer seales , why may not any other assembly of church members or ministers doe the sam● ? and so this power will be carried without limitation , we know not how far , if they once depart from a particular church . chap. viii . consid . 3. reply . to the third consideration , this whole reason as it is propounded makes onely against it selfe ; who ever thought that the seales were not proper to confederates , or the church of god ; of old visible beleevers in the covenant of grace were of the visible church , and in church order according to the dispensation of those times , though not joyned to the society of abrahams family : to exclude job , melchisedeck , &c. because not of the visible church , is welnigh a contradiction , and so to debarre known approved christians , &c. answ . that this reason makes not against it self , mr. ball himself hath cleared , when he stated our consideration truely in the words following , as will appeare , however here he somewhat troubles the waters needlessely , that the ground may not appeare , for there is nothing in our answer which deny melchisedech , job , &c. to bee of the visible church according to the manner of those times , indeed wee instance in them as persons under the covenant of grace , not mentioning their membership in family churches , as being enough for our purpose , if they had not right to circumcision by vertue of their right in the covenant of grace , except they joyned to the church at first in abrahams family , and so after to the same church in israel ; and the more speciall church relation in abrahams family was required to circumcision , the stronger is the force of our reason , not the weaker . for so much the rather it followes , that seales are not to bee dispensed to beleevers ( as such ) though visibly professing the faith , except they joyne also to such a forme of the visible church , to , or in which the seales are instituted and given . reply . the true and proper meaning of this consideration is , that as circumcision , and the passeover were not to bee dispensed to all visible beleevers under the covenant of grace , but onely to such as were joyned to abrahams family , or the people of the god of abraham , no more may baptisme , and the lords supper be administred now to any beleevers , unlesse they be joyned to some particular congregation . answ . these words rightly stating the consideration wee leave it to any indifferent reader to judge , whether any way it make against it selfe , or whether there was any cause first to darken it as was done in the former passage . reply . the strength of it stands in the parity betweene circumcision and baptisme , but this parity is not found in every thing , as your selves alledge . to unfold it more fully , wee will consider three things . first , wherein the sacraments agree , and wherein they differ . answ . it matters not in how many things the sacraments differ , so they agree in the thing questioned , and though wee might raise disputes and queries about some particulars in this large discourse upon this first head , yet seeing here is a grant of the parity in the point now questioned , viz. concerning the persons to whom circumcision and baptisme doe belong , wee shall take what is granted , and leave the rest . for thus it is said , circumcision and baptisme are both sacraments of divine institution , and so they agree in substance of the things signified , the persons to whom they are to be administred , and the order of administration , if the right proportion be observed . now that we ●●ld the right proportion in the persons , may appeare , first , in that ( as was granted ) circumcision sealed the entrance into the covenant , but this covenant was not simply , and onely the covenant of grace ; but that whole covenant , that was made with abraham , whereby on gods part they were assured of many speciall blessings , ( whereof lot , and others not in this covenant with abraham , were not capable ) and whereby abraham his seed , and family were bound for their part to be a people to god , and to observe this signe of the covenant , which others in the covenant of grace were not bound to . answ . secondly , ( as is granted ) it was abraham , and his houshold , and the seed of beleeving jewes that were the persons to bee circumcised , and therefore not visible beleevers , ( as such ) for then lot had been included : so by right proportion not all visible beleevers as such , but such as with abraham , and his family are in visible covenant to bee the people of god according to the institution of churches when , and to which the seale of baptisme is given ; and therefore as all family churches but abrahams being in a new forme of a church were excluded , so much more such as are in no visible constituted church at all . reply . secondly , as for the proposition it selfe , certaine it is , circumcision and the passeover were to bee administred onely to the visible members of the church , i. e. to men in covenant professing the true faith , but that in abrahams time none were members of the visible church , which joyned not to abrahams family , wee have not learned . answ . the proposition wee see is granted , yet it is obscured divers wayes , to which wee answer : first , whereas it is said these members of the church were men in covenant , professing the true faith . true , but where ? not in any place , but in the church of abrahams family , and so after in the church of israel . secondly , what faith ? not onely faith in the messiah for life , and salvation , but withall faith in the promises made to abraham , and his seed with subjection to the visible worship of god in that church , and to circumcision in particular . thirdly , that there were no others of the visible church besides abrahams family , is not said , but being so it strengthens the argument , as was shewed before . reply . in the first institution of circumcision god gave it to abraham , as the seale of the covenant formerly made with him , but of any church covenant , whereinto abrahams family should enter , we read not . answ . whether circumcision sealed any new covenant made with abraham , gen. 17. or that before , gen. 15. wee will not contend , neither is it materiall , bee it the same covenant hee entred into before for substance , yet it is evident , 1 that this covenant was no● simply and onely the covenant of grace , but had many peculiar blessings belonging to abraham , and his posterity , and family contained in it . gen. 12. and 15. 2 it is very considerable that god made this covenant with abraham , when hee cal'd him out of that corrupt state of the church in ebers family to worship god more purely according to his institutions , gen. 12. 1. with josh . 24. 2. thirdly , this covenant , gen. 17. is more explicate , and full then before , and especially in that promise , which most properly concernes church covenant , viz. that god would take abraham and his seed into covenant with himselfe , even an everlasting covenant to be a god unto them , vers . 7. and this in a speciall manner ▪ is that , which the lord saith hee would now establish betweene abraham and himselfe , viz. by this signe of the covenant , vers . 9 , 10 , 11. fourthly , this is the very covenant , which the lord renewed with abrahams seed afterward , when hee established them to bee a church or people to himselfe , as is evident , deut. 29. 12 , 13. this the lord is said oft to remember , viz. to remember his covenant with abraham , when hee visited his seed with any mercy : exod. 6. 5 , 6 , 7 , 8. psal . 105. 8 , 9. and therefore it must needs bee a church covenant . fiftly , as gen. 17. the lord instituted a visible token , and seale of this covenant , so hee strictly enjoyned the observation of the same in all the seed and family of abraham , and that in all their generations : all which things especially joyntly considered make it evident , that abraham and his were not onely a people , but established a people to god in a church covenant , and that the same covenant , which was the foundation of the nationall church of god , that was after in his posterity , and to this covenant the seale of circumcision was added . reply . melchisedeck , lot , job might bee circumcised , though wee reade not of it , ( as wee read not that john baptist , or the apostles were baptized ) or if they were not circumcised , it may bee that institution was not knowne to them , or they were not required to joyne to abrahams family , and if they had , they should have transgressed , and so the reason was not , because they were not in church order , but because circumcision was appropriated to abrahams family in some peculiar respects . answ . though wee reade not of the administration of baptisme to john baptist , the apostles , and many others , yet wee reade of a rule that required it of them , and it was a part of that righteousnesse , of which the lord jesus saith to john , thus it becommeth us to fulfill all righteousnesse , matth. 3. 15. not for the institution of circumcision did bind lot , job , &c. yet that they were forbidden to joyne to abrahams family , and so bee circumcised , wee cannot say ; seeing afterwards proselytes were reecived into the same covenant and church , and so circumcised . secondly , that it was so appropriated to abrahams family , as that it was unlawfull for them to joyne to abrahams covenant , and be circumcised , this is more then can bee shewed ; or if lot , melchisedeck , job were excluded , yet out of question abraham might and did enlarge his family , and so might take in proselytes visible beleevers in the covenant of grace , and circumcise them , and so still the appropriating of circumcision to the church , and covenant of abrahams family , doth not weaken , but strengthen the argument , in as much as no visible beleever in the covenant of grace might partake of the seale but by joyning in visible covenant with that church to which it was given . thirdly , suppose job , lot , &c. and their families were circumcised , ( as junius alledgeth jerome for it ) yet how will it appeare it was not by taking hold of the covenant of abraham , to which circumcision was applyed ? yet it seemes more probable , that lot , and other families in abrahams time were not partakers thereof , god intending ( as the effect shewes ) not to establish them nor theirs to bee his people , as by circumcision hee established abraham and his seed ; as for iob , if hee were of abrahams seed , and had circumcision hereditarily à materno , paternoque sanguine , ( as some thinke ) yet this makes nothing against the argument wee have now in hand . answ . after the church of the iewes was constituted ( when wee cannot imagine any church amongst the gentiles ) wee finde none must bee admitted to the passeover that was not circumcised , but nothing was required of a stranger , but that hee professe the true faith , and avouch the god of abraham to be his god , which must be done before hee could be reputed a visible beleever , or under the covenant of grace . reply . if any doubtfulnesse can bee raised about the church in abrahams family , yet the case is so cleare in the following story of the church , as you must needs grant the proposition , ( as you do ) and the church of the jewes is still but the same church , that was in abrahams house , and the covenant the same , for gen. 17. god established the covenant with him and his seed for an everlasting covenant to be a god unto them ; and in egypt the lord challenges them as his owne , his first borne , &c. and therefore there is the same reason of circumcision , first and last in respect of the persons , that had right unto it , but say you nothing was required to circumcision , but to professe the faith . but we demand first , what was it to avouch the god of abrabam to be his god ? was it not to subject himselfe to all the statutes , commandements , and judgements of god in his church to walke in them ? as ▪ is cleare : deut. 26. 17. was there not the same law for the stranger , and the home-borne ? secondly , where must they professe this faith , and avouch this god ? was it in any place where they dwelt , and so might they circumcise themselves ? must not this bee done amongst , and before the people of god in his visible church ? whence such were called proselytes , and reckoned of the common-wealth of israel , esay 56. 3 , 4 , 5 , 6. and is not all this to joyne themselves to the visible instituted church before they were circumcised ? lastly , it is not true that no man could be reputed a visible beleever before hee did all this , that which followes pag. 40. is answered before . reply . if lot , job , &c. were not circumcised , there is not the like reason for circumcision , and baptisme in this particular . answ . the force of the consideration doth not depend upon the likenesse of reason betweene the persons to be circumcised and baptized in every respect , but in this , that as circumcision and the passeover were given onely to visible members of that instituted visible church , and therefore so in this case of baptisme , and the lords supper : now therefore if you could alledge many more different reasons betweene lot , job , &c. that were not circumcised , and those not to bee baptized , it would little availe in the case , but wee shall consider your differences particularly . reply . first , if ever circumcision was appropriated to abrahams family , and might not be communicated to other visible beleevers , it was in the first institution , but in the first institution of baptisme , it was not so observed , that beleevers should bee gathered into a christian church , and then baptized . mat. 3. 7. john baptized such as came to him , confessing their sinnes , the apostles baptized disciples , such as gladly received their doctrine , &c. answ . there is no such disparity in this as is objected , for abrahams family was in covenant before circumcision was given , onely the covenant was more fully explained and confirmed : and so when john baptized , hee baptized the members of the jewes church in covenant before , to whom hee was sent to turne the heart of the fathers to the children , &c. and to prepare a people for the lord , and baptisme was then given to the church of the jewes with reference to so many as would receive the doctrine of john , concerning repentance and remission of sinnes by faith in the messiah now come amongst them , and therefore christ himselfe , and his disciples remained yet members of that church . secondly , though the visible kingdome of christ was not yet to bee erected in christian churches , till after christs death and resurrection , whereby hee did put an end to the jewish worship , and therefore no christian churches could bee gathered by john , yet there was a middle state of a people prepared for the lord , gathered out of the jewish church , which according to that state were made the disciples of john , by solemne profession of their repentance or conversion to god , and acknowledgement of christ the lambe of god already come , to whom the seale of baptisme was appropriated . as for the instances , act. 2. 37. &c. and 8. 37. and 10. 47 , 48. they are spoken to before in the first consideration . reply . secondly , lot , job , &c. were not bound to joyne to abrahams family , and bee circumcised , but now all visible beleevers are bound to seeke baptisme in an holy manner . answ . first , this difference makes little to the point in hand , it is enough , that all that would be circumcised were bound to joyne to that church , and so now . secondly , in after times no doubt every true proselyte fearing god was bound to joyne to that church , as well as now ; and if now all visible beleevers be bound to professe their faith , and seek baptisme in an holy manner , why should they not bee bound to joyne to some visible church , and seeke it there , ( as well as of old ? ) yea where should they professe their faith , but in the visible churches , as the proselytes of old did ? your third difference is oft pressed , and answered before . reply . fourthly , if circumcision bee appropriated to the family of abraham , it is because that covenant was peculiar to abrahams posterity , namely , that christ should come of isaac , but baptisme is the seale of the covenant of grace without peculiarity or respect . answ . this difference is of little moment , neither will it hold , for first , though that , and other promises had a speciall eye to abrahams family , yet circumcision sealed the righteousnesse of faith , rom. 4. to them being in visible covenant with the church , as baptisme now doth . secondly , this peculiar respect you speake of , no way hindereth the joyning of many servants to abrahams family , and covenant , nor any proselytes to the church afterward of any nation , no more then now in respect of baptisme . thirdly , the true reason was , because although the covenant was made with others , yet not established , nor enlarged towards them ; and hence if they would partake of such a covenant , they must joyne in this ; which also is the glory of the rich grace of christ shining forth in church-covenant with all that will become a people to him to this day . the first difference is answered in the first and second . chap. ix . consid . 4. reply . to the fourth consideration , first , men are capable of church censures , either as having power to dispense them : or as being subject unto them , &c. in the second sense , many are capable of church priviledges , who are not subject to church censures : as the children of christian parents are capable of baptisme , and approved members of any true church are capable of seales in other congregations amongst you , who are not subject to the censures of the other congregation , spiritual communion in publike prayer , whereof visible beleivers ( not in church order ) are capable , but not subject to common censures in your sense . answ . this distinction is needlesse : our meaning is plaine in the second sense , and therefore wee say nothing to what is objected against the first . to the instances objected against the proposition in the second sense , wee answer first concerning the infants of church-members , they are subject to censures , whensoever they offend the church , as others are , though so long as they live innocently , they need them not . secondly , members of any true visible church are subject , and so capable of censure , ( though not in another church ) which is not in in the proposition . 2 ▪ also they are capable of censures mediately by and in that other church , if they there offend : for that church may admonish and prosecute the admonition in the church to which they belong , and refuse society with them , if they repent not , which cannot bee said of such as are not members of any visible church , who cannot be prosecuted to excommunication in any place . thirdly , publike prayers of the church , though they bee an ordinance of christ , and the church have a speciall communion in them , in which respect others do not share , yet they are not a priviledge or peculiar ordinance , wherein none but the church may share , for an heathen or infidel may hear the word and joyne in the prayers , being cultus naturalis , saying amen unto the same ; which cannot be said of seales and censures , being cultus institutus . reply . secondly , a person baptized , is not baptized into that particular congregation onely , but into all churches , and in every particular ▪ church hath all the priviledges of a baptized person , and so to be esteemed of them . now the priviledge of the baptized person , walking in the truth , and able to examine himselfe , is to bee admitted to the lords supper , as all circumcised persons had right thereby to eate the passeover in any society , where god should choose to put his name there , exod. 4. 47. deut. 16. 1 , 1. answ . this seemeth to touch the question it selfe , rather then the proposition of this fourth consideration : but wee shall answer to it as it stands . 1. here you grant that a person baptized , is baptized unto a particular congregation : which wee accept as a yeelding of the question unawares . 2. if you meane , that such hath a liberty of communion in a way of brotherly love in all churches where he comes , wee grant , ( so farre as nothing in him justly hinder ) but if you meane that hee is baptized into all churches , so as to challenge a right of membership in them all , wee deny it , as a position that would take away all distinction of churches , as wee have formerly shewed . 3. we deny that the lords supper is the priviledge of a baptized person , able to examine himself , & walking in the truth as a baptized person , for then a papist converted to the truth , able to examine himselfe , hath a right to the lords supper in every church , before he make any profession of his conversion , and faith in any particular church , for hee may bee such a baptized person . and we may say the like of an excommunicate penitent . 4. we grant that a baptized person is not onely baptized in to that particular church whereof hee was first a member : for if it bee a seale of his initiation into that particular church onely ; then he must bee rebaptized as oft as hee enters into another , but hee is baptized ( in the sense formerly shewed ) into the whole mysticall body of christ , and hence hath jus ad rem , or a remote right unto the priviledges of the church every where , but that therefore he hath immediate right to the fruition of all , when he is severed from that particular church wherein he was baptized , that follows not : for as he had this latter right in the first church wherein hee was baptized , so he must have it in any of the churches of christ afterward ; now if in the first church the fruition of ordinances came by orderly joyning ▪ to it : so it must be afterward , for as wee said before , such as the communion is , such ought to be the union , he that would have politicall communion with the politicall churches of christ , must be some where in politicall union with them , otherwise one may have communion in all churches & yet never unite himself to any one , which loose walking we are perswaded christ jesus will not allow . 5 the similitude from a circumcised person will not hold . first , because there is no parity between severall families in the same church , and severall churches in the new testament , but rather severall seats of communicants in the same church answers , severall families eating the passeover in the church of the jewes . secondly , an edomite circumcised though he were converted , and acknowledged the true god in his owne country never so fully , yet might not eate the passeover till he joyned to the church of israel as all other proselytes did : & so is it here . reply . thirdly , there is not the same reason of every church priviledge ; one may have right to some who may not meddle with others , as members of one church may joyne in hearing and prayer with another church : but not meddle in election and ordination of their teachers , and therefore the proposition is not so evident to bee taken without proofe , that they have no power to admit a beleever into communion in any church priviledge , who have no power to excommunicate . answ . what is here objected from the liberty or restriction of church members in another congregation , is answered before in the first objection , and therefore the proposition may stand good for all that is here said . 2 that which is set down as the proposition , is neither the same with that in our reason , nor any way allowed by us ; for wee speake not here of power to admit , but of the right to bee partakers : neither doe wee deny a power in officers to admit members of other churches to the seales , though they have no power to excommunicate them . 3 if our proposition seeme to need proofe : the reason of it is at hand , because those that are the peculiar priviledges or proper priviledges or proprieties of the church , as seales and censures being of the same nature , viz. outward ordinances of christ ordained by him for the edification of his church and joyntly given to his church : and therefore looke to what church hee hath given the one , hee hath given the other also : if the one , viz. censures , bee given to the church of a visible congregation , then the other : they are all ( both seales and censures ) contained in the keys which are given to the visible instituted churches of the new testament : not to the catholick ( as such : ) for a godly man justly cast out of the particular church , yet cannot bee cast out of the catholick . reply . that visible beleevers baptized into a true church , professing the true faith , and walking in holy obedience , and their seed should be judged such as are without in the apostles sense , because they are not externally joyned as set members to some peculiar congregation in church covenant , is affirmed , not proved . answ . comming to the assumption of our argument it is expressed ( according to the frequent manner in this reply ) in such termes as it is not affirmed by us , and therefore if it want proof , blame not us our assumption is ; such as are not in church covenant are not capable of church censures : where by being in church covenant wee meane either implicitly or explicitly , membership in any true church , as in our answer wee expresse to prevent mistakes : and this is proved from 1 cor. 5. 12. and in applying hereof wee doe not affirme that such are simply without in the apostles sense , but in some respect onely , viz. in regard of visible church communion . reply . first , it doth oft fall out that the true members of the catholick church and best members of the orthodox church , by a prevailing faction in the church , may bee no members of any distinct society , and shall their posterity be counted aliens from the covenant , and debarred from the sacraments , because their parents are unjustly separated from the inheritance of the lord ? answ . this objection is before answered in the first consideration , where was given the instance of athanasius , and it is answered by the reply it selfe in the next words ; surely as parents unjustly excommunicated , doe continue still visible members of the flock of christ ( understand that particular church out of which they are cast , ) so the right of baptism belongs to their infants : which being so , they are not without that church , though debarred unjustly of the present communion with it , unlesse he renounce that church , or other . reply . secondly , if such churches renounce it as are no members of a politick spirituall fellowship be without , then the members of one church are without unto another , &c. answ . this objection wee have had and answered oft before . in a word , there cannot bee the like reason , no not in respect of that other church , who may in a due order of christ persecute the censures against them , though not compleatly amongst themselves ; which cannot bee said of such as have not joyned themselves to any church , and therefore wee deny that the apostles reason was because they were without to corinth , but without to all churches . reply . thirdly , ( the fornicators of this world ) doe they not explaine whom the apostle pointeth unto by the title of being without verse the 10. 11. such as had not received the covenant of grace ? answ . wee never thought otherwise but that the fornicators of this world and the heathen are most properly without in the apostles sense ; but if our words bee observed , that in a certain respect , or as our words are , in regard of visible church communion , such as are in no church society are said to bee without , what great offence have wee given ? for first , is not a godly man ( if justly excommunicate ) without in this sense . secondly , doth not the apostle iohn expresly call them without that forsooke the fellowship of the church , 1 iohn 2. 19. saying they went out ? thirdly , were not the catechumeni of old in this respect without , and the lapsed in times of persecution , and the like , who ( in those zealous and severe times of church discipline ) were not onely said to bee without , but stood without , though weeping and praying as penitents at the church doores , sometimes for two or three yeeres ? and after this degree of preparation for entrance into the church which they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there were three more before they were received to the lords supper : which severity though wee approve not , yet it may mollifie the mindes of the godly learned that are apt to bee offended at such a word from us . fourthly , our saviour himselfe expresly saith ( and that not onely of those of no church ) but such as were even of the visible church , and his ordinary hearers , that many of them were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or men without : and therefore this application of 1 cor. 5. 12. need not bee called insolent , or raise such an hubbub abroad , as wee perceive it doth . reply . fourthly , church order is necessary wee deny not , but that a man should bee a constant set member of a particular society by covenant to make him a member of the visible church , or to give him title or interest to the publike order , this is not taught of god. this is but a bare denyall of the position it selfe , but what is meant by publike order wee know not : or where the order of christ ( which is granted to bee necessary ) can bee found but in particular churches , wee are yet to learne , neither is it any where taught in this reply , and wee would gladly learne how that church should orderly deale with such a man in case of offence that is of no particular church . reply . fiftly , paul divides all men into two rankes , the first and greater without , the last and lesser within , but that beleevers , &c. and their children should be reckoned without , we read not in any scripture , but in scripture phrase hereticks themselves are within . 1 john 2 19. 1 cor. 11. 19. answ . all that is said in this objection except the last clause , is but a repeated deniall of the conclusion in other words : to the objection about hereticks within , wee grant they are within till cast out or gone out of the church , 1 john 2. 19. and if gone out , how are they within ? and so if an orthodox professor will frowardly forsake all churches and live alone , or among the heathen , how is hee within ? we speake onely in generall . reply . sixtly , this hath not beene beleeved in the church ? answ . wee are not bound in every thing to be of the churches faith , and what wee have said before may satisfie here . reply . seventhly , without are dogs , &c. rev. 22. 15. not such as are faithfull , holy , &c. answ . true , properly such are without , not these , yet in some respects ( as hath been said ) others also may be without , as such as forsake the church , &c. as was before said more fully . reply . eighthly , they that are without in the apostles sense are aliens from the commonwealth of israel , strangers from the covenant of promise , having no hope , and without god in the world ; but we hope you will not passe such rash censure upon the brethren who bee not gathered into the society as set members . answ . to say some beleevers may bee without in some respect , is farre from such a censure : the scripture saith of israel in their corrupt estate , and defect of the ordinances of god , that they were a long time without god , without law , without a teaching priest , yet that hard expression doth not equall them with the heathen ; much lesse to say some beleevers are without the visible church in regard of visible church communion , and wee judge no otherwise of such then of our selves when wee were in the like case . reply . ninthly , let this interpretation stand , and hee shall bee without also that is not subject to the censures of the community of the particular combination , few or many , without , or with officers , and so all the reformed churches that ascribe the keyes to the presbytery , or classis , and not to the community , and some amongst your selves ( if not most ) shall bee without also . and therefore wee cannot thinke that approved christians desiring seales are either without or not capable of church censures : if they offend , though no set members , for desiring seales , they put themselves under the ordinances for a time , and may be proceeded withall as offending members . answ . this objection hath no colour without extreame straining of our application of 1 cor. 5. 12. seeing wee never limited the position to churches of the same judgement , or in like degree of order to ours ; it is onely a forced odium which is cast upon us , but wee can beare more at our brethrens hands , neither doe we know any church or elder that ascribes the power of the keys to the presbytery or classis , excluding the community amongst us . secondly , for that objection that such put themselves under the ordinances of christ for the time ; if with profession of faith and subjection to the government of christ , they desire seales , it is something ; but that the very desiring of seales doth include such a subjection in it selfe , being but for this or that act of administration , wee cannot understand : but let this bee really made good , that desiring seales it being a way , that subjects themselves to the church as members , and the case will bee issued , being understood of such approved christians as the position speakes of . lastly , to proceed against such as are not members , or of another church , as with an offending member of our owne , is not much unlike the proceedings of victor in his contentious time or may sow the seeds of such usurpations , which wee leave to the godly wise to consider of . reply . tenthly , if upon good reason a passage of scripture can bee cleared to prove that for which it was never alleadged by any writer , wee are not to except against it for want of mans testimony , onely in such cases our reasons must bee convincing , but for the exposition of this text wee have not observed one substantiall ground or approved author to bee alledged . dr. ames shewing the necessitie of christians joyning themselves to some peculiar church giveth this reason ; quoniam alias fieri non potest quin conturbentur signa illa quibus fideles ab infidelibus discerni possunt , 1 cor. 5. 12. but herein dr. ames manifestly sheweth that by them without , heathens and unbeleevers must be understood , and not beleevers , though of no setled society for the time ; for thus wee conceive hee argueth . the signes whereby the faithfull are to bee discerned from unbeleevers must not bee confounded : but unlesse christians make themselves actuall members of a church , the signes whereby the faithfull are discerned from unbeleevers , will bee obscured and darkned : and if this be his reason , how can that text bee alledged unlesse by men without , infidels bee understood ? answ . first , that we have reasons to alledge it in that sense and respect declared , may appeare by our answers to your objections . secondly , that wee have one approved authour so alleadging it , viz. doctor ames , shall appeare in cleering his meaning from your objections . 1. grant that by men without ( according to doctor ames his reason ) infidels be understood by the apostle , yet how shall the signes discerning beleevers from unbeleevers , bee confounded by such as joyne not to some particular church , if those beleevers doe not in some respect stand without amongst unbeleevers ? and the consequence is so plaine that the owne syllogisme whereinto you cast his argument would have concluded so much , if it had been suffered to speake out in the conclusion . for in stead of saying , except such joyne to some church , the signes will be darkned and obscured ; the reason rightly concluded would have said ( fieri non potest ) it cannot bee but the signes will bee confounded : and therefore in his judgement it is unavoidable that such mix themselves with unbeleevers , that are without indeed properly in the apostles sense . reply . againe , doctor ames , lib. 4. cap. 17. speaking of infants to be received , saith it is required , first , that they be in the covenant of grace by outward profession , &c. answ . what you alledge here out of doctor ames , wee confesse sheweth that hee was very large in his charity about the baptizing of infants , extending the same to the child of a papist , &c. but it may seeme by some passages that hee understood by profession of faith , such as live in the visible churches , and lookes at the child of a papist as one of a visible church for substance , though so exceedingly corrupt : but all this do not disprove that he understood 1 cor. 5. 12. otherwise then hath been said . what you alledge out of his second manuduction concerning the churches of england we consent unto , neither doe wee deny seales to any , if they demand them as members of any true church in england , and in an orderly way . chap. x. consid . 5. reply . to the first consideration , if it bee repugnant to divine institution to admit of approved christians lawfully baptized , walking in the faith , members of the visible churches , and partakers of church priviledges amongst us , to the lords supper , or their children to baptisme ; because they bee not entered into church-fellowship according to your order , then it is unlawfull though no such evill consequences are to bee feared , but if by accident some abuse should fall out , the evill is to bee prevented by all lawfull meanes , but the faithfull are not to be debarred utterly of the order of god , whereto they have right and title by his free grant and gracious institution . answ . wee cannot but still complaine of this liberty , which is taken in changing the termes of the question , first : that clause , members of visible churches , is not in the position , nor is it maintained by us in that sense , neither doe wee limit church-fellowship to our order , ( as it is called ) but acknowledge churches defective in matters of order , ( as was said ) in the answer : and therefore it is an apparent wrong to us and to the readers , so oft to put in such things as are not in the controversie . secondly , if it bee unlawfull by divine institution , may not evill consequences bee added , and if both hold , are not our reasons the more strong ? what needeth then such a reply ? thirdly , we have oft granted a remote right , but next and immediate we still deny , and wee conceive no other order of god in his churches to prevent such evils , then by joyning to the instituted churches of christ ? reply . seals may bee prophaned when the dispensers cannot helpe it : but here is no feare or danger of such consequences necessary to follow : for wee speake not of all sorts , at randome , but of christians professing the faith intirely , lawfully baptized , knowne and approved to the wise and judicious visible members of the churches amongst us sufficiently knowne to you , or orderly recommended , &c. answ . the feare and danger in this case is more then ( so farre off ) can easily bee discerned , though the limitations bee good in themselves , yet the application of this description in the first part of it would open a doore wider then many can imagine , for many such ( in the judgement even of the wisest ) comming in to this state of temptations prove farre otherwise , ( even your selves being judges , if you were here ) wee suppose the experience of the discoveries god hath made in these late trials of england , amongst forward professors , will teach our brethren to consider how many professors may prove here . yet secondly , if you add such as retaining their membership in your churches , are recommended unto us by your churches , or by known godly ministers , wee can then according to order receive them , and avoid the confusion and inconveniences wee objected . thirdly , if also it be taken into the description , knowne and sufficiently approved of our selves , then the doore is open to them to the communion of the church and all the priviledges thereof , though they cannot settle in the place of their present abode , and this way of order would prevent the inconveniences : but if wee come to put a difference any other way , wee cannot avoid it but great offence will be given to many , and the inconveniences objected in some degree at least will follow here with us , and it may be much more in some other places . reply . you professe high respect to your brethren in old england , but it seemes you judge them insufficient to give you orderly testimony of the sincerity of approved christians well known and living amongst them , which two cannot well agree . answ . this position holds forth no such judgement of the insufficiency of our brethren in the case , neither have we shewed it by rejecting such orderly testimony that we know . reply . wee speake not of such , who against light refuse to professe subjection to the gospell of christ , or to joyne to some approved church , &c. answ . neither doe wee impute that to all that joyne not unto us , but our meaning is , that under such a description of approved christians , we shall bee necessitated to admit of some , if not many such . reply . no question but many have been admitted by the church , who in truth are much too light , and some refused , who are better deserving then they that cast them off . answ . bee it so , that through personall failings , and weaknesse of discerning , it may and doe fall out sometimes , yet this no way hinders , but that all lawfull meanes to prevent the same may and ought to be used , and this we may before the lord professe , that the purpose and desire of our hearts are , as well to embrace the weakest humble christian , as to keepe out the proud pharisee : and wee have seen a gracious presence of christ in his churches , blessing our indeavours therein , whatsoever any discontented persons returning back , may clamour to the contrary . chap. xi . consid . 6. reply . to the sixt consideration , this conclusion is not to the question propounded : for wee speake of such as cannot , not of such as refuse to joyne themselves to the churches ; or if they doe not joyne , it is not out of contempt , or wilfull neglect , but for lacke of opportunity , or through their default , that should admit them , but doe not . answ . the learned authour here wholly mistakes the conclusion of this argument ; the conclusion is plaine and expressed with the ordinary note , ergo no christian can expect by the appointment of god , to partake in the seales , till he hath joyned himselfe in church-fellowship , and in the call of the minister ; and this is fully to the question propounded : and wee marveld it should not be observed , but the last words of the answer should bee put in stead of it , which are onely a secondary deduction from the former , as an absurdity , which may follow : if the other be not granted . and yet hence occasion is taken to charge us with injurious and tyrannical dealing toward such as are not admitted , which we leave to the lord to judge of , and of us . you say , you accuse not the discretion of our churches , but impute it to the rashnesse of the zealous multitude , but if it were so practised , as is conceived , the churches and their guides should shew little wisedome , and faithfulnesse to the lord , and the soules of his people . reply . when a reason is demanded of your judgement , why you debarre approved christians from the seales , and we dislike it , you should put this note upon them , as if against light they refused orderly to subject themselves to the gospell of christ . what warrant you have thus to censure , what use of this manner of dispute , we leave it to your godly wisedome to judge . answ . wee are heartily sorry that this reverend man of god , out of a meere and palpable mistake of the conclusion of the dispute , should runne out to condemne us for so much censoriousnesse of others without cause , whether our manner of dispute bee here so without use , wee leave to the judicious reader to judge . and that wee are far from such censures of godly approved christians amongst us , wee can approve our selves to god , and the consciences of many that live amongst us ; wee doe not say that all who doe not joyne with us , doe refuse against light , yet wee finde it true too oft , that forward professors in england here discover evidently an heart refusing against light to submit to gods ordinances , and therefore wee had cause to say , it were unreasonable such should have equall liberty with others . reply . in the consideration it selfe there are many propositions couched to be examined , the first , that none have power to dispense seales but such as are called to the ministry , is freely granted . the second , that no man can be so called , till there bee a church to call him , needeth explication . for by the church you must understand the community of the faithfull , as they are one body without officers , and such a church there cannot be , without a ministry to call , and admit them into church fellowship . answ . this consideration shines with such clearenesse , that an impartiall eye may easily see that the truth by sundry diverticula is rather clouded , then the argument fairely answered . this second proposition being too plaine to bee denied , interpretations are sought , but they are rather objections , to which wee shall answer in order . first , though wee grant the lord ordinarily gathered churches by the ministry of men in office , as the apostles , evangelists , &c. yet not alwayes so , as is evident , acts 11. 20 , 21. the story of waldus is well knowne , and we suppose you will grant those waldenses the name of a true church . origen when hee was not allowed of the church to bee a ministes , yet converted many who died martyrs . the story also of frumentius is well known , with divers others . secondly , ministers by office are of two sorts , either such as are called immediatly or mediatly , such as were immediatly and extraordinarily called , were before churches , and were called together and begin churches , ( as the apostles , matth. 28. 20. act. 1. 8. ) but all ordinary officers that are to administer in a church doe necessarily presuppose a church to call them , unlesse any will adventure to say in plaine english , that the calling of a minister may bee without the antecedent election of the people , and then wee shall finde what to reply . reply . the apostles baptized not themselves , but by the helpe of others , and those not called of the people to baptize , 1 cor. 1. 17. answ . bee it so that in corinth paul baptized not many but by others , yet first we demand , by whom did paul and the apostles baptize ? it was either by evangelists , and so it is all one , as if the apostles , as extraordinary officers did it , or by the pastors newly chosen and ordained in the churches newly gathered , who might baptize the rest ; and then the church was before such officers : or else by private persons , which is denyed expresly in the reply to the first proposition . reply . the apostles appointed by election elders in every city or church , and so there was a church before elders , but this church was a society of beleevers by baptisme admitted into church fellowship , and therefore there must be ministers to baptize , before there can bee a church to call a minister . for a company of unbaptized men cannot choose a minister to baptize them . answ . wee see here still how unawares the truth of this proposition and of the position it selfe breaketh forth ; for the proposition it is fully yeelded and is most plain in the place alluded to acts 14. vers . 23. and the position is yeelded also , for if the apostles admitted beleevers into all those churches in the first constitution of them by baptisme , ( which is the very truth wee contend for , and was formerly denyed ) and these churches were such as chose elders ( and therefore were particular churches ) and so the cause is fully yeelded . reply . a company of converts unbaptized ought to desire baptisme , but they have no power to elect one amongst themselves to dispense the seales unto the rest , &c. it can never bee shewed in scripture that any society of unbaptized did first choose from among themselves a pastour or teacher by whom they might bee baptized , you cannot produce one example or other proofe in scripture of one man teaching the gospel ministerially , but hee was baptized and a member of a true church or of a society , who made choyce of a pastor or teacher , but they were baptized persons . answ . 1 if all this were granted that when churches were gathered by apostles and extraordinary officers out of persons unbaptized , they were first baptized into church fellowship , before they chose officers , and so long as the apostles remained , enjoyed from them other ordinances , as act. 2. and so had no officers chosen by themselves , but by christ immediatly for them , yet as when the apostles left them , they must choose officers if they will enjoy ordinances : so when there is no such apostles nor evangelists , nor no need of baptisme , ( as is usually the cause of christians arising out of popery ) in this case wee say such churches can partake of no ordinances without they choose officers , and yet this varyeth not from the scripture patterne neither . but onely so farre as the state of those beleevers differ , when paul found about twelve beleevers at ephesus , who were baptized by john the baptist , act. 19. 1. &c. if these were by the apostle set into a constituted church , as is probable , ( being called on further to the knowledge of christ and his will and wayes ) there was no need of baptizing them againe with water , but onely with the holy ghost , as the apostles were at pentecost , act. 1. 5. with 2. 1. 2. and yet no varying from the rule in so doing : and the like is our case now . 2. if this bee so as here you urge , then those former assertions must needs fall to the ground ; as , that every society in covenant with god is the true church of god , page 23. and that it is simply necessary to the being of a church , that it hee layd upon christ the foundation , which being done , the remaining of what is forbidden , or want of what is commanded , cannot put the society from the right and title of a church . if these were so a company of unbaptized persons may bee a church , being in covenant with god and layd on christ the foundation , though they want baptisme . 3. though no such example of unbaptized persons choosing a pastour among themselves can bee shewed , when there was no need thereof ; ( apostles being at hand to baptize them ) yet why in absence of apostles , &c. might they not choose some other baptized christian , who comming into some farre remote country of infidels , is a meanes of their conversion ; wee see nothing to hinder : it would bee hard for any to shew an example of presbyters holding a synod or ordaining of elders , without apostles or some extraordinary officer , yet we suppose , you make no doubt of such things . 4 ▪ if an example of one unbaptized that preached & baptized ministerially would satisfie , the example of iohn the baptist might answer your demand , for whether hee baptized himselfe , or were baptized by some other at first , an unbaptized person did baptize , but wee see no need of such an example : scripture grounds are sufficient to guide us in these cases , bee they rules , examples or good consequences deduced from them , and wee reason thus ; a church of beleevers professing christ have liberty from christ to choose their officers : but a company of unbaptized men professing the entire faith in a combined society , is a true church : and therefore may choose their officers . reply . the third proposition : that the power of calling ministers is given by christ unto the church , must also rightly be understood , by the church must not be understood the faithfull alone , but their guids and officers with them , who are to goe before them and to governe and direct them in their choyce , neither can wee say two or three beleevers linked in a society is such a church , to whom the call of ministers do belong , but that right was given by christ to such churches , as were gathered by the apostles . answ . the first limitation of this proposition wee passe over as being spoken to in the former ; to this wee answer , that when a church have guides , wee grant they are to governe them therein , but not to limit them , whom to choose , but when the church have no such guides , ( as by death and other wayes it may fall out , ) shall they then lose their right of choosing ? if so , let it be shewed to whom the right falls ; they may take what counsell and helpe from others they want , but the choyce is onely in them , and therefore this limitation is needlesse . for the number of two or three wee contend not , but such churches as the apostles gathered were particular congregations , and therefore the right is in such , bee they more or fewer . when bellarmine saith , that our ministers intruded themselves into churches ; no , saith dr. field , for the people elected them , which they might lawfully doe and separate from wicked ministers , which hee proves by the testimony of cyprian , writing to the bishops of spaine not to communicate with basilides and martialis , who fell to idolatry in times of persecution , quando ipsa plebs potestatem habet , &c. also from ocham , who saith , si papa & maxime celebres episcopi incidunt in haeresin , ad catholicos devoluta est potestas omnis judicandi : to which hee addes this reason , either they must separate from them , and choose others , or consent to their impieties . field lib. 3. cap. 39. what followeth in this place being little to this point , and for the most part not scrupled by us : and what is not acknowledged by us , wee shall have a fitter occasion to speake to it , therefore here wee passe it over . reply ▪ proposi . 4. that all those who desire seales are bound to joyne themselves in church fellowship , that so they may call a minister to dispense the seales unto them , will not follow from the former rightly understood : for they must partake of the seales before they can joyne themselves together in church estate . answ . to this objection was spoken before , onely we marvell why you say they must first partake of seales , when as acts 2. they were baptized and added to the church the same day : and 't is granted the apostles gathered churches by baptisme . reply . such as for lack of meanes and opportunity cannot joyne in such estate , er bee dispersed by persecution or destitute of pastors or teachers , may for a time seeke the seales in other societies . answ . the first instance is the thing in question ; and such as may come to any society to desire seales are not wholly destitute of meanes and opportunity to joyne , viz. to that society . the two other instances being of such as may bee supposed still to hold their right in a church society ; the thing is granted by us in way of communion of churches . reply . the people also who are deprived of right and libertie to chuse their pastour , may desire the seales of him that is set over them . answ . this objection is easie , for in desiring seales of him and submitting themselves to his ministry , they doe now choose him ; however at first they opposed his comming . but what is this to what ought to bee in an orderly way whereof wee speake ? reply . these propositions being allowed for currant ; a nation or people plunged into idolatry or infidelity , or otherwise dischurched cannot by ordinary meanes recover into a church estate , wherein they may lawfully and according to gods appointment desire or expect that the seales of the covenant shall bee dispensed unto them . answ . what should hinder , if the whole nation would bee willing , to recover themselves into churches ? indeed that is rare to be found that all will affect such a recovery . but wee see nothing to hinder but all the nation or so many as are awakened in conscience to bewaile their apostasie and lament after the lord , having especially the countenance of the supreme magistrate , severall companies of christians may combine in churches so as may best suite with their edification , chuse officers and injoy ordinances . nay , è contra , our protestant divines , as chemnitius , field , brentius , whitacher , luther , &c. make peoples power of electing their ministers the best foundation of a peoples recovery of a true ministry and church estate . reply . the fifth proposition riseth beyond measure , that no christian can expect by the appointment of god to partake in the seales , till hee have joyned himselfe in church fellowship and in the call of the minister . we conceive you will not say that children and women have to doe in the call of the minister . if some part of the church doe not consent in the call of the minister , must they separate from the ordinances of worship , &c. answ . the seeming swellings of this proposition will easily fall and run within bankes and bounds , if it bee received in its true sense and meaning ; for by the call of a minister must needs bee understood the voluntary subjection of all church members to his ministery after hee is called , as well as the act of election of him at the first : it were irrationall to thinke a minister is to bee chosen over againe , whensoever a member is added to the church . and therefore our meaning was not hard to conceive , and being so taken , women choose their minister , that is , voluntarily submit to him being chosen : children are subjected to him by their parents : the dissenting part of the church ought to submit to him being chosen , and doe if they remaine under his ministry ; and so in all other cases you have or can suppose ▪ reply . here you say people must joyne in the call of a minister before they can lawfully desire and bee admitted to the seales . and another hath zealously affirmed , it is a presumptuous sinne to choose an officer not trayned up and ●ryed in debating , discussing , carrying and contriving church affaires , in admonishing , exhorting , comforting , &c. lay these together and consider how long many a poore soule converted to the faith must bee compelled to want gods ordinances . answ ▪ first , it doth not answer the profession in the letter thus to joyne us with mr. robinson as another of the same sort as it were . for such as would gladly receive every syllable from us that may dislodge their thoughts of separation in us ( as wee are heartily desired to bee assured of in the epistle to this reply ) wee thinke would not so closely joyne us with such they would have us parted from ; and upon so little occasion and to so little purpose , unlesse they doe much forget themselves . secondly , when it cannot be denied but the choyse of ministers is in the church , and that hands should not rashly bee laid on any man : and deacons the lowest office should bee proved and then minister being found blamelesse , yea hee saith and these also proved , implying that others also should bee so , 1 tim. 3. 10. what fault can be found with the substance of what either robinson or our selves speake , if our meaning , and his were but charitably taken ? if his word bee over-zealous to say it is a presumptuous sin to doe otherwise , what is that to us ? thirdly , for the delay of ordinances , if both these be taken together : in most cases it need not be long , where god affordeth able and fit men for office . but if some delay be , and that a church want some ordinances , and cannot by communion with other churches injoy them , ( which is rare , ) yet is it not better to forbeare some ordinances a while , then miscarry in so great a worke as the choise of officers , upon which the following comfort and good of the church doth so much depend ? the demand following is answered in this whole discourse , and wee hope not with words but proofes ; especially in our answer to the reply in the first consideration : neither doe wee see any such difficulty , but that such christians may as easily joyne to such a church for a time , as desire to injoy the ordinances , and to sit loose from it : for transient members we disallow not . reply . if the propositions may stand for good , i feare we shal scarce finde that ever in ordinary way the sacraments were lawfully dispensed or received in the christian churches of god since the first foundation of them . answ . if they bee taken in their true meaning , and in that latitude we intend them , wee see no such cause of scruple . for what is more ordinary in all true churches , then for people , first to chuse their ministers , & then to receive the seals at their hands ? and this hath beene the way of ancient reformers , it is true ; many corruptions have beene in many true churches , and usurpations upon the right of the people in choosing their ministers , as also in administrations of the ordinances themselves , and oft in the constitution of churches . but as the maintaining of any truth of god against those corruptions in worship , &c. doth not argue an unlawfulnesse of the ordinances in such churches , but convinceth onely the corrupt administration of them : so in this case to assent the right way of churches electing officers , and injoying ordinances against all corruptions that have beene in the churches , doth not make a nullity of the ordinances themselves . we may say that this conclusion riseth beyond measure . the objections being thus answered , we leave the conclusion to the judgement of the indifferent reader . chap. xii . reply . to the seventh consideration , the practise of the church of strangers in london , recorded by john alasco , is for differing from your judgment and practise in the point in question . for first , say they , paul testifieth that the church it self , without exception of any member of it , is cleane or holy by the administration of baptisme . answ . we confesse the same . reply . secondly , they bold communion with the church of england as one with theirs . answ . the church of england they call it not , but the english churches : and we deny not the same in an orderly way : as they also required testimony of their piety , if any did but present a child to baptisme in their church . wee have often professed this , and by your owne grant most of the approved christians amongst us are not members of the english churches , having renounced their right of membership and commuion with the church they were of there . reply . thirdly , this order was observed by them to prevent the impostures of some that pretended to the english they were joyned to the strangers ; & contra . answ . this was not the onely reason of their order ; for his words are , all strangers doe not joyne themselves to our church ; yea there are those that avoiding all churches , &c. which plainely sheweth they looked further then such according to our practise : even their owne country men fled for religion , as we are : they yet received them not till by publike profession of faith and subjection to discipline , they joyned themselves to some congregationall church . secondly , this sheweth what disorder and abuse of ordinances will follow from such a liberty to admit such as are not joyned to some church : for by this meanes many will neglect all order and discipline , if they may but have the seales . thirdly , to put all out of question that their practise and judgement in effect was the same with ours in this point , note the first question propounded by them , are these infants which you offer the ●eed of this , church that they may lawfully be here baptized by our ministery ? chap. xiii . thus farre wee have answered to the reply made to the considerations in our answer to the 3. and 4. positions . now whereas wee tooke notice of three objections against our first consideration , and answered the same : it pleaseth the learned authour to take up onely two of them , and with much inlargement to urge the same as his reasons against the positions , and to apply our answers thereunto ; by which meanes our answers to the objections briefly set downe may seeme not so apt and full here as they would appeare in their proper places : and therefore it will bee needfull for us to inlarge our selves somewhat in answering some passages at least in the reasons as they are here propounded , before we come to the reply . reply . reason . 1. that sacred order god hath set in his visible church , &c. answ . these words with all that follow , whatever they may seeme to carry with them , are nothing but a bare denyall of the positions in variety of expressions . reply . for first , the baptisme of john was true baptisme , &c. but hee never demanded of those hee received , whether they were entered into church covenant , &c. answ . this wee had in substance before , and is answered ( with all the other instances in this first reason ) in our answer to the reply to the first consideration , and in other places ; and therefore in vaine here to repeat the same . and wee have observed more then once your plaine confession that the apostles constituted churches by baptisme , even such churches as they set elders in by the election of the people . reply . the second reason in substance is this , because from christ and the constant practise of the apostles we learne , that such as are called of god , received the holy ghost , beleeve in the lord , professe their faith in him with repentance and amendment of life , have a right to baptisme , and desiring it are wronged if they bee deprived thereof . answ . we grant the whole ; but as it is supposed in due order they must receive it ; so wee desire no more , for wee grant upon these common grounds , such have jus ad rem , but not jus in re , and the immediate fruition of them . reply . thirdly , by a lively faith a man hath internal communion with christ , by profession of the intire faith joyned with conformity of life in righteousnes , holinesse and fellowship of love , hee is a member of the visible congregation or flock of christ , though no set member of a free independent society : and baptisme is a seale of our admission into the flocke of christ ; not ever more , but by accident , of our receiving into a particular congregation . answ . this reason stands upon such a sense of the catholik church as cannot be found : and it was before confessed that the catholick church consisteth of all true particular churches , as the parts of it . and therefore how can a man be visibly a member of the whole , and belong to no part thereof ? secondly , we deny not but such have a right to be in the particular church , and so to baptisme and all ordinances ? but as by such profession they are not members of any particular church , so neither have they immediate right to the priviledges thereof without admittance into the same . fit matter , such are for a particular visible church that professe the intire faith , &c. but it doth not admit them actually thereunto : and your owne expression secretly implyeth as much , when you say baptisme is a seale of our admission into the church or flocke of christ ; if baptisme bee the seale of our admission , then there is an admission thereunto before baptisme : but who doth admit , and where , and when is any admitted to the church , but in particular congregations ? can any bee admitted into a church , that whole church being ignorant thereof ? but a man may professe the intire faith , and live accordingly amongst the heathen , where neither any church nor member of it take knowledge thereof ; and therefore bare profession doth not admit men , but make them fit to bee received and admitted into the visible church . your fourth reason wee have had twice before , and answered the same . reply . to our answer of the first objection ; from the instances of the centurion , lydia , the jailour , and the eunuch . first , if where the holy ghost is given and received , and faith professed according to gods ordinance , there none may hinder from being baptized ( soil ▪ by such as have power to baptize them , ) then either such are members of the church , or baptisme is not a priviledge of the church ; then it is not essentiall to baptisme in the first institution that it should bee dispensed to none but members of a congregationall assembly . answ . it is freely granted , first , that baptisme is a priviledge of the church . secondly , that such as professe the faith , and have received the holy ghost , are members of the church , ( if by church bee meant the church mysticall considered as visible , though not alwayes political ) thirdly , that these may receive baptisme by such as have power to baptize them ; but immediately to baptize them , none had power but by an extraordinary call of god so to doe , as hath bin formerly shewed . but it wil not hence follow , that ordinary officers have such a power , ( wanting such extraordinary call ) because the members of the church catholicke having right unto the seales ; yet the immediate fruition of them , they must have by ordinary officers in a politicall body , the onely subject according to order of all such institutions : otherwise we must admit private baptismes , if the extraordinary examples of the apostles be pressed for our patterne . reply . then the apostles in dispensing seales walked by rules of scripture and grounds common to us , and then the difficulty remaining is onely this : whether a pastour may dispense seales to such as have right to them and do orderly desire them , though hee be not yet a set member of a congregation answ . wee grant the apostles ordinarily and generally baptized upon common grounds , but still when they did so they received them into some particular church ; and so baptized them : and in the like orderly way any pastour may doe the same . secondly , we answer , things may bee done ( sano sensu ) upon common and morall grounds , and yet may not be done by others upon the same grounds . to give one instance in stead of many : the apostles preached the gospel to gather in the elect of god and to edifie the church &c. and ministers upon the same common grounds must now preach the gospel also : yet in that the apostles on those grounds preached to all nations , this doth not warrant ministers now to do the like : so here though we baptize beleevers as they did , yet wee may not do it to all in all cases as they did . and therefore the rule holds onely when all circumstances are alike as well as the common grounds . reply . secondly , in the instance given , it is not probable that baptisme was evermore administred by the apostles or evangelists . for before the death of christ the disciples baptized , when they were neither apostles nor evangelists properly . after the death of christ , &c. if philip , ananias , and others might baptize such as were no members of particular congregations , then may ordinary pastours doe the like . answ . you mistake here in the force of our answer , as hath beene shewed in the first consideration , to which this objection and answer belong . for wee doe not make all the acts of the apostles and evangelists extraordinary , but generally orderly in the way wee professe . secondly , wee answer to the particulars , ( not to wrastle with the ghosts of humane imaginations and conjectures , whether any besides the apostles baptized the 3000. act. 2. ) as for philip and ananias if they baptized , did they baptize as private men , or as church officers ? if the second , what officers were they ? ordinary or extraordinary ? wee thinke it will not bee thought they were ordinary who were honoured with such extraordinary worke : but in what office soever they were , those particular actions ( in baptizing the eunuch and paul ) were done by an immediate call of god , as is evident in the story . reply . thirdly , it is very improbable that the persons baptized were in church state , or order . if they were members of the jewish church not yet dissolved , this is not to the purpose , for men have not right to baptisme , because members of the jewish church , but because disciples , and as you say , joyned together in covenant , &c. answ . wee grant , that since the visible kingdome of christ was set up in visible christian churches , the seales belong properly and ordinarily to the members of christian churches not jewish : yet wee may affirme that if in any speciall case a beleever was baptized by any that had a speciall call thereto , where there was no christian church present actually to joyne unto : yet being a member of the jewish church not yet dissolved , the case does not so much vary from the set ▪ order of christ in those times , and that is all wee intend . reply . if the eunuch , and centurion were proselytes , and of the jewish church , the samaritans whom philip baptized were not so , and that any gentiles , or the jaylour were set members of a christian assembly , is very strange , &c. answ . this is fully answered before in the first consideration ; and that which is according to the rule and mind of christ , and the first , and common practise of the apostles , act. 2. to joyne men to the church when they baptized them , need not seeme strange . reply . in the apostles practise two things are to bee considered . first , the circumstance of the action . secondly , the substance or quality of the act. in some circumstances the baptizing of some of these might bee extraordinary , but the substance , and quality of the action was grounded upon ●ules perpetuall , and common to us and them . that is done in an extraordinary way , &c. answ . 1 wee suppose amongst such circumstances you will reckon that for one , that the eunuch was baptized alone in the wildernesse , not in any visible assembly of saints . wherein ordinary pastors may not imitate that act : and this comes not farre short of what wee say : for the chiefe proof that they were not received into a particular church , lies in their absence from such an assembly : and if they might bee admitted to the catholick church without the presence of any christian ( but him that baptized them ) why not into a particular church as well ? 2 the large discourse about the apostles extraordinary power , and doing things upon common grounds : is so oft said for substance , and answered before , that it were vaine to trouble the reader againe with the same thing . reply . secondly , an argument followes necessarily from a particular example to a generall , when the proofe of one particular to another is made by force of the similitude common to the whole kind under which those particulars are contained . now in this matter wee speake of ; no reason can bee named why wee should thinke it lawfull for the apostles to baptize such as were no set members , and the same should be unlawfull in all cases for pastors of particular congregations . answ . wee deny that the apostles did so ordinarily , and therefore your argument doth not hold ; if it bee built upon the common practise ; but if it be built upon some few speciall cases ▪ we retort the argument thus : that which the apostles did ordinarily upon common grounds , that pastors ought to doe : but ordinarily they baptized disciples , admitting them first into particular churches ; therefore in the third reason wee grant the conclusion of it , that the apostles did walke by ordinary rules generally . reply . fourthly , the practise of the apostles in receiving the faithfull , &c. is backed on divine precept , &c. answ . if you meane they baptized such without receiving them into some particular church , wee deny this assumption upon the grounds laid downe before . reply . fiftly , in the first consideration you prove the seales to be the priviledge of the church in ordinary dispensation by this passage of scripture , then they that gladly received the word were baptized : but if the apostles baptized by extraordinary dispensation in your sense this testimony is insufficient for that purpose . answ . although the printed copy of our answer omit this proofe wholly , and also , rom. 9. 4 ▪ yet in our true cypy wee alledged , acts 2 41 , 42. 47. wherein you will finde not onely this passage , then they that gladly received the word were baptized : but withall that they were added to the church , and such a church as continued stedfastly in the fellowship , &c. of the apostles . likewise verse 47. that the conversion , and baptizing of disciples being omitted , the joyning or adding to the church is put in the stead thereof , which proofes as they are omitted wholly in the printed copy , so also you make no reply unto them . secondly , by these proofes it might easily have been seene that wee did not looke upon all the apostles acts in this case of baptisme as extraordinary ▪ but that their first and leading examples were ordinary , and in that order wee plead for : which if it had been regarded , much labour had been saved in this dispute , which hath been spent to little purpose . and , our second reason . reply . in due order the seale● belong to them to whom the grant is given , but the grant is vouchsafed to the faithfull , and their seed , forgivenesse of sinnes , &c. and the benefits of the covenant are so linked together , that where one is granted none is denyed , &c. answ . 't is true , the seales belong to all them by a remote right to whom the grant is given , ( as hath been oft said ) but not immediate : yet in the very propounding of this reason wee may observe two things that doe cut the ●●ewes of it . 1 the limitation of due order , which as hath been said can no where be found but in a particular church . let any shew what order christ hath put his catholick visible church into , or where that order is to bee seene but in particular churches , by which order every one is bound to joyne to such churches , as well as to partake in the outward ordinances of gods worship , which are there onely to be found . secondly , it is granted that not onely forgivenesse of sins , but all other benefits of the covenant of grace are linked together , and are the grant sealed up in the sacrament ; and if so , is not visible conjunction with christ and his church ; with all the priviledges of the church , and ordinances of the same , part of that grant by the covenant of grace , or of the gospell ? wee suppose none would deny it , why then should not visible beleevers require , and take up this part of the grant , as well as the seale of it ? for sigillum sequitur donum ; let them take this gift and the seale is ready for them . and this may answer the first part of the reply about rom. 4. 11. as also all the rest which followes being things so oft repeated , and answered before , as make it tedious to all . chap. xiiii . position 5. that the power of excommunication is so in the body of the church , that what the major part shall allow must bee done , though the pastors and governors , and the rest of the assembly be of another mind , and that peradventure upon more substantiall reasons . reply . this question is much mistaken , for the demand is not , whether in the congregation matters should be carried by number of votes against god , as you interpret the position , but whether the power of excommunication so lie in the body of the congregation as that sentence must proceed in externo foro , according to the vote and determination of the major part , and so in admissions of members , &c. and though they have no power against god , but for god , yet in execution of that power they may bee divided in judgement , and one part must erre ▪ now hence the question is moved , whether the power hee so in the people , that what the major part determine must stand . answ . if our whole answer had been attended unto , it is so cleare and full , that it could not with any shew of reason bee subject to such a mistake : to omit the first part of our answer affirmatively , wherein wee cite mr. parker as consenting with him . in the second part to the position as stated , our answer is plainely negative , that excommunication is not so seated , neither ought to bee so in any of the churches of the lord jesus . what followes is our reason grounded upon the last clause of the position , because churches ought to carry things not by number of votes against god ( as this position implies ) but by strength of rule and reason according to god , and for edification , 2 cor. 13. 8. 2 cor. 10. 8. now let any judge whether the position doth not imply such an absurdity so oft as things should bee carried by the major vote against the officers , and the rest having better reasons , and therefore wee are apt to think that if the learned author had been so ready to embrace any syllable that lends to dislodge these thoughts of us as leaning to separation , hee would have beleeved our plaine negation of this position , which indeed is according to our constant practise never following the major part of votes against the officers , but counting it the duty of the officers in such cases either to satisfie the consciences of the major part ( or lesser ) by the rule of the word , or to yeeld not to the vote but reasons if they bee stranger ; or to suspend the businesse , and referre to the counsell of other churches , if they cannot agree but a division arise according to the patterne , act. 15. reply . amongst them that hold the power of the keyes to bee given to the church , some ( as fenner , parker , i. d. ) distinguish between the power it selfe which they give to the church , and the execution which they confine to the presbytery , others give the power of the keyes with the exercise thereof to the whole body of the church ; or if in the dispensation they attribute any thing to the officers , it is but as servants of the church from whom they derive their authority , and here lies the stone at which the separation stumble , and which wee conceive to bee your judgement and practise , wherein wee required your plaine answer , but have received no satisfaction . you referre us to mr. parkers reasons to prove the power of the keyes belong to the whole church , who are of farre differing judgement from him in the point it selfe , and if your judgement and practise bee as the separation ( as wee feare ) you dissent from him and wee from you in these considerations . answ . wee are sorry to see this reverend man of god so strongly possessed with a prejudicate opinion and feare of our concurrence with the separation : ( upon what grounds it is not said , nor can wee apprehend ) that neither our flat negation of the position , nor our reference to mr. parker as concurring with him , should give him any satisfaction to the contrary . but if that bee the judgement , and practise of the separation which is here imputed unto them , viz. that the power and exercise of the keys is in the body of the church , and what the officers doe therein is but as servants of the church from whom they derive their authority ; if our profession may bee of any use to satisfie , wee doe freely , and heartily professe to the contrary : affirming that the authoritative power of transacting all things in the church , is in the hands of the officers who minister in the name and power of christ to and over the church , and that the power or liberty of the community whereby they may and ought to concurre with their guides , so long as they rule in the lord , is to bee carried in a way of obedience unto them , and when upon just cause they dissent from them , still they are to walke respectfully towards them , and wee thinke our brethren are not ignorant that mr. parker and fenner give as much to the church in excommunication , as wee have pleaded for in any of our publique writings . but seeing wee are led by this learned author from this particular question about excommunication to that beaten controversie of the power of the keyes in generall , and the first subject thereof , whereby wee are forced to declare our selves herein ; wee shall briefly gleane up some few of our scattered apprehensions , as may most concerne the case in hand . 1 there are divers keyes that are diversly distributed to severall subjects in respect of execution , and therefore the question should have beene first stated : and what keyes are denied to the people and appropriated to the officers . and what to some officers , not to others , should have been shewed before arguments were pressed . 2 the state of the church being mixed of an aristocracy to which belongs office , and democracy to which belongs priviledge ; hence the power of the keyes is twofold . 1 * officiall power . 2 fraternall . the first belonging to the guides of the church , the other to the fraternity thereof . 3 the officiall power of the keyes is a power to act with authority in the name of christ ministerially in opening and shutting , binding and loosing , &c. in respect of which office ( while the minister acts according to the will of christ ) he is over the church in things properly ecclesiasticall , because hee stands in the roome of christ , and comes in his name , and hence in those church acts which are not proper to him , but common in some cases to the fraternitie , yet there is an office-authority upon them , which is not upon the like acts materially done by others . ex. gr . any brother may and ought to exhort ▪ and rebuke , 1 thes . 5. 14. heb. 3. 13. titus a minister is exhorted to doe the same thing , but with all authority , titus 2. 15. some able and gifted , though not in office , may occasionally open and apply the word , yet not with an office-authority . but an officer preacheth as an ambassadour of christ , 2 cor. 5. so also in admission of members , and casting out of offenders ( wherein though the fraternity have a power whether in consenting or otherwise ) yet they act obedientially in respect of their guides , declaring the rule , going before them in example , and commanding them ( if need bee ) in the name of christ to doe his pleasure . but the officers act in these things in the name and authority of him in whose roome they stand , and hence wee thinke that in case the fraternity without officers should cast out any , yet it is not altogether the same with that which may bee dispensed by the officers thereof , it being no officiall act . 2 fraternall power ( in publike church acts ) is a joynt power of liberty or priviledge ( in some sense , & in some cases ) to open , & shut ; which power is not in any one or more severally ; but in the whole joyntly , for as they have power to combine , and so to receive others into the communion , so by like reason to shut out offenders from their communion ; but thus they do fraternally , not officially : and as they have such a power of election of officers to them , so they have also a fraternall power ( due order being attended ) to shut them out ( when there is just cause ) according to the common received rule , cujus est instituere , ejusdem est & destituere . these things which might bee more fully explained and confirmed , wee have onely briefly set downe both to wash off the blot of popular government from the wayes of christ , as if all authority were taken from the ministers , or nothing left them but to dispense the seales , and in all other things to sit meerely as a moderator in the churches of christ , which wee utterly disclaime . and also to make way for our more cleare answer to what is objected here in the reply : wee grant therefore the first argument and the conclusion thereof thus farre , that the officiall power of the keys was not given to the whole multitude , but onely there is given to them a power to choose officers , which officers should execute the same . reply . 2 if christ gave this power to the community , was it from the beginning of the church , or tooke it effect after the church was planted ? not the first , for then the apostles themselves should derive their power from the community , which they did not . answ . this reason is answered before ( so farre as concernes our tenent ) in the second consideration , where it is alledged , to which wee referre the reader ; neither doe wee say the officiall power is so given to the community , but such things as are here added , wee shall consider so farre as concernes us . reply . the apostles and other governours were given of christ to the church as for their end , and all their authority was given unto them for the church , as for the whole : but the authority it selfe was immediatly derived from christ , and is not in the church as the immediate subject , nor derived from the church , but from christ the king of the church . the authority of governour is given of christ for a gift to the church , but not a gift absolute . that it may reside in the power of the whole church , but for a conditionall gift communicated to the governours for the good of the whole . parker , pol. lib. 3. cap. 8. answ . 1 concerning the power of the apostles , and extraordinary officers wee now dispute not , it was answered before ; and for the authority of other officers , wee doe not affirme that it is derived from the church , but from christ for the good of the church ; but if the question bee of the application of an office , and the power of it to such and such persons in the church , wee would demand whether christ doth this to such a pastour and teacher immediatly or mediatly : if immediatly , then their call is not ( in this ) different from apostles , which paul expresly distinguisheth gal. 1. 1. paul was an apostle , not of man , nor by man , but of god , and by jesus christ ; false teachers are of man , and by man. true pastors as thomas , iohn , &c. are of god by man , and if christ communicate this office , and the authority annexed unto it mediatly by man , not immediatly , the question is , who is the subject of this power to call , and so to apply this office in the name of christ to this or that person , john , thomas , &c. wee hold this fraternall ministeriall power ( under christ ) is in the church , and so farre wee shall defend this position , and where ▪ ever it be else placed it will be subject to all the absurdities that are imputed to us . to the sentence of parker we answer , that the misinterpreting one word of his sentence doth pervert his whole meaning , his words are pro dono conditionali ut rectoribus communicetur , i. e. that the church might not communicate that power to officers , nor keepe it in her owne hand . or that it might bee communicated from christ by the church . and this will appeare his meaning , and it agrees with that position hee holds so strongly , that the church is the first subject of the keys . reply . after the churches were established , it tooke not effect , for it is no where found in scripture that christ first committed this power to the apostles , and after to the community ; the ministers and guides were immediately of jesus christ from whom immediately they derive their power and authority , by whom they are set over their charge , in whose name they execute their office , &c. yea pastorship is the gift of christ as well as apostleship ; and every pastor is not immediately called , but the office and order of pastors , the calling , authority and jurisdiction is immediately from christ , not from the church . answ . first , the power of the keyes ( in a right sense given to the church ) tooke effect from the beginning in christs institution , and in the frequent practice of the church , as is shewed before , and therefore this is needlesse to bee proved , that it tooke effect after . secondly , that ministers and guides were immediately from christ , ( if you meane ordinary officers ) and that every pastour is not immediately called , seemes to be a contradiction : the places , act. 28. 8. ephes . 4. 8. &c. doe not prove that all officers are immedately from christ , though they bee set in the church by christ and over the church by the holy ghost , &c. this the lord can doe , and doth doe by the meanes of his church walking according to his rule and institution , and therefore you must come at last home to our tenent , ( as here you doe ) that pastorship , the office , power , jurisdiction , &c. annexed to it , is immediately from christ , viz. by his institution in the gospel : but pastors every one that receive this office , hath it from christ , but by his church calling them to the same , and in the name of christ applying it to them : and thus far we agree with you . reply . the steward is appointed of the master of the family alone , and hath all his authority from him . every embassador in the cause of his embassage doth immediately depend upon him from whom he is sent : but if the function , order and authority of pastors and teachers bee immediately from christ , then it is not received from the church as the immediate receptacle . answ . answ . first , though pastors in respect of the exercise of their function dispense the word and other mysteries of christ as from him immediately , and so are fitly compared to embassadors and stewards , yet in the call of the one and other to that work there is a plaine dissimilitude , the one being called mediately , the other immediately by their masters , and therefore in this case it proves nothing . what doth this argument conclude ? if onely that the function and order is not from the church as the first subject , we readily grant it ; if the application of the office to such a person , ( so farre as may bee done by an outward call ) it followes not at all , for the function and office may bee from christ , and the application thereof by the church . reply . thus protestant divines dispute against papists , if bishops receive their power and authority of exercising immediately from christ by mandate , mission and commission from him , then not from the pope , and so for presbyters in regard of the bishop . answ . the reason and ground of that dispute is because the pope claimes a plenitude of power from peter , whence all must see derived to all bishops , &c. bee they never so orderly chosen and ordained in their owne esteeme , and so indeed usurps the prerogative of christ the head of the church . the like usurpation ●● its degree was in the bishops over presbyters : but here the case is farre different , the church claming no such power , but onely ministeriall in the outward call of officers according to his direction , and so the application of that office unto the persons , which hath sufficient ground of scripture from christ , and therefore we grant the conclusion . viz. that they derive not their power from the people , but from christ : by meanes of the church ministerially and instrumentally applying that office to them , whereunto christ hath annexed that power . lastly the like argument may be objected against any other subject of this power you can or will suppose , even the presbytery it selfe . reply . it is usually objected that the church cannot convey what she never had : but the people may elect their pastor . whereunto the answer is direct and plaine , nothing can give that it had not formally or vertually , unlesse it give it as an instrument ministring to one that hath it , but so it may give what it never had , nor is capable of . a steward may give all the offices in his masters house as ministerially executing his masters pleasure . answ . this answer doth not satisfie , for wee cannot put off our old principles of reason , that every instrument ministring to the principall cause doth conferre vim ad effectum : and so farre , or in what sense it gives any thing to the effect in that sense , and so farre it must needs have vertually or formally the same in itselfe . if a conduit convey water ministerially from the fountaine to the house , it hath water in such a sense , as it doth concurre to the effect : and so the church cannot give the keys to the officers as an instrument of christ , but it must be granted shee received them from christ vertually to give them to the officer . secondly , for the instance ; if it bee meant of a steward giving the offices to such persons as his master hath named thereunto , and he instals them into the same , the case is not alike yet , here hee must have some power and authority so to doe so that he hath these offices vertually in his hand , but if it be his masters will , he shall choose what persons hee sees fit according to rules given him , ( which is the case here ) then hee hath this power vertually in his hand . reply . thirdly , if ecclesiasticall and spirituall power be in the multitude and community of the faithfull , the church doth not onely call , but make officers out of power and vertue received into her selfe , and then should the church have a true lord like power in regard of her ministers . answ . if there be any such that hold the church hath so the power of the keyes in her selfe , as that she may derive from her selfe authority to the officers , let such looke unto the conclusion ; as for mr. robinson , though wee doe not approve the sentences you cite out of him , yet we doubt whether you doe not goe beyond his sense & meaning : but according to our sense of this position before layd downe , neither this absurdity of lordship over the officers , nor any others that are instanced in , under this reason doe at all follow ; and they may bee as strongly urged against the presbyteries , classes , synods , catholick church , or any subject of the keyes that can be named : and the objection , viz. that god will have the church choose officers to execute the power committed to her , is so answered in the same page , as will serve us as well as you , viz. god will have her elect officers of his designment ( that is , such as the rule directs her to choose ) to doe his worke according to that power which hee hath given them , and by his direction , and then they are gods servants and not the churches , and receive that charge and function immediatly from god , and not from the people ; wee meane no otherwise then by that outward call instrumentally applying that office unto them ; and in this sense wee close with you herein : and indeed this power of electing officers doth not ever include authority over them whom they chuse , but rather willing subjection unto them , and setting them up to rule ; as when a woman chooseth a husband , she makes him her husband in a sort , but withall her head and ruler ; so when a people choose a major , &c. reply . fourthly , if the power of the keyes be given first and immediatly to the community of the faithfull , what reason can bee alleadged why in defect of officers the church might not rule , feed , bind , loose , preach , and administer sacraments ; or if any faile in office , why shee might not supply that want by her power , for the power of the keys doth containe both authority and exercise , power being given that it may bee exercised , as it is vouchsafed : but the church cannot exercise these acts of rule . ergo. answ . the reason is , because the church hath not received some of the keyes formally but onely vertually , and ( as was said out of parker ) not as a gift absolute but conditionall , that it might bee communicated to the officers . such power as the body of the church hath received formally shee may and doth exercise , as a power of choosing officers , a power of judging in censures , 1 cor. 5. 12. and the like , the power of preaching properly so called & dispensing sacraments , &c. being acts of authority , the church hath them onely vertually , and therefore must choose officers , to whom christ her lord hath given authority in the church . a corporation that by patent from the king hath many priviledges , the power is given to the body incorporated , and so it is the first subject of it , yet many acts cannot be put forth , but by officers duely chosen : and so here . reply . for these reasons ( not to insist on any more ) wee judge the community of the faithfull , not to bee the immediate receptacle of ecclesiasticall authority , and so the power of excommunication , not to belong unto them . answ . by this conclusion it appeares that how ever the author began professedly against us as separatists in this point , yet he followes the cause against mr. parker , with whom hee seemes to be friends . secondly , the power of excommunication may belong to the church or community in respect of a fraternall power of judging , though officiall authority bee not formally given to the church but to the officers . reply . if consent of churches bee asked in this point , to omit others , the churches of scotland speake fully and expresly for us in the second booke of discip . cap. 1. the church as it is taken for them that exercise spirituall functions in the congregation of them that professe the truth , hath a certaine power granted of god according to which it useth a proper jurisdiction , &c. beza de presb. pag. 60. helv. confess . cap. 18. belgick , &c. answ . if consent of the learned , godly , and zealous reformers were asked , a cloud of witnesses might bee produced that hold the church the first subject of the keyes , as fulke , whitaker , parker , peter martyr , musculus and others , besides many of the ancient divines and councells , gerson and the parisian divines well known to the learned concerning quotation of the scottish discipline , the first words lay so weake a foundation as leave the building ready to fall , in these words . the church as it is taken for them that exercise spirituall functions hath a certaine power , &c. but where is the church so taken ? not in all the new testament that can be proved with any solid reason , notwithstanding all wrastling of men to find it out ; but generally for the company of the faithfull , either the universall or particular church ; and this sometime considered with her officers : and divers times as distinguished from them , as acts 14. 23. and 20. 13. 28. jam. 5. 14. revel . 2. 1. 8. 12. &c. but never contra , for the officers distinguished from the church or body of the congregation ; and therefore if the keyes be given to the church , and the plea of the power of the keyes to be given immediatly to the officers be in and under the name of the church , it will fall to the church of the faithfull , if the scripture may judge : indeed among the papists , and so the prelates , the clergy have long got and held possession of the name of the church , but the testament of christ will not beare this foundation , but wee will not trouble the reader farther about humane testimonies . chap. xv. position 6. that none are to bee admitted members but they must promise not to depart or remove unlesse the congregation will give leave . reply . it is one thing abruptly to breake away when and whither they please , and forsake fellowship another thing , not to depart or remove habitation unlesse the congregation will give leave ; also it is one thing mutually to compound and agree , not to depart from each other without consent and approbation , and other to require a promise of all that be admitted into societie that they shall not depart without the churches allowance , if such a promise be required of all members to bee admitted , wee cannot discerne upon what grounds your practise is warranted . answ . wee are still inforced to cleare our answer from mistakes , for it seemes the answer left it doubtfull , whether wee doe not hold the position affirmatively , and in practise require such a promise as a part of our church covenant of all that are admitted , and therefore to cleare the case more fully wee shall first minde the reader with the true meaning of the answer , and then adde what is needfull to take away the scruples ; and first the answer saith , that wee judge it expedient and most according to rule , that brethren should not forsake fellowship , &c. but in removalls approve themselves , &c. now this is farre short of what the position affirmes ; for first , that none are to bee admitted without such a promise , includes a necessity ; the answer speakes onely of expediency and agreeablenesse to rule , not to breake off abruptly . secondly , the position affirmes the necessitie of a promise ; the answer speakes onely of the case in practise , as in many cases besides , for the watch of the church reacheth to such particular acts of which wee make no promise expresse in the entrance . thirdly , the position speakes of the churches leave , the answer acknowledgeth onely that brethren removing should approve themselves to doe that which is lawfull , and take counsell in such weighty affaires . by all which it appeares that wee doe not owne this position , in judgement nor practise , and therefore in effect our answer doth deny the same , and is negative . secondly , if the words of the answer bee not full enough : ( because wee see our brethren here runne upon it as a question if such a promise be required , and mr. rutherford and others take it up as a confessed practise ) wee doe therefore clearely and plainely deny the position and affirme that wee doe not thinke that none are to bee admitted without such a promise ; neither is there any such practise in our admissions of members to require such a promise ; wee onely count such removalls ( especially of families ) an action amongst many others whereunto the watch of the church doth extend , to prevent sinne where there is any just ground of suspition thereof , and to further the best good of such as are under our charge by counsell , prayers , &c. if any minister and people of old acquaintance and deare affection , or any other christians cleaving together in love have privatly resolved or agreed together , not to part from each others in any church , it is the most that wee have taken knowledge of , and wee thinke that hath beene very rare , but for any such publick promise , covenant , or church oath , ( as some straining things to the height have called it ) it is not , nor hath been required or practised amongst us : this being so , there needs no grounds of that which wee practise not . reply . first , you exclude all such as bee not set members from the seales , and yet hinder them from entrance into the church society , because they cannot promise continuance in the place they are resident in for the present ; here we , desire to bee satisfied by the word of god by what you require it , &c. answ . first , we deny not but divers may and doe forbeare to joyne because of their unsettlednesse in the place of their present abode . secondly , it may bee in some cases , some may be advised by the counsell of their private friends in a church to forbeare till they be some way setled . but that any are debarred from communion when they desire it , because they cannot promise continuance , ( unlesse other just causes hinder ) it neither suites with our judgement nor practise ; and if any should practise other wayes , wee doe not allow of the same , and therefore it 's needlesse to give you reasons of what we practise not . reply . secondly , it pertaines not to the whole congregation to take notice or bee acquainted with or judge of every particular members removall : may not a servant remove from his master to another congregation , or a father bestow his childe in marriage to one of another congregation , but the whole church must be called to counsell in the matters , &c. when churches grow populous they must bee negligent or weary of such a ta●ke , and for the present to challenge so much authority over one another is usurpation , &c. answ . if our answer were but attended , such apprehensions of our practise of calling the whole church to counsell in every such case , and all that followes might be spared . for thus we say , wee judge it expedient , &c. that none forsake fellowship and abruptly breake off , &c. this doth not imply a necessity of calling the whole church to counsell in every plaine and easie case ; many times , and for the most part such removals are so plaine and free from suspition of abrupt breaking off or forsaking fellowship , that there is no need of counsell , as in case of servants marriages , &c. and therefore no trouble to the church : and in some removall of families also , the case is cleare , and openly carried in the knowledge of many of the church , none scruple it , and therefore at the first demand of dismission or letters of recommendations , the same are granted : but in removall of some members , and in the manner of the same , there are such difficulties and dangers as neede the prayers and counsell of the officers and whole church , ( as is confessed after ) nor doe wee say , it pertaines to the whole church to bee called to counsell and judge of every particular members removall , for they may approve themselves to the consciences of all mediately by advising with some who may satisfie the rest , if need be . reply . let it be shewed , that ever by divine right , this power was committed to the church , and we will confesse it expedient , but till then , wee thinke the church over rigid , and the members busiebodies , &c. answ . the rule of love whereby wee are bound to exhort , admonish , seeke the edification and good one of another ▪ and that not onely in generall ( as of all christians ) but as members of so neere relation in one church body , who are bound to serve the lord with one shoulder , zeph. 3. 9. and to uphold the worship of christ therein , as this doth reach to all the actions and wayes of one another , so in a speciall manner to such an action as this i● : and we thinke this ground is sufficient to satisfie our practice as wee have declared , which may wipe off the aspersion of being rigid or busie-bodies . reply . in the multitude of counsellers is peace , but over-many counsellors oft causeth distractions , and different apprehensions breed delayes . answ . wee grant it may doe so , neither doe wee bring all cases to publike like counsell , but the case may bee such as needs the publike counsell of all , and as wee have a gracious promise of the presence of christ in his churches who is the counsellour : so we confesse to his praise , that we finde the judgment of a church of saints in matters orderly carryed , and gathered up from the various gifts of wisedome , grace , and experience of many christians ( when need is ) to be a blessed priviledge of gods people to enjoy , and sanctified oft to the great good of his saints , and being neglected and slighted hath been oft followed with sad events . reply . the nature of your church-covenant inferreth not a necessity of bringing every such businesse to the church ; for you binde your selves mutually to watch one over another , &c. but this essentially tyeth not any man to a perpetuall residence in one place , for then even occasionall absence should be a breach of covenant , without consent of the church . answ . we grant , our church-covenant neither requires every businesse to come to publike counsell , nor perpetuall residence in one place : neither is it so held by us in judgement or practise . reply . you say you bind your selves to no new duties , but in the word of truth , it is not required neither directly nor by consequence , that no member of a church should remove or occasionally bee absent from his habitation before hee have acquainted the church whither he goeth , and on what occasions , &c. answ . it cannot but grieve us to see how the replyer still not content to take all things in the harshest sense , but will also winde in other matters into his discourse , which may make our practise seeme farre more rigid then it is . first , hee urges us as if wee brought all cases of remove and the occasions thereof , as marriages , &c. to the counsell of the whole church . secondly , hee would by consequence inferre the like of occasionall absence , and now hee weaves in that also , as if it were practised by us to require men to acquaint the church with the place whither they goe , and the occasions of their occasionall absence , which is farre from us . reply . and if such businesse must bee determined on the lords day , &c. answ . wee deny not but the best churches through weaknesse and temptation may spend too much time in the most necessary administrations of censures or other affaires : but to possesse the world with such feares upon so little ground may argue the authors charity concerning our wisdome and christian care of the sabbath was not very great . reply . as for the covenant it selfe , &c. but if yee constraine men to meddle with things that belong not to them , and winde them up higher then god , would , and straine every thing to the pitch you seeme here to doe , a godly sober minde may well pause before hee make such a promise . answ . if the authour had not strained and aggravated things beyond our meaning in the answer , and our practise , this would not have come to so high a pitch to trouble a sober godly mind : we are perswaded that generally sober godly minds , that have their pride and self-willednesse in any good measure mortified , doe count the yoake of christ ( according to our practise of this point ) to bee both easie and profitable ; neither doe wee require such a promise of any ( as was said ) but if any stumble at the fourth branch of the first reason from the nature of the covenant , let us a little here cleare that scruple : when wee reason from the nature of the covenant , and branch our reason into foure things , it is not to bee so taken , as if every one of those foure things were made a distinct promise in our solemne covenant , for the fourth is but an inference from the three former , as is easie to observe and indeed it was never made by us a part of the covenant or a distinct promise of it , either in our judgement or practise . if because we extend our watch to the removals of brethren , it be taken for granted that we require such a promise ; it will no more follow , then that we require promises in admissions in a thousand cases to which our watch also extends . reply . if any shall not meddle with every businesse of this kinde , as questioning whether it doe belong to him or no , or not aske the advise of the whole societie , as knowing the most bee unfit to counsell in such a case , doth hee breake his covenant therein , and so commit a sinne in a sort like the sinne of ananias and saphira ? iudge your selves if in other cases you would not censure this to bee an high incroachment upon christian libertie , and a strict binding of mens consciences by humane constitutions . answ . to extend our watch so farre as hath been said unto these cases of removalls from a church , to prevent sinne in abrupt breaking off and forsaking fellowship , and to prevent the hurt and damage which the sheepe of christ oft fall into in their unadvised breaking out of the fold the lord hath placed them in , and to further their best good in their removalls ; whatever is thought of it , wee count it no breach of christian liberty , but a priviledge of the saints to bee under such a watch , and therefore if any shall neglect any duty that one owes to another , ( so farre as it tends necessarily to those ends ) wee may well reckon it as a neglect of our covenant ; but because it is offensive to compare this with the sinne of ananias , &c. wee intreat our reverend brethren and the christian reader to consider , that in the answer , this stands in the third thing noted in the nature of the covenant , and hath reference to the duties of the covenant in generall , and is not applyed to this particular case by us , nor well appliable in the manner here expressed . secondly , it is moderated in the answer which saith ( in some sort hee shall commit that sinne . ) if these things doe not satisfie , wee wish it expunged , or any other seeming harshnesse , rather then offence be given to any . lastly , that you may not impute unto us the infringement of christian liberty herein , wee would acquaint all men with these two things . first , that removals from one towne and church to another and from full to new plantations , are frequently practised amongst us , with consent and approbation . secondly , that wee finde in experience , that as there is in sheepe a wandring disposition , so in this large wildernesse , ( wherein the lord hath exercised his people with various temptations , by liberties , by offers of large outward accommodations , by wants and straights , by various opinions vented by satan and his instruments , &c. ) in these respects the sheepe of christ are so subject many times to outrunnings , that wee finde more then ordinary need of care and wisedome in this point of our watch in many cases ; and many that have broke loose from the counsels of their officers , friends , and of the church , have deepely smarted for it ; how sad a case is it when some brainsicke master of a family , transported with a fancy , an odde opinion , will needs carry his whole family with himselfe to the griefe and hazard of his godly wife and hopefull children , &c. from all ordinances of christ to a people full of fanaticall errours ! were it christian liberty , or dangerous licenciousnesse to leave such a man to his owne counsels , and not meddle with him ? reply . may you not heare from your owne grounds , that herein you have devised an expedient or necessary rite or custome to prevent the dissolution of the body , which never came into he minde of the lord jesus the saviour of his body , and in so doing ( if your exposition hold good ) you break the second commandement ; and so presse customes onely expedient for the time as standing rules necessary for all times and all persons , to put that authority into the hands ▪ of men which god never put upon them , to obliege men to meddle in the affaires of men beyond warrant , to binde consciences under so heavy ● penalty as that of ananias and saphira , where god hath not bound them , to debarre approved christians from the seales , because they cannot promise as seiled members to abide in the society , and yet charge them as men that against light refuse subjection to the gospel , this is that which wee cannot approve , which yet wee suspect will follow from your judgement , and desire to bee resolved in your practise . answ ▪ here is a greater heape of heavy criminations gathered together and cast upon us , upon very weake grounds , upon mistakes , suspitions , and ( wee feare ) too much credulitie given to some clamorous persons , returning to england , and too little credit given to our true relations and faithfull professions : most of these have beene cleared in the former passages where wee met with them , and wee marvell how they come in so twisted together here againe ; wee shall here onely cleare our selves of the first , and referre the reader to their proper places to see our answer to the others . here it is imputed unto us that wee have devised a rite to preserve the unity and prevent the dissolutions of the body , which wee conceive is intended of this promise of not removall without leave , which promise is not required of us nor made in our church covenant , ( as wee have said ) and the ground of this imputation is also a meere mistake arising from the confounding of a second answer to the objection against our first reason , with the second reason of our practise , which are distinct and have a different ▪ scope , for whereas some might object , that this reason from the covenant , holds with such as grant such a covenant lawfull , the answer saith that some indeed question the necessitie of it : but wee hope you doe not question the lawfulnesse , and thereupon the answer first gives reasons and proofes of the lawfulnesse of it . and secondly , for the necessitie which is taken from the nature of all societies incorporate , which by a fundamentall rule , doe require of all that enter into them , and partake of the priviledges thereof , to conforme to all such lawfull rites and orders as are expedient for the well being of that society ; the contrary whereof would bee injurious to him to offer , and confusion in them to accept ; and from hence it easily followes , that a church being a body of a people injoying priviledges together , it is necessary fundamentally that they should bee joyned in some promise or covenant , which covenant ( though in civill societies it may consist in rites and orders devised by themselves for their good ) yet in the church which is the body of christ , this covenant is no other but to performe the duties required in the gospel towards god and one another , without any rites or order , devised by themselves , as wee professed in setting forth the nature of the covenant ; and this being the true scope of those words , let any judge what ground is given by us of such an imputation of devising rites , &c. neither doth the second reason in the answer give any ground of this imputation ; for though it dispute from the necessary ruine of the church , and all churches , if it were lawfull for any member when , whither and wherefore hee please to depart from the church without consent : yet there is not one syllable that gives an hint of any rite , custome or order devised by us , to prevent the same , but for the avoyding thereof wee still wholly and onely bind our selves to the rule of the word , to direct , order , and reforme all actions of this nature , and to shew unto men whether they may lawfully remove or not remove , not requiring any expresse promise to the contrary in this particular no more then in others ; and thus wee hope wee have resolved you of our practise , as you desired . to conclude this passage , give us leave without offence to say thus much . although ( through the grace of christ ▪ ) we desire humbly to submit to this part of our tryall , even to goe through evill report as well as good , yea all the reproaches and cruell mockings of the world , knowing that wee have deserved much more from the hand of that god without whose providence a tongue could not move against us ; yet wee cannot but account it one of our poorest afflictions to suffer in this kind , from the pens or tongues of our dearly beloved brethren , for whom wee daily pray , and to whom wee hope wee shall never bee provoked to returne any other language then savouring of love and respect . but wee must confesse wee meet with so many sore criminations , ( oft upon meere mistakes ) cast not onely upon our selves , but the truth and wayes of god , which wee professe , and that both by this learned author and some others , that wee cannot be so senselesse of the dishonour is reflected upon the truth of god herein , as wholly to bee silent , and groane out the griefe of our spirits to him that knoweth our hearts : wherefore wee humbly beseech all our godly brethren , to beare with us a little , if after all the harsh passages of this reply , such an heape of accusations as are here throwne upon us ▪ move us to present to the reader a short view of such things as are unjustly and ungroundedly cast upon us , and which wee cannot but thinke hath drawne a black cloud over the glory of the holy discipline of christ which hee hath here set up among us . to omit the generall frame of this reply , in presenting our opinions and wayes to the people as if wee concurred generally with those of the rigid separation , and differed almost in every thing from such godly brethren as have breathed after puritie of ordinances and reformation . to omit also the frequent inserting of such termes unto our questions and arguments contrary to the true state thereof , which render every thing harst and full of rigidnesse to the eares of the reader as have been observed by us . and omitting also divers other suppositions and objections , we shall onely desire those who have taken up evill thoughts concerning these churches and the wayes of christ wee walke in from this reply , to note these particular imputations in this short chapter , and upon what grounds they are built . as page 79. that wee hinder men from entrance into church society , because they cannot promise continuance in the place ▪ and running upon this straine he saith : was it ever heard of in the church of god from the beginning thereof unto this day , that any such thing was propounded unto and required of members , to bee admitted into church fellowship ? here is a loud outcry , and who would not think but that we usually propound and require such a thing in our admissions , ( which yet is nothing so . ) but what is the ground of all this ? looke a little before and hee saith , if such a promise be required . againe ibidem saith hee , wee thinke the church is over-rigid in exacting such a condition of the members , and the members goe beyond their measure as busie bodies , and what is the ground ? it followes , if they arrogate such a power to themselves . so page next 80. in the word it is not commanded that no member should remove or occasionally be absent from the place of his habitation before he have acquainted the congregation whither he goeth , on what occasion , &c. to what end is this inserted if not to suggest that there is such a practise among us that a man may not occasionally be absent , &c. which is far from us ? and what is the ground see a few lines after , the church shall burthen herselfe , &c. if shee take upon her to intermeddle in all such occasions . and immediatly after , wee feare the time appointed for religious exercises should bee profaned by unseasonable disputes . but what is the ground of this feare conceived and published to the world , viz. if such businesses must bee determined on the lords day ? and that before the ordinances , &c. because it seemes robinson in case of some notorious obstinate offender , would have some censure passed to prevent pollution of an ordinance ; and is this ground sufficient ? againe in the same page ( for these things are thick sowne ) herein , saith he , you have devised an expedient or necessary rite or custome to preserve unity , &c. but if you seeke a ground it will bee found a mistake ▪ ●s is shewed before , and contrary to the expresse profession of the answer , that wee promise no new duties , but onely such as the gospell requires of all saints in church order , much lesse doe wee set up new rites and customes . and as if all these particular imputations in the compasse of one leafe were two little , page next 81. wee have a whole catalogue gathered together from other places and this , that by laying things together the odium ▪ raised might stick the deeper : for thus the words are , but to presse customes expedient for the time as standing rules , necessary at all times and all persons ; to put authority in the hands of men which god never put upon them , and to oblige them to intermeddle ; to bind the consciences of men , and that upon so heavy a penaltie as the sinne of ananias and saphira , where god hath not bound it ▪ to debarre knowne christians from the seales , because they cannot promise to abide in the church as setled members ; and yet charge them in the meane season against light to refuse subjection to the gospel . concerning all which wee doe not know any of them to be true , nor approve any such thing in any , if it should be found among us . and what is the ground of all this ? truely weake enough ( as hath been shewed in our discourse ) and here it is the suspicion of the author , for thus hee adds , this is that wee cannot approve , and yet wee suspect will follow from your judgement . these things wee have thus briefly presented in one view not to dishonour the learned and reverend author , whose memory wee honour ; two things we charitably take notice of , to remove over hard thoughts of him : first , wee consider his spirit might bee over grieved and provoked to this harshnesse by the withdrawings of many christians from the ordinances of god because dispensed according to the corrupt liturgy , in which cause he stood too farre ingaged , and supposing new-england wayes the cause of it , he was the more sharpe . secondly , wee consider that this reply was not intended by him to be published to the world , but to be sent unto us , and therefore he is in our hearts the lesse blamable . but seeing these things are now published , and the harshnesse thereof may do much hurt , wee were pressed to cleare our selves , wherein if any thing ▪ reflect upon the author or publishers , wee cannot avoyd it . neither doe wee write thus as if wee would wholly justifie our selves and all the particular miscarriages that happily at one time or other , in some church or other may have happened ; we have much cause to humble our selves before our god and abase our selves to the dust before men , for all the weakenesses , sinnes , errors and miscarriages that have beene found among us , in one kind and another . onely this wee may professe before the lord and his people , that in the maine scope of our hearts and indeavours of our lives wee have sought after such a forme of worship , and frame of discipline , as we could conceive by the word of god and the helpe of the best reformers to bee according to the will of christ , not allowing our selves in any evill discovered unto us , but bewayling our great defects in all . reply . and here wee crave leave to put you in mind of what you have considered already . that the church and every member have entered into covenant , to take god for their god , &c. but wee never finde that they were called to give account of the worke of grace wrought in their soules , or that the whole congregation were to bee judge thereof . you stand here all this day ( saith moses ) before the lord your god , &c. that thou shouldest enter into covenant with the lord thy god. all that were borne in the wildernesse joshua circumcised , but it is uncredible to thinke there was none that did not give good testimony of the worke of grace , &c. because it is a principall thing , especially in the builders of the church , to know their materials , and because the reverend and learned author steps somewhat out of his way to call us to give answer in this controversie of such great weight , ( especially in this present turne of times ) wee shall therefore gladly accept of this occasion to declare our selves , with as much brevity as we may , to the two branches of the question . qu. first , whether the members of the church are called to give an account of the worke of grace at there admission thereunto . answ . 1. secondly , whether the whole church is to be judge hereof . whether the members of the church be called , &c. for answer to which wee shall expresse our selves in these particulars , to prevent mistakes . first , that the question is not of what may keepe a church already constituted from being accounted no church , but of what is to bee required of such as joyne unto a church , for a church may bee a true church , and yet be very corrupt , ( as is generally observed by protestant writers , hoth out of the examples of some churches in the new te●●ament , and that of the old in the great apostasie thereof ) wee thinke ( in this same ) doctor fields expressions may be safely received : some professe christ ( saith hee ) but not wholly and intirely , as heretiques : some professe the whole saving truth , but not in unity , as schismatiques : some professe it in unty , but not in sincerity , as prophaine persons and hypocrites : some in unity and sincerity : all these are partakers of the heavenly calling by profession of the truth , and consequently in some degree and sort the church &c. but ( wee thinke that ( this is no argument , that either heretiques , schismatickes , prophane persons , or hypocrites ( if convictively discovered that such are meet matter to be joyned to a church . secondly , when a worke of grace is required and desired of those who are to joyne to a church , the meaning is not as if wee allowed none to bee of the church , but reall saints , and such as give demonstrative evidence of being members of the invisible church ; for we professe ( according to the scripture and generall doctrine of all reformed churches ( what ever their practise bee ) that it is not reall , but visible faith , not the inward being , but the outward profession of faith , ( whence men are called visible saints ) that constitutes a visible church , which faith so professed is called visible , not in the judgement of certainty , from such infallible signes of it , as may demonstrate the hidden being of it within ; but in the judgement of charity which hopes the best . ( 1 cor. 12 ▪ 7 ) in the weakest christian and meanest profession , even when it sometimes feares the worst , and is not able at the present , to convince the contrary . thirdly this judgment of charity ( concerning the truth of anothers profession , or that which is called the worke of grace ) is to be regulated by the word , which christ hath left as a compleat rule , not onely of faith but also of love , and charity to guide both in their acts unto their ends : and hence large professions and long relations of the worke of grace ( though full of exceeding glory , when humbly and prudently made ) wee exact not rigorously and necessarily of all , because the rule of charity directs us not so to judge ; because many christians may bee drawne to christ , and have a seed of faith , yet may sometimes not know it , sometimes remember not the working of it , sometimes ( through bashfulnesse , feare , want of parts , nor not trained up under a knowing ministery ) not be able to professe it so fully and clearely ; hence also to keepe out others from communion out of groundlesse feares , that all their profession might bee in hypocrisie , wee allow not , because no man in his charity is to bee ruled by his feares , but by the word ; hence also to account any unfit for the church , because their hearts cannot close with them , or because they like not their spirits , speake not with favour or any such like principles , and yet can give no rule or convicting argument from the word , why thus they doe , we thinke is rigou● , not charity regulated by the word ; for humane charity doth not make gods church , but such persons which from god according to the rule of gods charity , is to receive , and therefore the rule is to be attended here : it is necessary to looke for a ground of certainty to faith , but not for charity , which cannot bee infallibly ▪ certaine of anothers estate , and therefore upon a hopefull supposition that the premises their profession is true , hopefully onely makes the conclusion . the question ●eing brought to this narrow , it will here lye , viz. first , whether profession of the worke of grace , and faith be not required of those that enter into the church . secondly , with what profession of the worke of grace , charity ( according to a rule ) is to rest satisfied . the first wee thinke is writ with the beames of the sunne , for it is evident , that neither the lord in the old testament , exod. 19. or in the new testament , acts ▪ 2. and in other like scriptures , did call for a profession of the doctrine of faith onely , but especially of the worke of faith ; for when the lord promised to be a god to his people , exd. 19. deut. 29. it was not with this condition , if they did beleeve his word to bee true , &c. but if they will heare his voyce , and keepe his covenant , which ( in a prepared people ) is a manifestation of a worke of grace . so when the apostles were required to goe preach to all nations , and baptize them and teach them , looke as they did require such a faith as was saving , ( he that beleeveth shall bee saved ) so upon the ▪ profession thereof they did receive them , as also appeares , acts 2. 38. ( which therefore could not bee of the doctrine of faith , for that the devils doe , and tremble , and profane men of much knowledge , may doe , and yet unfit to bee received , and therefore it was of the worke of faith , and therefore act. 8. 37. philip not onely requires faith , but a beleeving with all the heart of the eunuch , and upon such a profession baptized him : and hence the churches erected by the apostles at corinth , colosse , ephesus , &c. are called saints , and sanctified of god in christ jesus , &c. how ! was it because debito and de jure onely , they should be so ? then all who heare the gospell ( though they reject it ) might bee called a church , for de jure , they ought to be so ; or was it because there were some that were truely such amongst them , and so in concreto , are called a church and body of christ ? not onely so , for there may be some visible churches of visible saints , and yet none among them of the invisible church , unlesse any will thinke , that to bee of the church invisible is essentiall to the beeing and title of a visible church : and therefore it was from their profession of saving faith which they maintained being a church , as it was required to the gathering into a church : john baptist also , ( though hee baptized none into a new church , ( and therefore might require the lesse ) yet as he really promised remission of sinnes by the messiah , so hee required that very faith and repentance which might make them partakers of this heavenly benefit ; and therefore , if what hee required , they manifested by their profession , and confession of sinnes , it was not onely to beleeve the doctrine of faith , but a saving worke of faith which they held forth . and therefore it is not an outward profession of faith , according to a creed which is required , for then a papist is fit matter for a church , nor willingnesse to heare the word and receive the sacraments , for then heapes of prophane persons are to bee received into the church , but it 's profession of a worke , and saving worke of grace , which being ever required in the purest times , is no novell invention of some more rigidly inclined in these things . to the second , with what profession ( charity , according to rule ) is to rest satisfied ? wee answer , that there is a breadth in charity according to rule and profession of faith being but testimonium humanum , or a mans owne testimony concerning himselfe , therefore as in the most eminent profession , potest subesse falsum , there may bee hypocrisie latent , ( it being no divine testimony ) so in the weakest profession of the worke of faith , potest subesse verum , id est , there may be truth in the bottome : hence ( man leaving all secrets to god ) the worke of grace wherewith charity is to be satisfied , is one of these two . first , either with that which is onely verball , and appeares to be false by conviction from the word : or secondly , with that which appeares to bee reall , which however it may bee false , yet it is beyond the power of man to convince ( by a rule ) that so it is . we confesse wee are fearefull as of opening the doore too wide , so of shutting the doores upon any whom god would have us to receive in , but for what yet wee see or read , from the arguments here alledged in this author , or the writings of others godly learned : wee thinke that church charity is not to rest satisfied with the first , but with the latter ; for let the profession of the worke of faith bee ▪ never so short , or so weake , let it be by their owne immediate relation or by question , yet if it may but appeare to a regulated charity so as to hope that it is reall , it is to rest satisfied then , till god make discovery to the contrary ; wee intend not to heape up arguments , nor answer scruples , but these foure things seeme to evince as much . 1 that the apostles in the 3000. converted acts 2. as they were very ready to receive them to the fold of christ , and therefore in one day immediatly received so many thousands ( which could not bee by large profession of every one ) so also they attended to the truth of that profession , and therfore it was not bare profession of faith , but ( as it is set downe for our patterne ) it was such a profession as was evidently joyned with humiliation , pricking at the heart , mourning , and crying out before the apostles what shall wee doe ▪ to be saved , gladly receiving the word , which are reall testimonies of some reall change from what they were but a little before , and upon this ground the apostles received them . 2 the apostles charge to timothy , 2 tim. 3. 5. from such as have a forme of godlinesse and deny the power of it , turne away ; if bare profession were sufficient , why should timothy turne from them ? ( but rather receive them who had a forme of profession . ) and if it was in his power to avoyd them , why should he not reject them , and that not onely from private but church communion also , supposing them such as not o ney had a forme , but might be by a rule convinced thereof ? 3 lying and apparent untruth cannot make a man fit matter for a church , and therefore cannot bee a ground for charity to rest on , that so he is : but verball profession , which appeares not to bee reall but false , is palpable lying , and indeed more fit to destroy the church then to make the church . hence sanctius in zach ▪ 14. 14 ▪ observes that the greatest enemies of the church are such , qui eum fidem retineant sanctitatem abj●cerunt . 4 if bare profession of faith is a sufficient ground to receive men into the church , then an excommunicate person cast cut in one houre should bee immediatly received in againe , if hee will but renew his generall profession of faith ; nay they the indians in maryland , who will put on and put off this profession , as their ghostly fathers the popish priests will bestow or withhold garments and shirts upon them ; should in charitie bee received into the church . but if it should bee asked how charity may know the reality of this profession , we answer ; so long as the rule bee attended wee leave every one to the wisedome of christ , to make ▪ application thereof , onely this we doe add in generall for more full satisfaction . 1 such a faith professed with the mouth , which is confirmed by an innocent godly conversation in the life , so as not to live in commission of any knowne sinne , or omission of any knowne duty , wee say this conversation makes faith appeare reall , james 2. 18. rev. 22. 14. wee conceive more is required to make a man appeare a fit member of a church , then of a common-wealth , to bee onely bonus civis , and bare civility is sufficient for this latter , but not for the former , and therefore such a profession of faith is needfull , as is confirmed by a not onely a civill , but a godly life . 2 such a faith as is joyned with evident repentance , and sorrow , and mourning for sinne ( although there bee no experience alwayes of such a holy life antecedently seene ) for thus it was act. 2. 37 , 38. for the riches of christs grace is such as not onely to receive experienced christians into his family and house , but also the weakest and poorest ( who may stand in most need of christs ordinances ) and that as soone as ever they seeme to bee brought in ; and therefore experience of a blamelesse life is not alwayes necessary for admission into the church : some think indeed that the apostles received in the first converts , ( act. 2. 39. ) so soone , because they had an extraordinary spirit of discerning , but if they had so : yet they did not receive them in here according to that , for they received divers hypocrites in , as ananias and sapphira , &c. and if all other of their acts in this chapter were exemplary , why should this onely bee thought to be otherwise and extraordinary ? 3 when there is full and sufficient testimony from others of their faith and piety , although their humiliation , faith and conversation bee not so well knowne , for wee see the church received paul , when barnabas had declared what god had done for him ; and if it may bee just to condemne another by the testimony of two faithfull witnesses , it may not bee unchristian to receive an other into the fold of christ ( much more readily ) upon the testimony of able and faithfull christians , especially then when they be not able openly , and publiquely ro speake so fully for themselves , and thus much for answer to the first question 2 question , whether this profession is to bee judged by the church . answer , 1. the faithfull as they did at first combine into a church , so it is their duty to receive others to themselves , as the church did , acts 9. 26 , 27. encouraged by barnabas and the apostles , and as the apostle commands , rom. 14. 1. which although it was of fellow-members into their affections , yet the proportion holds strong for receiving commers into the church . joh. ep. 3. 8 , 9 , 10. 2 if they bee to receive them , they must by some meanes know them , to bee such as they may comfortably receive into their affections , a little leaven leavening the whole lumpe . 1 cor. 5. 3 the officers of the church , ( who are first privately to examine them ) and prepare them for admission ) are to shew the church the rule on which the church is to receive them , and themselves are ready to admit them . act. 10. 37. can any forbid water , &c. this rule was best seene by that publike profession before the whole church , and if no just exception bee made ( as one should bee without conviction ) they are to be admitted by the officers with the consent of the members hereunto , for if publike profession is needfull at least before the church , though not the world alway ( as didoclavius observes ) to the entrance into the covenant and church by baptisme ; wee see no reason , but persons formerly baptized , and entering a new into the church , but they should openly professe their faith againe : the visible church being built upon this rocke , matth. 16. 16 , 18. viz. profession of the faith of christ ; and lastly , if there should be no necessity for such a profession , yet if this bee desired of the people of god , for the increase of their owne joy to see god glorified , and christs name professed , and his vertues held forth , and for the increase of their love to those that joyne with them , why should it not be done before saints , which should bee done before persecutors ? 1 pet. 3. 15. what is now said , we thinke sufficient to undermine what is opposed herein by others , and may easily give answer to the three arguments of the learned authour , from the example of the church of israel , john baptist and the apostles , and so cleare up our practise , and judgement to the world from the aspersion of our rigidum examen for which we are by some condemned , but for further clearing , we shall answer to the particulars . now to your reasons more particularly against this from the old testament , and the manner of entring and renewing covenant then . answ . wee answer , first , when as you say , they professing the covenant promised to take god for their god , to keepe the words of the covenant and doe them , to seek the lord with all their hearts , to walke before him in truth and uprightnes , this implyeth a profession of a worke of grace . secondly , they did not immediately enter into covenant , but the lord was long before preparing them for it , for they were humbled much in egypt , in so much as their sighings came up to god , exod. 2. 23 , 24 , 25. they had seene the glory of god for their good against pharaoh , and all that land , by many miracles , they had gods visible presence in the cloud ; were instructed by moses concerning the covenant of grace made with them in abraham ; they were mightily delivered at the red sea , so that they beleeved moses and feared the lord and sang his praise , exod. 14. 31. psalme 106. 12. they were also instructed againe concerning the covenant , and were to sanctifie themselves three dayes legally , ( which was for spirituall ends , and of spirituall use , exod. 19. 10. ) and thus being prepared as fit matter for covenant , they then entered thereinto . and they were all of them ( for ought we know ) thus externally and ecclesiastically holy , though many were internally stiffe-necked , blind and prophane . and for our parts we desire no more then such a preparation in some worke of grace , if appearing ( though not indeed ) reall as may make way for church covenant , among a people now as we see was then . reply . when john baptist began to preach the gospell , and gather a new people for christ , he admitted none but upon confession of their sinnes , but we read of no question that hee put forth to them to discover the worke of grace in their soules , or repelled any upon that pretence that voluntarily submitted themselves . answ . though the scripture record such things very briefly , ( else the world would not have contained the bookes that must have been written , as john speaketh , ) yet he that advisedly considers the case , may see the profession of a work of grace in all that were received by john to his baptisme . first , john was sent with the spirit and power of elias , to turne the hearts of the fathers , &c. to cast down every high hill , &c. secondly , his baptisme is called the baptisme of repentance , for the remission of sinnes , mark. 1. 4. thirdly , confession of sins is ever put for true repentance , when there is a promise of pardon made to it , prov. 28. 13. 1 john 1. 9. and therefore when he requires confession of sins , was it without remorse or sorrow for it ? was it not with profession of faith in the messiah , which he pointed unto , joh. 1. 29. and required with repentance , act. 19. 4. fourthly , did not hee fall upon the pharisees with dreadfull thundering of gods judgements , for comming to his baptisme without conversion of heart , and fruits meet for repentance ? mat. 3. 7. and this luke saith , hee preached to the multitude , luke 3. 7. and whether any were received that embraced not that doctrine , and shewed the same in their confession , viz. that their hearts were humbled , and that the renounced their high thoughts of their priviledges of the law , &c. and professed amendment & fruits meet for the same , it will be hard for any to prove : and thus much is evident : on the contrary that pharesees & lawyers distinguished from the people and publicans rejected the counsell of god in not being baptized of him , and what counsell but that wholesome doctrine of john , luke 7. 29 , 30 ? lay all these together , and let any whose thoughts are not prepossessed with prejudice , say , whether this confession was not such a profession of faith and repentance , which a discerning charity ought to take for a worke of grace . repl● . it appeares many wayes that when the apostles planted churches , they made a covenant betweene god and the people whom they received . but they received men upon the profession of faith , and promise of ●mendment of life , without strict inquiry what worke of grace was wrought in the soule , so in after ages , &c. now the profession at first required of all that were received to baptisme , was that they beleeved in the father , sonne and holy ghost . this was the confession of the eunuch , when he was baptized : i beleeve that jesus christ is the son of god. answ . wee cannot but observe how still the evidence of the truth of what wee proved in the third and fourth positions , breakes out at every turne , when the heat of that disputation doth not hinder , for if the apostles planted churches and made a covenant betweene god and the people when they baptized them , as the proofes for this act. 2. 38. and 8. 37. and 19. 17 , 18 , 19. alledged in the margent shew , then still it appeares they admitted men into planted churches when they baptized them , and the ●efore the apostles ordinary and first leading practise and examples are for those position , not against them . 2 you grant here that acts 2. and 8. and 19. there was a profession of faith and promise of amendment of life , and so wee must suppose though not expressed , for how else could the apostles distinguish such as gladly received the word , from the mockers and others ? now let us consider what kinde of profession this must bee by the story it selfe . the apostle peter in his doctrine presseth three things . 1. conversion or repentance for their sinnes : 2. faith in christ in those words , bee baptized in the name of the lord jesus christ , verse 38. 3. with many other words he exhorted them , saying , save your selves from this untoward generation , that is , this was the scope of and substance of his exhortation , which includes a gathering themselves to the church . now the text saith , in respect of the first , that they were pricked to the heart , and cryed out men , and brethren what shall wee doe ? 2. they gladly received the word , that is of faith in christ , and the duty of obedience to the gospell , and how did all this appeare , but by their profession ? and what kinde of confession can any man think such soules would make , but a broken hearted gracious confession , which to any discerning charity must be taken to argue a worke of grace ? so that the very character given of them by the holy ghost , in so briefe an history , doth cleerely evince what we contend for . consider also the story , acts. 8. and first , not to passe over what is said of simon magus , of whom it is said , hee beleeved , was baptized , continued with philip , and wondered , so that no doubt they took him for a true beleever , but when peter discovered his falsnesse , see what hee saith , verse 21. thou hast no part nor lot in this matter , and the reason is , for thy heart is not right in the sight of god. let any here consider , that if hee had no part nor lot in christ and baptisme , &c. because not right , whether the apostle peter or the church would have received him , if such had been discovered before . and for the eunuch , philip requiring his profession of faith ▪ if thou beleevest with all thy heart , looked for a sound ▪ worke of grace , and though it was delivered in those words which are the fundamentall truth , that jesus is the sonne of god , yet it includes true faith in him for salvation : as we see our saviour christ takes that confession of peter for true faith , flesh and ●lood have not revealed this to thee , but my father : and promised to build the church on this rocke , matth. 16. yea it includes subjection unto him as the sonne of god , the prophet and king of his church , and this is no rare , but a common thing in the new testament , by one fundamentall truth , beleeved and confessed , to include true faith and profession of the whole truth that suites with that foundation , as rom. 10. 9. so expounded , verse 10 , 11. as being more then historicall faith , so 1 john 4. 1 , 2. and 5. 1. the like characters of a penitent and gracious carriage and confession may be observed , act. 19. 17 , 18 , 19. and seeing you have given us this occasion to lay downe some grounds of our practise from the first patternes , we shall add a word or two to take away the conceit of novelty , which is imputed to us in this point as much as in any thing else . tertullian saith in his booke of prescriptions , wee admit no man to any disputation about divine things , unlesse hee first have shewed us of whom he received the faith and became a christian ; and secondly , whether hee admit and hold the generall principles , wherein all christians doe and ever did agree , otherwise proscribing against him as an alien from the common-wealth of israel . and if in those times they were so strict in admitting men to disputations , no doubt much more in receiving men to church communion . but if this seeme not full enough , take another : in the churches of old , there were catechumeni , instructed for enterance into the church by baptisme , with whom they tooke much paines in sanctifying them , before ; by fasting and prayer , and often preaching to them . and for their admission , there were foure things in use among them , 1. nominis professio , 2. scrutinium , 3. abrenuntiatio , 4. fidei professio . their scrutinium which they call examen competentium , or the examination of such as were competent , or fitting for admission , this examen was very strict as is observed out of alcuinus , by learned * chamier , fiant scrutinia , ut explorentur saepius , an post renuntiationum satanae , sacra verba datae fidei radicitus corde defixerint , i. e. let examinations be made , that it oft may bee tryed , whether they have deeply fixed in the heart the sacred words of their professed faith . and what ever any may thinke of the strictnesse of that their discipline , in this point chamier gives a large testimony , by way of approbation of the same , whose words upon it are these , certe nemo improbare potest , seriam in tam sanctis rebus diligentiam , ne quantum fieri poterit lateant simones , &c. i. certainely no man can disallow such serious diligence , to prevent profanation of sacred things , lest ( so farre as it is possible ) such as simon magus may lye hid : and saith hee , the apostles went before in their examples , for philip , acts 8. being demanded of the eunuch , what hinders mee that i may not bee baptized ? hee answereth not simply thou mayst , but with this supposition added , if thou beleevest with thy whole heart . now this profession of their faith was either by reciting the creed in an eminent place before all the people , and that praeclarâ ●iduciâ , with full affiance , as hee observes out of clement and augustine , or else respondendo interroganti sacerdoti per singula in subsidium forte pudoris aut memoriae , i. e. by answering to the minister propounding questions , concerning their faith for helpe of their bashfulnesse , or want of memory . also beza in his epist . 14. commending much the severity and zeale of former pastors and churches in this kind , and bemoaning the negligence of such as followed , from whence hee saith it is , that the church without a miracle could not rise out of its filth , he concludes thus , itaque frustra disputabitur tum voce tum scriptis , nisi conversione cordium & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 initium instaurationis sumatur . reverend mr. hildersam in his treatise of the doctrine of the lords supper , to that question , whether the people that come to the lords table , bee bound to make knowne their knowledge and spirituall estate to their pastor . answers thus , yes verily , for seeing , matth. 3. 6. acts 8. 37. god required of them , that ( being of yeares of discretion ) were to bee baptized , that they should make knowne to the congregation or their minister their , faith and repentance , hee doth every whit as much require this of them that are to come to the lords supper . whereby we see , 1. that his judgement was that , act. 8. and mat. 3. the people did make known their spirituall estate to the congregation or minister , when they professed faith and repentance : and secondly , that the same ought now so to bee . lastly , we may appeale herein to the consciences of very many godly ministers , in our deare england , whether they groane not under the mixture of the precious with the vile , in the ordinances of christ , and would not gladly have it otherwise , which cannot bee without such a way of admissions into the church as we plead for , or else in constituted ( but corrupted ) churches , by casting out such as after admonitions appeare impenitent in sin , by the severity of discipline . and this was evident by the qualifications of persons to be received to the lords table , voted at first by the present reverend assembly , and presented in their directory to the parliament , if wee bee not mis-informed : whose words are these , none are to bee admitted thereto ( meaning the lord suppers ) but such as being baptized are found upon carefull examination by the minister , before the other church-officers , to have a competent measure of knowledge and ability to examine themselves , and professe their willingnesse to submit thewselves to all the ordinances of christ , and are of approved conversation according to christ : the ignorant and scandalous are not to bee admitted , nor those of another congregation , unlesse they have sufficient testimony or be very well knowne . if it bee objected , that some of these instances concerne unbaptized persons onely , which is not our case ; answ . 1. multitude of baptized persons in these dayes are as ignorant and prophane as some unbaptized ; and therefore as apt to pollute gods ordinances : 2. chamiers reason , why unbaptized persons were to go under such strict examination , holds good in our case . 3. such profession of faith was required by john and the apostles of those that were church members before . reply . the creed is honored by the ancients with glorious titles , as the rule of faith , &c. by which they understood that rule of faith given by christ , when hee was about to ascend , and commanded his disciples , saying , goe teach al nations . in after times some articles were added for explanation , to meet with the heresies of those times , but for substance , the church never required other acknowledgement , &c. answ . if you meane that which is called the apostles creed , it is justly doubted whether it bee so ancient , however , the times which followed the scripture patterns , are both obscure to us , and no infallible pattern , yet many churches used great strictnesse , as is shewed , in receiving and restoring fallen members , and if afterward heresies gave just occasion to require further professions of the doctrine of faith , and to add more articles for explanation , why may not the churches require a more explicate confession of the work of faith and repentance , the formality and meere outside profession of so many civilists , formalists , and atheists requiring the same ? reply ▪ if you put men to declare that worke of grace god hath wrought in this or that way , which perhaps is not determined by the word of grace , at least not agreed upon amongst your selves , wee beseech you to consider by what authority you doe it , and upon what ground you stand . answ . this is but upon a supposition , if so &c. which is contrary to our judgement , and professed practise to limit the spirit of grace in the workings of it . if any have so done , ( as it may bee in the times of opinions prevailing among us ) wee doe not owne it , but disapprove the same . it is enough for us to see any have some way , or by some meanes or other beene humbled for sinne , brought home to christ by faith , or have any breathings of the spirit of christ , with a life answerable to the faith of christ . chap. xvi . position 7. that a minister is so a minister of a particular congregation , that if they dislike him or leave him unjustly , hee ceaseth to be a minister . reply . the question is of ministers unjustly forsaken or driven from the church , and your answer is for most part of ministers , set aside or deprived by their owne default : wee never purposed to speake one word for an unworthy minister , whom christ hath put out of office , and therefore your labour to prove that such justly rejected by the the church , are no longer ministers , might well have beene saved . answ . the ground of this position being about the nature of a ministers office ; whether it consist in his office , relation to the flocke of a particular church : the former part of our answer was not in vaine , nor the grounds impertinent , and wee accept your grant of it , that a minister justly rejected by his church is no longer a minister : then wee inferre that there is no indelible character in the office , but that his ministery stands in relation to a particular flocke , not to the catholike church , for then a particular church could not dissolve his office , and therefore it will follow , that ( if hee bee found worthy after ) upon repentance to bee called to another church , hee must bee new elected and ordained to his office , being no minister upon his just deposing . reply . but wee will examine your conclusions upon which you build the sentence which you passe against them ; first it is certaine , &c. answ . what is said to the first is spoken before , and we will not repeat things in vaine . reply . secondly , the power of feeding , which the minister hath , is neither confined to one society onely , nor nextly derived to him from christ by the church . the office and authority of a pastour is immediately from christ , the deputation of the person which christ hath designed is from the church ministerially , but neither vertually nor formally . answ . these things about the call of a minister by the church were also spoken to before , when wee spake of the power of the keys , and the first subject thereof , and therefore the assertion being granted , these things might well be spared , but what we finde here more then in the other place , we shall consider . the power of the church in electing her officers is so cleare in the scripture , and so confessed a truth by the godly learned , that it cannot bee denyed , yet here seeme to be given so many restrictions in the case , that they much abate and weaken this great and precious liberty and power given by the lord. 1. that the power and office of a pastor is immediately from christ by his institution is granted , but the question is , how this man comes to have this office applyed to him ; if immediately , then hee is in this an apostle , if mediately , it is by the church , or else shew by whom 2. that the church choose ministerially , and ought to choose whom christ hath described in his word , and fitted with gifts , and so farre designed by christ wee grant , but what if there bee twenty such ? which of them doth christ designe , but whom the church freely choose ? and therefore that is no diminution of their power , that they must choose ministerially , and whom christ so designes . the case is alike in all other ordinances dispensed , examination is immediately from christ , by his institution , the person to be censured is designed or described by ▪ christ , a notorious or obstinate sinner : the church passe this sentence onely ministerially , and yet puts forth a great power of the lord jesus christ , in applying the sentence to this or that person : and so here ▪ and therefore it is strange to us , that any should say they depute this officer neither vertually nor formally , when as the act which they put forth , ( which is the outward call of the officer ) must needs come from a power formally in the church to doe the same , as well as when the church or officers censure an offender , &c. reply . the consent of the people is requisite in the election of pastors and teachers , we grant , the direction of the elders going before , or along with them , acts 1. peter declared what an one should be taken , &c. acts 6. deacons were chosen by the consent of the church , &c. but in this election the people did first choose , when most commonly the apostles instructed the people , and went before them in the electon , and they consented . act. 14. 23. the apostles by consent choose , &c. answ . this restriction of the peoples power to an after consent , at least ordinarily , will not hold : if the evident light of acts 6. could not be denyed , and the other places were more obscure , why should not that place with its light cleare the rest ? but that in act. 1. is as evident , peter proves the need of such a choice to be made , shews it must bee one that had so long conversed with christ , to witnesse such things , and further hee doth not lead them , there might be twenty such , but they choose two , as a preparative act to apostleship , vers . 23. and who were they , but such as they speake unto , viz. the disciples , vers . 15. whom he cals men and brethren , vers . 16. so act. 14. 23. lifting up of hands is the signe of election , not of an after consent . lastly , by this doctrine how shall the church come by officers , when shee hath none to goe before her in choosing for her ? must shee loose her right , or take whom others will choose for her , and impose upon her ? reply . in the primitive times , after the apostles , one church might elect a pastor for another , &c. answ . 1 if by way of counsell one church shall propound and advise another to choose such , ( leaving them free to take or refuse ) this is lawfull in case , but otherwise it is a plaine usurpation and we must leave scripture rules and patterns to justifie it . 2 wee grant in a safe sense there may be communis electio , whereby a fit man is propounded by churches or ministers to be chosen by another people , and thus the philadelphians might elect a fit pastor for the church at antioch , ( as ignatius exhots ) with sundry like instances in the first times after the apostles , and this wee deny not may lawfully bee now . but this is nothing to that electio singularis , whereby a people choose one to be their minister , of which we speake , for it is evident from the testimony of cyprian oft alledged , that it is in the power of the people to choose worthy ministers , and reject the unworthy ; and ambrose thinkes that he is worthily thought to bee elected divino judicio , whom all the people desire ▪ ambros . lib. 10. ep. 82. it is very true , that as the times grew worse , the elections were oft disturbed , sometimes by the clergy choosing without the people , ( of which athanasius complaines ) sometimes by the peoples carrying it tumultuously : sometime the emperors interposing . but this and like corruptions cannot forfeit the liberty of the church which christ hath given it , and therefore hee that was no great friend to the peoples liberties , yet ingenuously saith that although the people is bellua multorum capitum , and most apt to be tumultuous , yet this is not innated to a beleeving people , qui non minus nunc quam olim gravis esset in electionibus , ac publicae utilitatis studiosissima , spalta ▪ de rep. eccles . lib. 3. cap. 3. reply . if here it be questioned , whether your election of the people be essentiall to the calling of a minister , wee answer , first , a thing is essentiall two wayes , either as absolutely necessary , so as the thing can have no existence without it ; or necessary to the integrity of a thing , so that it is maymed without it . againe the people be either few in number , and simple , unable to judge of the sufficiency of a minister , or they be more in number , increased in wisedome , sound in faith , and able to discerne of things that differ . in the first sense the election of the people is not necessary or essentiall , in the second , his calling in that respect is maymed . answ . it is to bee noted , that here wee dispute of the outward calling of church-officers ; now the very essence of any outward calling , doth lye in the right and power of them that elect . if all the countries of england should elect or call a lord major for london , bee they never so many and wise , it is a meere nullity , and why ? because the right of election is not in them , but if the citizens in whom the right lyes , doe elect ( though weakly ) hee hath the true essence of the call : if others electing a major the city will receive him , submit to him , and so give their consent , hee may bee said to have the substance of that call , though not an orderly and lawfull election , and so maymed : so it is here . secondly , if in our election of the people ( being the scripture way of election , ) the proper right and power bee seated by christ in the church , unto whom they are to minister , then it must needs follow , that the very essence of a ministers call stands in their election , or at least in their after consent and subjection to his ministery , in which case wee grant though the calling be maymed , yet it hath the substance of a true calling . but if the people will not receive such as are imposed upon them , hee hath no call at all , but usurpes the same , and it is a meer nullity . and therefore it concernes churches the more to consider , what they doe in receiving and submitting to such unworthy ministers , as are oft imposed upon them ; but if the right and power of electing ministers bee in any other persons , let it be shewed from the scriptures , for we are not much moved in such cases with the corrupt customes of after-times . and this also shewes what kinde of call such men have that are ordained by prelates at large without any election at all , if they be ministers to the catholike church , then the catholike church is bound to receive them , and submit to their office , but no part of the catholike church , and therefore not the whole is bound to submit to them , and therefore indeed they have no office nor calling as pastors or teachers , except it can be proved they be evangelists , apostles or prophets . reply . if the people be few and simple , they stand in more need of guidance from their owne elders and other churches ; if many and full of wisdome , their liberty to choose is the greater , and the greater wrong to bee deprived of it . the practise of the apostles and primitive churches shew this for many ages , sometime men were propounded to the church to be chosen , sometimes the chiefe left wholly to them . answ . 1 what is all this to the purpose , what light or derection a church need to receive ? the essence of a ministers call lyes not in the propounding or advising of any to elect him , but in the election of such as have the true right so to doe , which is still in the church , though few and weake , if a true church , and yet you produce not one scripture example of any officer propounded by the apostles , or elders to the church to be chosen by them , much lesse limiting the church to consent thereto , if they had nothing against him . reply . in reason this is evident , for the childs consent is required in marriage , but the more able he is to choose for himselfe , the more liberty may parents grant , the lesse able the more watchfull must they be . this similitude utterly faileth in two essentiall things , that concerne the case for which it is applyed . 1. because a childe is under the authority of the parents , whose right is such that a childe cannot lawfully choose without them . but there is no church or others have such a right and authority over any church in their choice of officers . 2. whatsoever the power of parents bee , yet the essence of the marriage consists in the mutuall consent and promise of the children that marry , and so here the essence of a ministers call must lye in the election of the church and acceptance of the minister which is not avoided but by the similitude confirmed . reply . it is a duty of neighbour churches to lend their helpe to their brethren in election of their ministers , when the scripture willeth us to exhort one another or admon●sh one another , it is not onely a command to every singular person towards his fellow , but also to any whole company . answ . wee grant all this , and that it is the duty of a church , bee it weake or strong , to take all needfull counsell , advise or exhortations and admonitions in so weighty a worke . but if churches or others shall impose upon any church any officer without their choice , this is no brotherly helpe , but unjust usurpation . and if you understand junius so , as that charitatis jure & communione sanctorum , one church have power to choose for another , other wayes , then by advising them to elect such an one for themselves , wee see no reason for that , nor doe wee thinke it is his meaning : neither doth paul , rom. 12. 12. lay any foundation of such usurpations , but onely of mutuall brotherly helpfulnesse by counsell , &c. and the contrary is not policy , but some degree of tyranny . reply . it is a blemish in the call of a minister , if either the people be not fit to choose , or being fit they he shut out from the choice , but this maime doth not make a nullity in his calling . answ . if a people or church bee never so weake , which is here called unfitnesse , yet christ being amongst them , and they making an orderly and good choice , there can be no blemish in the call seeing the right is them , and such a free choice will better stablish the conscience of any godly minister in his call , then if a synod of the ablest ministers should impose him without their free choice , except it can bee proved that the right of election is in the synod , which we thinke will not bee done . but bee they able or weake , if the people be shut out , it must needs make a great maim in his call , and if they doe not consent nor submit to such a one called by others , it will make it a nullity , as was shewed before . what authority hath hee to minister to any church , if they will refuse him ? or who shall censure them for refusing , by any rule of christ ? reply . the saving truth of god and a lawfull ministery are both essentiall to a true church . answ . answ . what then becomes of the church when the minister is dead ? reply . the true church hath continued by the blessing of god where the election of ministers hath beene given away by the people or taken from them . answ . true ; but it hath been continued by the after consent , and subjection of the people to their ministers chosen by others , else they must needs have broken a pieces and dissolved the church , or taken upon them to choose others to themselves , which still shewes that the essence of the call is in the people . what is said of the disorders of ancient churches in elections , we passe over as nothing to this purpose . that the ministery might bee lawfull for substance , where there were many defects in the manner of the call we grant , the church at length consenting to submit thereto , in whom the true right is placed by christ : and therefore we passe over what followes to that purpose , though wee might object against some passages in the discourse . reply . as for the second branch of your answer we know not well your meaning ; if this be your minde , that a minister lawfully called and set over the congregation , is to bee esteemed a minister in the usuall church , as the particular church hath unity with , and is part of the universall or catholique , and as a party baptized is not baptized into that congregation onely , but into all churches , and that the ministery is one , cujus a singulis in solidum pars tenetur , as cyprian speaketh , and therefore though the minister be unjustly cast eff by one congregation , yet hee is not to be esteemed as no minister , wee freely consent ▪ but if your meaning bee , that hee is onely by right a minister of that particular congregation , because unjustly deposed , as formerly in the execution of his office , ●ee was a minister to them onely , and to no other society whatsoever , or in what respect soever ▪ your opinion is contrary to the opinion of the universall , and tends to destroy the unity of the church , and that communion which the churches of god ought to have one with another . answ . first , if our meaning be doubtfull , seeing these expressions doe not well suite our notion , nor fully enter into our understanding , we shall give the meaning of our answer distinctly , and then consider what is here said . first , there is a difference betweene the unjust leaving or casting off a minister , without all orderly proceedings against him , and the unjust deposing him in an orderly way of church censure : if the question be taken in the first sense , he remaines every way and in every respect by right a minister as hee was before , except he reject them , and so dissolve the relation that was between them . but if the question speak of an orderly censure of deposition unjustly , then we judge of that case as we would do in any other , censure of a member by excommunication , & therefore we say , he is stil a minister , in foro interno before christ , for clavis errans non ligat . secondly , in respect of that church he hath stil right truly to minister to them , and is their minister though unjustly hindered in the execution of his ministery , as a member unjustly censured hath a true right to the ordinances , and membership , though unjustly hindred from the same , though in foro externo , we grant to them or in their account he is no minister , as a person excommunicated is to them no member . thirdly , in respect of other churches , if it doth appeare unto them that hee is unjustly deposed , they may and ought to esteeme him still , and receive him and have communion with him , as a true minister of jesus christ , in the church he doth belong to , as they may do with a member unjustly cast out , but til that appeare unto them , they cannot so esteem and honor him , ( being orderly deposed but must at least suspend their judgment til the case be cleared . fourthly we answer clearely and plainely to the chiefe scope of the question , if a minister bee unjustly deposed or forsaken by his particular church , and he also withall renounce and forsake them , so farre as all office and relation betweene them cease , then is hee no longer an officer or pastour in any church of god , whatsoever you will call it . and the reason is , because a ministers office in the church i● no indelible character , but consists in his relation to the flocke : and if a minister once ordained , his relation ceasing , his office of a minister , steward of the mysteries of god shall still remaine ; why should not a ruling elder or deacon remaine an elder or deacon in the church as well ? all are officers ordained of christ alike given to his church , officers chosen and ordained by laying on of hands alike , but wee suppose you will not say a deacon in such a case should remaine a deacon in the catholique church , therefore not a minister . secondly , wee shall now consider what is here said , and first this language of a minister in the usuall church as a particular church hath union with and is a part of the universall , it is an unusuall expression to us , and to the scripture phrase , and therefore beare with us if wee fall short of your meaning ; the usuall church in england hath beene either the arch-deacons church in the deanaries , or diocesan in the bishoprick , or provinciall or nationall , but wee hope that there is no such intended here , yet to all this and the jurisdiction thereof particular churches have been subject as parts there . but if by usuall church you meane a classical , provinciall or nationall church , wee must intreat better grounds for any of these , and therefore wee must confesse our minde and meaning is not so , that wee looke at a minister of a particular church in any such relation to the usuall and intermediate church betweene it and the catholique . the second sense therefore we owne and acknowledge as before . but whether this be contrary to the judgement and practise of the universall church , wee know not ; because it is hard for us know what the universall church judgeth , except we could heare it speake or see its practise ; if the onely head prophet and shepherd of the church jesus christ be fit to declare her judgement , we will be tryed thereby , who we know hath s●t elders in every particular church , act. 14. 23. to watch over their particular flock , act. 20. 28. but not over any other church that wee can finde . neither doth this destroy the unity or communion of the catholique church , nor of particular churches one with another as is said , for churches may enjoy brotherly communion one with another , without such stated formes , under the power and authority of one another , as hath been shewed before . reply . for if he be not a minister to other churches , then are not the churches of god one , nor the communion which they have together on ▪ n●r the ministers one , nor the ●●●cke which they feed one . answ . in what sense is intended to have the ministers one , and flocke one , we doe not see . if you meane one by one visible government over the catholique church , wherein there is a subordination of churches and ministers , you must at last rise to oecomenicall pastor , or councell , that must be the supreme , which can scarce ever be had . if you meane an unity by brotherly communion in offices of love and mutuall helpefulnesse of churches and ministers , without usurpation , such an unity and community is not destroyed , and the argument doth not follow ▪ cannot many distinct societies ot townes or corporations make up one county , except the major or constable in one towne be a major or constable in others also ? by this reason the deacon of one church is the deacon of all , or else the unity is destroyed . reply . if the pastor derive all his authority from the church , when the church hath set him aside , what right hath he to administer among that people ? answ . true , but we say he derives all his authority from christ , by the church indeed , applying that office to him , to which the authority is annexed by the institution of christ , hence being the minister of christ unto them , if they without christ depose him , they hinder the exercise of his office , but his right remaines . reply . as they give right to an unworthy man to minister amongst them , if they cal him unjustly , so they take right from the worthy , if they unjustly depose him . answ . we grant there is a parity in foro externo , but as in the call , his outward cal consists in the election of the calling , and the acceptation of the called , to compleat his power of administration . now this by christ in his church may be destroyed in a just censure without his consent , but cannot unjustly be wrung from him without his consent , & therefore he may hold his right , till either hee be justly deposed or willingly relinquish the same upon their injurious interruption of the use of his right . reply . and whereas you say the minister is for the ministery , and the office for the execution , and so the pastor and the flocke are relatives , and therefore , if their election gave him authority among them to feed , their casting him off hath stripped him of the same power they gave him . a●su . wee grant it is so , yet the execution may bee unjustly hindred , though the right and office remaine : but we may well retort this argument upon the minister of the usuall or catholicke church . thus if the minister bee for the ministery , and the office for the execution , and so the pastor and flock be relatives , then hee that may justly for ever be hindred of all execution of the ministery and hath no power to censure his flock , or cannot so much as justly approve and admonish them for the same , surely hee hath a poore office and ministery , but such a minister that hath no particular congregation , that is his flock under his charge , may justly be excluded out of all churches , and cannot censure or reprove his catholique or usuall church for the same , therefore he is indeed no minister , and and hath no office in the church of god. chap. xvii . position 8. that one minister cannot performe any ministeriall act in another congregation . reply . the preaching of the word and publique prayer in the congregation , meet together solemnely to worship god , &c. are properly ministeriall , &c. answ . concerning our true sense and meaning in our answer to this position wee have spoken in the second consideration of the second and third positions , to which wee referre the reader , onely here wee must ingenuously confesse that our expression , that a minister exercising in another church , doth it not by vertue of any calling , but onely by his gifts , is not so cleare , but may occasion stumbling , yet the the next words following doe fully expresse our mindes , viz. that he doth not put forth such a ministeriall act of authority and power in dispensing of gods ordinances , as a minister doth performe to that church , whereunto hee is called to be a minister , for so hee doth not performe any ministeriall act with that authority : hee doth to his owne which further cleares up our expression in the second consideration , viz. that he is a pastor of none but his proper flocke , although some acts of his office may extend beyond his owne flocke , as we have shewed before ; and therefore in this sense we may still conclude , that if the question be put to any minister ( so exercising in another church ) which was once put to our saviour , by what authority dost thou these things ? let him study how to give an answer , for wee have not yet learned it from this reply . we confesse there are some godly learned servants of christ , who possibly may bee otherwise minded , and thinke that a minister preaching in another congregation , doth it onely as a gifted man ; as the refuter of doctor downam ( with others in former times of reformation ) beleeved also . but we desire that if any difference appeare herein , it may bee no prejudice to the same cause for substance wee maintaine , if by sundry lines wee all meet at last in the same point . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a93091-e190 vid . pe● . mart. loc. com. de excom . brins : watch , part 3. cap. 10. notes for div a93091-e1430 jun. lib. 1. paral . 6. notes for div a93091-e1700 g. apol. cap. 7. q. 2. notes for div a93091-e2680 ibid. p. 138. peter martyr in 1 kings 12. verse 31. pe● . mart. com. l●c de idol in praec . l. 1. iohn 2 , 15 , 16. conc. miliv . can. 12. tertull. apol. cap. 30. vid. chemnit . ex. de innoc. sanctorum . vid. birth of heresies , out of elasopolitans comment . pet. mart. loc . com . de idol . notes for div a93091-e6760 whit. de eccle. 1 cor. 15. 47● vid. brightm . an. in loc. cypr. lib. 3. epist . 13. cypr. lib. 4. epist . 7. * right of presbyt . pag. 482. page 22. page 68. tertul. lib. 4. com. mar. notes for div a93091-e12460 * calvin epist . 332. chamier de euchar . cap. 13. notes for div a93091-e20920 pe● mart. de excom . lo● . com. * officiall . notes for div a93091-e22090 l●b . 1. ●ap . 6. 7 rev. 2. 2 and 3. 9. acts ●●8 . ● . 37. 19. ●7 , ●● , ●9 ▪ cham. de bap. lib. 5. cap. 15.