observations upon the cities of london and rome sir william petty ... petty, william, sir, 1623-1687. 1687 approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a54619 wing p1930 estc r13444 12363288 ocm 12363288 60318 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a54619) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60318) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 220:26) observations upon the cities of london and rome sir william petty ... petty, william, sir, 1623-1687. [4], 4 p. printed for henry mortlocke ... and j. lloyd ..., london : 1687. reproduction of original in harvard university libraries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -population. rome (italy) -population. 2003-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-08 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2003-08 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion windsor , sep. 21 st 1686. i do hereby license these observations to be printed . sunderland p. observations upon the cities of london and rome . by sir william petty , fellow of the royal society . london , printed for henry mortlocke , at the phoenix in st. paul's church-yard , and i. lloyd , in the middle exchange next salisbury-house in the strand . 1687. observations upon the cities of london and rome . 1. that before the year 1630 , the christnings at london exceeded the burials of the same , but about the year 1655 they were scarce half ; and now about two thirds . 2. before the restauration of monarchy in england , anno 1660 , the people of paris were more than those of london and dublin put together , whereas now , the people of london are more than those of paris and rome , or of paris and rouen . 3. anno 1665 one fifth part of the then people of london or 97 thousand died of the plague , and in the next year 1666 , 13 thousand houses or one fifth part of all the housing of london were burnt also . 4. at the birth of christ , old rome was the greatest city of the world , and london the greatest at the coronation of king iames the second , and near 6 times as great as the present rome , wherein are 119 thousand souls besides iews . 5. in the years of king charles the second his death and king iames the second his coronation ( which were neither of them remarkable for extraordinary sickliness or healthfulness ) the burials did wonderfully agree , viz. anno 1684 , they were 23202 , and anno 1685 they were 23222 , the medium whereof is 23212. and the christnings did very wonderfully agree also , having been anno 1684 , 14702 , and anno 1685 , 14732 , the medium whereof is 14716 , which consistence was never seen before , the said number of 23212 burials making the people of london to be 696360 , at the rate of one dying per annum out of 30. 6. since the great fire of london , anno 1666 about 7 parts of 15 of the present vast city hath been new built , and is with its people increased near one half , and become equal to paris and rome put together , the one being the seat of the great french monarchy and the other of the papacy . finis . a further assertion of the propositions concerning the magnitude, &c. of london contained in two essays in political arithmetick mentioned in philos. transact. numb. 183 : together with a vindication of the said essays from the objections of some learned persons of the french nation / by sr. w. petty, knt. ... petty, william, sir, 1623-1687. 1682 approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-11 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a54615 wing p1925a estc r20831 12358399 ocm 12358399 60172 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a54615) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 60172) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 220:22) a further assertion of the propositions concerning the magnitude, &c. of london contained in two essays in political arithmetick mentioned in philos. transact. numb. 183 : together with a vindication of the said essays from the objections of some learned persons of the french nation / by sr. w. petty, knt. ... petty, william, sir, 1623-1687. 4 p. s.n., [s.l. : 1682] caption title. date of publication from wing. reproduction of original in harvard university libraries. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng london (england) -population. paris (france) -population. rome (italy) -population. 2003-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2003-09 john latta sampled and proofread 2003-09 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a further assertion of the propositions concerning the magnitude , &c. of london , contained in two essays in political arithmetick ; mentioned in philos. transact . numb . 183 ; together with a vindication of the said essays from the objections of some learned persons of the french nation , by sr. w. petty knt. r. s. s. 1. it could not be expected that an assertion of londons being bigger than paris and roven , or than paris and rome put together , and bigger than any city of the world , should scape uncontradicted , and 't is expected that i ( if continuing in that perswasion ) should make some reply to these contradictions . 2. i begin with the ingenious author of the novelles de la republique des lettres , who saith , that rey in persia is far bigger than london ; for that in the 6th . century of christianity ( i suppose an. 550. ) it had 15000 , or rather 44 thousand moschees or mahometan temples . to which i reply , that i hope this objector is but in jest , for that mahomet was not borne till about the year 570 , and had no moschees till about 50 years after . 3. the next is the excellent monsieur auzout from rome , who is content , that london , westminster , and southwark — with the contiguous housing may have as many people as paris and its suburbs ; and but faintly denyeth , that all the housing within the bills , may have almost as many people as paris and roven , but saith that several parishes inserted into these bills , are distant from , and not contiguous with london , and that grant so understood it . 4. to which ( as his main , if not only objection ) we answer . 1st . that the london bills appear in grants book to have been , since the year 1636 , as they now are . 2. that about 50 years since , 3 or 4 parishes formerly distant , were joyn'd , by interposed buildings , to the bulk of the city , and therefore then inserted into the bills . 3. that since 50 years the whole buildings being more than double , have perfected that union , so as there is no house within the said bills , from which one may not call to some other house . 4. all this is confirm'd by authority of the king and city , and so long custom . 5. that there are but three parishes under any colour of this exception , which are scarce a two and fiftieth part of the whole . 5. upon sight of monsieur auzouts large letter , i made remarques upon every paragraph thereof , but suppressing it ( because it lookt like a war against one with whome i intended none , whereas in truth it was but a reconciling explication of some doubts , and therefore ) i have chosen the shorter and sweeter way of answering monsieur auzout , as followeth , viz. concerning the number of people in london , as also in paris , roven , and rome , viz. monsieur auzout alleageth an authentick register , that there are 23223 houses in paris , wherein do live above 80 thousand families , and therefore supposing 3½ families to live in every of the said houses one with another ; the number of families will be 81230 ; and monsieur auzout also allowing 6 heads to each family , the utmost number of people in paris , according to mr. auzout's opinion , will be .   487680. the medium of the paris burials was allowed by monsieur auzout to be 19887 , and that there dyed 3506 unnecessarily out of l'hotel dieu , wherefore deducting the said last number , the neat standard for burials at paris , will be 16381 , so as the number of people there , allowing but one to dye out of 30 ( which is more advantagious to paris than monsieur auzouts opinion of one to dye out of 25 ) the number of people at paris will be 491430 ; more than by monsieur auzouts last mentioned accompt .   491430. the medium of the said two paris accompts is —   488055. the medium of the london burialls is 23212 , which multiplyed by 30 ( as hath been done for paris ) the number of the people there will bee .   696360 the number of houses at london appears by the register to bee 105315. whereunto adding a 10th . part or 10531 , as the least number of double families that can bee supposed in london , the total of families will be 115840 : and allowing 6 heads for each family , as was done for paris , the total of the people at london will be .   695076. the medium of the 2 last london accounts is —   695718. the people of paris according to the above-said account is 488055.   of roven according to monsieur auzouts utmost demand , 80000. 693055. of rome according to his own report thereof . 125000.   so as there are more people at london , than at paris , roven , and rome by   2663. memorandum , that the parishes of islington , newington , and hackney , for which only there is any colour of non-contiguity , is not a two and fiftieth part of what is contained in the bills of mortality ; and consequently london without them , hath more people than paris and roven put together , by   114284. several other estimates , viz. i. that london alone is equal to paris , roven , and rome , as aforesaid . ii. that london , bristol , and dublin are equal to paris , amsterdam , and venice . iii. that london alone is to amsterdam , venice , and roven , as 7 to 4. iv. that london and bristol are equal to any four cities of france . v. that dublin is probably equal to the second best city , of any kingdom or state in christendome . vi. that london , for ought appears , is the greatest city of the world , but manifestly the greatest emporium . finis a narrative of the causes and events of civil-war between princes and people together with the manner how the people of rome and of the netherlands rejected and abjured their king and kingly government, with the form of their oaths of abjuration : extracted out of the roman and netherlands history : as likewise some objections now in contest concerning the taking of the like oath in this common-wealth examined and answered, if not for satisfaction at least for information of such as are concerned / by f.m. f. m. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a50889 of text r3469 in the english short title catalog (wing m21). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 43 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a50889 wing m21 estc r3469 13673714 ocm 13673714 101204 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a50889) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 101204) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 794:22) a narrative of the causes and events of civil-war between princes and people together with the manner how the people of rome and of the netherlands rejected and abjured their king and kingly government, with the form of their oaths of abjuration : extracted out of the roman and netherlands history : as likewise some objections now in contest concerning the taking of the like oath in this common-wealth examined and answered, if not for satisfaction at least for information of such as are concerned / by f.m. f. m. 20 p. printed for the authour, london : 1659. reproduction of original in huntington library. eng oaths -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. rome (italy) -history. netherlands -history. a50889 r3469 (wing m21). civilwar no a narrative of the causes and events of civil-war between princes and people. together with the manner how the people of rome, and of the ne f. m 1659 7548 18 0 0 0 0 0 24 c the rate of 24 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-01 jason colman sampled and proofread 2007-01 jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a narrative of the causes and events of civil-war between princes and people . together with ▪ the manner how the people of rome , and of the netherlands ▪ rejected and abjured their king and kingly government ; with the form of their oaths of abjuration , extracted out of the roman and netherlands history . as likewise , some objections now in contest concerning the taking of the like oath in this common-wealth , examined and answered , if not for satisfaction , at least for information of such as are concerned . by f. m. london : printed for the authour , 1659. a narrative of the cavses and events of civil-warre between princes & people . in the alterations that happen sometimes in a state betwixt the prince and a people that is free and priviledged ; there are ordinarily two points which make them to aim at two several ends : the one is , when as the prince seeks to have a full subjection and obedience of the people : and the other , that the people contrariwise require that the prince should maintain them in their freedoms and liberties which he hath promised and sworn solemnely unto them before his reception unto the government ; thereupon quarrels grow , the prince will hold a hard hand , and will by force endeavour to be obeyed according to will and pleasure ; and the people rising against the prince oftentimes ( upon success ) do reject his authority , and seek to embrace and maintain their full liberties . in these first motions there happens sometimes conferences at the instance of neighbours or others in the nation , who may have interest therein to quench this fire of division betwixt the prince and his subjects ; and then if any one of the parties groweth obstinate and will not yield , although he seem to be most in fault , it followeth of necessity that they must come to more violent remedies , that is to say , to arms : the power of the prince is great when he is supported by other princes which joyn with him for the consequence of the example , else it s but small : . but that of the people , which is the body , whereof the prince is the head , stirred up by conscience , especially if the question of religion be touched ; the members ordained for their function doing joyntly their duties ▪ is far greater ; thereupon they wound , they kill , they burn , they ruine , and grow desparate of each side ; but what is the event , god who is an enemy to all tyranny and disobedience judged of their quarrels , weigheth them in his ballance of justice , helping the rightful cause , and either causeth the prince for his rigour , oppression , and tyranny to be punished and chased away , and deprived of his estate and principality ; or the people for their attempt to be punished and brought to reason , which causeth the alteration to cease , and procureth a peace ; whereof there are many examples , both ancient and modern , besides this ensuing narrative of the people of rome and the netherlands . tarquinus superbus being the 7th and last king of rome , after he had reigned twenty five years was banished from thence , together with the whole kingly government , which had then lasted 244 years before the people could shake off that oppressive yoak of their kings , which they effected in the manner , and for the causes following . sextus tarquinus , son to king tarquin the tyrant , being full of lust and cruelty , came to lucretia's house at colatia , a place not far distant from rome , where he had been before kindly entertained by her husband colatinus , who at that time was absent ; and being after supper brought into the guest-chamber , and when he thought all sure , and that every body was fast asleep , he steppeth with naked sword in hand to lucretia as she lay in a profound sleep ; who starting out of her sleep , heard tarquinus speak in this manner ; i am sextus tarquinus , i have my drawn sword in hand , if thou once speak thou shalt surely die ; and if thou wilt not yield to me , i will kill thee ; and for thy perpetual shame and dishonour , will cut the throat of thy servant , and lay him naked by thee , that so it may be rumoured abroad that thou hast been kill'd in adultery : whereupon by violence and force he had her company ; the next morning lucretia did send for her father and husband , who brought along with them valerius and brutus , to whom ( when they came ) she told that sextus tarquinus was the man , who that night past entertained as a friend , but indeed a very foe in the highest degree , had by force and violence taken from hence his pleasure ; a deadly pleasure i may say to me , and to himself no less , if you be men of courage . all of them gave their ▪ assured word and comforted her , whereupon she said , well , what is his due to have , see you to that ; as for me , i quit and assoil my self from sin , yet i will not be freed from punishment , and after other words uttered , with a knife hid under her cloaths , stab'd her self ; out cryed her husband and father thereat , and while they two were in their plaints and moans , brutus drew forth the knife out of the wound of lucretia , holding it out all embrewed and dropping with bloud ; said , now i swear by this blood , by this most chaste and pure blood , before the villanny wrought by the kings son , and here before the gods i protest whom i call to witnesse , that i will by fire and sword , and with all my might and main , persecute 〈…〉 ree the countrey of tarquinus , the proud and his imperious wife and the whole brood of his children , and suffer neither him no●●ny else for his sake to reig●●● king at rome ; then gave he the knife to ●●●●●tinus lucretius , and valerius who took the same oath , and leaving their lamentations followed brutus as their captain and leader , to put down and overthrow the government of kings , and utterly to root out the race ; the dead corps of lucretia was brought in the market-place , and there shewed to the people , who with wondering at such a sight , and so foul and unworthy a fact , they raised much people together , every man for his part was ready to complain of the wickednesse and violence done by the kings blood ; brutus who rebuked all vain weeping and foolish moaning , moved and perswaded all that were present , that like men of valour , like true-hearted romans , they would take arms against those that demeaned themselves no better , nay worse then ordinary enemies . thereupon all the people armed themselves , and towards rome they went , where in the market place he related to the people then assembled the villany committed upon lucretia ; and moreover he laid abroad the pride of the king himself , the miseries , the infinite toil and pain of the commons buried as it were under ground , with cleansing and casting of ditches , voiding and farming of the sinks ; saying that the men of rome who were the conquerors of all nations about them , were now of warriors become quarriors , hewers of stone , and day-labourers ; thus rehearsing these and other matters , much more grievous and horrible , he so mightily inflamed the multitude , that he caused the king to be deposed and degraded of his royal state and dignity , yea and to decree and enact , that king tarquinus and his wife and children should be banished for ever , which accordingly was effected ; and after all the armies and people had forsaken him , brutus being then appointed consul , and for fear least the magistrates and people might at any time after be won by entreaty , or moved by gifts on the kings part , he caused them to swear , that they would never suffer any to be king at rome , after which the senate was fil'd with such as took the same oath , in lieu of those that were murthered by the kings command , to the full number of three hundred ▪ so jealous were the people afterwards of their liberties , that one of their consuls name being tarquinus , without they could have any other thing to say against him but his name , who they said was dangerous to a free-state , thereupon was perswaded to retire from the city , and brutus by an act and decree of the senate , proposed to the people , that all the race and linage of the tarquin's should be exiled and banished , which was accordingly effected . no man doubted then , but that the tarquins were about to take arms , but seeing that no man feared , the romans had like by fraud and treason at home , to have lost and foregon their freedoms again , and that the reader may know that the very same thing endeavoured at rome to restore the tarquins , is that which hath several times been , and at present is endeavoured in england ; the story is briefly thus ; there were certain youths of the flower of rome , descended of no low degree nor parentage , who in the kings dayes had lived like young princes , more loosely and at pleasure as companions and play-fellows with the young tarquins the kings sons , who seeking to enjoy the same licentious life still in this equality of state , wherein all others then lived , made moan and complained one to another , that the liberty of others turned to their servitude . the king say they , is a man at whose hand one might obtain somewhat as need requireth , were the cause right or were it wrong , where a man might find favour and friendship , as who could be displeased and angry , and also forgive and remit a fault , and knew well how to make difference between a friend and a foe ; as for laws they are deaf and inexorable , more wholesome and commodious to the poor then to the rich and mighty , affording no release or pardon , if one chance to trespasse and transgresse , and a ticklish point it is and perilous for a man amongst so many errors , whereto our frailty is subject , to bear himself onely upon his innocent life ; being thus of their own accord already discontent ( as it may boldly be averred the young nobility and others of the loose people of england are at this time upon the like account ) suddenly unlookt for came ambassadors to rome from king tarquinus , who without mention at all of return , demanded onely their goods again , and while the businesse was in debate in the senate , these ambassadors privately sounded the minds of these young gentle-men , whom they found ready to conspire with them for the return of the king . the ambassadors having obtained the restauration of the kings goods , and ready to depart , had private meetings with those young gentle-men , who for assurance of their fidelity to the king , signed a letter which they delivered to the said ambassadors , all which was detected by a bond-slave , who had overheard them when they delivered the letter , presently giving notice thereof to the consul , who apprehended the said ambassadors , and found the said letter , and thereupon all the conspirators were apprehended ; and to see how much pagans made esteem of their oaths and protestations , brutus then consul , having two of his sons , to wit , titus and tiberius , who were in the conspiracy , himself saw them executed , and being bound at a stake , the people pittied them not so much for being punished , as for deserving by their fact to be punished , that they could find in their hearts , and once let enter into their thoughts , to betray into the hands of tarquinus ( a proud prince , and then a cruel enemy and banished rebel ) their native countrey , lately , and in that very year set free from captivity , and their natural father who set it free . now for the kings goods which were ordered to be restored , were flatly afterwards denied by the senate , who would not confiscate and bring them to the publick treasury , but were given away amongst the commons , to the end they having once touched or seized on the kings goods , as a booty , might for ever after be past all hope of any peace or favour with them . not long afterwards tarquin obliged king perceua with a cruel army to march against rome , & to endeavour the restoring of him to the kingdom , and to shew how much it conduceth to the safety of a commonwealth that the people thereof should engage against the banished kings , and absolutely to abjure and renounce them and their line for ever , and how far such an oath doth engage a people to keep them out , take this short story of king porcena , being with his army at the very walls of rome , and in great hope to take it and restore tarquin ▪ one cajus mucius afterwards surnamed scaevola , together with others of the romans , to the number of 300. engaged one with another to venture their lives in going to the camp of porcena , and to kill him , rather then suffer their country to be again enslaved . it fell to the lot of this scaevola to go first , and coming into the camp with a scain hid under his garment , he presseth in the thickest throng to stand near the kings tribunal ; it happened , that then and their the souldiers were receiving their pay , and the chancellor or king porcenas principal secretary sate together with the king in like aray ; scaevola fearing to enquire whether of them two were porcena , least he should discover himself , in lieu of porcena he killed the chancellor , and afterwards with his bloody weapon making his way through the fearful multitude , was laid hold on and brought before king porcena sitting then upon his throne , to whom he said , i am a citizen of rome , and cajus mucius is my name , a professed enemy i confesse , and an enemy would i have slain , as ready and willing am i to die my self as i was to kill another , for both to do and suffer valiantly is the part of a noble roman , and it s not i alone that carry this resolution , against thee o king , there is a long train behind of them that seek to win the same praise and honour , make thee ready therefore and arm thy self if thou think good against this danger , and reckon every hour to be in hazard of thy life , and to have alwayes at the very court gates thy enemies sword ; this kind of war we youths of rome denounce openly to thee , no battel , no fight else shalt thou need to fear , with thee alone will we all one by one have to do , and with no other . hereat king porcena incensed with wrath , and for the danger he stood in affrighted withall , commanded in menacing wise , that he should be fryed at a stake , unless he would presently unfold in plain terms what secret and dangerous practices he meant , and threatned under covert circuit of words and intricate circumstances ; lo , said he again , how little they set by this carcase that aspires to great glory and aim at honour , and with that thrust his right hand into the hearth of fire that was made for the sacrifice , and when he endured the roasting thereof , as if he had been senceless and felt no pain , the king well nigh astonished at this wonderful and miraculous sight , started up from his royal seat and chair of state , commanding the young man to be had from the altar ; go thy wayes ( said he ) in peace , thou hast done thy self more mischief then thou hast attempted against my person , i would say god blesse thee , and worthy hast thou been of honour for thy pro●ess , if it were in my service and in the behalf and defence of my own country , and now by the law of war i discharge thee freely and give thee leave to depart without any hurt or abuse offered unto thee . then scaevola as it were to requite his courtesie and desert , said , forasmuch as thou settest so great esteem in valour , and honourest vertue so highly , to the end it may be seen , that thou shalt get at my hands by courtesie that which by cruel threats thou couldct not , these are therefore to let thee understand , that there are 300. of us noble youths , even the very flower and knighthood of rome , that have conspired and swore thy death , and in this manner to assail thee ; my lot it was to be the first , the rest as is shall fall out will be here very shortly and wait every man his turn and time until they hit right upon thee ; scaevola was no sooner gone back to rome , but suddenly followed after him ambassadours from porceua , offering the romans conditions of peace , which was agreed , and porceuae withdrew his army from rome . but sometimes after sent other ambassadours again to rome to treat about restoring the tarquins to the realm , to whom the romans answered , that the senate would send ambassadours to king porceus himself , who accordingly were dispatched , and delivered the speech following , that the chief of their nobles were sent rather then any dispatch given by word of mouth to his ambassadours at rome , not for that they could have shapen them this short answer , they will no kings have , but to this end that for ever after there should be no suite rend●ed of that matter ; nor in so great mutual benefits and favours passed between them , some discontentment arise on either side while he might be thought to request that which is repugnant and prejudiciall to the liberty of rome , and the romans again ( unless they would be executors of their own wrongs , and seek their own destruction ) to make denyal unto him , whom by their good wills they would not seem to deny any thing of the world . but as to the substance of the matter this was the point , namely that the people of rome were not under the government of kings , but were a free state , and fully setled in this purpose , to set open their gates sooner unto enemies then to kings , and were generally of this mind and resolution , that when the freedom of that city had an end , then should the city come to an end also , to conclude therefore they were to entreat him that if he tendred the weal and safetie of rome , he would permit them to be free still at their own liberty ; king porceus overcome with very modestie and much abased himself , answered thus again , since you are so fully minded and stifly bent ( said he ) neither will i importune you , nor dull your ears with harping still upon this unpleasing string , and do no good , nor bear the tarquins any longer in hand , and deceive them of that hope of ayde , which nothing at all is in my power to perform , let them henceforth seek any other place of exile either for peace or war as they shall think most expedient , that there may be nothing to let and hinder the free course of amity and alliance between me and you . thus tarquinus seeing all hopes of return cut off , removed to tuscalum , and afterwards died at cumes . thus reader thou hast a short narrative of the cause and manner of the banishment of the kings of rome , and what course the romans took to keep them out from ever returning . now followeth that of the netherlands , in freeing themselves from the yoak of philip the king of spain , as it is extracted out of the edict or declaration of the general estates of the netherlands , dated at the hague the 26th of iuly , 1581. to all those that these presents shall see , read or hear , greeting ; as it is well known unto all men , that a prince and lord of a country is ordained by god to be soveraign & head over his subjects , and to preserve and defend them from all injuries , force and violence , even as a shepherd for the defence of his sheep , and that the subjects are not created by god for the prince to obey him in all he shall command , be it with god or against him , reasonable or unreasonable , nor to serve him as slaves and bond men ; but rather the prince is ordained for his subjects ( without which he cannot be a prince ) to govern them according to law , equity and reason , to take care for them and to love them , even as a father doth his children , or a shepherd his sheep , who putteth both his body and life in danger , to defend and preserve them ; if the prince therefore faileth herein , and instead of preserving his subjects , doth outrage and oppress them , depriveth them of their priviledges and antient customs , commandeth them and would be served of them as of slaves , they are no longer bound to respect him as their soveraign prince and lord , but to esteem of him as of a tyrant ; neither are the subjects ( according unto law and reason ) bound to acknowledge him as their prince , so as without any offence being done with deliberation and authority of the states of the countrey , they may freely abandon him , especially , when as the subjects by humble suite , entreaty and admonitions could never mollifie their princes heart , nor divert him from his enterprise and tyrannous designs , so as they have no other means left them to preserve their antient liberties , their wives , children and posterity , for the which ( according to the law of nature ) they are bound to expose both life and goods , as for the like occasion we have seen it to fall out often in divers countreys , whereof the examples are yet fresh in memory , which ought especially to be of force in these countreys , who have alwayes been and ought to be governed according to the oath taken by their princes , when they receive them , conformable to their priviledge and antient custome , having no power to infringe them ; besides , that most part of the said provinces have alwayes received and admitted their princes and lords upon certain conditions and sworn contracts , which if the prince shall violate , he is by right fallen from the rule and superiority of the countrey , &c. and after they have made a recital of his cruelties , oppressions and tyrannies , they further proceed . that having duly considered all these things , and being prest by extreme necessity , we have by a general resolution and consent , declared , and do declare by these presents , the king of spain ( ipso jure ) to be fallen from the seignory , principality , jurisdiction and inheritance of these countreys ; and that we are resolved never to acknowledge him any more in any matter concerning the prince , jurisdictions or demean of these netherlands , nor to use hereafter , neither yet to suffer any other to use his name as soveraign lord thereof , according to which we declare all officers , private noble men , vassals and other inhabitants of these countreys , of what condition or quality soever , to be from henceforth discharged of the oath which they have made in any manner whatsoever unto the king of spain , as lord of these countries , or of that whereby they may be bound unto him , &c. enjoyning and commanding all judges , officers and all others to whom it shall appertain , that hereafter they forbear to use any more the name , titles , great seal or signet of the king of spain , and have injoynned and commanded , and do injoyn and command , that all the king of spain ▪ seals which are at this present within these vnited provinces , shall be delivered into the sates hands , and that from henceforth the name and armes of the king of spain , shall not be put nor stampt in any coyns of these vnited provinces , but that there shall be such a figure set upon them as shall be appointed , &c. in like sort we injoyn and command the presidents and lords of the councel and all other chancellours , presidents , provincial counsuls , and all presidents & chief masters of accounts & others of all chambers of accounts , being respectively in these countreys , and also all other judges and officers , as holding them discharged of the oath which they have made to the king of spain , according to the tenure of the commissions , that they shall take a new oath in the hands of the states of the provinces where they are , or to their deputies , whereby they shall swear to be faithful to us against the king of spain and his adherents , according to the form set down by us ; which oath accordingly was taken by the publick officers and magistrates of every town and province , and is as followeth : i swear , that hereafter i shall not serve nor yield obedience to philip king of spain , nor acknowledge him for my prince and lord , whom i do renounce by these presents , and do hold my self free from all oaths and bands by the which i might be formerly tyed unto him . whereof finding my self presently freed , i swear anew , and bind my self to the united provinces , and namely , to them of brabandt , guelder , hollandt , zealandt , and their allies , and to the soveraign magistrates that are appointed , to be faithful and loyal unto them , to yield them all obedience , aid and comfort with all my power and means , against the king of spain and his . adherents , and against all the enemies of the countrey , promising as a good subject of the countrey to carry my self faithfully and loyally , with shew of all obedience to my superiors ; so , help me the almighty god . many notwithstanding made great difficulty to abjure the king and to take the new oath , among others a councellour of frieslandt , a man of great judgement and experience , called raa●da , hearing the abjuration propounded in open councel at leuwarden , and the renewing of the oath ( whether it were through a sudden amazement , or for the affection which he bare to the king of spain ) was so troubled , as he fell in a convulsion and died presently . now impartial reader , that you have seen a short and true narrative extracted out of antient and modern history , whereby you may receive satisfaction of the causes wherefore the romans and our neighbours of the netherlands rejected and renounced their kings and kingly office , and how they provided against their ever returning to rule over them ; upon the whole matter it may be queried , whether the parliament and good people of england , after god had so signally and miraculously owned their cause against the late king and family , have not had an equivalent or far greater cause to free these three nations of the yoak of monarchs and monarchy , then the romans or the states of the netherlands had , which any one may easily be convinced of , if he will but take the pains and time to read the history of the reign of the kings of england , scotland , &c. but especially from the coming of that bastard brood to the late tyrant ; what murthers , rapines , oppressions , wars , devastations , cruelties , ravishments and what not have been acted in the three nations , during that time ? i shall onely hint to some few , as first of king john , of whom the history relates , that when he had endeavoured by force of armes and by other barbarous cruelties to impose his yoak of bondage and slavery over his people , whom he forced to take up armes for his own defence , and that after they had obtained several victories against him , whereby he was reduced to great extreams , yet would not grant them peace , till he had made tryal of all manner of cruel wayes to subdue them by force , one whereof was , that rather then grant to the people their liberties and freedoms , he sent to the king of the moors , and made him an offer that if he would send an army in england , he would deliver up his right and title to him . but to come nearer our time , what cruel murtherer and tyrant was richard the third and henry the 8th ▪ his own queens and many of his nobles could not escape his fury , and that for no other crime but to satisfie his cruelty , lust and pleasure ; so notorious was he , that to this day the proverb remaineth resent of him , that he neither spared man in his fury , nor woman in his lust . queen mary another fury , how many pretious souls she caused to be brought to the stake and burned . king james , so little he esteemed the lives of the people ( although no man of war ) yet ( if by accident ) any one hindred his sport in hunting , or not opened a gate as soon as he commanded , he would curse and swear , and give express command that such a one should be hanged ; and for his son , what wars , desolations and miseries hath he been authour of in the 3 nations , how many thousands killed and ruined , how many millions of treasure exhausted , what plots contrived by him and his queen to subvert law and religion in these nations , his inviting of the german horse in time of peace , and in time of war pawn the jewels of the crown , to bring over whole regiments of papists , to kill , destroy , plunder , ravish and barbarously use the protestant people of this nation ; and moreover of my certain knowledge their sending sir kelom digbys to the pope for assistance , &c. the realty of these unparallel'd actings being seriously corsidered , and all by-ends and self-interest laid aside , and onely that of the publick eyed upon , then it must needs be acknowledged , that besides those enormities , that many lucretias have been ravished by those kings and their interest , and that their wars , devastations and cruelties have far exceeded either those of the tarquin's , or kings of spain at rome or in the netherlands ; in rome the ravishing of one lucretia ( by the kings son ) was the principal occasion of the peoples banishing and abjuring the whole brood of their kings ; and in the netherlands the oppression and cruelty of the king of spain occasioned the states of that countrey to do the like ; weigh but the one and the other together in the ballance of justice and reason , against the cruelties and licentious wills of our kings , and you will be sure to find them light and inconsiderable ; as to what hath been exercised here since the normans subdued england under their heavy and oppressive yoak ; that in reason it must be acknowledged and granted that for the safety of the people , the parliament of england have ( after their so many signal victories , and their ownings of god for the same ) far more and justifiable reasons , to renounce and cause to be renounced , the whole line of the kings and kingship , or other single persons pretending any right or title of chief magistrates over these nations , then either the romans or state of the netherlands had in renouncing and abjuring their king and kingship ; against which oath it may be objected , first , that the oath of abjuration taken by the romans and netherlands could not be advantagious to them as for the keeping out their kings from returning , and that ( say some ) because any wicked man to bring his designs to pass , will make no difficulty nor conscience to swallow any manner of oaths . to which it may be answered , that this short narrative extracted out of the history , is sufficient to remove that objection ; for first , it is not to be doubled , had it not been for the oath taken by the romans against the return of their kings , undoubtedly they had never been kept out . and secondly for the states of the netherlands , it was not onely useful to weed out of their armies and garrisons all the friends of the king of spain , and likewise out of the courts of justice and other places of eminent trust ; and certainly , if the hearing of it read and proposed could have so much power as to kill that great and wise counsellor , how much more dreadful was it to all others of the king of spains faction and party , who several of them upon refusal of the said oath were displaced out of their several imployments ; and besides it is very remarkable , that after it was imposed upon all military officers , there was neither garrisons nor forces betrayed to the king of spain , as formerly before it was daily observed there was ; whereupon the king of spain was forced to make peace with them . and thirdly , it is impossible for the rarest artists of the world to erect any lasting fabrick upon an old foundation , unless first the rubish and old ruine thereof be absolutely removed and cast out , so likewise and comparatively it is impossible of a monarchical government to introduce and establish upon a sure basis a democratical government , without first casting off and renouncing that old ruinous and rubish government of king and kingship , which if it had been effected in the year 1648 when these nations were declared a free state , by imposing an oath of that nature upon those persons then eminently intrusted in civil & military places , there is sufficient ground to believe that cromwell nor his adherents would never have attempted to subvert and usurp the government as they did , which hath in a manner almost ruined both the cause and nation ; and for want of taking such an oath , we see what hopes the family of the stuarts and other single persons have had and have still to return , which will never be removed , until ( in imitation of our neighbours the netherlands ) those back-doors be dammed up by taking such an oath ; and moreover doth not at present the royal party dare with boldness assert and maintain , laying wagers to one that the chief in parliament and army will refuse the same , and upon that do openly declare their great hopes , which would be soon over if those worthies would be but sensible thereof , and put no further delayes in a business of so great concernment to the settlement of the nation and commonwealth . the second objection which is found in the mouths of many which are no better then kinglings , but would put it off upon a case of conscience ( viz. ) that in case god who is the omnipotent over all governments of the world , should in his providence seem good to bring back some of the line of the late king to be ruler over these nations , then say they , if we should take such an oath of abjuration or renunciation , we should be found to have resisted the will of god . for answer , god is just and righteous in all his dispensations and providences , and for any person that hath seen and several times returned thanks unto him for his wonderful and miraculous providences in owning a cause so much contended for , by giving so many signal and marvellous victories and deliverances to this parliament and their forces , against the late king & family in several conflicts , and that at such a time when he was very formidable , and his party and armies consisted of most of the nobility and gentry of the three nations , and yet god by making use of a company of men of low estate and condition , and not brought up in the military art , did in such wonderful manner own and prosper them in that war against the king and his son , that at length the father was by his divine providence brought to the block , and the sons endeavours all blasted and brought to nought , i say when men have been eye witnesses of such extraordinary providences , in not onely blasting and disowning kingship in that family , but likewise in the late family of the apostate cromwells who attempted the same , and that by a parliamentary way ; and besides for such as have made war against kingship and against that family , and voted the kingly office uselesse , dangerous and chargeable , making it treason to promote charles stuart or any other to be chief magistrate of england , selling all the support of kingship and all other estate belonging to it ; and seeing also the parliament after several interruptions ( during which time several endeavours were used to bring kingship again ) to be miraculously restored , & to live to see god take vengeance of all those who had been chief actors in endeavouring to inthrall us under the yoke of the cromwells , &c. for such i say again after all this not to be convinced of the lawfulness of renouncing or declaiming that whole line and others pretenders to it , is certainly to doubt of gods constancy and justice , there being as much conscience or reason to plead the same providence against abjuring , renouncing or declaiming the popes supreamacie over these nations , who for during far longer time had dominion and jurisdiction over them , so that upon the whole matter , it cannot be imagined that if the pleasure of god was such as to suffer any of that family or other , to rule over these nations , that it can be to any other end then as a scourge and plague to the nations and to those persons in particular who are so incredulous and timerous , who with many other in the nation may be compared to those of the israelites , who ( after their wonderful deliverances from under the yoke of king pharaoh ) did murmure while they were in the wilderness , desiring to return to their former state and condition of slavery and bondage , by reason they could not enjoy the garlick and onions of egypt , not minding the land of caanan and of plenty , towards which they were going , which is the condition of many murmurers in these nations who cannot or rather will not see nor dive into the freedom and plenty to be had and enjoyed under a democratical or free-state government , which is the thing now aimed and laboured hard for , and which without doubt had long since been obtained and enjoyed , but for the endeavours and desires of so many in the nation to return to their egyptian bondage and slavery . lastly , an expedient is by some learned men , proposed and offered in lieu of taking the oath of abjuration , renuntiation or declamation of the race of the kings , &c. say such a law may be made whereby it shall be declared to be high treason for any person to propose , help or endeavour the bringing any of that family or others to be chief magistrates of england , &c. to which it is answered , that such a law ( without first imposing such an oath ) cannot oblige any person against the return of any of that line , or the introduction of any other single person , and that for these reasons ▪ first , such a law doth not bind the consciences and persons of any as an oath doth , which is voluntary and personally obliging . secondly , because of late there hath been a sufficient experiment of the same in cromwell and others , assuming to themselves the government of these nations , although it was here declared high treason by a known law so to do . thirdly , because such a law ( although never so strict ) may be repealed , which such an oath can never be . fourthly , because if any one of that family or other should attempt by force to overthrow the government of these nations , such a law obliges no man to oppose them , which an oath doth in ●erminis . lastly , because such a law cannot discover who that is in the commonwealth service , that may be an enemy to it , which an oath will soon discover , and out all such kinglings both out of the courts of justice , as likewise out of the army and garrisons . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a50889e-180 vide the first book of titus livius , page 41 , 42. vide ▪ the second book of titus livius , p. 44 , 45. vide the same book , page 45 , 46 , 47. vide , the second book of titus livius page 49 , to 54. vide , the general history of the netherlands , written by grimeston and cross , and printed in the year 1627. vide , the 12 book , page 659. to page 666. a discours of the empire, and of the election of a king of the romans, the greatest busines of christendom now in agitation as also of the colledg of electors, their particular interests, and who is most likely to be the next emperour / by j.h. howell, james, 1594?-1666. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a44712 of text r4781 in the english short title catalog (wing h3065). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 124 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 67 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a44712 wing h3065 estc r4781 13201221 ocm 13201221 98449 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a44712) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 98449) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 421:14) a discours of the empire, and of the election of a king of the romans, the greatest busines of christendom now in agitation as also of the colledg of electors, their particular interests, and who is most likely to be the next emperour / by j.h. howell, james, 1594?-1666. [7], 109, [17] p. printed by f.l. for charles webb ..., london : 1658. written by james howell. cf. bm. "senesco, non segnesco" printed between author's initials. includes index. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. eng electors (kurfürsten) -early works to 1800. holy roman empire -kings and rulers. holy roman empire -history -1648-1804. germany -history -1517-1871. rome (italy) -history -1420-1798. a44712 r4781 (wing h3065). civilwar no a discours of the empire, and of the election of a king of the romans, the greatest busines of christendom now in agitation. as also of the howell, james 1658 19962 5 5 0 0 0 0 5 b the rate of 5 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2004-10 ben griffin sampled and proofread 2004-10 ben griffin text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a discours of the empire , and of the election of a king of the romans , the greatest busines of christendom now in agitation . as also of the colledg of electors , their particular interests , and who is most likely to be the next emperovr . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . j. senesco , non segnesco . h. london , printed by f. l. for charles webb , at the bores-head in s. pauls church-yard 1658. the summ and substance of the ensuing discours as it is divided to seven sections . the proeme , shewing the motives that induc'd the author to undertake this task . the first section , treats of the first rise of the roman empire , and of the sundry rotations , or retrogradations of goverment that hapned in rome , &c. the second section , treats of the septemvirat , or the electors of the roman empire , their primitive constitution , and power ; with their precedence , and offices , &c. the third section , treats of the stile , and title of emperour , or caesar , and of the king of the romans , &c. the fourth section , treats of the diet , or imperial parlement , and the members therof , with the division of germany , and the strength of the empire , &c. the fift section , consists of a parralel 'twixt the empire pass'd , and the present , with the causes first and last of the declination therof , &c. the sixt section , treats of the enlargement of the colledg of electors , from seven , to an octum virat ; and of the contest that 's now 'twixt the count palatin of the rhin , and the duke of bavaria , touching the vicarship of the empire , &c. the seventh section , consists of som reflexes made upon the present conjuncture of things , and the political condition of germany , with a conjecture who is likely to be king of the romans , and consequently the next emperour , &c. a corollary . pauca in multa diffundere est opus ingenii , multa in pauca digerere est opus artis . a discours of the empire , in a letter sent lately to a noble personage . my lord , the election of a king of the romans , and consequently of a western emperour , being now the gran busines in agitation , and wheron the eyes not only of all christendom , but of other princes ( as well turk as tartar ) are more earnestly fix'd than at other times , because of so long a vacancy , and a kind of demurr ; as also for the opposition that france , with all her confederatts , are like to make for secluding , and putting by the house of austria ( especially the young king of hungary ) wherin the german empire hath continued above two hundred and odde yeers . and wheras that after som loose extemperall communications lately upon this subject , your lordshipp desir'd much to be inform'd of the present estate and interests of germany , together with the power and primitive constitution of the septemvirat , or the colledg of electors , with other reflexes upon that point ; being returned home , i fell a rummaging my old papers , and such remarques that i gathered when i was employ'd in some parts of the empire , and to comply with your lordshipps desires ( which shall alwaies be as binding to me as decrees ) i have digested into this short ensuing discours , consisting of seven sections . the first section . treating of the first rise of the roman empire , and the sundry rotations , or retrogradations of goverments that hapned in rome , &c. now for a cleerer illustration of things , and a more regular proceeding , it is not amiss to fetch in matters from their fundamental ( for the furthest way about is somtimes the neerest way home specially in the reserches of truth . ) and to do this , we must go to rome , a city that hath had as many strange traverses of fortune , and turns of goverment , as any other upon earth , having bin eight several times ravish'd and ransack'd by sundry warlike nations . first by brennus the bold britain , then by alaric the goth , afterwards by ge●sericus the vandale , then twice by to●ila the hun , after him by the moores and saracens , then by three christian emperours , viz. by henry the fourth , otho the third , and charles the fift when his general the duke of bourbon breath'd his last in scaling her walls , ( and she was lately like to receive an ill-favour'd shock by the duke of parma ) yet she never fell sans recource as they say , or was ever layed so flat upon her back , but she recovered herself , and rays'd up her crest again , whence it may be inferr'd , that an extraordinary providence , and tutelar genius doth attend that citty ; 't is tru that the translating of the imperial court by constantine , to bizantium ( which he christned afterwards with his own name ) was fatal to rome , when the glory of the tyber and tyrrhene sea pass'd over to the hellespont , yet a spiritual head preserv'd her still in some lustre , in so much that when the pope came to be her master , she might have bin sayed to have bin reduc'd to her first principles , and to have pass'd from one shepheard to another , viz. from romulus , to sylvester ; but ther were a world of vicissitudes and revolutions of goverments interven'd , and pass'd between ; her primitive , and original way of ruling was by kings , but , after a hundred and forty yeers continuance , she surfetted upon that , which surfett may be sayed to have proceeded from the peeples wantones rather than from tarquins lust ; then , she was govern'd a while by consulls , so call'd a consulends carrying a memento of their duty is their names ; then followed the decemvirs who were put down for the same vice that destroyed the kings after that , the supremacy was delated to two tribunes ; then it revolv'd to consulls , then to tribunes again , b●● more than two , which lasted a good tract of time above seventy yeers , then came consuls in again the third time , after that dictators , untill caius iulius caesars time who was the first perpetuall dictator , and a little after the first emperour , though it cost him dear , for he might be sayed to have cimented the foundation of the roman empire with his own bloud being murther'd in the senat by small contemptible tools , yet it remain'd in his progeny to six descents , viz. to domitius nero . thus after so many rotations or retrogradations of goverments , and a kind of cushion dance of several kind of rulers , the imperial was established at last , and the successive emperours were us'd to be chosen by the senat , and then saluted by the army ; but afterwards the legionary soldiers & pretorian bands made emperours sub hasta in the field , and galba was the first who was chosen so , and that with the consent of the senat ; now , it was the most unpolitique act that ever the roman senat committed , which prov'd so fatal to so many of the following emperours who held not their security as much as their lifes from the soldiers , which took them away at plesure ; for after that the election pass'd from the senat to the sword , ther were above thirty emperours that were put to violent deaths , and som of them very tragical , fower murthered themselfs , many also of those that were adopted caesars , and design'd to succeed in the empire were untimely made away , being rays'd to that pitch that they might perish the sooner , as an author sayes . but to go more punctually to work we will muster up here most of those emperours that came to immature and violent deaths ; iulius caesar was assassinated in the senat. octavius the first augustus ( called so ab augendo imperium , from enlarging the territories of the empire ) was made away by his wife livia ; tiberius by macro ; caligula by cassius chereas ; claudius poyson'd by his wife agrippina ; nero and otho slew themselfs ; galba and vitellius were done away by the soldiers ; domitian by stephanus ; commodus by letus , and electus ; pertinax and iulianus by the praetorian bands ; caracalla by macrinus command ; macrinus , heliogabalus , alexander , maximinus , maximus , and balbinns by the soldiers ; hostilianus by gallus and aemilianus , and they by the legions ; valerianus died in parthia ; florianus waas ccessary to his own death ; aurelianus murther'd by his own meniall servants ; gallienus , quintillus , tacitus and probus by the militia , &c. now , that which heighned the spirits of the soldiery to such infolences , was the largesses , and encrease of salary , that the praetorian bands us'd to receave from the new emperour , which pernicious kind of bounty was begun first by claudius caesar , and is now practised by the turk : for evry new sultan useth to enhance the pay of the spahies , and ianizaries to so many aspers more for fear of mutinieng , which in time may be the bane of the ottoman empire , for such hath bin the presumption allready of the sayed ianizaries of late yeers that they have murther'd two of their emperours in lesse than five and twenty yeers . but in the roman empire the military bands came to such an exorbitancy of power , that somtimes they did prostitute , and put the empire to sale by publique outcry , as we read how sulpitianus offerd twenty sestertiums ( which are neer upon eight pounds sterling apeece ) to evry soldier , but iulianus rays'd the market higher , and out-bad him ; but constantine the great ( the first christian emperour and a britain born ) found out the policy to regulat , & lessen the praetorian bands , till at last he quite casheerd them , at least reduc'd them to such a nomber that they could do no hurt . the removal of the imperial court to constantinople , though it prov'd advantagious to the bishop of rome , who had the citty transferr'd unto him by way of a pious donation from constantine about his departure from italy to the levant , as the church annals affirm , though some by way of drollery , and derogation to the pope do say , that he hath the same right to rome , as venice hath to the dominion of the adriatique gulph , and that they are both inserted in one patent , though that patent cannot be found upon any record ; i say though this removall was an advantage to the bishop of rome , yet it prov'd very prejudiciall to italy in general , and to all the western parts of the empire , for many rough-hewn northern nations , that desir'd to come neerer the sun , took the advantage hereby to rush in , not only to italy , and harasse her so often , but like so many fwarms of locusts they cover'd other countreys , ( and some fear'd the like of the late swedish army , had they prosper'd in poland ) the huuns took such firm footing that they gave the name to hungary ; the longobards to insubria , and the territoties about milan ; the goths and vandales piercing the very heart of france overcame spain , and denominated andaluzia , insomuch that the present king of spain doth acknowledg himself to be de la sangre de los godos , to descend from the goths , wherby som wold inferr that he is a german not only by extraction from the house of austria , but also from the gothique race , who were a branch of the teutons , or germans , taking the word in the largest sense ; but more properly may germany challenge the french , and english to be her children , the first comming from the territories of franconia , the other from the lower circle of saxony wherof they bear the names ( saissons ) among the welsh and irish to this day . but to proceed from the main subject , the eastern part of the roman empire bore up many ages after constantine with som lustre in the levant , though the northwest parts suffred many eclipses , being so pittifully dilacerated , and torn by the fury of forein nations ; now the chiefest cause therof may be ascrib'd to the remotenes of the emperours person at constantinople , who by reason of so incommunicable a distance could not reach a timely hand to assist them with auxiliaries ; but about the yeer eight hundred a new kind of auspicious star appeer'd in the west , which was charlemain , whom the germans do claym to be their compatriot , though they go a great way back and fetch him from pharamond , or the first race of the kings who invaded gallia , and by way of conquest call'd it france . charlemain was the gran-child of charles martell , who being maire of the palace , or chief steward and surintendent of the kings court gott his son pepin to be crown'd king of france over the head of chilperic his liege lord and master , martel giving out that he did not follow the ambition of his heart , but the inspirations of heaven in this act ; so the scotts stories tell us that the family of the stewards came to be kings of scotland by taking their surnames from their office , for as charles martell was in france , so the first of them was steward of the kings court in scotland . pepin though a little man did great exploits , for he cross'd the alpes , and recover'd lombardy where a race of goths had bin kings above 200 yeers , and at his return to france conferr'd the exarcbatship , or vicegerency of italy upon the bishop of rome . charlemain his son did higher achievments , for he clammer'd ore the pyreneans and debell'd the saracens in spain , discomfited the saxons , and confirm'd the conquest of italy , so that he was solemnly saluted emperour of the west at rome by the general voice , and wonderfull acclamations of the peeple , and so confirm'd by the popes benediction ( leo the 4th . on christmas day . nicehporus in constantinople storm'd extremely at first ther shold be another emperour besides himself , alledging that he was the sole roman emperour , and accordingly us'd to send his exarques , or viceroyes to govern italy , but not knowing how to remedy it , he complied at last with charlemagne who then kept his court in germany , where he died , and was buried at aquisgrave , leaving ludovicus his son to succeed him , who partitioning the empire afterwards twixt his three sonns did wonderfully enervat and enfeeble it , as a great river cutt out into many armes , and sluces must needs grow weaker and shallower in her first bed . now , though charlemain was an extraordinary heroique , and a magnanimous gallant man as his actions tell us , yet his children for fower descents together did strangely degenerat , and prov'd but poor spirited men , his son lewis was call'd the gentle for his soft nature , charles the bald was of a baser alloy than hee , lewis the stuttring inferior to both , charles the grosse the last emperour and king of france died a most disastrous death ; after him the empire was soly devolv'd to the germans ; charlemain and his dependants enjoy'd it 118 yeers , then it came to the house of saxony who held it 117 yeers , the house of suevia 110 , other families ( wherof the house of the count palatine of the rhin , and of nassaw were somtimes ) held the empire 112 yeers , untill it came to the house of austria , who have held it longer than any one family ever did . now , ther is a remarquable tradition how the house of austria came to that comble of greatnes , which they report thus , rodulph earl of habspurg returning homeward fromhunting one day overtook a priest that had the eucharist under his habit , comming from visiting a sick body , the earl finding he was tyr'd alighted , and help'd the priest a horsback , and holding the bridle in his hand wayted upon him as a lacquay till he came to the church , and replac'd the host upon the altar , the priest sang an extraordinary masse ( where the earl devoutly attended all the while ) and pronouncing the benediction at the end , he cross'd the earl , saying that for so signal , and a sweet act of piety , his house shold be one of the greatest , and most glorious families that ever was upon earth , which prov'd tru , for a while after not only the german empire , but the east , and west indies , with all the dominions of spain , wherof some are the tother side of the world , came to that family . and now , my lord , i will proceed to the septemvirat , or colledg of electors ( wherof i promis'd an account in the beginning ) whose creture the emperour may be sayed to be , for t is their breath that makes him . the second section , touching the septemvirat , or electors of the roman emperour , their primitive constitution , and power with their precedence , and offices , &c. for two hundred yeers after charlemain , who was the restaurator of the occidental parts of the roman monarchy ( which had bin so pittifully shatter'd by the irruption of sundry barbarous peeple , as was sayed before ) and therfore meritoriously stil'd , the first emperour of the west , i say for a long time ther was no certain or regular way of election , and the customs was that the emperour regnant us'd to nominate , & recommend his son , or neerest kinsman to the german princes , but in the yeerabout 1000 after the incarnation , rome began to rayse up her crest , and brussle , by re-demanding and challenging the election of the emperour , alledging , 't was a prerogative of hers de jure antiquo ; the raking up of the ashes of this old right , was like to kindle a great fyre on both side of the hills , for the italian princes stuck to her in the claym ; but otho the third a prudent prince found a way to prevent it , by procuring a cosen of his to be created pope by the name of gregory the fift , who being a german born , was so favorable and indulgent of his own countrey , that he confirm'd the choosing of the vvestern emperour to the german nation , but the romans , with some italian princes stomaching heerat , they depos'd gregory , and chose the bishop of placentia pope in his place , by the title of iohn the ninth : otho took this in so great indignation , that he suddenly rays'd an imperial army , clammer'd or'e the alpes , and made his way by the point of the sword towards rome , which open'd her gates unto him without much difficulty , so he seaz'd upon the person of the new pope , disoculated that counterfait light of the church by plucking out his eyes , and replac'd gregory the fift his cousin in saint peters chair with triumph . otho being victoriously return'd to germany , convoqu'd the chiefest princes , and propos'd unto them the multiplicity of inconveniences , encumbrance , and causes of confusion , that the incertain , and unestablish'd way of choosing an emperour , and his immediat successor , was subject unto , therfore he desir'd them to consider of a more regular way of election ; so after many mature deliberations , and bandings of opinions they fell upon settling a septemvirat , viz. seven princes , in whom a plenary power shold be invested , to elect an emperour , and his next successor ; herupon the colledg of electors was founded , and constituted , but they must be all within the german pale ; addresses were made to the pope about this business , who not only approv'd herof , but was ready to confirm the act , provided that three of the sayed electors were ecclesiastiques ; so the western empire was made purely elective , giving encouragements therby for princes of vertue and merit to aspire . herupon the archbishop of mentz , the archbishop of collen , and the archbishop of tryers were chosen for the three spiritual , and for the secular the palsgrave of the rhin , the duke of saxony , the marquis of brandenburg , and in case their suffrages were equal , the duke of bohemia ( made about 80 yeers after king ) was chosen to have a session among them , and whom he nam'd of those two that they had elected , shold be emperour , so that the bohemian might be call'd rather an umpire than an elector in these transactions . this great act was solemnly voted , and enroll'd in the imperial chamber , and som hundred of yeers after 't was ratified and fortified by the famous aurea bulla , the golden bull , who regulated matters more punctually touching the offices , the precedencies , and other particulars reflecting upon the sayed electors . the archbishop of mentz was made high-chancellor of germany , he of colen high-chancellor of italy , and he of tryers high-chancellor of france ; the duke of saxony was made sacri imperii archi-marascallus , lord high marshall of the sacred empire ; the count palatin of the rhin sacri imperii archidapifer , lord high sewer of the sacred empire ; the marquis of brandenburg was made sacri imperii archicamerarius , lord high chamberlain of the sacred empire ; the duke ( now king of bohemia ) was made sacri imperii archipincerna , lord chief buttler of the sacred empire , all which offices are contracted in this tetrastique . moguntinensis , trierensis , coloniensis , quilibet imperii fit cancellarius horum ; et palatinus dapifer , dux portitor ensis , marchio praepofitus camerae , pincerna bohemus . thus in english , mentz , colen , tryers , let these three each of them an arch-chancellor bee , duke , bear the sword ; count , the first dish take up ; marquis look to the chamber , boheme the cup . so the secular electors are compos'd of a king , a duke , a marquis , and a count . upon an occasion of a new choise , these with the ecclesiastiques were to be summon'd by the archbishop of mentz , to assemble within three months time , and to be garded by the countrey as they passed along , but their retinue was not to exceed two hundred horse , wherof ther shold be but fifty armed . being conven'd , the ecclesiastical electors were to put their hands only on their breasts , the secular princes solemnly upon the book , to choose a fit imperial head for christendome , and they were to do this within the compass of thirty daies , and not to go out of frankford , or the place where they mett in the interim , & iury-like to have no other nutriment but bread and water after the expiration of the sayed thirty dayes . the choice being made by the assembly of electors , the new emperour , according to the tenure of the golden bull the grand charter of the empire ( so call'd because 't was confirm'd by the pope ) is saluted by the title of king of the romans , and not emperour till he be crown'd with three crowns , viz. with the golden crown representing rome , with a sylver crown representing germany , and with an iron crown representing lombardy , which ceremony useth to be perform'd at aquisgrave for all the three places , but he is not to be call'd augustus till confirm'd by the pope . at the first day of the emperours inauguration , the foresayed electors were to give their personal attendance in the emperours court , but now they are dispens'd withall to do it by proxy . before the palace gate ther us'd to stand a heap of oats to the breast of a horse , then comes the duke of saxony mounted , having in his hand a sylver wand , and a sylver measure stood by , which was to weigh two hundred marks , he fills the measure , sticking his wand afterwards in the remainder , and so goes to attend the emperour ; the three arch-bishopps say grace ; the marquis of brandenburg comes also on hors-back with a sylver bason of water , of the value of twelve marks , and a clean towell which , being alighted , he holds to the emperour ; then comes the count palatin of the rhin a hors-back also , and being alighted he carries fower dishes of meat , ev'ry dish of the value of three marks ; then the king of bohemia comes with a napkin on his arm , with a cover'd cupp of twelve marks which he presents . touching the precedence of the electors among themselfs one may judg of it by the maner of their session with the emperour , when he sitts in majesty , which is thus . the arch-bishop of tryers high chancellor of france sitts over against the emperour ; the arch-bishop of moguntia or mentz , as high chancelor of germany sitts on the right hand of the emperour ; the arch-bishop of collen on the left hand ; the king of bohemia hath his seat on the right hand of the arch-bishop of mentz , and next him the count palatin of the rhin ; the duke of saxony fitts on the left hand of the arch-bishop of collen , and by him the marquis of brandenburgh . moreover when they us'd to go in procession with the emperour 't was ordain'd in the golden bull that the arch-bishop of tryers shold go before his imperial majesty , and neer him on both sides one of the ecclesiastical electors ; the king of bohemia was to go alone after the arch-bishops , and after him the elector of saxony with the naked sword of the empire in his hand , having on his right hand the count palatin of the rhin , carrieng the golden apple which denotes the world to be under the roman empire ; and on the left hand of the duke of saxony , the marquess of brandenburgh was to march with a scepter in his hand , then followed the emperour himself . by what hath bin spoken the discern reader may judg who had the priority of place , the count palatin of the rhin or the duke of saxony , a contest that hath gravell'd many . the third section , touching the stile & title of emperour or caesar , and of the king of the romans , &c. concerning the character , and title of emperour , it is of a younger date than that of king , and among the romans it was in the beginning given to him who was commander in chief of the militia , nor was it neer of such a transcendency then as now it is , he was at firstbut tutoyè he was but thou'd when he was spoken unto , but afterwards in regard he had the prerogative to conferr honors , and offices , to grant pardons , and patents of grace , with other obliging motives , the courtiers , especially the churchmen began to magnifie , or rather deifie him with sublime attributs , as we read in symmachus in his epistles to theodosius , and valentinian , wherin his stile unto them is vestra aeternitas , vestrum numen , vestra perennitas , vestra clementia , &c. then he began to be call'd divus imperator ; but touching the title of majestas , which was given ab augendo imperium ( as was touch'd before , ) or as some wold have it a majori statu , it is an attribut of no great antiquity , for it is not found among the old authors , and it came not till henry the seconds time to france who is not us'd to be backward in assuming , and applyengtitle of greatnes to her self . but concerning the dignity of emperour , as heretofore , so is he still accounted the prime potentat and prince paramount among christians , and not only among them , but the turk , next himself accounts the german emperour the greatest monark upon earth , and esteems him accordingly , which appeer'd in the person of david vngnadius , who being not an age since ambassador in constantinople for the christian emperour , and coming for audience to the duana in the seraglio , the perfian ambassador had come before , and got the chair , but vngnadius offering to go away ther was an upper chair put for him . another time upon the celebration of mahomet the thirds circumcision which lasted forty daies & nights , ther being then in constantinople the legats of the greatest monarks upon earth , yet hee who was ambassador at that time for the emperour rodulphus the second had alwayes the first place . some civilians exalt the emperour with divers transcendent titles , wherof one is , dominus totius terrae , the lord of the whole earth ; that caesar is proximus deo ; caesar is next to god almighty ; but though the emperour be accounted the sole supereminent prince in christendom yet ther have bin other kings who assum'd that title besides him ; som of the kings of spain have bin call'd imperatores hesperiae ; king edgar whowas row'd upon the river of dee by fower kings , wherof the scot was one , had this title , which appears upon good record by this bouncing character . ego edgarus altitonantis dei largiflua clementia anglorum basileus omniumque regum insularúmque , oceanique britanniam circumjacentis , cunctarúmque nationum quae infra eam includuntur imperator , et dominus , he was call'd also albionis imperator . i edgar by the bountifull clemency of the highthundring god , king of the english , emperour , and lord of all the kings , islands , and seas circumjacent to britain , and of all the nations included therin , he was stil'd in another place emperour of albion . moreover the realms of england was declared an empire by act of parlement octavo henrici octavi and in divers other acts the crown of england is call'd the imperiall crown , and the city of london the imperiall chamber . now touching the respects that other christian kings owe the emperour , they acknowledge no other but that of precedence only , though henry the second of england in his letter ( which stands upon record ) to frederique barbarossa , and richard the first in his to henry the 6. emperour , seem to acknowledg a kind of subordination by way of complement ; but edward the third of england wold not kisse the emperour lewis of bavaria's feet at their enterview in colen , and the reason he alledg'd , was , because he was rex inunctus habens vitam & membrum in potestate sua , &c. because he was an anointed king having life and limb in his power , &c. which edward , as the german annals attest , ab electoribus fuit vocatus , et nominatus vicarius imperii , he was call'd , and nominated vicar of the empire , and as some have it , was offer'd to be emperrour , in regard of his acquests , and glorious exploits in france , whence he brought the three flower de luces upon his sword , after the french had sent him that geering answer that la couronne de france n'est pas liee a la quenoville , that the crown of france was not tied to a distaff . add herunto that the emperour cannot be call'd so pure , and independent a monark as some other kings , for besides that he is but tenant for life and govern'd by diets which are imperial parlements , the electors may be sayed to be his associats , and to have a share in the goverment ; nay , the emperour by the ancient customs of the empire may be brought to answer in causis pro quibus impetitus fuerit , sayeth the bull , before the count palatin of the rhin , but he can passe no iudgement unlesse the emperour himself be present in imperiali curia . ther want no examples that some emperours have bin depos'd for their mal-administration , an instance shall be made in wenceslaus in the yeer 1400. who was formally degraded by the archbishop of mentz upon a publique theater in the plaines of brubach neer the river of rhin by a judicial sentence , which i thought worthy the inserting here . vvee iehn archbishop of moguntia , prince elector and archchancellor of the german nation , in the name of other princes electors , dukes , landgraves , counts , and other lords , barons , and potentats of the empire , in regard of divers dommageable interests , and for the special importance of all the empire , we do depose , and deprive by common consent , and mature deliberation , wincestaus as negligent , unprofitable , and unworthy of the roman empire ; we degrade him of all the dignities and of all the honors which were due to him from the empire , and we publish him in the presence of all the princes , barons , and potentats of the empire for a prophane person , and unworthy of such an honor , and dignity ; enjoyning evry one of what quality or condition soever he bee , not to yeeld him obedience as emperour , prohibiting evry one to payhim any kind of tribut , fief , or forfeiture , either by right or by covenant , or any office appertaining to the empire , nay , we will that those perquisits be reserv'd untill god doth give us the grace to elect an emperour , that may be for the benefit of the whole empire , and the christian common-weale . and it is well known how often he hath bin admonish'd by the princes electors both in publique and privat , and particularly by ev'ry one of our order that he wold leave his unworthy deportments , and carry himself as his dignity requir'd . concerning the king of the romans , it is but a modern title , peculiar to him who is declar'd heir apparent , or the design'd successor of the empire ; but at first , he who was so chosen was called caesar , and it was the emperour adrian who first cal'd aeliusverus by that title , insomuch that the family of iulius caesar being extinct in the person of domitius nero who was the sixt in descent ( as afore was told ) the name caesar ceas'd to be us'd as the name of a family or blood , but it was us'd as a name meer honorary , and precedent to the empire ; afterwards the design'd successor to the empire was call'd despote , after that he was call'd king of italy , then king of germany , and lastly king of the romans , romischer konig in high dutch , and the emperour himself was only call'd caesar keyser in dutch , wch appellation continueth to this day ; and it was charles the 5 who introduc'd the title of king of the romans , who since is acknowleg'd the immediat , and unquestionable apparent heir and to succeed in the empire , whether it be by resignation , by deprivation , or death , being in proximo fastigio collocatus to the emperour ; nay som civilians hold that the king of the romans may make edicts without the regnant emperour , being bound only as they say , majestatem imperialem comiter observare , making him hereby to owe a duty of reverence , but not of superiority to the keysar or emperour . the 4 section . touching the diet or imperial parlement , and the members therof , with the division of germany , and the strength of the emperour . the german empire is divided to ten circles , viz. austria the high , and low , franconia , bavaria , saxonia , westphalia , the lower circle of saxony , burgundy , the two palatinatts ; the goverment wherof is principally in the emperour , contractedly in the electors , and diffusively in the diet or imperiall parlement , and other courts , wherof the chamber of spire is the supreme , whence ther is no appeal . in the diets , after the emperour , the princes electors are the prime state , among whom the prelats have still the priority ; the second state is compos'd of four arch-bishops , viz. he of magdenkurg ( who is primat of all germany ) he of salzburg , he of besanson , and the arch-bishop of breme , which archbishoprick the kings of denmark have had a long time ; then ther are one and thirty bishops , and eleven abbats , wherof he of fulda is the chief , having above fourscore thousand rich dollers in annuall revenue ; then come the secular princes of the empire , wherof the arch-dukes of austria are first , and they are divided into two branches , viz. of germany and burgundy . the third estate is compos'd of imperial towns which are about sixty five in nomber , som wherof hold soly from the emperour ( which are accounted the most noble , ) and some are relevant from other princes . ther is another sort of towns call'd the hansiatique towns , twixt whom ther is a strong confederacy , and fraternal league in merchantile affairs : they are divided into fower classes , or metropolitan cities , to wit lubeck , colen , brunswick , and danzick , who have a solemn yeerly convention at lubeck where they keep their records . the hans or hansiatique association is of long antiquity ; touching the word , some wold fetch it from hand , because they of the society plight their faith when they enter into the fraternity ; others derive it from the word hansa , which is counsell or advice in the gothique toung ; others wold have it from hander see which signifieth a place neer the sea , and this passeth for the most current etymologie , in regard that all their townes are so situated , or upon som navigable river leading to the sea . the extent of the old hans was from the nerve in liefland , as far as the banks of the rhin , comprehending about 62 townes of trassique , whereof the fower great towns afore nam'd were the several precincts ; the kings of poland , and sweden have sued to be their protector , but they refus'd them , because they were not princes of the empire ; they put off the king of denmarque also with a complement , nor wold they admit of the king of spain when he was most powerfull in the netherlands , though afterwards they desir'd his help when 't was too late ; they refus'd also the duke of anjou , notwithstanding that the world thought at that time he shold have married queen elizabeth of england , who appeer'd for him in this busines , wherby 't was probable , they might have recover'd their old priviledges in england ; so that i do not find that they had any other protector ( unles of late yeers ) but the great master of prussia , and their want of a protector did do them some prejudice in that famous difference they had with queen elizabeth ; the old hans had extraordinary immunities conceded unto them by our henry the third , because they assisted him in his warrs with so many ships , and , as they pretended , the king was not only to pay them for the service of the sayed ships , but for the vessels themselfs in case they miscarried ; now , it fortun'd , that upon their return to germany from serving henry the third ; a great part of their fleet was cast away by distresse of weather , for which according to covenant they demanded reparation ; our king in lieu of money gave them some immunities , and among other acts of grace , they were to pay but one per cent custom , which continued till queen maries time , and by the advice of king philip her husband she enhanc'd the one to twenty percent ; the hans not only complain'd , but clammor'd allowd for breach of their ancient privileges confirm'd unto them by long prescription from thirteen successive kings of england , which they pretended to have pourchas'd with their money ; king philip undertook to accommodat the busines , but queen mary dieng , a ltttle after ( out of a conceit of the lesse of calais , which she sayed upon her death-bed should be found engraven in her heart if she were open'd ) and he retiring hence , there could be nothing done ; complaints being made afterwards to queen elizabeth , she answered , that , as she wold not innovat any thing , so she would protect them still in the immunities , and condition she found them . hereupon their navigation , and traffic was suspended awhile , which prov'd very advantagious to the english , for they tryed what they could do themselfs herein , and after som adventures they thrive so well that they took the whole trade into their own hands , and so divided themselfs to staplers , and merchant adventurers , the one residing constant in one place , the other stirring , and adventuring to divers towns abroad with cloth , and other manufactures ; this so netled the hans , that they devis'd all the wayes they could to draw upon them the ill opinion of other nations ; moreover the hans towns being a body incorporated in the german empire , complain'd to the emperour , who sent over ambassadors to mediat the busines , but they return'd still re infectâ ; herupon the queen caus'd a proclamation to be publish'd , that the merchants of the hans shold be intreated , and us'd as all other strangers within her dominions in point of comerce , without any mark of distinction . this nettled them the more , therupon they bent their forces more eagerly , and in an imperial diet at ratisbon they procur'd that the english merchants who had associated themselfs in corporations both in embden , and other places , shold be adjudg'd monopolists ; whereupon ther was a comitial edict procur'd against them that they shold be exterminated , and banish'd out of all parts of the empire , which was done by the activity of suderman a great civilian ; ther was there at that time for queen elizabeth mr. gilpin , as nimble a man as suderman , and he had the chancellor of embden to countenance and second him , but they could not stop the edict wherby the society of english merchants adventurers were pronounc'd a monopoly ; yet gilpin played his cards so well that he wrought under hand that the sayed imperial ban shold not be publish'd till after the dissolution of the diet , and that in the interim his imperial majesty shold send an ambassador to england to advertise the queen of such proceedings against her merchants ; but this made so little impression on the queen , that the sayed ban grew to be rather ridiculous than formidable ; for the town of embden harbour'd our merchants notwithstanding , and afterwards the town of stode ; but they , being not so able to protect them against the imperial ban removed , and settled themselfs in hamburgh ; after this the queen commanded another proclamation to be publish'd , that the hansiatique merchants shold be allowd to trade into england upon the same conditions and payments as their own subjects did , provided that the english merchants might have the same privileges , to reside , and trade peaceably in stode or hamburgh , or anywhere else within the precincts of the hans ; this incens'd them more , therupon endeavours were made to cut off stode , and hamburgh from being members of the hans , or of the empire , but they suspended this dessein till they saw what successe the great spanish armada shold have which was then preparing in the year 88 , for they had not long before made their addresse to the king of spain which had done them som good offices ; wherfore to this day king philip and his councell were tax'd of a great oversight , that ther was no use made of the hans towns in that great expedition against england . queen elizabeth finding that they of the hans were not contented with that equality she had offer'd to make twixt them , and her own subjects , put out a proclamation that they shold transport neither corn , victuals , arms , timber , masts , cables , metals , and any other materials , or men to spain , or portugal ; and after , the queen growing more redoubted , and famous by the overthrow of the fleet in 88 , the hans began to despair of doing any good ; add herunto that another disafter befell them , which was the taking of 60 sayles of their shipps about the mouth of the river of lisbon by the queens shipps , that went laden with ropas de contrabando , or goods prohibited by her former proclamations into the dominions of spain ; and as these shipps were ready to be discharged , she had intelligence of an extraordinary assembly at lubeck , which had purposely mett to consult of means to be reveng'd of her , therupon she made absolute prize of the sayed 60 shipps , only two were freed to bring home tydings what became of the rest ; herupon the pole sent a ranting ambassador in the behalf of the hans , who spake in a high tone , but the queen herself did suddenly answer him in a higher . these premisses being well considered , it prov'd an advantagious thing for england that this clash fell out betwixt her and the hans , for ever since the english merchants have beaten a peacefull and an un-interrupted trade into high and low germany , with their manufactures of wool , the golden fleece of england , and found also a way through the white sea to archangell , and mosco , which may be sayed to have been the chiefground of that encrease of shipping , mariners , and merchandising which she is come unto . now , ther is one passage in this relation observable , that the hans-towns , do not tie themselfs to obey the bans , and edicts of the imperial diet no further than it conduceth to their own interest , as it appeer'd by the examples of embden , stode and hamburgh , in the traverses of this busines , which towns stuck stil to the english factories , notwithstanding the publique transactions & prohibitions of the diet to the contrary , aeneas sylvius hath a memorable critical saying of the german diets when he sayeth omnes germanorum dietas esse valde faecundas , et quamlibet in ventre habere alteram , ac credible est quia faemineum sit nomen libenter impregnari , pietas est parturire . all the german diets are fruitfull , in regard ev'ry one hath another commonly in its belly , and 't is credible because diet is of the faeminine gender she is more willing to be got with child ; wherunto alluded also the saying of ( charles the fift , viz. that the german diets were like vipers , for as these destroy their damms , so the latter decrees of diets destroy the former . i have dwelt longer upon this particular , than my propos'd brevity requir'd , but the hans being that part of the empire with whom england hath most correspondence in point of negotiation and comerce , i suffred my self to be transported till my pen came to a full period . the fift section . a parallel twixt the empire passd , and the present , with the causes of the declination therof , &c. though by the tru rule of proportion , no parallel canbe made 'twixt the roman empire pass'd , and the present , no more than 'twixt an eagle and a wren , yet because comparisons and examples conduce much to the elucidation of things , somthing shall be said to that point . the roman monarchy when she was at the highest altitude of greatnes , and glory , may be sayed to have had no horizon , while she sate upon her seven hills she may be sayed to have overlook'd the world ; she was once fifty miles in circuit , and five hundred thousant free citizens were computed to be within her walls , by that famous cense which was made that vopiscus relates ; the roman eagle fix'd his talons upon the banks of euphrates eastward , on the nile south , on the danube and the rhin northward , and flew west as farr as the british and german seas ; her annual revenues were then computed at a hundred and fifty millions , wherof the salary of her legionary soldiers amounted to above twenty milions ; some of her generals usually brought ten thousand talents into her aerarium , her exchequer , at their return from abroad , and gabinius twenty thousand ; som of her emperours are recorded to have strew'd the amphitheater with gold sand in their publique spectacles , & triumphs , so she might well have taken then the 5 vowels for her symbole a , e , i , o , v , which signified , aquila , electa , iustè , omnia , vincit . but she may be sayed to have shrunk since from a giantess to a dwarf , insomuch that he who hath the empire now may be sayed to have an eagles feather only in his capp , for he must have somthing of his own to support the sacred caesarian majesty , els he may be put to live upon alms ; take all the tributes of the free towns , they come but to five thousand crowns a yeer , but for any tru fundum , or real estate ther 's none ; he depends meerly upon the plesure of the diet for all publique pecuniary erogations , and taxes ; and wheras we read that charles the fift had once ninety thousand foot , and thirty five thousand effectif horse against solyman , and above that nomber against the lutherans , most of those were leavied in his own dominions , and patrimonial territories , insomuch that if the roman eagles were not imp'd with austrian feathers they wold be as bald as a coot . yet germany or almain , as the knowing statists have delivered their opinions , is a continent of that large expansion , and so well peepled , that take the whole bulk together she is able to rayse two hundred thousand effectif men , and maintain them by a general unanimous contribution . now , my lord , if you desire to know the reason of this so great an alteration and decay of the roman empire , ther were many causes concurr'd therunto , the main cause was touch'd before , viz. the translation of caesars court from rome to constantinople , wherby italy , and the rest of the western parts of the empire were left obvious and as a prey to other nations ; add herunto the dismembring of the empire into east and west , with other accidents pointed at before . but for the declination of the occidental empire founded by charlemain , ther was a greater concurrence of caufes ; first the unhappy partition that lewis the gentle charlemains son , made of the empire to find a-pannage and portions for his sons , wherof he had three ; adde herunto , that when the empire came to be within the german pale , and italy became but a province to germany , being to be dispos'd of by the colledg of electors , they who aspir'd to be emperours , or to have their sons to succeed them us'd to prepossesse , and oblige the electors by donatifs , and indeed no lesse than bribes , as charles the fourth to make his son vvenceslaus capable to succeed him , offer'd them a hundred thousand florins apeece , as aeneas sylvius hath it , but having no ready money to satisfy them , he transferr'd , and pass'd over som imperial townes unto them , wherof the count palatin of the rhin had three for his share at one time , viz. openheim , inquelien , & keyserlausen . it is recorded in the imperial annals that gerardus archbishop of mentz was call'd pro pola imperii , the hucster of the empire , and having conspir'd with others of his complices against albert the first , and design'd to elect another emperour , the sayed gerardus having a hunting horn about him , and being a potent popular man , he winded out these words in hoc cornu complures gesto caesares , in this horn i carry many keysars , viz. caesars ; the empour taking this in indignation , by the speciall benediction of heaven , he was quit with him , and his confederats afterwards , by making them carry doggs about the countrey so many miles , which is acccounted in germany the disgracefullest and most opproprious kind of punishment that can be inflicted upon a nobleman , or gentleman , wheras a boore or plebean is condemn'd according to the quality of his offence to carry only a chair from one county to another ; such a peculiar punishment ther was of old in france , for wheras ther was a law call'd la loy de la chevelure that none shold wear long hair but the nobles , he who had committed any degenerous offence was adjudg'd to have his hair cutt off before the tribunal of iustice , and so was degraded from being a gentleman , his honor going away with his hair , and so made a roturier or yeoman : the story tells us that the emperour frederique barbarossa made hermannus count palatin of the rhin , and ten counts more to carry doggs above one german mile , for the praedations , and ill balancing of dollars , with other insolences they had committed while he was in italy warring with the pope , against whom we read he had twelve pitched battails . such another clash the emperour conradus had with guelphus duke of bavaria , who bore up a good while against him , at last the emperour , recruting his army with italian auxiliaries , shut up the duke in vvinsberga , and beleagred him so close that he was ready to famish ; and the emperour having bin provok'd so farr that he had vow'd to put all to fyre and sword , the duchesse being a comely couragious lady went through the throng of the army into the emperours tent , and made such a flexanimous speech which so melted the emperour , that he publish'd a proclamation , that for her sake all the women of vvinsberga shold have safe conduct to depart and carry away upon their backs as much of their most precious wealth that they could bear . herupon the dutchesse took the duke upon her back , and evry wife by her example her husband , mayds and unmarried women took up their brothers , and kindred , and so all marched out ; the emperour being much taken with this witty peece of humanity , publish'd a generall act of amnestia , and so the duke was redintegrated into his favor . this memorable story i couch'd once into verse , being a task impos'd upon me , and the epigram runns thus . tempore quo bavarum superârat roma guëlghum , seria festivo res fuit acta joco ; conradus victor vvinsbergam oblesserat vrbem , hinc fame , deditio facta , premente , fuit ; matribus at miserans bavaris , sponsaeque guelphi , induperator iis tale diploma dedit ; quaelibet ut mulier tuto cum rebus abiret quas humeris posset sustinuisse suis . cum reliquis comitissa novo diplomate nixa inde viros portant , pondera grata , suos . pendebant collo nati nataeque lacertis sic abiit licita faemina virque fugâ ; hac delectatus caesar pietate , pepercit omnibus , atque novum cum duce faedus init . but to return where we left , another cause of the empours decay , was , that being often reduc'd to som exigents for want of money , they us'd to have recours to the richest imperial towns for a supply , who us'd to lend them money , and the emperours payed them their money back with immunities ; many towns in italy got their necks out of caesars yoak this way , and som of them very cheap , as florence , for it cost her but six thousand crownes , and luca ten thousand ; &c. in so much that the liberties of most of the free citties of italy , much more of high and low germany , sprung out of the necessities of the emperours , wherby their power as well as their glory did daylie decline ; adde herunto that the bishopps of rome feather'd their nests from time to time with the eagles plumes , specially in italy , for besides the city of rome , and the countreys adjacent , such was the high reverence the church had in those daies that many other territories were given to the apostolical see , and since , by well devoted princes , insomuch that the pope is grown herby to he a great temporal prince , for the state of the church extends above three hundred miles in length , and about two hundred miles in breadth ; it contains the dutchy of ferrara , bologna , romania , the marquisat of ancona , sabina , perugia , with a part of toscany , the patrimony of saint peter , and latium ; in these there are above 50 bishopricks ; he doth signorize also over the dutchy of spoleto and the exarchat of ravenna , he hath the towns of benevento in the kingdom of naples , and the county of venisse in france call'd avignon , he hath title good enough to naples also herself , and calabria , but rather than incurr the diplesure of the king of spain his champion , and chief supporter of his chair , he is contented with an annual heriot of a white mule with a pursfull of pistols about her neck ; he pretends also to be lord paramount of sicily , urbin , parma , and masseran , as also of norway , ireland , and england since king iohn did prostrat our crown at pandulpho his legats feet : his dominions reach from one sea to another , viz. from the tyrrhene to the adriatique , and these territories run through the center of italy , which enables the pope to do good or harm to the princes about him , and makes him capable to be an vmpire , or a potent enemy , his authority being mixt twixt secular and spiritual , for he can use the sword , and thunder-bolt of excommunication at plesure ; and ( to return to our chief subject ) most of the countreys pointed at before being feathers of the eagle did much decrease her strength . moreover , as the roman church did this way impair the power of the empire , so the reformed church , and the difference of religion in germany did much enfeeble it ; for those princes who turn'd lutherans daylie encroach'd upon , and impropriated the demeans of the church , which was a great support to the emperour , being more devoted to him ; than to the secnlar princes . but to go a little more particularly to work , we will not rove in asia and afrique where so many mighty parts of the continent fell from the roman empire , nor will we look so farr back in europe as to speak of the defection of spain , france , and great britain , which was the first province that fell from rome , though indeed rome may he sayed to have fallen first from her , being not able by reason of warrs she had in other countreys , to protect the britains against the picts , as england sayes now in point of religion that she had never fallen away from rome , unlesse rome had fallen from her self ; i say we will not look so fart back , but come to more modern times since the empire came within the german pale ; the suisses were one of the last that revolted , who being summon'd to the imperiall chamber at spire , they sent a rough hewn ambassadors totell the imperial councel in these words , domini confaederati heluetii vos vicinos suos salvere jubent , mirantur verò quod tam crebris citationibus , &c. the lords confaederats of switzerland do greet you their neighbours , but they wonder that by your so frequent citations you wold disquiet them , therfore they pray and exhort you , that you would no further molest them . in charles the fifts time the livonians fell off , and he summoning them to their obedience , and menacing to reduce them otherwise by force , they sent him a geering answer , that they beleev'd his horse wold tyre before he could reach the skirts of liefland , as thuanus hath it . a german author hath it upon record , that since the reign of rodolph the first , above two hundred states and princes have un-membred , and emancipated themselfs from the german emperour , who were us'd to obey his summons , & make their apparance accordingly . touching germany it self , 't is tru , that it is a huge continent , and full of princes , which make som compare her to a firmament spangled with stars ; others compare the emperour to a great luminary incircled with the seven planets , meaning the septemvirat , or the colledg of electors , and not improperly , for this agrees with the caesarean arms , which are sol , saturn arm'd , and crown'd mars , and the eagle displayed with two heads ; yet , though therby the emperour be call'd rex regum , these princes are prejudicial to his greatnes , wherof ibraim ambassador to solyman the great turk gave a hint by an ingenuous fable which was thus ; when maximilian the second was chosen emperour , the foresayed ibraim was then at frankfort , who having bin a spectator to the ceremony , and observ'd what great princes attended the emperour that day , and being told that som of them could rayse an army of them selfs , and maintain it against any power , the ambassador smilingly sayed , that he doubted not of the puissance of germany , but he observ'd that the minds and actions , the counsels and interests of the germans were like a beast with many heads , and tayls , which in case of necessity being to pass through a hedg , and ev'ry head seeking to find a particular hole to pass thorough , they were a hindrance one to another , ev'ry head drawing after his own fancy , and so hazarded the destruction both of all the heads body & tayls : but the empire of solyman his great master was like a beast with many tayls , yet she had but one head , which head being to get thorough or over any passage , without any confusion , or difference of fancy , all the tayls , and the whole body follow'd smoothly after . lastly , the fatallst cause of the decay of caesar was the monstrou ; successes of the mahumetan , whose half moon fill'd out of the wane of the roman empire both east and west , it being a sad saying , that whersoever the turks horse sets once his foot , ther 's no christian grasse will ever grow there again . the sixth section , of enlarging the colledg of electors from seven to an octumvirat , and the contest that is now twixt the count palatin of the rhin , and the duke of bavaria touching the vicarship of the empire . the attempting the crown of bohemia by frederiqne count palatin of the rhin , as it prov'd unsuccessfull unto himself and family , so it prov'd fatal to all christendom besides ( as the preceding comet did foretell an. 1618. ) for directly or collaterally it hath bin the cause of all the warrs that happen'd ever since in christendome , which made king iames , as if he had bin prophet as well as prince to say unto his privy councell , upon the first tydings which were brought him that his son-in-law was gone to prague , my lords , this is a sad busines , and the youngest man amongst us shall not live to see the end of it which prov'd tru . the bohemian crown was first offer'd by the revolters to the duke of saxony , but hee out of a political prudence , as well as out of the fidelity and alleageance he ow'd the emperour , declin'd it ; then they reflected upon the count palatin of the rhin as a prince that might be par negotio , and able to go through-stitch with it , in regard of his powerful alliances , the king of great britain being his father-in-law , the king of denmark his onckle , the states of holland his confederatts , and maurice prince of orenge with the duke of bovillon ( who was call'd the old ardenian fox ) being also his oncles , which last three , incited him first unto that great attempt , though he paus'd a good while upon it , and resolv'd twice to decline it , till his lady seem'd to reproch his pusillanimity , telling him , had you sir , the courage to venture upon a king of great britains sole daughter , and will you not venture upon a crown when 't is offer'd you ? the count palatin then was look'd upon as one of the fortunatst princes in germany , having the best lady in his bed , the best stable of horses , the best library of books , the best cellar of wine of any of the rest . maximilian the old duke of bavaria , stuck close to the emperour in this quartell , for by his assistance and conduct an army of 25000. was routed by lesse then fifteen thousand , and the city of prague with the whole kingdom was recover'd for the emperour ; on the otherside by the arms of the king of spain and the conduct of marquis spinola the palatinat was conquer'd , though the princes of the vnion had an army of forty thousand effectif men under , the marquis of ansback and others to defend it , but 't was sayed that dolus versabatur in generalibus , that the generals were corrupted , and that the acquest was made more by spanish pistolls , than by spinola's sword . herupon at a solemn assembly of the electors at ratisbon anno 1623 , the electorship of the rhin , and the archidapifership , with all the prerogatives , and perquisits , the authorities and enfranchisements , and honors annexed therunto was conferr'd upon the duke of bavaria for term of life ; but in another assembly 1628 , which was five yeers after at prague , this great grant was not only confirm'd unto him during his own life , but entayl'd upon his heirs to perpetuity , and withall , the upper palatinat was transferr'd unto him , with the county of cham in consideration of his expences in the wars , which amounted to thirteen million of dollars . but in the treaties at munster and osnabrug anno 1652 , fower and twenty yeers after , this grant was qualified , that in case the gulihelmian line which is the house of bavaria did fayl without masculine issue , the electorship of the rhin , with the archidapifership and all the prerogatives therof shold revert to the rodulphian line which is the palatin , being the elder house of the two . now , concerning the gulielmian or bavarian line ther are but 4 living , wherof two are churchmen , viz. the archbishop of colen , and the bishop of frizing , which can leave no issue behind ; then is ther the now duke of bavaria and his brother , nor are they also likely to get issue , for as the tradition in germany goes maximilian the former duke of bavaria having maried the last emperours sister who was young , and the duke being old and crazy having 5 issues then about his body , ther were some jesuitts that brought such a prolifical cordial from italy that enabled the old duke to get children , but those children shold be impotent and barren , as it hath hitherto prov'd tru , insomuch the palsgrave is in fair hopes to get the electorship of the rhin again in a short time , and then the eighth electorship must be extinguished . besides , publicae tranquillitatis causa , as the instrumentum pacis hath it , for setling a firm and general everlasting peace in germany which had bin so miserably depopulated and torn by the late wars , which had not only scratch'd her face , but rent her very bowels , for about thirty yeers together , as also for diremption of all strife for the future , the count palatin was created the eighth elector , which is term'd in the instrument by a new coynd epithet or logical term simultanea investitura , a joint or contemporary investiture ; and because ther 's an office annexed to ev'ry electorat , he was made arch-treasurer of the empire , which he executed at the election of the last king of the romans , and the coronation of the empresse at ratisbon , by throwing medaills some of gold , some of sylver among the peeple ; under this notion he hath a session and suffrage in the colledg of electors , but he must be content to sitt last of all ; moreover by the said instrument of accommodation at munster , he was to renounce all right pro tempore not only to the upper palatinat , and the county of cham , but he was to part with the bergstrad ( one of the best parts of the lower palatinat ) and re-deliver it to the archbishop of mentz , who had oppignorated , and pawn'd it to his ancestor anno 1463 for a sum of money , but cum pacto perpetuae reluitionis , with a proviso that it might be redeem'd at all times . the emperour ferdinand the third , being not long since dead ther arose a contest , which continues still undecided , 'twixt the elector palatin , and his cosen , and co-elector the duke of bavaria about the vicarship of the roman empire ; and to illustrat this point the better it must be understood that by the fundamental laws of the empire , exemplified in the aurea bulla , it is enacted , that in the absence of the emperour ( who was us'd oft in former times to crosse the alpes to italy ) or after his death during the vacancy or interregnum , ther were two vicars or imperial deputies appointed to manage the affaires of the empire , to witt the count palatin of the rhin , for the jurisdictions of franconia , svevia , and the country about the rhin , and the duke of saxony for those large territories that lay within that circle ; the bavarian alledgeth that this prerogative of vicarship appertain'd unto the count palatin of the rhin ratione electoratus , by vertu of the electorship , & the office of archidapifer or chief sewer of the sacred empire , for which he produceth the golden bull both in the original latin , and also translated into dutch ; hee takes also the great instrument of munster for his buckler , wherin the sayed electorship of the rhin , and the ofice of archsewership with all the prerogatives , perquisits , and appendixes therunto belonging , wherof the vicarship is the chiefest , is totally transferr'd uuto him and his issue male to perpetuity . the count palatin utterly denies that , and positively affirmeth that this office and prerogative of vicariat was conferr'd upon him and practis'd by his progenitors before ever the colledg of electors , and the subsequent aurea bulla was constituted , which bull or magna charta of the german empire was not the donor but confirmer only of that great ancestrial prerogative which inconcussa consuetudine , by an unshaken custom belong'd to his family ; avouching further , that it is an annexum inseparabile comitatus , that it is an heirloome of the county palatin of the rhin , in which county he was formally and plenarily reinvested in the yeer 1652 : he excepts likewise against the translation of the sayed aurea bulla into the teutonique , or high dutch , alleadging it is erroneous in many passages ; and lastly concludes that his progenitors enjoyed this prerogative of vicariat , ratione comitatus , not electoratus , as may be inferr'd out of the politicall reason why that office was conferr'd upon his ancestors wch was in regard of the position of their ditions & territories which lye apposit & proper to have the goverment of those countreys of franconia svevia , &c. because they are situated neer , & som of them conterminant with the rhin . this controversy remains still indecided ; in the interim the protestants of those parts make their addresses to the count palatin , and the roman catholiques to the bavarian as their occasions require , either for renewing or letting of leases , the forfeiture of felons goods , the protection of idiots , and lunatiques , &c. the seventh section . some reflexes made upon the present coniuncture of things , and the political condition of germany , with a coniecture who is likely to be king of the romans , and consequently the next emperour . having allready , my lord , in a succinct , but i hope , some satisfactory way treated of the german empire , of the octumvirat , or colledg of electors , with other matters concident , and homogeneous with this subject , i shall now wind up this small bottome , and conclude with some glances upon the present estate of germany , together with the particular interests therof . your lordship hath read before that the office of emperour , in statu quo nunc , is meerly a title , and like a feather in one's capp , whosoever undertakes it must have pillars of his own to support it ; now among the princes of germany , the duke of saxony , next after the house of austria , is thought to be best able to bear the three imperial crowns , and at the late emperours death he began to be much spoken of , but ( as an observing gentleman , who came lately thence , told mee ) all the peeple that are under his subjection did rise up , and with open mouth protested against it , cryeng out that they wold put themselfs under the protection of another prince , if he wold be the keysar ; now , the reason is , that if the elector of saxe were emperour , he must of necessity enhance their tolls and taxes to support the dignity . the duke of bavaria since he hath bin invested in the upper palatinat , and the county of cham , is grown very considerable , and to be able to counterpoise the saxe in power , their yeerly revenues amounting to above a million of rich dollars apeece ; besides , the bavarian sylver mines have wonderfully thriven of late yeers both for the purenes , and quantity of bullion ; and if maximilian the former duke of bavaria could lay out thirteen millions for the service of the emperour , in consideration wherof he had at first a part of the territories of austria hypothequ'd unto him , and afterwards the upper palts and the county of cham transferr'd unto him , together with the electorship of the rhin in full and valuable satisfaction of the said 13 millions , i say if the former duke was so powerfull , it may be well inferr'd that the present duke is much more , by the new acquests he hath made , and so might be capable of the empire , but notwithstanding that the french is sayed to spurr him on , and that the elector of colen be his oncle , yet 't is not probable he will make any competition with his cousin-germin the king of hungary , his peeple like them of saxony being also very averse therunto , though his peeple be in a surer way of subjection and vassalage unto him , than other germans are , ther being no great ones in his dominions to clash with him . touching the marquis of brandenburg , though he be great master of the teutonique order , and hath such spacious and large territories that he can go upon his own demeans above 500 miles from cleve to the furthest parts of prussia , yet is he thought to be inferiorto the other two in revenues , & wealth , therfore the lesse able to bear the weight of the german empire ; adde herunto that of the eight electors , five are still roman catholiques , so that it is improbable , a protestant shold be chosen , for ther are such ceremonies to be perfotm'd that are incompatible with a protestant , besides the pope wold never confirm such an emperour , and without his confirmation no emperour can be call'd augustus . touching the king of denmark though he be capable of the empire being a kind of german , yet the nature of those kings and peeple hath bin rather to preserve what they have than to extend their country further ; moreover the present king is ingag'd in an open war against the swed ; ther is also a late clash 'twixt him , and the town of hamborough about the huldygen , which is an inauguration to be her protector , as his father was : for hamborough was built upon , and stands still upon the king of denmarks ground ; yet she refuseth to huld him , alledging that she bought him out for great summes of money , and so pretends to be now an imperial free town , and to hold soly from the keyser ; wheras others averre that she is meer hansiatique within the verge of lubeck her neighbour , which is the chiefest of the first precinct of the old hans , as was touch'd before . adde herunto that the last king of denmark hath some particular obligations to the house of austria , his great gran-mother having bin charles the fifts sister . besides , when general tilly was like in the eye of human reson with a veteran victorious army to overcom all holsteyn , ferdinand this king of hungaries gran-father made a friendly , and favourable peace with christian the fourth , who had invaded germany with a considerable army , but with little successe , in the behalf of the count palatin of the rhin his nephew . the swed mought have bad fair for the imperial golden apple had he took firmer footing in poland , and succeeded in his notable designs further ; nay , his army being compos'd of soldiers of fortune , might still by new recreuts as they push'd on their hopes , have prov'd in time as formidable , and fatal to the test of christendome as their ancestors the goths and vandales were of old , who pierc'd the very center of europe to find warmer habitations . nor was the swed altogether incapable to have stood for it in regard of those territories which gustavus got , and annexed to the crown of sweden within the pale of the empire , viz. pomerland , and breme ; but the dane entring into a new warr with him , and the marquis of brandenburg deserting him , and having the house of austria , the pole , the moscovit his actual enemies besides , 't is thought his hopes are blasted for enlarging his dominions at this time , but 't is well if he can now secure sweden it self , much more the new acquests aforesaid in germany ; specially his friends ( viz. england and france ) being so remote from him , and his enemies so neer about him . the french king , though i beleeve he be in despair to have it himself , he being exterus & non germanus , a scranger and no german , and ther being a fundamental law that no forrener be emperour , as ther is a sanction in the conclave among the cardinals , that no tramontane , viz. one born this side the alps can be pope , i say , though the king of france looks not for it himself , yet he spends all the interests he hath , and is like to employ all the power he can with all the artificies besides to cajoll , i will not say , corrupt the electors for the secluding of the young king of hungary , and that the empire shold not be alwayes a prostitut to one family . but france they say hath few real friends in germany among the princes ; 't is true the elector of tryers being perpetual arch-chancelor of france , hath always bin , and is still fleurdelizè , he is flowdeliz'd and frenchified all over , and france alwaies sticks to him also upon all occasions ; 't was about him that ther was such a counterbuff 'twixt lewis the thirteenth , and gustaphus adolphus , because he had invaded part of his territories ; 't was for his sake , besides the still growing greatnesse of spain , that this present warr was denounc'd by sound of herald against the house of austria , by the last french king : moreover , 't is tru that the marquis of brandenburg while he lately adher'd to the swed was devoted to france , but since he hath accommodated matters with the pole , he hath chang'd his interest , and is like to enter into the general league they speak of to be made between the princes of the empire for preserving the common peace of germany against all that shall attempt to disturb it ; and besides the electors themselfs , the duke of brunswick , prince of anbalt , luneberg , lawenburg , the landgrave of hesse , darmstad't , baden , newburgh , wittemburgh , though the last , and some of the other smell rank of the french interest , yet to prevent a new warr in germany they are like to enter into the foresayed patrial league , together with all the imperial and hansiatical towns . touching the palsgrave , or prince palatin of the rhin , 't is tru that ther hath bin a great deal of intimacy , and reciprocal leagues twixt his progenitors , and france , but the last emperour and his son the king of the romans oblig'd him ( and his brother prince rupert ) by many recent civilities ; at the treaties of osnabrug , and munster the emperour wold have his busines to be dispatch'd first , and was very indulgent of him all along the while ; the fower hundred thousand dollars which were assign'd himself , and to make portions and apennages for his younger brothers , the twenty thousand dollars that were awarded the lady dowager his mother pro victalitio , and the ten thousand dollars which were assign'd for dowries to evry one of his sisters , were all granted as the words of the instrument run pro benevolo suae majestatis caesareae affectu ergo domum palatinam , for the benevolent affection his imperial majesty bore to the family of the palatin , which summes the emperour punctually payed ; moreover at the coronation of the empresse , and the creation of the last king of the romans , the prince palatin officiated in person , and ther were many endearments pass'd twixt the emperour , and him ; in so much that 't is thought he will be no back frend to his son the now king of hungary when the busines of election comes to be canvas'd . these premisses , & particular interests being well considered , in the eye of all humane probality 't is thought , that the last emperours son leopoldus ignatius , now king of bohemia and hungary , &c. and being one of the electors himself , and chiefest of the temporals , is like to be the man , and make the fourtinth emperour of a direct austrian line ; and they who think thus , ground their conjectures upon divers reasons deduc'd from the present posture of things . first , because the iunta , or assembly of the princes electors is stil deferr'd , and like to be so , till the sayed king of hungary be come to his majority , which by the german law in this point is at eighteen yeers , and this will be in iune next ; then being out of his bassage , or minority , he is capable both to be king of the romans , and to have a suffrage among the electors as he is king of bohemia , and archbuttler of the sacred empire . secondly , because if the king of hungary have the canvas , and be rejected , ther will be an inevitable warr in germany , which she will avoyd if possible she can , having had not only her face scratch'd , but her very entrails rent asunder for so many yeers by a cruentous lingring warr , and the deep wounds she receav'd thence are not yet consolidated in som places . thirdly , because ther is no prince so potent and proper to bear the weight of this great burden than the king of hungary , or to keep out and encounter the common enemy , to witt , the turk , as hee , for he hath not only most of the dominions of austria , but two kingdomes besides situated on the confines , and serving as ramparts against him by land , as the republique of venice doth by sea ; insomuch that both the danger , as well as security of the house of austria is involv'd with the empire it self , and indeed of all europe . now we shall find all these countreys in the title of the last emperour , which runns as followe's . ferdinandus tertius divinâ favente clementia electus romanorum imperator , semper augustus , ac germaniae , hungariae , bohemiae , dalmatiae , croatiae , slavoniae , &c. rex , archidux austriae , dux burgundiae , bragantiae , stiriae , carinthiae , carniolae , &c. marchio moraviae , dux lucemburgiae , ac superioris & inferioris silesiae , wittemburgiae , & teckae , princeps sveviae , comes haspurgi , & gloritiae , langravius alsatiae , marchio sacri imperii romani , burgaviae , ac superioris , et inferioris lusatiae , dominus marchiae slavonicae , portus naonis , & salinarum , &c. in this accumulation of eight and twenty titles ther are but two that he had from the empire , viz. the stile of emperour , and ring of germany , all the rest are appendixes of the house of austria ; and the king of spaiu who is of the elder house hath many more , being great granchild to the emperour charlesle quint , who made a spontaneous resignation of the empire to ferdinand his second brother , though as a privat author hath it , the second day after his resignation , was the first day of his repentance . now , to rayse up the house of austria to this altitude , six of the greatest families of europe concentred in one , viz. austria , burgundy , castile , aragon , hungary , and portugal , so that it may be call'd a palace six stories high , ( though as emperour he hath not a house to hide his head in ) austriacûm domus armipotens sex fulta columnis . fourthly , because the house of austria hath the good wishes of the pope , and of the iesuitts , who underhand do good offices for him , though the pope dare not appeer publiquely in the busines for fear of giving any distaste to france ; for he may be sayed to hold france , and portugal also , as one doth a dog by the ears , fearing they shold run away from him to patriarks of their own making ; nor hath any king in christendom a greater temptation to fall away from rome , in regard the gallican church , by a late computation which was made , hath above three hundred and forty millions of liures in annual revenue , which , shold he renounce the pope , wold devolve most of it to the crown . moreover , this gentleman told me that the electors , with the princes and cities of empire , are more and more sensible to find the king of france shold appeer so much , and as som write , intrude himself into this busines , by sending ambassadors with such gawdy trains , whose rich liureys are like to be worn out before the election day , so that they had needed to have brought a lantern and candle with them comming so long before day , as one made a pasquill of them in frankfort , who with som difficulty did open her gates unto them , it being an ancient constitution of the empire , that none shold be admitted to lodge in the town where the election is to be held , but the princes electors themselfs and their train , which come to nere upon two thousand horse ; but the germans are more sensible and startled , that the french shold draw such forces to their frontires as to metz , philipsburg , and brisack ( for brisack-bridg makes now france and germany one continued piece , ) as if ther wer a design hereby to controul the electors in their choice , and embroyl germany again in a warr ; which puts the young king of hungary to extraordinary expences , of making new levies , insomuch that he will have by the next spring , as they write , an army of 50 thousand effectif men , to confront the french . but indeed it may be wondred ther shold be any ambition at all , of aspiring to the roman german empire in statu quo nunc , it being but an ayrie bare shadowy title , or a skeleton of part of the old roman monarchy , therfore a late german author confesseth , quod nobis est magnum momentum politicum , exteris est magnum deridiculum , that which we make to be of so high political a consequence , seems to forreners to be but a thing of laughter , alluding to that adoe ther is us'd about the election of an emperour , as in venice to creat a doge who in point of power is no other than tecta di legno a head of wood . nor are those who live under the empire tyed to so strict an obedience , ther is not that exact relation , and reciprocation of subjection , and protection 'twixt the emperour and his vassals , as useth to be 'twixt prince and peeple in other places , where the liegeman is bound to submit , and the liegelord is bound to defend ; touching the later , he spoke like a statist , that sayed , defendere subditos est attributum naturale inhaerens visceribus regiminis , est qualitas infixa ossibus , et indivisibilis , ita utregimen , & protectio unum & idem judicatur indivisible . defence of the subject is a natural attribut inhaering in the very bowels of goverment , 't is a quality infix'd in the very bones therof , insomuch that protection and goverment is adjudg'd to be the self same indivisible thing : 't is not so in the imperial government , wher ther is a looser kind of clientele , and protection ; nor is the submission of the liegeman so absolut , for an imperial ban is not so much obey'd there as an edict in france , a prematica in spain , a proclamation in england , or a placart in the netherlands , wher ther is a more punctual obligation 'twixt prince and peeple , the one to obey , the other to defend their persons , and maintain their privileges ; though som do hold , that a country giving her self to a prince , what privileges soever the peeple reserve to themselfs by contract , they are all lost when they enter into subjection , which by its nature makes a man subordinat to another without any exception , whensoever the publique good is concern'd , and that those privileges by the sayed subjection pass into the nature of concessions of princes afterwards , which they may stretch , restrain , or revoke according to the urgency of their publique occasions ; and when ther is a necessity to do so , the peeple are not allow'd to revolt , or right themselfs by violence ; 't is tru , that in all privat particular treaties the unobservation of the conditions , acquitts the parties from the obligations of the contract , but this doth not reach to soverain princes , when the peeple have once chosen them for their advantage , and security . but to return to our chief matter , the princes , and towns of the empire , though they acknowledg the keyser for their soveraign , yet are they not oblig'd in that strictnes of obedience to him , as their own peeple are to them ; these princes may be sayed to be rather his collegues , and associats in governing rather than snbjects ; it being a rule in germany , that quilibet imperii status in suo territorio tantum possit , quantum imperator in toto imperio , ev'ry state of the empire within his own territory , may do as much as the emperour in the whole empire ; they have power of life and death , they may coyn money , send ambassadors abroad , and make confederacies , and leagues with forren princes , with other territorial prerogatives ; but that power of making leagues was restrain'd in the late treaty at osnabrug , for the instrument sayes , ius faciendi faedera liberum esto , ita tamen ne ejusmodi faedera sint contra imperatorem , & imperium , pacemque ejusdem publicam , let it be free to make confaederacies , provided that the sayed confaederacies be not against the emperour , and the empire , with the publique peace therof ; nay further , the princes of the empire have such a latitude of power that they write se regnare dei gratiâ , that they raign by the grace of god ; and that within the verge of the empire the princes electors are not to give precedence to any other forren prince , or potentat whatsoever ; therefore when charles king of scotland , was a few yeers since at frankfort , the count palatin of the rhin sent him word that he desir'd to give his majesty a visit , but by the constitution of the empire he was not to give priority of place there to any , it being an imperial town , but if his majesty wold please to come to any of his own territories he wold then respect his majesty in that point accordingly . the states of the empire have also a territorial authority , to change their religion at plesure , by a late constitution , where 't is sayed , religionis mutatio est sequela territorialis iurisdictonis , ac inhaeret territorio sicut nebula paludi ; the alteration of religion is a sequele of territorial iurisdiction , and is inhaerent in the territory as a clowd in a pond . by what hath bin spoken it appears what a small extent of power the sacred caesarean majesty hath over those that professe obedience to him ; nay , when ther is a king of the romans 't is a question who hath the greater power the emperour or hee ; for the emperour and the king of the romans may be sayed to be like two sunnes in one firmament , the one declining , the other rising , and the later hath more eyes upon it than the former . by those particulars that have bin pointed at in this section , a conjecture may be made , if not a judgment , who stands fairest to be the next emperour ; but they who harbour some doubts of the king of hungary , have one shrewd argument that he may go without it , which is his late encrease and amplitude of power , for he hath not only the large kingdom of bohemia with the great territories annex'd therunto now as hereditary by way of conquest , but ther is an ovverture , if not an offer and privat treaty a foot that the crown of poland will be entayl'd upon him , and his successors for the future ; though this augmentation of power be good for the christian common-wealth in general , because it enableth the emperour to bear up the better againgst the common enemy the turk , yet not only the electors , but some other princes of the empire conceave some jealousie of this enlargement of the imperial power , not without some apprehensions of fear , that if the eagle shold ranew his bill , and have his feathers come home to make his wings full summ'd again , hee might seaze upon , and make a prey of sundry towns , and territories which divers of the sayed princes hold from the empire but by crazy weak titles ; nay it putts a flea in the venetians ear also , who have bin alwayes jealous of the austrian greatnes , in regard of contiguity of territories they both have in dalmatia , croatia , and other places . but it may be well expected that the princes electors will rather look upon the generall good and incolumity of the christian common-wealth , as their oath doth bind them , which is as astringent , and conjuring kind of oath as possibly the witt of man can draw , or devise , for they are not to be transported by any pact , price , promise , or prayer in the election . which oath runns thus . the solemn oath that 's administred to the princes electors , when they meet for choosing a king of the romans , the spiritual having their hands upon their breasts , the secular upon the book all the while . ego r. sacri imperii princeps elector , juro ad sancta dei evangelia , heic praesentialiter coram me posita , quod ego , per fidem qua deo , & sacro romano imperio sum astrictus , secundum omnem discretionem , & intellectum meum , cum dei adjutorio , eligere volo temporale caput populo christiano , id est , regem romanorum in caesarem promovendum , qui ad hoc existat idoneus , in quantum discretio , & sensus mei me dirigunt , & secundum fidem praedictam , vocemque meam , & votum sive electionem praefatam dabo absque omni pacto , stipendio , precio , seu promisso , vel quocunque modo talia valeant appellari , sic me deus adjuvet , & omnes sancti . ir . prince elector of the sacred empire , do swear by the holy gospell of god put here before me , that i by the faith wherin i am bound to god , and the holy roman empire , will choose according to all my discretion & understanding , with the help of god , a temporal head for christian peeple , to wit , a king of the romans to be promoted to be caesar , one that may be idoneous for it , according as my discretion & senses shal direct me ; and according to my foresayed faith i shall give my voice , and vote , or forenamed choice , without any pact , stipend , price , or promise , or by what names soever such things may be call'd ; so help me god , and all his saints . this tremendous oath is pronounc'd in latin , the language of the empire in all negotiations with forein princes ; though the electors be enjoynd by the great charter of the imperial constitutions , viz. the golden bull , to speak the teutonique or high dutch , the italian , and slavonique languages . the corollary . thus have we cast the roman monarchy as it were into the eagles egg again , as 't is recorded that homers iliads were once put into a nuttshell , and as falconers observe the eagle can lessen her self into a lark by her high soaring , so we may say the roman monarchie hath lessn'd her self by her stooping . therefore this small volume is not unsuitable unto herin point of proportion as the case stands with her now , being shrivell'd a large folio to a decimo sexto , and mouldred away from a castle into a cottage , or rather from a mountain to a mole-hill . such is the method of the all-ruling providence with whom the greatest kingdomes are but as kittlepins which he tipps down at pleasure . ludit in humanis divina potentia rebus 't is he who transvolves monarchies , tumbles down empires , and cantonizeth them into petty common-wealths at pleasure , whereunto the pagan philosopher seem'd to allude when being asked what iupiter did in heaven ? he answered magnas ollas rumpit , et ex frustis earum parvulas componit , he breaks great potts , and of their fragments makes little pitchers ; and remarkable it is how symbolizing in point of sence and similitude , the holy psalmist is with the philosopher herein , when he sayeth tanquam vas figuli conteres eos , thou shalt bruise them in peeces ( viz. the potentates of the earth ) like a potters vessel , which shews the brittlenesse , the lubricity , and unfixednesse of all sublunary things as well political as natural , so that to find out a stability , and permanence , we must travel beyond trismegistus circle , and seek it in the other world . to conclude , having thus cast a few glances upon the ro. german empire , i hope , my noble lord , it will suffice to quitt me of that obligation i owe to your commands , which shall be alwayes to me as favours and i look upon your favours as a considerable part of my happines , which makes me delight so much in the character of holborn calendis ianuarii 1658. your most obedient and ever ready servant , jam. howell . infantium cerebri quadragessimus . an index of the principal matters contain'd in this treatise . a the arms of the empire fol. 64 alarick the goth sacks rome . 5 an extraordinary providence watcheth over rome . 5 austrian family enjoy'd the empire more than any that ever was . 16 arch-bishop of mentz prime elector and arch-chancellor of germany . 21 arch-bishop of colen arch-chancellor of italy . 23 arch-bishop of triers chief chancellor of france . 23 arch-bishop of magdenburg primat of all germany . 39 arch-duke of austria chief prince of germany after the electors . 39 a maga animous speech of the lady elizabeth . 69 augustus a title soly given by the pope . 81 the austrian house● six stories high , and how . 90. b brennus the britain first ransack'd rome . 5 bourbon breathed his last in scaling the walls of rome . 5 bohemian king chief butler of the empire . 23 a ban against the english pronounc'd by the imperial diet , and not obey'd . 45 boores carry chairs , and noble-men doggs for a punishment in germany . 56 brandenburg hath spacious territories . 80 bavaria and the palatin of the same line , this the rodulphian , the other the gulielmian . 71 the bavarian duke grown very potent of late years . 79 brisack bridge makes france and germany one continued peece . 92 c caesars issue enjoy'd the empire for 6 descents . 7 consulary goverment thrice in rome by retrogradation . 6 claudius caesar first began the pernicious way of enhancing the soldiers pay . 9 constantines policy to the soldiers . 10 constantin gives rome to the pope . 10 charlemain the first western emperour . 13 charles martel and his story in brief . 13 charlemains exploits . 14 charlemain proclaim'd emperour in rome upon christmas day . 14 charlemains issue degenerated . 15 the civilians exalt the emperour by high titles . 31 the crown of england called an imperial crown by act of parlement . 33 the crown of france not tyed to a distaff . 34 the comparison of germany to a firmament spangled with stars . 64 count palatin of the rhin arch-treasurer of the empire , and eighth elector . 68 the count palatins interests . 85 d the distance of the roman emperour the cause of the declination in the west . 13 duke of saxony lord high marshal of the empire . 22 duke of brandenburg lord chief chamberlain of the empire . 23 electors how they precede one another . 26 domitius nero the last of the race of iulius caesar . 36 the division of germany . 36 the diets of germany , or imperial parlement . 39 dutchesse of bavaria a couragious lady . 67 duke of bavaria at present impotent of getting children , and the reasons thereof . 71 duke of saxony a potent prince . 78 divers reasons why the young king of bohemia is fittest to be emperour 88 of the king of denmark . 81 e the empire of rome put often to sale by the soldiery . 10 the exorbitances of the roman militia . 10 english and french descended of the germans . 12 the eastern empire . 12 the exarchat of italy given to the pope by king pepin . 14 the empire devolv'd to the germans . 15 electors first constituted . 21 emperours but thou'd at first . 29 the emperours next to god almighty on earth . 32 edgar an emperour , and his high titles . 32 edward the third of england ▪ vicar of the empire , &c. 33 embden a great friend to the english . 45 the english declar'd monopolists in germany . 45 the empire now but a feather in ones cap. 55 the emperours titles . 89 the empire an airy title in statu quo nunc . 92 the electors bound to learn to speak dutch , italian , and the slavonique . 105 f france and portugal like to make patriarks of their own . 91 furthest way about is the nearest way home in the researches of truth . 4 a facetious comparison of the german dietts . 49 a facetious tale of the arch-bishop of mentz . 55 a facetious answer of the lieflanders to charles the fift . 63 the famous siege of winsberga . 57 the title of emperour but an eagles feather in ones cap. 78 g gensericus the vandal sacks rome . 5 galba the first emperour chosen by the soldiers . 7 a geer upon rome and venice . 11 of the goths and vandals . 12 german princes do carry dogs for their punishment . 17 german princes feather themselfs with the eagles plumes . 61 germany able to raise 200 thousand electif men . 54 h hungary took name from the huns . 11 henry the second in france had the first title of majesty . 30 the high power of the king of the romans . 37 hans-towns whence derived . 42 how hamburgh first receiv'd the english staple . 46 a hundred and fifty millions the revenues once of the roman monarchy . 54 how the imperial towns got out of caesars yoak . 59 i iulius caesar cimented the empire with his blood . 7 iulianus bought the empire of the soldiers . 10 imperial towns . 42 immunities payed for monies to the towns of the empire . 59 ibraim the turks ambassador his witty parable . 64 king iames his prophetique saying . 68 k kings continued in rome 140 years . 7 king a more antient title than emperour . 29 kings of spain sometimes called emperours . 32 king of denmark arch-bishop of breme 39 l the late swedish army like to have prov'd such another as that of the goths and vandals of old . 11 lombardy freed of the goths by king pepin . 14 lutherans a great cause of the decay of the empire . 62 the latitude of power which the princes of the empire have . 96 the lubricity of political bodies as well as natural . 108 m the moors and saracens sack rome . 5 the manner of electing an emperour . 25 majesty and other high titles how they began . 30 maximilian duke of bavaria takes prague from the palatin with a lesser army . 69 marq-spinola takes the palatinat . 69 the mahumetan moon fill'd by the wane of the christian empire . 65 of the marquis of brandenburg his interest . 85 n the names of divers of the emperours that were put to violent deaths . 9 a notable saying of charles martel . 13 the names and offices of all the electors . 21 nothing so unlike as the present empire and the old . 53 a notable story of a bavarian dutchess 57 the notable symbolisation of sense 'twixt the psalmist and a pagan philosopher . 108 o one of the cause that may oververthrow the turkish empire . 9 the new ottoman emperour must encrease the ianizaries pay . 9 otho the third the first establisher of the electors . 20 the offers of wenceslaus to the electors to make his son emperour . 55 of the swed . 82 the tremendous oath the electors take . 103 p the present king of spain a goth by descent . 12 pepin a little man , but a great conqueror . 14 pope iohn the ninth , taken prisoner , and his eyes pluck'd out . 20 palatin of the rhin arch-sewer of the roman empire . 22 parallel 'twixt the empire pass'd , and present . 51 palatin of the rhin adjudg'd to carry a dog for his punishment . 57 the pope a great temporal prince . 60 the poor revenues of the empire . 53 q quarrell 'twixt rome and germany for choosing the emperour . 19 quarrel 'twixt queen elizabeth , and the hans-towns . 43 quarrel 'twixt the count palatin and the duke of bavaria touching the vicariat of the empire . 74 quarrel 'twixt the king of denmark , and hamburgh . 81 a thing like a quarrel 'twixt the king of scots and the palsgrave . 97 r the rise of the roman empire . 5 rome eight times ravish'd and ransack'd . 5 the roman emperours held their lifes from the army . 8 the roman monarchy shrunk from a giantess to a dwarf . reasons why the king of hungary is likeliest to be emperour . 88 the revennues of the french church 300 millions of liures and 20. 91 s the several kinds of goverments in rome . 7 the stewards in scotland , and charles martel of france had the same beginning . 13 the septemvirat or the seven electors . 18 staplers their first rise . 43 the suisse one of the last that fell from the empire , &c. 63 the spaniard the popes champion . 61 the small power of the emperour . 53 a sad saying of the turks . 66 the spaniard comes from the elder house of austria . 90 the several interests of the princes of germany . 85 t totila the hun sacks rome . 5 the translation of the empire to constantinople fatal to rome . 5 thirty emperours put to violent deaths by the army . 8 two turkish emperours kill'd in less than 25 years . 9 a tradition remarkable how the house of austria came to be so great . 26 the turk gives place to the emperors ambassadors above all other . 31 the titles of the heirs apparent to the empire from time to time . 37 the territories of the pope 300 miles in length . 60 the pope pretends to be lord paramount of england by king iohns grant . 61 titles of the house of austria . 89 v the vastnes of the old roman monarchy . 54 the vast circumference of rome in vopiscus time 50 miles compass . 54 a very witty embleme of the turks ambassador touching germany . 64 a very witty devise of the dutchess of bavaria to preserve her husband . 58 the vicarship of the empire challeng'd by the count palatin , and his reasons . 74 a very witty way found by a iesuitt to make the old duke of bavaria get children . 71 the upper palatinat , the county of cham , with the electorship conferr'd upon the bavarian . 79 w the wantones of the peeple more than the tarquins , cause of the expulsion of kings . 6 a weak act of the roman senat. 7 the welsh and irish have no other name for an english man , but saisson or saxon. 12 wenceslaus the emperour , depos'd , and the manner how it was . 35 why england fell from the roman emperour , and from the pope . 62 were not the imperial eagles imp'd with austrian feathers they wold be as bare as a coot . gloria honorque deo saeclorûm in saecula sunto . chronogramma . the vvarres of pompey and caesar out of whose euents is euicted this proposition. only a iust man is a freeman. by g.c. caesar and pompey chapman, george, 1559?-1634. 1631 approx. 136 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 37 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2003-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a18424 stc 4992 estc s107720 99843416 99843416 8148 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a18424) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 8148) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1167:07) the vvarres of pompey and caesar out of whose euents is euicted this proposition. only a iust man is a freeman. by g.c. caesar and pompey chapman, george, 1559?-1634. [76] p. printed by thomas harper, and are to be sold by godfrey edmonson, and thomas alchorne, london : m.dc.xxxi. [1631] g.c. = george chapman. in verse. signatures: a-i⁴ k² . the first leaf is blank. running title reads: the tragedy of cæsar and pompey. a variant of the edition with title: caesar and pompey (stc 4993). reproduction of the original in yale university. library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng rome -history -civil war, 49-48 b.c. -drama. 2002-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2002-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the warres of pompey and caesar . out of whose euents is euicted this proposition . only a iust man is a freeman . by g. c. london : printed by thomas harper , and are to be sold by godfrey emondson , and thomas alchorne . m.dc.xxxi . to the right honorable , his exceeding good lord , the earle of middlesex , &c. though ( my good lord ) this martiall history suffer the diuision of acts and scenes , both for the more perspicuity and height of the celebration , yet neuer toucht it at the stage ; or if it had ( though some may perhaps causelesly empaire it ) yet would it , i hope , fall vnder no exception in your lordships better-iudgeing estimation , since scenicall representation is so farre from giuing iust cause of any least diminution ; that the personall and exact life it giues to any history , or other such delineation of humane actions , 〈◊〉 to them luster , spirit and apprehension , which the only section of acts and 〈◊〉 makes mee stand vpon thus much , si●ce that only in some precisianismes will require a little preuention : and the hasty prose the stile auoides , obtaine to the more temperate and stai'd numerous elocution , some assistance to the acceptation and grace of it . though ingeniously my gratitude confesseth ( my lord ) it is not such as hereafter i vow to your honor ; being written so long since ; and had not the timely ripenesse of that age that ( i thank god ) i yet finde no fault withall for any old defects . good my lord vouchsafe your idle minutes may admit some slight glances at this , till some worke of more nouelty and fashion may conferre this the more liking of your honors more worthy deseruings ; to which his bounden affection vowes all seruices . euer your lordships geo. chapman . the argument . pompey and caesar bring their armies so neare rome , that the senate except against them . caesar vnduly and ambitiously commanding his forces . pompey more for feare of caesars violence to the state , then mou'd with any affectation of his own greatnesse . their opposite pleadings , out of which admirable narrations are made , which yet not conducing to their ends , warre ends them . in which at first caesar is forc't to fly , whom pompey not pursuing with such wings as fitted a speeding conqueror ; his victory was preuented , and he vnhappily dishonor'd . whose ill fortune his most louing and learned wife cornelia trauailde after , with paines solemne and carefull enough ; whom the two lentnli and others attended , till she miserably found him , and saw him monstrously murthered . both the consuls and cato are slaughterd with their owne invincible hands ; and caesar ( in spight of all his fortune ) without his victory , victor . onely a ivst man is a free man. act i. scene i. cato , athenodorus , porcius , statilius . cat. now will the two suns of our romane heauen ( pompey & caesar ) in their tropicke burning , wit● their contention , all the clouds assemble that th●eaten tempests to our peace & empire , which we shall shortly see poure down in bloud , ciuill and naturall , wilde and barbarous turning . ath. from whence presage you this ? cat. from both their armies , now gathered neere our italie , contending to enter seuerally : pompeys brought so neere by romes consent ; for feare of tyranous caesar , which caesar fearing to be done in fauour of pompey , and his passage to the empire ; hath brought on his for interuention . and such a flocke of puttocks follow caesar , for fall of his ill-disposed purse ( that neuer yet spar'd crosse to aquiline vertue ) as well may make all ciuill spirits suspicious . looke how against great raines , a standing poole of paddockes , todes , and water-snakes put vp their speckl'd throates aboue the venemous lake , croking and gasping for some fresh falne drops to quench their poisond thirst ; being neere to stifle with clotterd purgings of their owne foule bane ; so still , where caesar goes , there thrust vp head , impostors , flatterers , fauorites , and bawdes , buffons , intelligencers , select wits ; close murtherers , montibanckes , and decaied theeues , to gaine their banefull liues reliefes from him . from britaine , belgia , france , and germanie , the scum of either countrie , ( chus'd by him , to be his blacke guard , and red agents here ) swarming about him . porc. a●d all these are said to be suborn'd , in chiefe , against your selfe ; since caesar chiefly feares , that you will ●it this day his opposite ; in the cause for which both you were sent for home ; and he hath stolne accesse so soone here ; pompey : whole rest raisde to his encounter ; and on both sides , rome in generall vproa●e . stat. which sir , if you ●aw , and knew , how for the danger , all suspect to this your worthiest friend ( for that knowne freedome his spirit will vse this day , 'gainst both the riuals , his wife and familie mourne , no food , no comfort allowd them , for his danger ) you would vse your vtmost powrs to stay him from the senate , all this daies session . cat. hee 's too wise , statilius , for all is nothing . stat. nothing sir ? i ●aw castor and pollux temple , thrust vp full , with all the damn'd crew you haue lately nam'd : the market place and suburbs swarming with them : and where the senate si● , are ruffians pointed to keepe from entring the degrees that goe vp to the bench ; all other but the consuls , caesar and pompey , and the senators , and all for no cause , but to keepe out cato , with any violence , any villanie ; and is this nothing sir ? is his one life , on whom all good liues , and their goods depend , in romes whole empire ! all the iu●●ice there that 's free , and simple ; all such virtues too , and all such knowledge ; nothing , nothing , all ▪ cat. away statilius ; how long shall thy loue exceede thy knowledge of me , and the gods ? whose rights tho● wrongst for my right ? haue not i their powers to guard me , in a cause of theirs ? their iustice , and integrity included , in what i stand for ? he that feares the gods , for guard of any goodnesse ; all things feares ; earth , seas , and aire ; heauen , darknesse , broade day-light , rumor , and silence , and his very shade : and what an aspen soule hath such a creature ? how dangerous to his soule i● such a feare ? in whose cold fits , is all heauens iustice shaken to his faint thoughts ; and all the goodnesse there due to all good men , by the gods owne vowes , nay , by the firmenesse of their endlesse being , all which shall faile as soone as any one good to a good man in them : for his goodnesse proceeds from them , and is a beame of theirs . o neuer more , statilius , may this feare taint thy bould bosome , for thy selfe , or friend , more then the gods are fearefull to defend . athen. come ; let him goe , statilius ; and your fright ; this man hath inward guard , past your yong sight . exeunt enter minutius , manet cato . cat. welcome ; come stand by me in what is fit for our poore cities safety ; nor respect her proudest foes corruption , or our danger of what seene face soeuer . min. i am yours . but what alas , sir , can the weaknesse doe against our whole state of vs only two ? you know our statists spirits are so corrupt and seruile to the greatest ; that what crosseth them , or their owne particular wealth , or honor ; they will not enterprise to saue the empire . cat. i know it ; yet let vs doe like our selues . exeunt . enter some bearing axes , bundles of rods , bare ; before two consuls , caesar and metellus ; anthonius , and marcellus in couples ; senators , people , souldiers , &c. following . the consuls enter the degrees , with anthonius , and marcellus : caesar staying a while without with metellus , who hath a paper in his ha●d . caes. moue you for entring only pomp●ys army ; which if you gaine for him ; for me , all iustice will ioyne with my request of entring mine . met. t is like so , and i purpose to enforce it . caes. but might we not win cato to our friendship by honoring speeches , nor perswasiue gifts ? met. not possible . caes. nor by enforciue vsage ? met. not all the violence that can be vsde , of power , or set authoitry can stirre him , much lesse faire words win , or rewards corrupt him ; and therefore all meanes we must vse to keepe him from off the bench. caes. giue you the course for that , and if he offer entry , i haue fellowes will serue your will on him , at my giuen signall . they ascend . enter pompey , gabinius , vibius , demetrius , with papers . enter the lists , ascend and ●it . after whom enter cato , minutius , athenodorus , statilius , porcius . cat. he is the man that sits so close to caesar , and holds the law there , whispering ; see the cowherd hath guards of arm'd men got , against one naked . i le part their whispering virtue . 1 hold , keepe out . 2 what ? honor'd cato ? enter , chuse thy place . cat. come in ; he drawes him in and fits betwixt caesar and metellus . — away vnworthy groomes . 3 no more . caes. what should one say to him ? met. he will be stoicall . cat. where fit place is not giuen , it must be taken . 4 doe , take it cato ; feare no greatest of them ; thou seek'st the peoples good ; and these their owne . 5 braue cato ! what a countenance he puts on ? let 's giue his noble will , our vtmost power . 6 be bould in all thy will ; for being iust , thou maist defie the gods . cat. said like a god. met. we must endure these people . caes. doe ; begin . met. consuls , and reuerend fathers ; and ye people , whose voyces are the voyces of the gods ; i here haue drawne a law , by good consent , for entring into italy , the army of romes great pompey : that his forces here , as well as he , great rome , may rest secure from danger of the yet still smoaking fire , of catilinet abhorr'd conspiracy : of which the very chiefe are left aliue , only chastisde , but with a gentle prison . cat. put them to death then , and strike dead our feare , that well you vrge , by their vnfit suruiuall . rather then keepe it quick ; and two liues giue it , by entertaining pompeys army too . that giues as great cause of our feare , as they . for their conspiracy , onely was to make one tyrant ouer all the state of rome . and pompeys army , sufferd to be entred , is , to make him , or giue him meanes to be so . met. it followes not . cat. in purpose ; clearely sir , which i le illustrate , with a cleare exa●●ple . if it be day , the sunne 's aboue the earth ; which followes not ( you le answere ) for 't is day when first the morning breakes ; and yet is then the body of the sunne beneath the earth ; but he is virtually aboue it too , because his beames are there ; and who then knowes not his golden body will soone after mount . so pompeys army entred italy , yet pompey 's not in rome ; but pompey's beames who sees not there ? and consequently , he is in all meanes enthron'd in th' emperie . met. examples proue not , we will haue the army of pompey entred . cato . we ? which we intend you ? haue you already bought the peoples voices ? or beare our consuls or our senate here so small loue to their country ; that their wills beyond their countrys right are so peruerse , to giue a tyrant here entire command ? which i haue prou'd as cleare as day , they doe ; if either the conspirators suruiuing be let to liue ; or pompeys army entred ; both which , beat one sole path ; and threat one danger . caes. consuls , and honor'd fathers ; the sole entry of pompeys army , i le not yet examine : but for the great conspirators yet liuing , ( which cato will conclude as one selfe danger , to our deare country ; and deterre all therefore that loue their country , from their liues defence i see no reason why such danger hangs on their sau'd liues ; being still safe kept in prison ; and since close prison , to a roman freedome , ten fold torments more , then directest death , who can be thought to loue the lesse his country , that seekes to saue their liues ? and lest my selfe ( thus speaking for them ) be vniustly toucht with any lesse doubt of my countryes loue , why ( reuerend fathers ) may it be esteem'd selfe praise in me , to proue my selfe a chiefe both in my loue of her ; and in desert of her like loue in me ? for he that does most honour to his mistrisse ; well may boast ( without least question ) that he loues her most . and though things long since done , were long since known , and so may seeme superfluous to repeat ; yet being forgotten , as things neuer done , their repetition needfull is , in iustice , t' enflame the shame of that obliuion : for hoping it will seeme no lesse empaire to others acts , to truely tell mine owne ; put all together ; i haue past them all that by their acts can boast themselues to be their countries louers : first in those wilde kingdomes subdu'd to rome , by my vnwearied toyles . which i dissauag'd and made nobly ciuill . next , in the multitude of those rude realmes that so i fashiond ; and to romes yong empire of old haue added : then the battailes numbred this hand hath fought , and wonne for her , with all those infinites of dreadfull enemies ( i slue in them : twice fifteene hundred thousand all able souldiers ) i haue driuen at once before my forces : and in sundry onsets , a thousand thousand of them , put to sword : besides , i tooke in lesse then ten yeares time , by strong assault , aboue eight hundred cities , three hundred seuerall nations , in that space , subduing to my countrey ; all which seruice , i trust , may interest me in her loue , publique , and generall enough , to aquit me of any selfe-loue ; past her common good : for any motion of particular iustice ( by which her generall empire is maintaind ) that i can make for those accused prisoners , which is but by the way ; that so the reason metellus makes for entring pompeys armie , may not more weighty seeme , then to agree with those imprison'd nobles , vitall safeties . which granted , or but yeelded fit to be , may well extenuate the necessity of entring pompeys armie . cat. all that need i tooke away before ; and reasons gaue for a necessity to keepe it out whose entry ( i thinke ) he himselfe affects not . since i as well thinke he affects not th' empire , and both those thoughts hold ; since he loues his country , in my great hopes of him too well to seeke his sole rule of her , when so many soules , so hard a taske approue it ; nor my hopes of his sincere loue to his country , build on sandier grounds then caesars ; since he can as good cards shew for it as caesar did , and quit therein the close aspersion of his ambition , seeking to imploy his army in the breast of italy . pomp. let me not thus ( imperiall bench and senate ) feele myselfe beat about the eares , and tost with others breathes to any coast they please : and not put some stay to my errors in them . the gods can witnesse that not my ambition hath brought to question th' entry of my army ; and therefore not suspected the effect , of which that entry is supposde the cause : which is a will in me , to giue my power the rule of romes sole empire ; that most strangely would put my will in others powers ; and powers ( vnforfeit by my fault ) in others wills . my selfe-loue , out of which all this must rise : i will not wrong the knowne proofes of my loue to this my natiue cities publique good , to quit , or thinke of ; nor repeat those proofes confirm'd in those three triumphs i haue made ; for conquest of the whole inhabited world ; first affrick , europe , and then asia , which neuer consull but my selfe could boast . nor can blinde fortune vaunt her partiall hand , in any part of all my seruices , though some haue said , she was the page of caesar , both sayling , marching , fighting , and preparing his fights in very order of his battailes : the parts she plaid for him inuerting nature , as giuing calmnesse to th' enraged sea ; imposing summers weather on sterne winter ; winging the slowest foot he did command , and his most cowherd making fierce of hand . and all this euer when the force of man was quite exceeded in it all ; and she in th' instant adding her cleare deity . yet , her for me , i both disclaime and scorne ; and where all fortune is renounc't , no reason will thinke one man transferd with affectation of all pomes empire ; for he must haue fortune that goes beyond a man ; and where so many their hand-fulls finde with it ; the one is mad that vndergoes it : and where that is clear'd ; th' imputed meanes to it , which is my ●ute for entry of mine army , i confute . cat. what rests then , this of all parts being disclaimd ? met. my part , sir , rests , that let great pompey beare what spirit he lists ; 't is needfull yet for rome , that this law be establisht for his army . caes. t is then a● needfull to admit in mine ; or else let both lay downe our armes ; for else to take my charge off , and leaue pompey his ; you wrongfully accuse me to intend a tyranny amongst ye ; and shall giue pompey full meanes to be himselfe a tyrant , anth. can this be answer'd ? 1 cons. is it then your wils that pompey shall cease armes ? anth. what else ? omnes . no , no. 2 cons. shall caesar cease his armes ? omn. i , i. anth. for shame then yeeld to this cleare equity , that both may leaue their armes . omn. we indifferent stand . met. read but this law , and you shall see a difference twixt equity and your indifferency ; all mens obiections answered ; read it notary . cat. he shall not read it . met. i will read it then . min. nor thou shalt read it , being a thing ●o vaine , pretending cause for pompeys armies entry , that only by thy complices and thee ; t is forg'd to set the senate in an vproare ▪ met. i haue it sir , in memory , and will speake it . cat. thou shalt be dumbe as soone . caes. pull downe this cato , author of factions , and to prison with him . gen. come downe sir. he drawes , and all draw . pom. hence ye mercenary ruffians . 1 cons. what outrage shew you ? sheath your insolent swords , or be proclaim'd your countreys foes and traytors . pom. how insolent a part was this in you , to offer the imprisonment of cato ? when there is right in him ( were forme so answer'd with termes and place ) to send vs both to prison ? if , of our owne ambitions , we should offer th' entry of our armies ; for who knowes that , of vs both , the best friend to his country , and freest from his owne particular ends ; ( being in his power ) would not assume the empire , and hauing it , could rule the state so well as now 't is gouer'nd , for the common good ? caes : accuse your selfe , sir , ( if your conscience vrge it ) or of ambition , or corruption , or insufficiency to rule the empire , and sound not me with your lead . pom. lead ? t is gold , and spirit of gold too ; to the politique drosse with which false caesar ●ounds men ; and for which his praise and honour crownes them ; who sounds not the inmost sand of caesar ? for but sand is all the rope of your great parts affected . you speake well , and are learn'd ; and golden speech did nature neuer giue man ; but to guild a copper soule in him ; and all that learning that heartily is spent in painting speech , is merely painted , and no solid knowledge . but y 'aue another praise for temperance , which nought commends your free choice to be temperate . for so you must be ; at least in your meales , since y 'aue a malady that tyes you to it ; for feare of daily fals in your aspirings . and your disease the gods nere gaue to man ; but such a one , as had a spirit too great for all his bodies passages to serue it , which notes th' excesse of your ambition . the malady chancing where the pores and passages through which the spirit of a man is borne , so narrow are , and straight , that oftentimes they intercept it quite , and choake it vp . and yet because the greatnesse of it notes a heat mere fleshly , and of bloods ranck fire , goates are of all beasts subiect'st to it most . caes. your selfe might haue it then , if those faults cause it ; but deales this man ingeniously , to tax men with a frailty that the gods inflict ? pomp. the gods inflict on men , diseases neuer , or other outward maimes ; but to decipher , correct , and order some rude vice within them : and why decipher they it , but to make men note , and shun , and tax it to th' extreame ? nor will i see my countryes hopes abusde , in any man commanding in her empire ; if my more tryall of him , makes me see more into his intricasies ; and my freedome hath spirit to speake more , then obseruers seruile . caes. be free , sir , of your insight and your speech ; and speak , and see more , then the world besides ; i must remember i haue heard of one , that same gaue out , could see thorow oke and stone : and of another set in sicily , that could discerne the carthaginian nauy , and number them distinctly , leauing harbor , though full a day and nights saile distant thence : but these things ( reuerend fathers ) i conceiue , hardly appeare to you worth graue beliefe : and therefore since such strange things haue beene seene in my so deepe and foule detractions , by only lyncean pompey ; who was most lou'd and beleeu'd of romes most famous whore , infamous flora ; by so fine a man as galba , or sarmentus ; any iester or flatterer may draw through a ladyes ring ; by one that all his souldiers call in scorne great agamemnon , or the king of men ; i rest vnmou'd with him ; and yeeld to you to right my wrongs , or his abuse allow . cat. my lords , ye make all rome amaz'd to heare . pom. away , i le heare no more ; i heare it thunder my lords ; all you that loue the good of rome , i charge ye , follow me ; all such as stay , are friends to caesar , and their countreys foes . caes. th' euent will fall out contrary , my lords . 1 cons. goe , thou art a thiefe to rome , discharge thine army , or be proclaim'd , forthwith , her open foe . 2 cons. pompey , i charge thee , helpe thy iniur'd country with what powers thou hast arm'd , and leuy more . the ruffians . warre , warre , o caesar. sen. and ●eop . peace , peace , worthy pompey . act ii. scene i. enter fr●nt● all ragg'd , in an ouergrowne red beard , black head , with a halter in his ●and , looking about . vvarres , warres , and presses , fly in fire about ; no more can i lurke in my lasie corners , nor shifting courses : and with honest meanes to rack my miserable life out , more , the rack is not so fearefull ; when dishonest and villanous fashions faile me ; can i hope to liue with virtuous ? or to raise my fortunes by creeping vp in souldierly degrees ? since villany varied thorow all his fingures , will put no better case on me then this ; despaire ! come sease me : i had able meanes ; and spent all in the swinge of lewd affections ; plung'd in all riot , and the rage of blood ; in full assurance that being knaue enough , barbarous enough , base , ignorant enough , i needs must haue enough , while this world lasted ; yet , since i am a poore , and ragged knaue , my rags disgace my knauery so , that none will thinke i am knaue ; as if good clothes were knacks to know a knaue ; when all men know he has no liuing ? which knacks since my knauery can shew no more ; and only shew is all that this world cares for ; i le st●p out of all the cares 't is s●eept in . he offers to hang himselfe . thunder , and the gulfe opens , flames issuing ; and ophioneu● ascending , with the face , wings , and taile of a dragon ; a skin coate all speckled on the throat . oph. hold rascall , hang thy selfe in these dayes ? the only time that euer was for a rascall to liue in ? fron. how chance i cannot liue then ? oph. either th' art not rascall nor villaine enough ; or else thou dost not pretend honesty and piety enough to disguise it . fro. that 's certaine , for euery asse does that . what art thou ? oph. a villaine worse then thou . fro. and dost breathe ? oph. i speake thou heur'st , i moue , my pulse beates fast as thine . fro. and wherefore liu'st thou ? oph. the world 's out of frame , a thousand rulers wresting it this way , and that , with as many religions ; when , as heauens vpper sphere is mou'd onely by one ; so should the sphere of earth be , and i le haue it so . fro. how canst thou ? what art thou ? oph. my shape may tell thee . fro. no man ? oph. man ? no , spawne of a clot , none of that ●ursed crew , damn'd in the masse it selfe ; plagu'd in his birth , confinde to creepe below , and wrestle with the elements ▪ teach himselfe tortures ; kill himselfe , hang himselfe ; no such gally slaue , but at warre with heauen ; spurning the power of the gods , command the elements ▪ fro. what maist thou be then ? oph. an endlesse friend of thine ; an immortall deuill . fro. heauen blesse vs. oph. nay then , forth , goe , hang thy selfe , and thou talk'st of heauen once . fro. i haue done ; what deuill art thou ? oph. read the old stoick pherecides , that tels thee me truly , and sayes that i ophioneu● ( for so is my name . ) fro. ophioneus ? what 's that ? oph. deuilish serpent , by interpretation ; was generall captaine of that rebellious host of spirits that wag'd warre with heauen ▪ fro. and so were hurl'd downe to hell . oph. we were so ; and yet haue the rule of earth ; and cares any man for the worst of hell then ? fro. why should he ? oph. well said ; what 's thy name now ? fro. my name is fronto . oph. fronto ? a good one ; and has fronto liu'd thus long in rome ? lost his state at dice ? murther'd his brother for his meanes ? spent all ? run thorow worse offices since ? beene a promoter ▪ a puruey or ? a pander ? a summer ? a sergeant ? an intelligencer ? and at last hang thy selfe ? fro. how the deuill knowes he all this ? oph. why thou art a most greene plouer in policy , i perceiue ; and maist drinke colts-foote , for all thy horsemane beard : s'light , what need hast thou to hang thy selfe ? as if there were a dearth of hangmen in the land ? thou liu'st in a good cheape state ▪ a man may be hang'd here for a little , or nothing . what 's the reason of thy desperation ? fro. my idle dissolute life , is thrust out of all his corners by this searching tumult now on foot in rome . — caesar now and pompey are both for battaile : pompey ( in his feare of caesars greater force ) is sending hence his wife and children , and he bent to fly . enter pompey running ouer the stage with his wife and children , gabinius , demetrius , vibius , pages ; other senators , the consuls and all following . see , all are on their wings ; and all the city in such an vproare , as if fire and sword were ransacking , and ruining their houses , no idle person now can lurke neare rome , all must to armes ; or shake their heeles beneath her martiall halters ; whose officious pride i le shun , and vse mine owne swinge : i be forc't to helpe my countrey , when it forceth me to this past-helping pickle ? oph. goe to , thou shalt serue me ; chuse thy profession ; and what cloth thou wouldst wish to haue thy coat cut out on . fro. i can name none . oph. shall i be thy learn'd counsaile ? fro. none better . oph. be an archflamen then , to one of the gods. fro. archflamen ? what 's that ? oph. a priest. fro. a priest ? that nere was clerke ? oph. no clerke ? what then ? the greatest clerks are not the wisest men . nor skils it for degrees in a knaue , or a fooles preferment , thou shalt rise by fortune : let desert rise leisurely enough , and by degrees ; fortune preferres headlong , and comes like riches to a man ; huge riches being got with little paines ; and little with huge paines . and for discharge of the priesthood , what thou wantst in learning , thou shalt take out in goodfellowship : thou shalt equiuocate with the sophister , prate with the lawyer , scrape with the vsurer , drinke with the dutchman , sweare with the french man , cheat with the english man , brag with the scot , and turne all this to religion , hoc est regnum deorum gentibus . fro. all this i can doe to a haire . oph. very good , wilt thou shew thy selfe deepely learn'd too , and to liue licentiously here , care for nothing hereafter ? fro. not for hell ? oph. for hell ? soft sir ; hop'st thou to purchase hell with only dicing or whoring away thy liuing ? murthering thy brother , and so forth ? no there remaine works of a higher hand and deeper braine , to obtaine hell . thinkst thou earths great potentates haue gotten their places there with any single act of murther , poysoning , adutery , and the rest ? no ; t is a purchase for all manner of villany ; especially , that may be priuiledg'd by authority ; colourd with holinesse , and enioyd with pleasure . fro. o this were most honourable and admirable . oph. why such an admirable honorable villane shalt thou be . fro. is 't possible ? oph. make no doubt on 't ; i le inspire thee . fro. sacred and puissant . he kneeles . oph. away ; companion and friend , giue me thy hand ; say , dost not loue me ? art not enamourd of my acquaintance ? fro. protest i am . oph. well said , protest and t is enough . and know for infallible ; i haue promotion for thee ; both here , and hereafter ; which not one great one amongst millions shall euer aspire to . alexander , nor great cyrus , retaine those titles in hell , that they did on earth : fro. no ? oph. no : he that sold seacoale here , shall be a baron there ; he that was a cheating rogue here , shall be a iustice of peace there ; a knaue here , a knight there . in the meane space , learne what it is to liue ; and thou shalt haue chopines at commandment to any height of life thou canst wish . fro. i feare my fall is too low . oph. too low foole ? hast thou not heard of vulcans falling out of heauen ? light a thy legges , and no matter though thou halt'st with thy best friend euer after ; t is the more comely and fashionable . better goe lame in the fashion with pompey , then neuer so vpright , quite out of the fashon with cato . fro. yet you cannot change the old fashion ( they say ) and hide your clouen feet . oph. no ? i can weare roses that shall spread quite ouer them . fro. for loue of the fashion doe then . oph. goe to ; i will hereafter . fro. but for the priesthood you offer me , i affect it not . oph. no ? what saist thou to a rich office then ? fro. the only second meanes to raise a rascall in the earth . oph. goe to ; i le helpe thee to the be●● i th earth then : and that 's in sicilia ; the very storehouse of the romanes , where the lord chiefe censor there lyes now a dying ; whose soule i will haue ; and thou shalt haue his office . fro. excellent ; was euer great office better supplied ? exeunt . nuntius . now is the mighty empresse of the earth ( great rome ) fast lockt vp in her fancied strength , all broke in vproares ; fearing the iust gods in plagues will drowne her so abused blessings . in which feare , all without her wals , fly in ; by both their iarring champions rushing out ; and those that were within , as fast fly forth ; the consuls both are fled without one rite of sacrifice submitted to the gods , as euer heretofore their custome was when they began the bloody frights of warre . in which our two great souldiers now encountring , since both left rome , oppos'd in bitter skirmish , pompey ( not willing yet to hazard battaile , by cat●s counsaile , vrging good cause ) fled : which firing caesars spirit ▪ he pursu'd so home , and fiercely , that great pompey skorning the heart he tooke , by his aduised flight , despisde aduice as much as his pursuite . and as in lybia , an aged lion , vrg'd from his peacefull couert , feare● the light with his vnready and diseas'd appearance , giues way to chace a while , and coldly hunts , till with the youthfull hunters wanton heat , he all his coole wrath frets into a flame : and then his sides he swinges with his sterne , to lash his strenth vp , let 's downe all his browes about his burning eyes ; erects his mane , breakes all hi● throat in thunders , and to wreake his hunters insolence , his heart euen barking ; he frees his fury , turnes , and rushes back with such a gastly horror , that in heapes , his proud foe● fly , and he that station keepes : so pompeys coole spirits , put to all their heat by caesars hard pursuit he turnd fresh head , and flew vpon his foe with such a rapture a● tooke vp into furies , all friends feares ; who fir'd with his first turning , all turnd head , and gaue so fierce a charge , their followers fled , whose instant issue on their both sides , see , and after set out such a tragedy , as all the princes of the earth may come to take their patternes by the spirits of rome . alarme , after which enter caesar following crassiniuscalling to the souldiers . crass. stay cowherd , fly ye caesars fortunes ? caes. forbeare foolish crassinius , we contend in vaine to stay these vapours , and must raise our campe. crass. how shall we rise ( my lord ) but all in vproares , ●eing still pursude ? enter acilius . the pursuit stayes , my lord , pompey hath sounded a retreat , resigning his time to you to vse , in instant raysing your ill-lodg'd army , pi●ching now where fortune may good amends make for her fault to day . caes. it was not fortunes fault , 〈◊〉 mine acilius , to giue my foe charge , being so neare the ●ea , where well i knew the eminence of his strength , and should haue driuen th' encounter further off ; bearing before me such a goodly country , so plentifull , and rich , in all things fit to haue suppli'd my armies want with victuals , and th' able cities too , to strengthen it , of macedon and thessaly , where now i rather was besieg'd for want of food , then did assault with fighting force of armes . enter anthony , vibius , with others . ant. see , sir , here 's one friend of your foes recouer'd . caes. vibius ? in happy houre . vib. for me vnhappy . caes. what ? brought against your will ? vib. else had not come . ant. sir , hee 's your prisoner , but had made you his , had all the rest pursu'd the chace like him ; he draue on like a fury ; past all friends , but we that tooke him quick in his engagement . caes. o vibius , you deserue to pay a ransome of infinite rate , for had your generall ioyn'd in your addression , or knowne how to conquer ; this day had prou'd him the supreame of caesar. vib. knowne how to conquer ? his fiue hundred conquests atchieu'd ere this day , make that doubt vnfit for him that flyes him ; for , of issues doubtfull who can at all times put on for the best ? if i were mad , must hee his army venture in my engagement ? nor are generalls euer their powers disposers , by their proper angels , but trust against them , oftentimes , their counsailes , wherein , i doubt not , caesars selfe hath err'd sometimes , as well as pompey . caes. or done worse , in disobeying my counsaile ( vibius ) of which , this dayes abused light is witnesse ; by which i might haue seene a course secure of this discomfiture . ant. amends ●its euer aboue repentance , what 's done , wish not vndone ; but that prepared patience that you know best fits a souldier charg'd with hardest fortunes ; asks still your vse , since powers still temperate kept ope still the clearer eyes by one faults sight to place the next act , in the surer right . caes. you prompt me nobly sir , repayring in me mine owne stayes practice , out of whose repose the strong convulsions of my spirits forc't me thus farre beyond my temper ; but good vibius , be ransom'd with my loue , and haste to pompey , entreating him from me , that we may meet , and for that reason which i know this day ( was giuen by cato , for his pursutes stay which was preuention of our romane blood ) propose my offer of our hearty peace . that being reconcil'd , and mutuall faith giuen on our either part , not three dayes light may further shew vs foes , but ( both our armies disperst in garisons ) we may returne within that time to italy , such friends as in our countryes loue , containe our splenes vib. t is offerd , sir , ' boue the rate of caesar in other men , but in what i approue beneath his merits : which i will not faile t' enforce at full to pompey , nor forget in any time the gratitude of my seruice . vi. salutes ant. and the other , & exit . caes. your loue , sir , and your friendship . ant. this prepares a good induction to the change of fortune , in this dayes issue , if the pride it kindles in pompeys vaines , makes him deny a peace so gently offerd : for her alterd hand works neuer surer from her ill to good on his side she hath hurt , and on the other with other changes , then when meanes are vsde to keepe her constant , yet retire refusde . caes. i try no such conclusion , but desire directly peace . in meane space i le prepare for other issue in my vtmost meanes ; whose hopes now resting at brundusium , in that part of my army , with sabinus , i wonder he so long delaies to bring me , and must in person haste him , if this euen i heare not from him . crass. that ( i hope ) flyes farre your full intent , my lord , since pompeys navie , you know , lies houering all alongst those seas , in too much danger , for what ayde soeuer you can procure to passe your person safe . acil. which doubt may proue the cause that stayes sabinus ▪ and , if with shipping fit to passe your army , he yet straines time to venture , i presume you will not passe your person with such conuoy of those poore vessels , as may serue you here . caes. how shall i helpe it ? shall i suffer this torment of his delay ? and rack suspitions worse then assur'd destructions through my thoughts . anth. past doubt he will be here ; i left all orderd , and full agreement made with him to make all vtmost haste , no least let once suspected . caes. suspected ? what suspection should feare a friend in such assur'd streights from his friends enlargement . if t were his souldiers safeties he so tenders , were it not better they should sinke by sea , then wrack their number , king and cause ashore ? their stay is worth their ruine , should we liue , if they in fault were ? if their leader ! he sould dye the deaths of all ; in meane space , i that should not , beare all , fly the sight in shame , thou eye of nature , and abortiue night fall dead amongst vs : with defects , defects must serue proportion ; iustice neuer can be else restor'd , nor right the wrongs of man ▪ exeunt . pompey , cato , gabinius , demetrius , athenodorus , porcius , statilius . pomp. this charge of our fierce foe , the firiendly gods haue in our stregthen'd spirits beaten back with happy issue , and his forces lessen'd , of two and thirty ensignes forc't from him , two thousand souldiers slaine . cat. o boast not that , their losse is yours , my lord. pomp. i boast it not , but only name the number . gab. which right well you might haue raisde so high , that on their tops your throne was offer'd , euer t' ouerlooke subuerted caesar , had you beene so blest to giue such honor to your captaines counsailes as their alacrities did long to merit with proofefull action . dem. o t was ill neglected . stat. it was deferr'd with reason , which not yet th' euent so cleare is to confute . pom. if t were , our likeliest then was , not to hazard battaile , th' aduenture being so casuall ; if compar'd with our more certaine meanes to his subuersion ? for finding now our army amply storde with all things fit to tarry surer time , reason thought better to extend to length the warre betwixt vs ; that his little strength may by degrees proue none ; which vrged now , ( consisting of his best and ablest souldiers ) we should haue found at one direct set battaile of matchlesse valours ; their defects of victuall not tyring yet enough on their tough nerues , where , on the other part , to put them still in motion , and remotion , here and there ; enforcing them to fortifying still where euer they set downe ; to siege a wall , keepe watch all night in armour : their most part can neuer beare it , by their yeares oppression ; spent heretofore too much in those steele toyles . cat. i so aduisde , and yet repent it not , but much reioyce in so much saued blood as had beene pour'd out in the stroke of battaile , whose fur● thus preuented , comprehends your countreys good , and empires ; in whose care ▪ let me beseech you that in all this warre , you sack no city , subiect to our rule , nor put to sword one citizen of rome ; but when the needfull fury of the sword can make no fit distinction in maine battaile , that you will please still to prolong the stroke of absolute decision to these iarres , considering you shall strike it with a man of much skill and experience , and one that will his conquest ●ell at infinite rate , if that must end your difference ; but i doubt there will come humble offer on his part , of honor'd peace to you , for whose sweet name so cryed out to you in our late-met senate , lost no fit offer of that wished treaty . take pity on your countreys blood as much as possible may stand without the danger of hindering her iustice on her foes , which all the gods to your full wish dispose . pom. why will you leaue vs ? whither will you goe to keepe your worthyest person in more safety then in my army , so deuoted to you ? cat. my person is the least , my lord , i value ; i am commanded by our powerfull senate , to view the cities , and the kingdomes scituate about your either army , that which side soeuer conquer , no disordered ●traglers puft with the conquest , or by need impeld , may take their swinge more then the care of one may curb and order in these neighbor confines my chiefe passe yet resolues for vtica . pom. your passe ( my truest friend , and worthy father ) may all good powers make safe , and alwayes answer your infinite merits , with their like protection . in which , i make no doubt but we shall meet with mutuall greetings , or for absolute conquest or peace preuenting that our bloody stroke , nor let our parting be dishonor'd so , as not to take into our noblest notice your selfe ( most learned and admired father ) whose merits , if i liue , shall lack no honor . porcius , statilius , though your spirits with mine would highly chere me , yet ye shall bestow them in much more worthy conduct , but loue me , and wish me conquest , for your countreys sake . sta. our liues shall ●eale our loues , sir , with worst deaths aduentur'd in your seruice . pom. y' are my friends . exeunt . cat. athen por. sat. these friends thus gone , t is more then time we minded our lost friend vibius . gab. you can want no friends , see , our two consuls , sir , betwixt them bringing the worthy brutus . enter two consuls leading brutus betwixt them . 1 cons. we attend ( my lord ) with no meane friend , to spirit your next encounter , six thousand of our choice patricia● youths brought in his conduct . 2 cons. and though neuer yet he hath saluted you with any word or looke of slendrest loue in his whole life , since that long time since , of his fathers death by your hand authord ; yet see , at your need he comes to serue you freely for his country . pom. his friendly presence , making vp a third with both your persons , i as gladly welcome , as if io●es triple flame had guilt this field , and lightn'd on my right hand , from his shield . bru. i well assure my selfe , sir , that no thought in your ingenious construction , touches at the aspersion that my tendred seruice proceeds ●●om my despaire of elsewhere safety ▪ but that my countreys safety owning iustly my whole habilities of life and fortunes , and you the ablest f●utor of her safty , her loue , and ( for your loue of her ) your owne only makes sacred to your vse my offering . pom. farre fly all other thought from my construction ▪ and due acceptance of the liberall honor , your loue hath done me , which the gods are witnesse , i take as stirr'd vp in you by their fauours , nor lesse esteeme it then an offering holy ; since , as of all things , man is said the measure , so your full merits measure forth a man. 1 cons. see yet , my lord , more friends . 2 cons. fiue kings , your seruants . enter fiue kings . hib. conquest and all grace crowne the gracious pompey , to serue whom in the sacred romane safety , my selfe , iber●as king , present my forces . thess. and i that hold the tributary throne of grecian thessaly , submit my homage , to rome , and pompey . cil. so cilicia too . epir. and so epiru● . thra. lastly i from thrace present the duties of my power and seruice . pom. your royall aides deserue of rome and pompey our vtmost honor● . o may now our fortune not ballance her broad breast twixt two light wings , nor on a slippery globe sustaine her steps , but as the spartans say , the paphian queene ( the flood eurota● passing ) laid aside her glasse , her ceston , and her amorous graces , and in lycurgus fauor ; arm'd her beauties with shield and ●aueline , so may fortune now , the flood of all our enemies forces passing with her faire ensignes , and arriu'd at ours , displume her shoulders , ●ast off her wing'd shooes , her faithlesse , and still-rowling stone spurne from her , and enter our powers as she may remaine our firme assistent : that the generall aydes , fauours , and honors you performe to rome , may make her build with you her endlesse home . o●● . the gods vouchsafe it ; and our causes right . dem. what suddaine shade is this ? obserue my lords , the night , me thinks , comes on before her houre . thunder and lightning . gab. nor trust me if my thoughts conceiue not so . bru. what thin clouds fly the winds , like swiftest shafts along aires middle region . 1 cons. they presage vnusuall tempests . 2 cons. and t is their repaire , that timelesse darken thus the gloomy ayre . pom. let 's force no omen from it , but avoid the vapors furies now by iou● employd . thunder continued , and caesar enters disguisde . the wrathfull tempest of the angry night , where hell flyes mufl'd vp in clouds of pitch , mingl'd with sulphure , and those dreadfull bolts , the cyclops ram in ioues artillery , hath rousde the furies , arm'd in all their horrors , vp to the enuious seas , in spight of caesar. o night , o ielous night , of all the noblest beauties , and glories , where the gods haue stroke their foure digestions , from thy gastly chaos , blush thus to drowne them all in this houre sign'd by the necessity of ●ate for caesar. i that haue ransackt all the world for worth , to forme in man the image of the gods , must like them haue the power to check the worst of all things vnder their celestiall empire , stoope it , and burst it , or break● through it all , with vse and safety , till the crowne be set on all my actions ; that the hand of nature in all her worst works ayming at an end , may in a master-peece of hers be seru'd with tops , and state fit for his virtuous crowne : not lift arts thus farre vp in glorious frame , to let them vanish thus in smoke and shame . this riuer anius ( in whose mouth now lyes a pynnace i would passe in , to fetch on my armies dull rest from brundu●ium ) that is at all times else exceeding calme , ( by reason of a purling winde that flyes off from the shore each morning , driuing vp the billows farre to sea ) in this night yet , beares such a terrible gale ; put off from sea , as beats the land wind back , and thrusts the flood vp in such vproare , that no boat dare stirre . and on it is disperst all pompeys nauy to make my perill yet more enuious . shall i yet shrinke for all ? were all , yet more ? there is a certaine need that i must giue way to my paste ; none , knowne , that i must giue . enter master of a ship with sailors mast. what battaile is there fought now in the ayre . that threats the wrack of nature ? caes. master ? come . shall we thrust through it all ? mast. what lost man , art thou in hopes and fortunes , that dar'st make so desperate a motion . caes. launch man , and all thy feares fraight disauow , thou carriest caesar and his fortunes now . act iii. scene i. pompey , two consuls , fine kings , brutus , gabinius , demetrius . now to pharsalia , where the smarting strokes of our resolu'd contention must resound , ( my lords and friends of rome ) i giue you all such welcome as the spirit of all my fortunes , conquests , and triumphs ( now come for their cro●●● ) can crowne your fauours with , and serue the hopes of my deare country , to her vtmost wish ; i can but set vp all my being to giue so good an end to my forerunning acts ; the powers in me that formd them hauing lost no least time since , in gathering skill to better ; but like so many bees haue brought me home , the sweet of whatsoeuer flowers haue growne in all the me●des , and gardens of the world . all which hath growne still , as the time encrease in which t was gather'd , and with which it stemm'd . that what decay soeuer blood inferr'd , might with my mindes store , be suppli'd , and cher'd , all which , in one fire of this instant fight i le burne , and sacrifice to euery cinder in sacred offering to my countreys loue , and therefore what euent soeuer sort , as i no praise will looke for , but the good freely bestow on all ; ( if good succeed ) so if aduerse fate fall , i wish no blame , but th' ill befalne me , made my fortunes shame , not mine , nor my fault . 1 cons. we too well loue pompey , to doe him that iniustice . bru. who more thirsts the conquest , then resolues to beare the foile ? pom. said brutus-like , giue seuerall witnesse all , that you acquit me whatsoeuer fall . 2 cons. particular men particular fates must beare , who feeles his owne wounds lesse , to wound another ? thess. leaue him the worst whose best is left vndone , he only conquers whose minde still is one . epir. free mindes , like dice , fall sqare , what ere the cast . ibir. who on him selfe sole stands , stands solely fast . thra. he 's neuer downe , whose minde fights still aloft . cil. who cares for vp or downe , when all 's but thought . gab. to things euents doth no mans power extend . dem. since gods rule all , who any thing would mend . pom. ye sweetly ease my charge , your selues vnburthening . return'd not yet our trumpet , sent to know of vibius certaine state ? gab. not yet , my lord. pomp. too long protract we all meanes to recouer his person quick or dead , for i still thinke his losse seru'd fate , before we blew retreat ; though some affirme him seene , soone after fighting . dem. not after , sir , ( i heard ) but ere it ended . gab. he bore a great minde to extend our pursuit much further then it was ; and seru'd that day ( when you had , like the true head of a battaile , led all the body in that glorious turne ) vpon a farre-off squadron that stood fast in conduct of the great marc anthony , when all the rest were fled , so past a man that in their tough receipt of him , i saw him thrice breake thorow all with ease , and passe as faire as he had all beene fire , and they but ayre . pom. he stuck at last yet , in their midst , it seem'd . gab. so haue i seene a fire drake glide at midnight before a dying man to point his graue , and in it stick and hide . dem. he comes yet safe . a trumpet sounds , and enters before vibius , with others . pom. o vibius , welcome , what a prisoner ? with mighty caesar , and so quickly ransom'd ? vib. i sir , my ransome , needed little time , either to gaine agreement for the value , or the disbursment , since in caesars grace we both concluded . pom. was his grace so free . vib. for your respect , sir ▪ pom. nay , sir , for his glory . that the maine conquest he so surely builds on , ( which euer is forerun with petty fortunes ) take not effect , by taking any friend from all the most , my poore defence can make , but must be compleat , by his perfect owne . vib. i know , sir , you more nobly rate the freedome he freely gaue your friend ; then to peruert it so past his wi●dome : that knowes much too well th' vncertaine state of conquest ; to raise frames of such presumption on her fickle wings , and chiefely in a losse so late , and grieuous . besides , your forces farre exceeding his , his whole powers being but two and twenty thousand : and yours full foure and forty thousand strong : for all which yet , he stood as farre from feare in my enlargement , as the confident glory you please to put on him ; and had this end in my so kinde dismission , that as kindely i might ●olicite a sure peace betwixt you . pom. a peace ? is 't possible ? vib. come , doe not shew this wanton incredulity too much . pom. beleeue me i was farre from such a thought in his high stomack : cato prophecied then . what thinke my lords our consuls , and friend brutus ? omn. an offer happy : bru. were it plaine and hearty . pom. i , there 's the true inspection to his prospect . bru. this streight of his perhaps may need a sleight of some hid stratagem , to bring him off . pom. deuices of a new fordge to entrap me ? i rest in caesars shades ? walke his strow'd paths ? sleepe in his quiet waues ? i le sooner trust hibernian boggs , and quicksands ; and hell mo●th take for my sanctuary : in bad parts that no extreames will better , natures finger hath markt him to me , to take heed of him . what thinks my brutus ? bru. t is your best and safest . pom. this offer'd peace of his is sure a snare to make our warre the bloodier , whose ●it feare makes me i dare not now ( in thoughts maturer then late enclin'de me ) put in vse the counsaile your noble father cato ( parting ) gaue me , whose much too tender shunning innocent blood , this battaile hazards now , that must cost more . 1 cons. it doe● , and therefore now no more deferre it . pom. say all men so ? omn. we doe . pom. i grieue ye doe , because i rather wish to erre with cat● then with the truth goe of the world besides ; but since it shall abide this other stroke . ye gods that our great romane genius haue made , not giue vs one dayes conquest only . nor grow in conquests for some little time , as did the genius of the macedons ; nor be by land great only , like laconians ; nor yet by sea alone , as was th' athenians ▪ nor slowly stirr'd vp , like the persian angell ; nor rockt asleepe soone , like the ionian spirit . but made our romane genius , fiery , watchfull , and euen from romes prime , ioynd his youth with hers , grow as she grew , and firme as earth abide , by her encreasing pomp , at sea , and shore , in peace , in battaile ; against greece as well as our barbarian foes ; command yet further ye firme and iust gods , our assistfull angell for rome , and pompey , who now fights for rome ; that all these royall lawes , to vs , and iustice of common safety , may the selfe-loue drowne of tyrannous caesar ; and my care for all your altars crown'd with endlesse festiuall . exeunt . caesar , anthony , a soothsayer , crassinius , acilius , with others . caes. say ( sacred southsayer ) and informe the truth , what liking hast thou of our sacrifice ? sooth. imperiall caesar , at your sacred charge , i drew a milke white oxe into the temple , and turning there his face into the east , ( fearefully shaking at the shining light ) downe fell his horned forehead to his hoofe , when i began to greet him with the stroke , that should prepare him for the holy rites , with hydeous roares he laid out such a throat as made the secret lurkings of the god to answer ecco-like , in threatning sounds : i stroke againe at him , and then he slept , his life-blood boyling out at euery wound in streames as cleare as any liquid ruby , and there began to alter my presage , the other ill signes shewing th' other fortune , of your last skirmish , which farre opposite now proues , ill beginnings good euents foreshew . for now the beast cut vp , and laid on th'al●ar , his lims were all lickt vp with instant flames , not like the elementall fire that burnes in houshold vses , lamely struggling vp , this way and that way winding as it rises , but ( right and vpright ) reacht his proper sphere where burnes the fire eternall and sincere . caes. and what may that presage ? sooth. that euen the spirit of heauens pure flame flew downe and rauisht vp your offerings blaze in that religious instant , which shewes th' alacritie and cheerefull virtue of heauens free bounty , doing good in time , and with what swiftnesse true deuotions clime . omn. the gods be honor'd . sooth. o behold with wonder , the sacred blaze is like a torch enlightned , directly burning iust aboue your campe ! omn. miraculous . sooth. beleeue it , with all thanks : the romane genius is alterd now , and armes for caesar. caes. soothsayer be for euer reuerenc't of caesar. o marc anthony , i thought to raise my camp , and all my tents , tooke downe for swi●t remotion to scotussa . shall now our purpose hold ? anth. against the gods ? they grace in th' instant , and in th' instant we must adde our parts , and be in th' vse as free . crass. see sir , the scouts returne . enter two scouts . caes. what newes , my friends ? 1 scou. arme , arme , my lord , the voward of the foe is rang'd already : 2 scou. answer them , and arme : you cannot set your rest of battell vp in happyer houre ; for i this night beheld a strange confusion in your enemies campe , the souldiers taking armes in all dismay , and hurling them againe as fast to earth . euery way routing ; as th' alarme were then giuen to their army . a most causelesse feare disperst quite through them . caes. then t was ioue himselfe that with his secret finger stirr'd in them . crass. other presages of successe ( my lord ) haue strangely hapn'd in th' adiacent citie● , to this your army : for in tralleis , within a temple , built to victory , there stands a statue of your forme and name , neare whose firme base , euen from the marble pauement , there sprang a palme tree vp , in this last night , that seemes to crowne your statue with his boughs , spred in wrapt shadowes round about your browes . caes. the signe , crassinius , is most strange and gracefull , nor could get issue , but by power diuine ; yet will not that , nor all abodes besides ( of neuer such kinde promise of successe ) performe it without tough acts of our owne . no care , no nerue the lesse to be emploid ; no offering to the gods , no vowes , no prayers : secure and idle spirits neuer thriue when most the gods for their aduancements striue . and therefore tell me what abodes thou buildst on in an spirit to act , enflam'd in thee , or in our souldiers seene resolu'd addresses ? crass. great and firy virtue . and this day be sure ( great caesar ) of effects as great in absolute conquest ; to which are prepar'd enforcements resolute , from this arm'd hand , which thou shalt praise me for aliue or dead . caes. aliue ( ye gods vouchsafe ) and my true vowes for life in him ( great heauen ) for all my foes ( being naturall romans ) so farre ioyntly heare as may not hurt our conquest ; as with feare which thou already strangely hast diffusde through all their army ; which extend to flight without one bloody stroke of force and fight . anth. t is time , my lord , you put in forme your battell . caes. since we must fight then , and no offerd peace will take with pompey : i reioyce to see this long-time lookt for , and most happy day , in which we now shall fight , with men , not hunger , with toyles , not sweats of blood through yeares extended , this one day se●uing to decide all iarres twixt me and pompey . hang out of my tent my crimsine coat of armes , to giue my souldiers that euer-sure signe of resolu'd-for fight . crass. these hands shall giue that signe to all their longings . exit crass. caes. my lord , my army , i thinke best to order in three full squadrons : of which let me pray your selfe would take on you the left wings charge ; my selfe will lead the right wing , and my place of fight elect in my tenth legion : my battell by d●mitius calvinus shall take direction . the cote of armes is hung out , and the souldiers shoute within . an. heark , your souldiers shoute for ioy to see your bloody cote of armes assure their fight this morning . caes. a blest euen bring on them worthy comforts . and ye gods performe your good presages in euents of fit crowne for our discipline , and deeds wrought vp by conquest ; that my vse of it may wipe the hatefull and vnworthy s●aine of tyrant from my temples ▪ and exchange it for fautor of my country , ye haue giuen that title to those poore and fearefull fowles that euery sound puts vp , in frights and cryes ; euen then , when all romes powers were weake and heartles , when traiterous fires , and fierce barbarian swo●ds , rapines , and soule-expiring slaughters fild her houses , temples , all her ayre , and earth ▪ to me then ( whom your bounties haue enform'd with such a spirit as despiseth feare ; commands in either fortune , knowes , and armes against the worst of fate ; and therefore can dispose blest meanes , encourag'd to the best ) much more vouchsafe that honor ; chiefely now , when rome wants only this dayes conquest giuen me to make her happy , to confirme the brightnesse that yet she shines in ouer all the world ; in empire , riches , strife of all the arts , in gifts of cities , and of kingdomes sent her ; in crownes laid at her feet , in euery grace that shores , and seas , floods , islands , continents , groues , fields , hills , mines , and metals can produce ; all which i ( victor ) will encrease , i vow by all my good , acknowledg'd giuen by you . act iiii scene i. pompey in haste , brutus , gabinius , vibius following . the poyson steep't in euery vaine of empire , in all the world , meet now in onely me , thunder and lighten me to death ; and make my senses feed the flame , my soule the crack . was euer soueraigne captaine of so many armies and nations , so opprest as i , with one hosts headstrong outrage ? vrging fight , yet fly about my campe in panick terrors ; no reason vnder heauen suggesting cause . and what is this but euen the gods deterring my iudgement from enforcing fight this morn● ? the new-fled night made day with meteors , fir'd ouer caesars campe , and falne in mine , as pointing out the terrible euent● yet in suspence ; but where they threat their ●all speake not these prodigies with fiery tongues , and eloquence that should not moue but rauish all sound mindes , from thus tempting the iust gods , and spitting out their faire premonishing flames with brackish ●heumes of ruderand brainsick number , what 's infinitely more , thus wild , thus mad for one poore fortune of a beaten few ; to halfe so many staid , and dreadfull souldiers ? long train'd ▪ long foughten ? able , nim●le , perfect to turne and winde aduantage euery way ? encrease with little , and enforce with none ? ma●e bold as lyons , gaunt as famisht wolues , with still seru'd slaughters , and continuall toyles . bru. you should no● , sir , fo●sake your owne wise counsell , your owne experien●'t discipline , owne practise , owne god inspired insight to all changes , of protean fortune , and her ●●ny , warre , for hosts , ●nd hel● of such ; what man will thinke the best of them , not mad ; to see them ra●ge so vp and downe your campe , already suing for offices falne , by caesars built on fall , before one stroke be struck ? domitius , spinther , your father scipi● new preparing friends for caesars place of vniuersall bishop ? are you th' obserued rule , and voucht example ; who euer would commend physitians , that would not follow the diseas'd desires of their sick patients ? yet incurre your selfe the faults that you so much abhorre in others . pom. i cannot , sir , abide mens open mouthes , nor be ill spoken of ; nor haue my counsels and circumspections ; turnd on me for feares , with mocks and scandals that would make a man of lead , a lightning ; in the desperat'st onset that euer trampled vnder death , his life . i beare the touch of feare for all their safeties , or for mine owne ? enlarge with twice as many selfe-liues , selfe-fortunes ? they shall sinke beneath their owne credulities , before i crosse them . come , haste , dispose our battaile . vib. good my lord , against your genius warre not for the world . pom. by all worlds he that moues me next to beare their sco●s and imputations of my feare for any cause , shall beare this sword to hell . away , to battaile ; good my lord lead you the whole six thousand of our yong patricians , plac't in the left wing to enuiron caesar. my father scipio shall lead the battaile ; domitius the left wing ; i the right against marc anthony . take now your fils ye beastly doters on your barbarous wills . exeunt ▪ alarme , excursions , of al : the fiue kings driuen ouer the stage , crassinius chiefely pursuing : at the dore enter againe the fiue kings . the battell continued within . epir. fly , fly , the day was lost before was fought . thess. the romans feard their shadowes . cil. were there euer such monstrous confidences , as last night their cups and musique shew'd ? before the morning made such amazes ere one stroke was struck ? iber. it made great pompey mad , which who could mend ? the gods had hand in it . tra. it made the consuls run on their swords to see 't . the braue patrician● fled with their spoyled faces , arrowes sticking as shot from heauen at them . thess. t was the charge that caesar gaue against them . epir. come , away , leaue all , and wonder at this fatall day . exeunt . the fight neerer ; and enter , crassin●us , a sword , as thrust through his face ; he fals . to him pompey and caesar fighting : pompey giues way , caesar follows , and enters at another dore . caes. pursue , pursue ; the gods foreshew'd their powers , which we gaue issue , and the day is ours . crassineus ? o looke vp : he does , and shewes death in his broken eyes ; which caesars hands shall doe the honor of eternall closure . too well thou keptst thy word , that thou this day wouldst doe me seruice to our victory , which in thy life or death i should behold , and praise thee for ; i doe , and must admire thy matchles valour ; euer euer rest thy manly lineaments , which in a tombe erected to thy noble name and virtues , i le curiosly preserue with balmes , and spices , in eminent place of these pharsalian fields , inscrib'd with this true soule of funerall . epitaph : crassineus fought for fame , and died for rome , whose publique weale springs from this priuate tombe . enter some taking him off , whom caesar helps . enter pompey , demetrius , with black robes in their hands , broad hats , &c. pom. thus haue the gods their iustice , men their wils , and i , by mens wils rulde ; my selfe renouncing , am by my angell and the gods abhorr'd ; who drew me , like a vapour , vp to heauen to dash me like a tempest 'gainst the earth : o the deserued terrors that attend on humane confidence ! had euer men such outrage of presumption to be victors before they arm'd ? to send to rome before for houses neare the market place , their tents strowd all with flowers , and nosegayes ; tables couer'd with cups and banquets ; bayes and mirtle garlands , as ready to doe sacrifice for conquest rather then arme them for fit fight t' enfore it ; which when i saw , i knew as well th' euent as now i feele it , and because i rag'd in that presage , my geniu● shewing me clearely ( as in a mirror ) all this cursed issue ; and therefore vrg'd all meanes to put it off for this day , or from these fields to some other , or from this om●nous confidence , till i saw their spirits settl'd in some grauer knowledge of what belong'd to such a d●are decision ; they spotted me with fe●re , with loue of glory , to keepe in my command so many kings , so great an army ; all the hellish blastings that could be breath'd on me , to strike me blinde of honor , spirit and soule : and should i then saue them that would in spight of heauen be ruinde ? and , in their safeties ruine me and mine in euerlasting rage of their detraction . dem. your safety and owne honor did deserue ▪ respect past all their values ; o my lord. would you ? pom. vpbraid me not ; goe to , goe on . dem. no ; i le not rub the wound . the misery is , the gods for any error in a man ( which they might rectify , and should ; because that man maintain'd the right ) should suffer wrong to be thus insolent , thus grac't , thus ble●t ? pom. o the strange carriage of their acts , by which men order theirs ; and their deuotions in them ; much rather striuing to entangle men in pathlesse error , then with regular right confirme their reasons , and their pieties light . for now sir , whatsoeuer was foreshowne by heauen , or prodigy ; ten parts more for vs , forewarning vs , deterring vs , and all our blinde and brainlesse frenzies , then for caesar ; all yet will be ascribde to his regard giuen by the gods for his good parts , preferring their glosse ( being starck impostures ) to the iustice , loue , honor , piety , of our lawes and countrey . though i thinke these are arguments enow for my acquitall , that for all these fought . dem. y' are cleare , my lord. pom. gods helpe me , as i am ; what euer my vntoucht command of millions through all my eight and fifty yeares , hath woonne , this one day ( in the worlds esteeme ) hath lost . so vile is praise and dispraise by euent . for i am still my selfe in euery worth the world could grace me with , had this dayes euen in one blaze ioyn'd , with all my other conquests . and shall my comforts in my well-knowne selfe faile me for their false fires , demetrius ? dem. o no , my lord. pom. take griefe for them , as if the rotten-hearted world could steepe my soule in filthy putrifaction of their owne ? since their applauses faile me ? that are hisses to euery sound acceptance ? i confesse , that till th' affaire was past , my passions flam'd , but now its helplesse , and no cause in me , rest in these embers my vnmoued soule , with any outward change ▪ this dystick minding ; no man should more allow his owne losse , woes , ( being past his fault ) then any stranger does . and for the worlds false loues , and ayry honors , what soule that euer lou'd them most in life , ( once seuer'd from this breathing sepulchre ) againe came and appearde in any kind their kinde admirer still , or did the state of any best man here , associate ? and euery true soule should be here so feuer'd from loue of such men , as here drowne their soules as all the world does ? cato sole accepted , to whom i le fly now , and my wife in way ( poore lady , and poore children , worse then fatherlesse ) visit , and comfort . come demetrius , they disguise themselues . we now must ●ute our habites to our fortunes ▪ and since these changes euer chance to greatest . nor desire to be ( doe fortune , to exceed it , what she can ) a pompey , or a caesar , but a man. exeunt . enter caesar , anthony , acilius , with souldiers . caes. o we haue slaine , not conquerd , roman blood peruerts th' euent , and desperate blood let out with their owne swords . did euer men before enuy their owne liues , since another liu'd whom they would willfully conceiue their foe , and forge a tyrant merely in their feares to iustifie their slaughters ? consuls ? furies . ant. be , sir , their fault● their griefes ! the greater number were only slaues , that left their bloods to ruth , and altogether , but six thousand slaine . caes. how euer many ; gods and men can witnesse themselues enforc't it , much against the most i could enforce on pompey for our peace . of all slaine , yet , if brutus only liu'd , i should be comforted , for his life ●au'd would weigh the whole six thousand that are lost . but much i feare his death , because the battell full stricken now , he yet abides vnfound . acil. i saw him fighting neare the battels end ▪ but suddainly giue off , as be●t to fly . enter brutus . anth. he comes here , see sir. bru. i submit to caesar my life and fortunes . caes. a more welcome fortune is brutus , then my conquest . bru. sir , i fought against your conquest , and your selfe ; and merit ( i must acknowledge ) a much sterner welcome . caes. you fought with me , sir , for i know your armes were taken for your country , not for pompey : and for my country i fought , nothing lesse then he , or both the mighty-stomak't consuls ; both whom ( i heare ) haue slaine themselues before they would enioy life in the good of caesar. but i am nothing worse , how ill foeuer they , and the great authority of rome would faine enforce me by their mere suspitions . lou'd they their country better then her brutus ? or knew what fitted noblesse , and a romane with freer soules then brutus . those that liue shall see in caesars iustice , and what euer might make me worthy both their liues and loues , that i haue lost the one without my merit , and they the other with no roman spirit . are you empair'd to liue , and ioy my loue ? only requite me , brutus , loue but caesar , and be in all the powers of caesar , caesar ▪ in which free wish , i ioyne your father cato ; for whom i le haste to vtica , and pray his loue may strengthen my fuccesse to day . exeunt . porcius i● haste , marcillius bare , following , porcius discouers a bed , and a sword hanging by it , which he takes downe . mar. to what vse take you that ( my lord ? ) por. take you no note that i take it , nor let any seruant , besides your selfe , of all my fathers nearest , serue any mood he serues , with any knowledge of this or any other . caesar comes and giues his army wings to reach this towne . not for the townes sake , but to saue my father . whom iustly he suspects to be resolu'd of any violence to his life , before he will preserue it by a tyrants fauour . for pompey hath miscaried , and i● fled . be true to me , and to my fathers life ; and doe not tell him ; nor his fury serue with any other . mar. i will dye , my lord , ere i obserue it . por. o my lord and father . cato , athenodorus , statilius . cato with a booke in his hand . cat. what feares fly here on all sides ? what wilde lookes are squinted at me from mens mere suspicions that i am wilde my selfe , and would enforce what will be taken from me by the ●yrant . ath. no : would you only aske life , he would thinke his owne life giuen more strength in giuing yours cat. i aske my life of him ? stat. aske what 's his owne ? of him he scornes should haue the least drop in it at his disposure . cat. no , statilius . men that haue forfeit liues by breaking lawes , or haue euer beene ouercome , may beg their liues , but i haue euer beene in euery iustice better then caesar , and was neuer conquer'd , or made to fly for life , as caesar was . but haue beene victor euer , to my wish , 'gainst whomsoeuer euer hath opposde ; where caesar now is conquer'd in his conquest , in the ambition , he till now denide ; taking vpon him to giue life , when death is tenfold due to his most tyrannous selfe . no right , no power giuen him to raise an army , which in despight of rome he leades about slaughtering her loyall subiects , like an outlaw , nor is he better . tongue , shew , falshood are , to bloodiest deaths his parts so much admir'd , vaineglory , villany ; and at best you can , fed with the parings of a worthy man. my fame affirme my life receiu'd from him ? i le rather make a beast my second father ▪ stat. the gods auert from euery roman minde the name of slaue to any tyrants power . why was man euer iust , but to be free , 'gainst all iniustice ? and to beare about him as well all meanes to freedome euery houre , as euery houre he should be arm'd for dea●h , which only is his freedome ? ath. but statilius death is not free for any mans election , till nature , or the law , impose it on him . cat. must a man goe to law then , when he may enioy his owne in peace ? if i can vse mine owne my selfe , must i of force , reserue it to serue a tyrant with it ? all iust men not only may enlarge their liues , but must , from all rule tyrannous , or liue vniust . ath. by death must they enlarge their liues ? cat. by death . ath. a man 's not bound to that . cat. i le proue he is . are not the liues of all men bound to iustice ? ath. they are . cat. and therefore not to serue iniustice : iustice it selfe ought euer to be free , and therefore euery iust man being a part of that free iustice , should be free as it . ath. then wherefore is there law for death ? cat. that all that know not what law is , nor freely can performe the fitting iustice of a man in kingdomes common good , may been forc't . but is not euery iust man to him selfe the perfect'st law ▪ ath. suppose . cat. then to himselfe is euery iust man● life subordinate . againe , sir ; is not our free soule infus'd to euery body in her absolute end to rule that body ? in which absolute rule is she not absolutely empresse of it ? and being empresse , may she not dispose it , and the life in it , at her iust pleasure ? ath. not to destroy it . cat. no ; she not destroyes it when she disliues it ; that their freedomes may goe firme together , like their powers and organs , rather then let it liue a rebell to her , prophaning that diuine coniunction twixt her and it ; nay , a disiunction making betwixt them worse then death ; in killing quick that which in iust-death liues : being dead to her if to her rule dead ; and to her aliue , if dying in her iust rule . ath. the body liues not when death hath rest it . cat. yet t is free , and kept fit for reiunction in mans second life ; which dying rebell to the soule , is farre vnfit to ioyne with her in perfect life . ath. it shall not ioyne with her againe . cat. it shall . ath. in reason shall it ? cat. in apparant reason ; which i le proue clearely . stat. heare , and iudge it sir. cat. as nature works in all things to an end , so in th' appropriate honor of that end , all things precedent haue their naturall frame ; and therefore is there a proportion betwixt the ends of those things and their primes : for else there could not be in their creation , alwayes , or for the most part , that firme forme in their still like existence ; that we see in each full creature . what proportion then hath an immortall with a mortall substance ? and therefore the mortality to which a man is subiect ; rather is a sleepe , then bestiall death ; since sleepe and death are call'd the twin● of nature . for if absolute death and bestiall sease the body of a man , then is there no proportion in his parts , his soule being free from death , which otherwise retaines diuine proportion . for as sleepe no disproportion holds with humane soules , but aptly quickens the proportion twixt them and bodies , making bodies fitter to giue vp formes to soules , which is their end : so death ( twin-borne of sleepe ) resoluing all mans bodies heauy parts ; in lighter nature makes a reunion with the spritely soule ; when in a second life their beings giuen , holds their proportion firme , in highest heauen . ath. hold you our bodies shall reuiue , resuming our soules againe to heauen ? cat. past doubt , though others thinke heauen a world too high for our low reaches . not knowing the sacred sence of him that sings , ioue can let downe a golden chaine from heauen , which tyed to earth , shall fetch vp earth and seas ; and what 's that golden chaine , but our pure soules , a golden beame of him , let downe by him , that gouern'd with his grace , and drawne by him , can hoist this earthy body vp to him , the sea , and ayre , and all the elements comprest in it : not while t is thus concret , but fin'd by death , and then giuen heauenly heat . ath. your happy exposition of that place ( whose sacred depth i neuer heard so sounded ) euicts glad grant from me you hold a truth . stat. is 't not a manly truth , and mere diuine ? cat. t is a good chearefull doctrine for good men . but ( sonne and seruants ) this is only argu'd to spend our deare time well , and no life vrgeth to any violence further then his owner and grauer men hold fit . le ts talke of caesar , he 's the great subiect of all talke , and he is hotly hasting on . is supper ready ? mar. it is , my lord. cat. why then let 's in and ●at ; our coole submission will quench caesars heat . sta. submission ? here 's for him . cat. statilus , my reasons must not strengthen you in error , nor learn'd athenodorus gentle yeelding . talke with some other deepe philosophers , or some diuine priest of the knowing gods , and heare their reasons ▪ in meane time comes up . exeunt . cato going out arme in arme betwixt athen. and statilius . act v. scene i. enter vshers , with the two lentuli , and septimius before cornelia ; cyris , telesilla , laelia , drusus , with others , following , cornelia , septimius and the two lentuli reading letters . cor. so may my comforts for this good newes thriue as i am thankfull for them to the gods. ioyes vnexpected , and in desperate plight , are still most sweet , and proue from whence they come ; when earths still moonelike confidence , in ioy , is at her full . true ioy descending farre from past her sphere , and from that highest heauen that moues and is not mou'd : how farre was i from hope of these euents , when fearefull dreames of harpies tearing out my heart ? of armies terribly ioyning ? cities , kingdomes falling , and all on me ? prou'd sleepe , not twin to death , but to me , death it selfe ? yet making then , these letters , full of as much chearefull life , i found closde in my hand . o gods how iustly ye laugh at all things earthly ? at all feares that rise not from your iudgements ? at all ioyes , not drawne directly from your selues ▪ and in ye , distrust in man is faith , trust in him ruine . why write great learned men ? men merely rapt with sacred rage , of confidence , beleefe ? vndanted spirits ? inexorable fate and all feare treading on ? t is all but ayre , if any comfort be , t is in despaire . 1 l●n . you learned ladies may hold any thing . 2 lent. now madam is your walk from coach come neare the promontory , where you late commanded a sentinell should stand to see from thence if either with a nauy , brought by sea , or traine by land ; great pompey comes to greet you as in your letters , he neare this time promisde . cor. o may this isle of lesbos , compast in with the aegae●● sea that doth diuide europe from asia . ( the sweet literate world from the barbarian ) from my barbarous dreames diuide my dearest husband and his fortunes . 2 len. he 's busied now with ordering offices . by this time , madam , sits your honor'd father he looks in his letter . in caesars chaire of vniuersall bishop . domitius aenobarbas , is made consull , spynther his consort ; and phaoniu● tribune , or pretor . septimius with a letter . sep. these were only sought before the battaile , not obtaind ; nor mouing my father but in shadowes . corn. why should men tempt fate with such firme confidence ? seeking places before the power that should dispose could grant them ? for then the stroke of battaile was not struck . 1 len. nay , that was sure enough . physitians know when sick mens eyes are broken , they must dye . your letters telling you his victory lost in the skirmish , which i know hath broken both the eyes and heart of caesar : for as men healthfull through all their liues to grey●hayr'd age , when sicknesse takes them once , they seldom scape : so caesar victor in his generall fights till this late skirmish , could no aduerse blow sustaine without his vtter ouerthrow . 2 lent. see , madam , now ; your sentinell : enquire . cor. seest thou no fleet yet ( sentinell ) nor traine that may be thought great pompeys ? sen. not yet , madame . 1 len. seest thou no trauellers addrest this way ? in any number on this lesbian shore ? sent. i see some not worth note ; a couple comming this way , on foot , that are not now farre hence . 2 lent. come they apace ? like messengers with newes ? sent. no , nothing like ( my lord ) nor are their habites of any such mens fashions ; being long mantles , and ●able hew'd ; their heads all hid in hats of parching thessaly , broad brimm'd , high crown'd . cor. these serue not our hopes . sent. now i see a ship . a kenning hence ▪ that strikes into the hauen . cor. one onely ship ? sen. one only , madam , yet . cor. that should not be my lord. 1 lent. your lord ? no madam . sen. she now le ts out arm'd men vpon the land . 2 lent. arm'd men ? with drum , and colours ? sen. no , my lord , but bright in armes , yet beare halfe pikes , or bead hookes . 1 lent. these can be no plumes in the traine of pompey . cor. i le see him in his letter , once againe . sen. now , madam , come the two i saw on foot . enter pompey and demetrius . dem. see your princesse , sir , come thus farre from the city in her coach , to encounter your promist comming about this time in your last letters . pom. the world is alterd since demetrius ; ( offer to goe by ▪ 1 lent. see , madam , two thessalian augurs it seem●● by their habits . call , and enquire if either by their skils or trauels , they know no newes of your husband . cor. my friends ? a word . dem. with vs , madam ? cor. yes . are you of thessaly ? dem. i , madam , and all the world besides . cor ▪ your country is great . dem. and our portions little . cor. are you augures ? dem. augures , madam ? yes a kinde of augures , alias wiz●rds , that goe vp and downe the world , teaching how to turne ill to good . cor. can you doe that ? dem. i , madam , you haue no worke for vs , haue you ? no ill to turne good , i meane ? cor. yes ; the absence of my husband . dem. what 's she ? cor. pompey the great . dem. wherein is he great ? cor. in his command of the world . dem. then he 's great in others . take him without his addition ( great ) what is he then ? cor. pompey . dem. not your husband then ? cor. nothing the lesse for his greatnesse . dem. not in his right ; but in your comforts he is . cor. his right is my comfort . dem. what 's his wrong ? cor. my sorrow . dem. and that 's ill . cor. yes . dem. y' are come to the vse of our profession , madam , would you haue that ill turnd good ? that sorrow turnd comfort ? cor. why is my lord wrong'd ? dem. we professe not that kno●ledge , madam : suppose he were . cor. not i. dem. you le suppose him good . cor. he is so . dem. then must you needs suppose him wrong'd ; for all goodnesse is wrong'd in this world . cor. what call you wrong ? dem. ill fortune , affliction . cor. thinke you my lord afflicted ? dem. if i thinke him good ( madam ) i must . vnlesse he be worldly good ; and then , either he is ill , or has ill : since , as no sugar is without poyson : so is no worldly good without ill . euen naturally nourisht in it , like a houshold thiefe , which is the worst of all theeues . cor. then he is not worldly , but truly good . dem. he 's too great to be truly good ; for worldly greatnes is the chiefe worldly goodnesse ; and all worldly goodnesse ( i prou'd before ) has ill in it : which true good has not . cor. i● he rule well with his greatnesse ; wherein is he ill ? dem. but great rulers are like carpenters , that weare their rules at their backs still : and therefore to make good your true good in him , y 'ad better suppose him little or meane , for in the meane only is the true good . pom. but euery great lady must haue her husband great still , or her loue will be little . cor. i am none of those great ladyes . 1 lent. she 's a philosophresse augure , and can ●urne ill to good as well as you . pom. i would then , not honor , but adore her : could you submit your selfe chearefully to your hu●band , supposing him falne ? cor. i● he submit himselfe chearfully to his fortune . pom. t is the greatest greatnes in the world you vndertake . cor. i would be so great , if he were . pom. in supposition . cor. in fact . pom. be no woman , but a goddesse then ; & make good thy greatnesse ; i am chearfully falne ; be chearfull . cor. i am : and welcome , as the world were closde in these embraces . pom. is it possible ? a woman , losing greatnesse , still as good , as at her greatest ? o gods , was i euer great till this minute ? amb. len. pompey ? pom. view me better ▪ amb. len. conquerd by caesar ? pom. not i , but mine army . no fault in me , in it : no conquest of me . i tread this low earth as i trod on caesar. must i not hold my selfe , though lose the world ? nor lose i lesse ; a world lost at one clap , t is more then ●oue euer thundred with . what glory is it to haue my hand hurle so vast a volley through the groning ayre ? and is 't not great , to turne griefes thus to ioyes , that breake the hearts of others ? amb. len. o t is ioue like . pom , it is to imitate ioue , that from the wounds of softest clouds , beats vp the terriblest sounds . i now am good , for good men still haue least , that twixt themselues and god might rise their rest . cor. o pompey , pompey : neuer great till now . pom. o my cornelia : let vs still be good , and we shall still be great : and greater farre in euery solid grace , then when the tumor and bile of rotten obseruation sweld vs. griefes for wants outward , are without our cure , greatnesse , not of it selfe , is neuer sure . before , we went vpon heauen , rather treading the virtues of it vnderfoot , in ma●ing the vicious world our heauen ; then walking ther● euen here , as knowing that our home ; con●emning all forg'd heauens here raisde ; setting hills on hills . vulcan from heauen ●ell , yet on 's feet 〈◊〉 light ; and stood no lesse a god then at his height ; at lowest , things lye fast : we now are like the two poles propping heauen , on which heauen moues ; and they are fixt , and quiet , being aboue all motion farre ; we rest aboue the heauens . cor. o , i more ioy , t' embrace my lord thus fixt , then he had brought me ten inconstant conquests . 1 len ▪ miraculous standing in a fall so great , would caesar knew , sir , how you conquerd him in your conuiction . pom. t is enough for me that pompey knows it . i will stand no more on others legs : nor build one ioy without me . if euer i be worth a house againe , i le build all inward : not a light shall ope the common outway : no expence , no art , no ornament , no dore will i vse there , but raise all plaine , and rudely , like a rampier , against the false society of men that still batters all reason peecemeale . and for earthy greatnesse all heauenly comforts rarifies to ayre , i le therefore liue in darke , and all my light , like ancient temples , let in at my top . this were to turne ones back to all the world , and only looke at heauen . empedocles recur'd a mortall plague through all his country , with stopping vp the yawning of a hill , from whence the hollow and vnwholsome south exhald his venomd vapor . and what else is any king , giuen ouer to his lusts , but euen the poyson'd cleft of that crackt mountaine , that all his kingdome plagues with his example ? which i haue stopt now , and so cur'd my country of such a sensuall pestilence : when therefore our diseas'de affections harmefull to humane freedome ; and stormelike inferring darknesse to th' infected minde oppresse our comforts : t is but letting in the light of reason , and a purer spirit , take in another way ; like roomes that fight with windowes gainst the winde , yet let in light . amb. len. my lord , we seru'd before , but now adore you . sen. my lord , the arm'd men i discou'rd lately vnshipt , and landed ; now are trooping neare . pom. what arm'd men are they ? 1 len. some , my lord , that lately the sentinell discouer'd , but not knew . sen. now all the sea ( my lords ) is hid with ships , another promontory flanking this , some furlong hence , is climb'd , and full of people , that easily may see hither ; it seemes looking what these so neare intend : take heed , they come . enter achillas , septius , saluius , with souldiers , ach. haile to romes great commander ; to whom aegypt ( not long since seated in his kingdome by thee , and sent to by thee in thy passage by ) sends vs with answer ▪ which withdraw and heare ▪ pom. i le kille my children first ▪ sep. blesse me , my lord. pom. i will , and cyris , my poore daughter too . euen that high hand that hurld me downe thus low , keepe you from rising high : i heare : now tell me . i thinke ( my friend ) you once seru'd vnder me . septius only nods with his h●●d . pom. nod onely ? not a word daigne ? what are these ? cornelia ? i am now not worth mens words . ach. please you receiue your ayde , sir ? pom. i , i come . exit pom. the draw and follow . cor. why draw they ? see , my lords ; attend them vshers . sen. o they haue slaine great pompey . cor. o my husband . sept. cyr. mother , take comfort . enter pompey ble●ding . o my lord and father . pom. see heauens your sufferings , is my countres loue the iustice of an empire ; pietie ; worth this end in their leader : last yet life , and bring the gods off fairer : after this who will adore , or serue the deities ? he hides his face with his robe . enter the murtherers . ach. helpe hale him off : and take his head for caesar. sep. mother ? o saue vs ; pompey ? o my father . enter the two lentuli and demetrius bleeding , and kneele about cornelia . 1 len. yet fals not heauen ? madam , o make good your late great spirits ; all the world will say , you know not how to beare aduerse euents , if now you languish . omn. take her to her coach . they beare her out . cato with a booke in his hand . o beastly apprehenders of things manly , and merely heauenly : they with all the reasons i vsde for iust mens liberties , to beare their liues and deaths vp in their owne free hands ; feare still my resolution though i seeme . to giue it off like them : and now am woonne to thinke my life in lawes rule , not mine owne , when once it comes to death ; as if the law made for a sort of outlawes , must bound me in their subiection ; as if i could be rackt out of my vaines , to liue in others ; as so i must , if others rule my life ; and publique power keepe all the right of death , as if men needes must serue the place of iustice ; the forme , and idoll , and renounce it selfe ? our selues , and all our rights in god and goodnesse ? our whole contents and freedomes to dispose , all in the ioyes and wayes of arrant rogues ? no stay but their wilde errors , to sustaine vs ? no forges but their throats to vent our breaths ? to forme our liues in , and repose our deaths ? see , they haue got my sword . who 's there ? enter marcillius bare . mar. my lord : cat , who tooke my sword hence ? dumb ? i doe not aske for any vse or care of it : but hope i may be answered . goe sir , let me haue it . exit mar. po●re slaues , how terrible this death is to them ? if men would sleepe , they would be wroth with all that interrupt them : physick take to take the golden rest it brings : both pay and pray for good , and soundest naps : all friends consenting in those kinde inuocations ; praying all good rest , the gods vouchsafe you ; but when death ( sleepes naturall brother ) comes ; ( that 's nothing worse , but better ; being more rich ; and keepes the store ; sleepe euer ●ickle , way ward still , and poore ) o how men grudge , and shake , and feare , and fly his sterne approaches ? all their comforts taken in faith , and knowledge of the blisse and beauties . that watch their wakings in an endlesse life : dround in the paines and horrors of their sense sustainde but for an houre ; be all the earth rapt with this error , i le pursue my reason , and hold that as my light and fiery pillar , th' eternall law of heauen and earth no firmer . but while i seeke to conquer conquering caesar , my soft-splen'd seruants ouerrule and curb me . he knocks , and brutus enters . where 's he i sent to fetch and place my sword where late i left it ? dumb to ? come another ! enter cleanthes . where 's my sword hung here ? cle. my lord , i know not , ent. marcilius . cat. the rest , come in there . where 's the sword i charg'd you to giue his place againe ? i le breake your lips ope , spight of my freedome ; all my seruants , friends ; my sonne and all , will needs betray me naked to th' armed malice of a foe so fierce and beare-like , mankinde of the blood of virtue . o gods , who euer saw me thus contemn'd ? goe call my sonne in ; tell him , that the lesse he shewes himselfe my sonne , the lesse i le care to liue his father . enter athenodorus , porcius : porcius kneeling ; brutus , cleanthes and marcilius by him . por. i beseech you , sir , rest patient of my duty , and my loue ; your other children think on , our poore mother , your family , your country . cat. if the gods giue ouer a'l , i le fly the world with them . athen●dorus , i admire the changes , i note in heauenly prouidence . when pompey did all things out of course , past right , past reason , he stood inuincible against the world : yet , now his cares grew pious , and his powers set all vp for his countrey , he is conquered . ath. the gods wills secret are , nor must we measure their chast-reserued deepes by our dry shallowes . sufficeth vs , we are entirely such as twixt them and our consciences we know their graces , in our virtues , shall present vnspotted with the earth ; to 'th high throne that ouerlookes vs : for this gyant world let 's not contend with it , when heauen it selfe failes to reforme it : why should we affect the least hand ouer it , in that ambition ? a heape t is of digested villany ; virtue in labor with eternall chaos prest to a liuing death , and rackt beneath it ▪ her throwes vnpitied ; euery worthy man limb by limb sawne out of her virgine wombe , to liue here peecemeall tortur'd , fly life then ; your life and death made presidents for men . exit . cat. ye heare ( my masters ) what a life this is , and vse much reason to respect it so . but mine shall serue ye . yet restore my sword , lest too much ye presume , and i conceiue ye front me like my fortunes . where 's statilius ? por. i think sir , gone with the three hundred romans in lucius caesars charge , to serue the victor . cat. and would not take his leaue of his poore friend ? then the philosophers haue stoop't his spirit . which i admire , in one so free , and knowing , and such a fiery hater of base life , besides , being such a vow'd and noted foe to our great conqueror . but i aduisde him to spare his youth , and liue . por. my brother brutus is gone to caesar. cat. brutus ? of mine honor ( although he be my sonne in law ) i must say there went as worthy , and as learned a president as liues in romes whole rule , for all lifes actions ; and yet your sister porcea ( his wife ) would scarce haue done this . but ( for you my sonne ) howeuer caesar deales with me ; be counsailde by your experienc't father , not to touch at any action of the publique weale , nor any rule beare neare her politique sterne : for , to be vbright , and sincere therein like catos sonne , the times corruption will neuer beare it : and , to sooth the time , you shall doe basely , and vnworthy your life ; which , to the gods i wish , may outweigh mine in euery virtue ; howsoeuer ill you thriue in honor . por. i , my lord , shall gladly obey that counsell . cat. and what needed you vrge my kinde care of any charge that nature imposes on me ? haue i euer showne loues least defect to you ? or any dues the most iddulgent father ( being discreet ) could doe his dearest blood ? doe you me right in iudgement , and in honor ; and dispence with passionate nature : goe , neglect me not , but send my sword in . goe , t is i that charge you . por. o my lord , and father , come , aduise me . exeunt . cat. what haue i now to thinke on in this world ? no one thought of the world , i goe each minute discharg'd of all cares that may fit my freedome . the next world , and my soule , then let me serue with her last vtterance , that my body may with sweetnesse of the passage drowne the sowre that death will mix with it : the consuls soules that slew themselues so nobly , scorning life led vnder tyrants scepters , mine would see . for we shall know each other ; and past death retaine those formes of knowledge le●rn'd in life ; since , if what here we learne , we t●ere shall lose , our immortality were not life , but time . and that our soules in reason are immortall , their naturall and proper obiects proue ; which immortallity and knowledge are . for to that obiect euer is referr'd the nature of the soule , in which the acts of her high faculties are still employde . and that true obiect must her powers obtaine to which they are in natures aime directed . since t were absurd to haue her set an obiect which possibly she neuer can aspire . enter a page with his sword taken out before . pag. your sword , my lord. cat. o is it found ? lay downe vpon the bed ( my boy ) exit pa. poore men ; a boy must be presenter ; manhood at no hand must serue so foule a fact ; for so are calde ( in common mouths ) mens fairest acts of all . vnsheath ; is 't sharpe ? t is sweet . now i am safe , come caesar , quickly now , or lose your vassall . now wing thee , deare soule , and receiue her heauen . the earth , the ayre , and seas i know , and all the ioyes , and horrors of their peace and warres , and now will see the gods state , and the starres . he fals vpon his sword , and enter statilius at another side of the stage with his sword drawne , porcius , brutus , cleanthes and marcilius holding his hands . stat. cate ? my lord ? por. i sweare ( statilius ) he 's forth , and gone to seeke you , charging me to seeke elsewhere , lest you had slaine your selfe ; and by his loue entreated you would liue . sta. i sweare by all the gods , i le run his fortunes . por. you may , you may ; but shun the victor now , who neare is , and will make vs all his slaues . sta he shall himselfe be mine first , and my slaues . exit . por. looke , looke in to my father , o ( i feare ) he is no sight for me to beare and liue . exit . omn. 3 o ruthfull spectacle ▪ cle. he hath ript his entrals . bru. search , search ; they may be ●ound . cle. they may , and are . giue leaue , my lord , that i may few them vp being yet vnperisht . he thrusts him back , & plucks out his entrals . ca. stand off ; now they are not . haue he my curse that my lifes least part saues . ●ust men are only free , the rest are slaues . bru. myrror of men . mar. the gods enuied his goodnesse . enter caesar , anthony , brutus , acilius , with lords and citizens of vtica . caes. too late , too late ; with all our haste . o cato , all my late conquest , and my life 's whole acts , most crownde , most beautified , are basted all with thy graue lifes expiring in their scorne . thy life was rule to all liues ; and thy death ( thus forcibly despising life ) the quench of all liues glories . ant. vnreclaimed man ? how censure● brutus his sterne fathers fact ? bru. t was not well done . caes. o censure not his acts ; who knew as well what fitted man , as all men . enter achilius , septimius , salvius , with pompeys head . all kneeling . your enemies head great caesar. caes. cursed monsters , wound not mine eyes with it , nor in my camp let any da●e to view it ; farre as noblesse the den of barbarisme flies , and blisse the bitterest curse of vext and tyrannisde nature , transferre it from me . borne the plagues of virtue how durst ye poyson thus my thoughts ? to torture them with instant rapture . omn. 3. sacred caesar. caes. away with them ; i vow by all my comforts , who slack seemes , or not fiery in my charge , shall suffer with them . all the souldiers . out base murtherers ; tortures , tortures for them : hale them out . omn. cruell caesar. caes. too milde with any torture . bru. let me craue the ●ase of my hate on their one curst life . caes. good brutus take it ; o you coole the poyson these villaines flaming pou'rd vpon my spleen to suffer with my lothings . if the blood of euery common roman toucht so neare ; shall i confirme the faise brand of my tyranny with being found a fautor of his murther whom my deare country chusde to ●●ght for her ? ant. your patience sir , their tortures well will quit you . bru. let my slaues vse , sir , be your president . caes. it shall , i sweare : you doe me infinite honor . o cato , i enuy thy death , since thou enuiedst my glory to preserue thy life . why fled his sonne and friend statilius ? so farre i fly their hurt , that all my good shall fly to their desires . and ( for himselfe ) my lords and citizens of vtica , his much renowne of you , quit with your most . and by the sea , vpon some eminent rock , erect his sumptuous tombe ; on which aduance with all fit state his statue ; whose right hand let hold his sword , where , may to all times rest his bones as honor'd as his soule is blest . finis . a breviary of roman history from the building of rome, to the year 1119 ... / writ in latin by eutropius ; translated into english by several young gentlemen privately educated in hatton-garden. breviarium ab urbe condita. english eutropius, 4th cent. 1684 approx. 247 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 120 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a38761 wing e3434 estc r15840 13147742 ocm 13147742 98079 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a38761) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 98079) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 416:7) a breviary of roman history from the building of rome, to the year 1119 ... / writ in latin by eutropius ; translated into english by several young gentlemen privately educated in hatton-garden. breviarium ab urbe condita. english eutropius, 4th cent. maidwell, lewis, 1650-1715. [22], 133 [i.e. 179], [36] p. printed for jo. hindmarsh ..., london : 1684. translation of: breviarium ab urbe condita. "epistle dedicatory" signed: l. maidwell. reproduction of original in cambridge university library. includes a geographic index. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng rome -history. 2006-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-12 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2006-12 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a breviary of roman history . from the building of rome , to the year 1119. of that famous empire , under its kings , consuls , and emperors . writ in latin by evtropivs . translated into english by several young gentlemen , privately educated in hatton-garden . populus romanus , ita late per orbem terrarum arma circumtulit , ut qui res ejus legunt , non unius populi , sed generis humani facta discant . florus . london : printed for jo. hindmarsh , bookseller to his royal highness , at the black bull in cornhil , 1684. to his most honored friend sir john lowther , baronet . sir , you have certainly the best right to this small present , which gives me an opportunity to declare the great esteem , and value i have for you , since your two sons are amongst the translators : and all that know you must own that your latitude in the knowledg of men , affairs , and books is very great ; by the scrutiny of which , the conduct of your life is so exact and eminent . to these from my particular observation , i must add , that your friendship is excellent , your worth unspotted , and your honor unbiass'd : yet lest i should seem to lay the common varnish of dedicators , i shall rather contract my self , and at present unite all these rays , that illustrate you , into one point of an incomparable father , whereby you transmit , and kindle these virtues in your posterity , and labor to gratifie the present and future time . the hopes and advantages of your sons , besides my management , are much to be ascribed to your private care. if your true tenderness towards them , your search for the best methods , and your zeal in the performance was more follow'd , as 't is exemplary , the sleepy genius of our nation would rouse it self , and we should not only read stories of noble predecessors heretofore , but view them living . then horace's words might not be ominous . aetas parentum pejor avis tulit nos nequiores , mox daturos progeniem vitiosiorem . your nice assistance in education well imitated , might adorn our country within it self , and save many the trouble of drynursing their youth abroad . providence has ordain'd us all things at home necessary for our body , and why not for our mind ? may not the muses as well delight themselves in our rivers of cam , isis , and thames ; as the sein , the loire , and the tiber ? to the gaining of this greatpoint , in my experience , i never found any motive more charming to a youth to prosecute his studies in any language than history , which insensibly draws on the student to gain the tongue , and insinuating an appetite from the beginning , continues it to the end . all our learning terminates in it ; and in allusion to history , i might say with the platonist , that science was only reminiscence of things past . but laying aside their opinion , i am sure , the wisdom of the greatest scholar , after all the labors of his mind extends no farther than to know the actions of former ages , when , where , and how they were perform'd ; that is , history rais'd up with the two wings of chronology , and geography : hence from observations , and inferences he gains the name of prudent to regulate his present affairs , and wisely to foretel others by consequences ; what may follow . why does the young gentleman visit forrein countries , but to learn history by the eye , and to observe actions and places ? history cultivates the memory , and improves the judgment ; without which , conversation is either dry or vain . well might the roman orator say , that not to know what has been done before us , is always to be a child . wherefore he stiles history , testem temporum , lucem veritatis , vitam memoriae , & nunciam vetustatis . the remembrance of alexanders actions warm'd caesar no less than the sight of miltiades trophies excited themistocles ; and it as much deters vice , as it inspires virtue . livy tells us , that , inde tibi tuaeque reipublicae quod imiteris capias , inde foedum inceptu , foedum exitu , quod vites . and dionysius halicarnassaeus excellently describ'd its nature , when he said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that history is philosophy teaching by examples . i am sure homer's wise man under the character of ulysses undergoes incredible dangers to gain his experience in many places , whilst the historian in his study without trouble enjoying what others have smarted for , may repeat these verses of lucretius . suave mari magno turbantibus aequora ventis , e terrâ magnum alterius spectare laborem : non quia vexari quemquam est jucunda voluptas , sed , quibus ipse malis careas , quia cernere suave est . wherefore for these reasons , since 't is the humor of the age , and to promote private diligence with mutual aemulation , i thought it highly advantageous to have this historian translated by a select number among us . the usefulness of translation i know you much approve of , who are so good a judg of letters : it procures two languages , and discovers their proprieties the easiest and quickest way . i am sure the reputation of the thing made them study hard , which was a pleasant satisfaction to me , and perhaps may push them on all their life to a true love of books , since they have already found the conquest of an author not difficult ; and eutropius so easie by their former conversation with florus : the translation may very honestly be called their own , with the geographical index , which they composed , sufficiently known to some friends . then be pleas'd to excuse the style , if the sense , and grammar be true , as we hope , 't is as much as should be expected . let this edition rather be natural , and the second more artful . sir , 't is high time to free you from this trouble , and to beg pardon for it ; yet concluding with my sincerest wishes for your constant happiness in all your concerns , especially with me , which i shall always be most ready to advance ; being by inclination and gratitude , sir , your most faithful , and most humble servant , l. maidwell . to the ingenious translators . avspicious youths , our ages hope , and pride , exalted minds , and worthy such a guide : to whose rich skill this wonderous growth you owe ; most happy , if your happiness you know . who close entrencht eutropius could o'recome , and plunder the records of ancient rome . vnlike my fate , by pedants led astray , who at my setting out mistook the way . with terms confounded ( such their methods were ) those rules my cloud , that should have been my star : yet groping forwards through the classicks went , nor wholly of my labors may repent : strong holds , and hard to take , but in the sett , no volume so obscure , no author met so difficult , as william lilly yet . without geography led blindfold on , and ignorant when each exploit was done ; of wondrous men , and wondrous actions read , but all the while with fairy banquets fed . all hudled without knowing when , or where , utopian fields , and battels in the air. but you , where e're your authors scene is laid , beyond your knowledg never are convey'd . great your advantage , therefore use it well , you fail , if you but mod'rately excel ; who for your doubts have such an oracle . consult your guide , whose judgment more refin'd , vnties those knots , dutch comments leave behind : by which your authors more obscure become ; the fogs of holland cloud the wit of rome . while these the vehicle of words essay , the subtil spirit flies unseen away . he 'l shew you where their secret treasures lie ; sublime their sense , and fix their mercury . let this success , brave youths , your minds inflame , eutropius conquer'd , calls for nobler game : lanch boldly next on tully's flowing seas , and grasp the thunder of demosthenes . to noblest sciences devote your time , and rarely , very rarely , sport with rhime . see how your teacher does the practice fly , his genius , and the waiting world deny , whilst every muse in vain stands sighing by . ev'n my poor strains some small applause have found , yet were i with the foremost lawrels crown'd , with wit and verse i 'd hold eternal war , to be a thriving blockhead of the bar. once more all hail to thee industrious friend , behold what wonders on thy toil attend ! what pains thy methods cost , that thus excel , thy midnight lamp , and thou can only tell ; yet for some longer space thy tillage ply , thy own repose , and pressing friends deny . till like lycurgus laws , thy rules succeed , and for long ages leave a noble breed . n. tate . juventuti historicae . s. p. d. imperio premeret dominas cum * flavius urbes , victrices aquilas & bello parta trophaea extendens latè ; tantos periisse labores credidit indignum , positisque inglorius armis , arripuit calamum eutropius ; dux marte tremendus , ingenio pollens ; scripsitque , & praelia gessit una eademque manus ; famamque & fata parentum donavit luce , & longum aeternavit in aevum . scilicet infantis c●cinit cunabula romae , regesque , grandaevosque patres , fascesque verendos , et parvis magnum de maenibus incrementum . sed neque res italas memorans , gentemque togatam , praeteriit domini * crudelia bella perempti : juvit enim socias , florentesque aere cohortes , et , quorum pars magna fuit , cantare labores . o mundo par opus nec mundi regibus impar ! quis dignus transferre tuas dux inclyte chartas , romanosque sonos maternâ reddere linguâ ? cedit onus pueris , humerisque virilibus aequa incumbit moles , nec lassat magna ferentes . fortunata tuo laetare britannia dono : et vos o matres castrae , innuptaeque puellae , ponite jam fusos , operosae pensa diei , ponite , & hunc melius versetis pollice librum . hîc annosa ducum series , hîc caesaris arma , qui primus toto divisos orbe britannos vidit , & in nostro fixit tentoria coelo : nec , quoties placidè delectant scripta legentes , definite authores toties celebrare tenellos . felices pueri , tali sub praeside docti , queis angusta fovens distendit pectora pallas ; crescite , foecundosque simul diffundite ramos per totam latè gentem ; quantumque virorum coetibus hic praestat , tantum & praestate juventae . haec ego , ut exhibeam gratae munuscula mentis , qui monitus maidvelle tuos , praeceptaque dia , felix ante alios jucundis auribus hausi . volventemque globum mundi , titaniaque astra vidimus , & vivum veluti mirabar aratum . e. trin. coll. cant. the life of evtropivs . evtropius was an italian , by suidas called the sophist ; he writ many other things which are lost by the injury of time ; yet skilled in arms as well as arts ; for he was in that expedition , when julian was kill'd by the persians , which hapned an. chr. 365. or with others 363. he drew up this breviary of roman history by the order of flavius valens the emperor , brother to valentinian , from the building of the city to his time , to whom he dedicates it : the stile good , and considering the time , correct : the disposition of the matter is very methodical , and in the application of chronology to every great action surpasses florus , who wants it : he has been well entertained by the ancients , being translated twice into greek by capito an historian of lycia , and paeanius ; some have honored him with the title of consul ; but 't is a mistake ; for eutropius mentioned by the fasti consulares , collegue to valentinian the second was not our author , but eutropius the eunuch , against whom claudian the poet writ , and who was afterwards slain in his second consulship . some also would ( through ignorance in time , confound him with eutropius the presbyter and historian , scholar to s. austin , whilst our author cannot be a christian ; for he praises julian too much , tho he says he persecuted them ; and is angry with jovian for not falsifying his oath , and breaking the peace with the persians , which cannot be the advice of a professor of christianity ; and makes no mention of the ten persecutions , nor that of dioclesian , carried on with so much rage ; but in the time of his father , without doubt he was a trimmer , halting between pagan and christian : as many then were puzled and groping in a twi-light , rather modish in their religion , and imitating the emperor . nothing else is observable concerning him . evtropivs's epistle to the emperor flavius valens . to the most great , and ever august emperor valens , conqueror of the goths . according to your serene pleasure ; i have drawn up , in a short narrative , successiuely from the buildiag of the city to your time , the roman transactions , which have been remarkable , both military and civil ; and have added in short all passages eminent in the lives of our princes ; that your divine mind may please it self in this to have imitated the actions of these illustrious persons , in the administration of your empire , before they were known by reading . the first book of evtropivs : containing the seven kings reigns , with the change of the commonwealth , the hetrurian war with king porsena , the wars with the latins , vejentes , falisci , fidenates , and the gauls , and other circumstances remarkable ; from the building of the city to a. v. c. 365. by mr. john williams . the roman empire , than which none was less in its beginning , yet story mentions none upon its increase greater in the whole world , was founded by romulus , who was the son of a vestal virgin , and as 't is thought , of the god mars , born a twin with his brother remus , he having lived like a robber amongst the shepherds being eighteen years old built a little city upon the palatine-hill on the eleventh of the kalends of may in the third year of the sixth olympiad , as they say who speak most probably , in the three hundred and ninety fourth year after the sacking of troy. having built this city , which he called rome from his own name he performed these things , he made a great many of his neighbours free of his city , choosing a hundred out of the old men , whom he called senators from their age , by whose counsel he would manage his affairs . then when romulus and his people wanted wives , he invited the neighbouring nations to publick sports and took away their young women by force . he overcame the caeninenses , the antemnates the crustumii , the sabins , the fidenates and the vejentes in the war raised against him for the injury offered to their women . all these cities lay about rome . and when upon a sudden tempest at an assembly he was never seen after , in the thirty seventh year of his reign he is consecrated , being believed to have gone to the gods. then the government of rome was in the power of senators for the space of five days by turns , which authority lasted one year . afterwards numa pompilius was made king , who waged no war , yet he was no less serviceable to rome than romulus , for he founded the laws and customs of the romans , who were now thought half barbarians and robbers from their continual wars . he divided the year into ten months , which before was confused without any account , he constituted very many holy rites , and built many temples at rome , and died in the forty third year of his reign . tullus hostilius succeeded him , he renewed the war and overcame the albani who dwelt twelve miles from rome . he subdued the vejentes and the fidenates , some of these were six miles from rome , others eighteen . he enlarged the city having added the hill caelius . when he had reigned thirty two years he was killed by thunder , and his house burnt up with lightning . ancus marcius reigned after him , he was the grandchild of numa by his daughter , he warred against the latins , and joyned the aventine hill and the hill janiculus to the city , built ostia a sea-town sixteen miles from rome . he died a natural death in the twenty fourth year of his reign . then priscus tarquinius was made king. he doubled the number of the senators and built the circus maximus at rome . he first instituted the roman sports , which are continued to our time . he also overcame the sabins : and having conquered much of their country joyned it to the roman territory , and first of all entred the city in triumph ; he built the walls and the common sewers , he began the capitol ; and was killed by the sons of ancus , whom he succeeded , in the thirty eighth year of his reign . servius tullius succeeded him , born of a noble woman being a captive and a handmaid . he also overcame the sabins , and added the three hills quirinalis , viminalis and esquilinus to rome . he digged ditches about the city . and first of all numbered and taxed the people , which thing was unknown throughout the whole world. upon the assessment there were found eighty four thousand roman citizens with those who lived in the country . he was murthered in the forty fifth year of his reign by the treachery of his son-in-law tarquinius the son of priscus his predecessor , and his daughter tullia , whom tarquinius had married . lucius tarquinius superbus was the seventh , and last of the roman kings . he overcame the volsci , which people dwelt not far from rome as we go to campania ; he took the city gabii and suessa pometia , and made peace with the thusci , and built the temple of jupiter in the capitol . afterwards besieging ardea , a city situated eighteen miles from rome , he lost his kingdom . for when his son tarquinius the younger ravished lucretia a woman of great quality , and the most chast wife of collatinus , and she complaining of the injury to her husband , her father and her friends , killed her self in the sight of them all . for which reason brutus , her father , and her husband tarquinius collatinus stirred up the people , and depos'd tarquinius : soon after the army , which besieged ardea with tarquinius , deserted him , and he returning to rome , was shut out . when he had reigned five and twenty years , he fled away with his wife and children . thus rome was governed by seven kings for the space of two hundred forty three years , the romans hitherto scarcely possessing fifteen miles about their city . for this reason two consuls were chosen for one king , that if one had ill designs , the other having equal power might restrain him . and 't was enacted by the roman people that they should rule no longer than one year , lest they should grow proud by a long continuance of their power ; but be always courteous , knowing they were to be private men within one year . therefore lucius junius brutus , who had been very industrious in expelling king tarquin , and tarquinius collatinus the husband of lucretia were consuls the first year . but the consulship was taken away soon from tarquinius collatinus , for the romans were not willing that any should remain in the city who was called tarquinius ; therefore having gathered together his estate he departed from roome : valerius publicola was made consul in his stead . but king tarquinius superbus who was driven out waged war against rome , and by the assistance of several people fought with them that he might be restored to his kingdom , brutus the consul and aruns the son of tarquinius kill'd one another in the first battel , yet the romans came off conquerors . the roman matrons mourned one year for brutus , as the defender of their chastity and their common father ; valerius publicola took spurius lucretius tricipitinus for his collegue , who was the father of lucretia , upon whose death he took horatius pulvillus into his place , so that there were five consuls in this first year : tarquinius collatinus went out of the city by reason of his name , brutus was kill'd in the battel , sp. lucretius died a natural death . tarquinius again made war against rome the second year that he might be restored , porsena the king of thuscia assisting him , and almost took it , but was overcome at last . in the third year after the banishing of th● king , tarquinius , when he could 〈◊〉 be received into his kingdom , nor would porsena who had made peace with the romans aid him , retir'd to tusculum , which city is not far from rome : and there lived a private life with his wife fourteen years . in the fourth year after the kings were driven from rome , the sabins waging war against the romans were overcome , upon which there was a triumph . in the fifth year lucius valerius the collegue of brutus and now the fourth time consul died ; he was so poor , that he was buried at the expence of the publick , for whom the matrons mourned one year as for brutus . in the ninth year after the banishing of the tarquins , when the son-in-law of king tarquinius had gathered together a great army to revenge the injuries done to his father-in-law , the romans created a new authority , which was called the dictatorship being greater than the consulship . in the same year also the general of the horse , who was subordinate to the dictator was made . nor doth roman story relate any thing more like the present government of the empire , which your majesty now enjoys , than the ancient dictatorship , chiefly when caius caesar , and after him augustus otherwise called octavianus reigned with the name and honour of dictactor ; of whom i shall speak hereafter . but largius was the first roman dictator , and spurius cassius the first general of the horse . the first sedition of the roman people was in the sixteenth year after the expulsion , under pretence that the commons were oppressed by the senate and the consuls . then the tribunes of the people were made as their proper judges and defenders , by whom the people might be defended from the senate and consuls . the next year the volsci renew'd the war against the romans and were overcome , losing their chief city corioli . in the eighteenth year quintius marcius a roman general , who took the city corioli from the volsci , was banished ; being angry , he goes to the same volsci , and having an army committed to him against the romans , evercame them in many battels : until he came within five miles of rome , designing to ruin his native country , having sent back those embassadors , who desired peace , had not his mother veturia and wife volumnia come to him from rome . but he being overcome by their tears and entreaties , he drew off his army : and was the second who led an army against his own country , after king tarquin . coeso fabius and titus virginius being consuls , three hundred noble men who were of the fabian family , undertook the war against the vejentes without aid , promising the senate and the people , that they would by themselves maintain it . accordingly all of them marched out of rome , and every one of them was slain , each of them deserving to have been a general . one only survived of this great family , who being too young was left at home . soon after a new register is made at rome , and the number of the roman citizens was found to be a hundred and nineteen thousand . the year following when the roman army was blocked up in the mount algidus , almost twelve miles from rome , lucius quintus cincinnatus was made dictator , who managing a farm of four acres , tilled it with his own hands . he , when he was found plowing , having wiped off the sweat from his face put on his robe and relieved the army , having overthrown his enemies . three hundred and one year from the building of the city , the consular power which was supreme ended , and ten men were elected instead of two consuls , called the decemviri : but when they had passed over the first year well , in the second year appius claudius one of the decemviri would have defloured a certain young maid the daughter of one virginius , who at that time was in service against the latins : whom her father killed , lest she should be dishonour'd by him , and returning to the army raised a mutiny . the power of the decemviri was taken away , and they condemned . in the three hundred and fifteenth year from the building of the city the fidenates rebelled against the romans : the vejentes with their king tolumnius aided them , both of which cities were so near rome , that fidena was but seven , and veii eighteen miles off : and also the volsci joyned themselves to these . but they were conquered by aemilius the dictator and lucius quintius cincinnatus general of the horse ; king tolumnius being slain , the city fidena was taken and razed . twenty years after the vejentes revolted and furius camillus the dictator was sent against them , whom he overcame first of all in a pitch'd battel , and took veii one of the most ancient and the wealthiest cities of italy after a long siege . then he took the noble city of the falisci . but he was maliciously accused , as if he had not rightly divided the prey , for which reason he was condemned and banish'd . not long after the galli senones came to rome ( in pursuit of the romans , overcome at the river allia twelve miles from rome ) and took it , nor could the romans defend any thing but the capitol , which when the gauls had besieged a long while , and the romans very much wanting provision , camillus , who pass'd his banishment in a neighbouring city came upon them on a sudden and overthrew them . afterwards they departed having received a sum of gold to raise their siege before the capitol : but camillus chasing them , so overcame them , that he recovered the gold which was given them , and all the military ensigns which they had taken . so the third time he entred rome in triumph and was stil'd the second romulus , as if he also had been the founder of his country . the second book of evtropivs : the wars with the latins , sabins , samnites , the tarentine war with king pyrrhus , and the first war with the carthaginians , with other contemporary actions of the romans . from v. c. 365. to 512. by mr. christopher lowther . in the three hundred sixty fifth year after the building of the city , and the first after it was taken by the gauls , they changed their officers , and instead of two consuls set up military tribunes with a consular power . from this time the roman empire began to enlarge its dominions : for camillus in the same year took the city of the volsci , which had waged war against the romans for seventy years , and the city of the aequi , and the sutrini , and having slain their armies , seized all their cities , for which actions he triumphed thrice . also titus quintius cincinnatus pursuing the praenestini , who had come armed even unto the gates of rome , defeated them at the river allia ; and added their cities to the roman empire , and having besieged the city praeneste , made it surrender : he performed all these actions in twenty days , for which they decreed him a triumph . the authority of the military tribunes lasted not long , being soon dissolved . for four years they were the supream officers in rome ; then the military tribunes resumed again their dignity with a consular power , and kept it for three years ; but afterwards the consuls were restored . in the consulship of lucius genucius , and quintus servilius , camillus died , whom the romans honour'd above all their famous men , next to romulus . titus quintius the dictator was sent against the gauls , who had lately invaded italy . they had pitched their camps four miles from the city rome on the other side of the river anio . titus manlius a most noble senator fighting with a gaul , who challenged him , slew him in single combat , and having taken off the golden chain that was about his neck , put it upon his own , which procured a perpetual honour to his family , that they should be called torquati : the gauls were put to flight ; and a little while after , caius sulpicius the dictator routed them . not long after caius marcius overcame the tusci , and seven thousand of them were led in triumph . the second time the people were taxed and muster'd , and when the latins , whom the romans had subdued , would not send them soldiers : they from themselves listed their young soldiers , and made ten legions , which amounts to sixty thousand armed men or more . yet in these small affairs the romans discover'd great valour in their wars : for when they marched against the gauls under their general lucius furius camillus , one of the gauls challenged the valiantest man of the romans to fight with him . then marcus valerius a tribune profer'd himself , and when he marched out armed , a crow sat upon his right arm , and a little while after when they were fighting , the same crow struck at the eyes of the gaul with his wings and claws that he could not see before him : wherefore the gaul being slain , valerius the tribune gained not onely the victory , but also a name . for afterwards he was called corvinus for this deed , and made consul in the three and twentieth year of his age. the latins , who would not send the romans soldiers , began to exact this of them , that one of the consuls should be chosen out of their people , and the other from the romans , which being denied , they took up arms against them ; but being overcome with a great slaughter , the romans triumphed , and for this brave action the statues of the consuls were placed upon the pulpit , from whence they spoke their orations . now the romans begun to grow powerful : for they made war with the samnites , living about a hundred and thirty miles from the city , who were situate between picenum , campania and apulia . ( l. ) papirius cursor commanded in this war with the honour of dictator . who going to rome , charged q. fabius maximus general of the horse , to whom he committed the care of the army , not to fight in his absence . but he having found an opportunity , fought very successfully , and routed the samnites . for which thing the dictator commanded him to be beheaded , because he had fought against his command , yet he was freed by the great favour of the soldiers and the people : and there arose so great a mutiny against papirius , that he had like to have been killed amongst them . afterwards in the consulship of titus veturius , and spurius posthumius , the romans very dishonourably were overcome by the samnites and made slaves by them . but the senate and the people broke the peace , which had been made through meer necessity . afterwards l. papirius the consul overcame the samnites , and making seven thousand of them slaves , triumphed for the victory obtained against them . at the same time appius claudius censor brought into the city rome the water called from his name claudia , and paved the appian way . the samnites having renewed the war , overcame q. fabius maximus , and slew three thousand of his men. afterwards having his father fabius maximus for his lieutenant , he subdued the samnites and took most of their towns. then p. cornelius rufinus , and manius curius dentatus being consuls were both sent against the samnites , and overcame them in several great battels . then they finished the war , which the romans had waged with the samnites for nine and forty years . neither was there now any enemy in italy , who would make trial of roman valour . a few years after , some forces of the gauls joined themselves with the tusci and the samnites : but as they marched to rome , cn. cornelius dolabella defeated them . at the same time the romans proclaimed war against the tarentini , who lived in the farthermost part of italy , because they had affronted their embassadors : they desired pyrrhus the king of epirus , who was descended from achilles , to help them against the romans , who came soon after into italy . this was the first time the romans fought with a forein enemy . p. valerius laevinus the consul was sent to fight them , who having taken pyrrhus's spies , commands them to be led about his camp to view his army , and then be sent back to tell pyrrhus how the romans managed their actions . upon the joyning of the battel pyrrhus fled ; yet he overcame the romans by the help of his elephants , which they feared , having never seen them before . but the night putting an end to the fight laevinus fled . pyrrhus took eighteen hundred romans , whom he used very honourably , and also buried their dead , whom when he saw lying upon the ground , with their wounds in their breast and face , and with a stern countenance , he is reported to have held up his hands to heaven uttering these words , that he might have conquered the whole world , if it had been his fortune to have had such valiant soldiers . afterwards pyrrhus having joyned the samnites , the lucani , and the brutii to his army marched to rome , wasting all places with fire and sword : he destroyed campania , and came to the city praeneste eighteen miles from rome . a little while after he retreated into campania , being affraid of the army , which followed him under the command of a consul . the romans sent embassadors to pyrrhus , to desire him to restore them their captives , whom he received very honourably , and sent back their captives without ransom . he very much admired one of the roman embassadours , fabricius by name , and when he knew him to be poor , he would have enticed him to leave the romans , and come over to him , promising the fourth part of his kingdom ; fabricius despised it . wherefore pyrrhus esteeming the romans at a high rate ; sent an embassadour a great man by name cineas to make peace with them on equal terms , which were , that he might reserve that part of italy which he had conquer'd . the romans liked not the propositions . therefore the senate sent word to pyrrhus , that he could have no peace with the romans , if he stayed in italy . then the romans commanded all those captives , which pyrrhus had restored , to be esteemed infamous , who should have defended themselves with their arms , neither should they regain their former credit , till they had brought back the spoils of their enemies . pyrrhus his embassadour returned with this answer ; whom when pyrrhus asked , what sort of place he found rome ? he reply'd , that he had seen a country of kings , that they were all as brave men there , as he was counted in epirus , and greece . p. sulpicius , and decius mus the consuls are sent generals against him . upon the joining of the battel pyrrhus was wounded , and his elephants slain , he lost in the fight twenty thousand : the romans onely five thousand . pyrrhus fled to tarentum the second year after fabricius was sent to fight him , whom before he could not bribe , being one of the embassadours , having promised him the fourth part of his kingdom . then his camp and the king 's being nigh one another , pyrrhus his physician came to him by night , promising to poyson the king , if he would reward him for it : whom he commanded to be carried bound to pyrrhus , and to be told that he had undertaken to kill him . the king admiring at him , is reported to have said , this is that fabricius , whom 't is harder to disuade from honesty , than to alter the sun's course , then the king went into sicily , fabricius having defeated the samnites , and the lucani , triumphed . then manius curius dentatus , and cornelius lentulus were sent against pyrrhus ; curius fought him , and cut off his army , and having driven him to tarentum , took his camp in the same day with the loss of three and twenty thousand of the enemy . curius dentatus triumphed in his consulship ; he was the first man that brought elephants to rome , being four in number . a little while after pyrrhus departed from tarentum , and was slain at argos a city of greece . in the consulship of caius fabricius luscinus , and c. claudius cinna , and in the four hundred sixty first year of the city , ptolemy sent embassadours from alexandria to rome , to make a friendship with the romans , which they obtained . quintius gulo and c. fabius pictor being consuls , the picentes raised a war , and the next consuls pub. sempronius , and appius claudius overcame them , for which conquest they triumphed . at this time the romans built these cities , ariminum in gaul , and beneventum in samnium . in the consulship of marcus attilius regulus , and lucius junius libo , the roman people proclaimed war against the salentini , a people living in apulia , and vanquished the brundusini with their city , for which there was another triumph . in the four hundred seventy seventh year of the city , the roman name was famous to all the world ; yet they had not waged war out of italy . wherefore they made a muster to know their forces : there were found two hundred ninty two thousand , and three hundred thirty four , although they had always been fighting ever since the building of the city . the first forein war they made , was against the africans , in the consulship of appius claudins , and quintus fulvius . they fought them in sicily , and appius claudius triumphed over the africans and hiero the king of sicily . the next year valerius marcus , and octacilius being consuls , the romans performed great actions in sicily ; they received into their protection the taurominitani , the catanenses , with fifty cities . the third year they designed to make war with hiero the king of sicily ; but he with all the nobility of syracuse desired to make peace with the romans , and gave them two hundred talents ; the romans overcame the africans in sicily , for which they triumphed the second time . in the fifth year of the punick war , which was carried on against the africans , in the consulship of caius duillius , and cnaeus cornelius asina , the romans fought first by sea , having prepared ships headed with iron , which they call liburnae . cornelius the consul was killed by stratagem ; duillius having joyned battel defeated the carthaginian admiral , and having took one and thirty of his ships , sunk fourteen , he took seven thousand prisoners , and slew three . there was no victory more acceptable to the romans than this , because being a people invincible at land , they appeared now very powerful by sea. in the consulship of caius aquilius florus , and lucius scipio , scipio took the islands corsica , and sardinia , and having brought captive from thence several thousand , obtained a triumph . l. manlius volso and m. attilius regulus being consuls , the romans carried the war over into africa , and fighting by sea against hamilcar the carthaginian general , defeated him ; for he having lost sixty four ships , made homewards , the romans lost two and twenty ; but being come into africa , they first made the city clypea surrender it self . the consuls went unto carthage , and having wasted many of their towns , manlius after his conquest returned to rome , bringing with him seven and twenty thousand captives ; attilius regulus tarried in africa ; he drew up his army , and fighting against three carthaginian captains , overcame them , and having slain eighteen thousand of their men , and taken five thousand with eight elephants , received seventy cities into the roman protection . now the carthaginians being routed desired to make peace with the romans , which regulus denying but upon very hard terms , they desired the lacedaemonians to help them , and xantippus the general , which they had sent , defeated regulus the roman geral with a total overthrow , for of all his army there escap'd onely two thousand ; fifteen thousand men were taken with their general , thirty thousand slain , and regulus cast into prison . marcus aemilius paulus , and servius fulvius nobilior being consuls , sailing to africa with a fleet of three hundred ships , overcame the africans first in a sea-fight . aemilius the consul having sunk one hundred and four of their ships , took thirty with the men in them , and having slain or taken fifteen thousand of the enemy , enriched his souldiers with costly spoils . now the romans had subdued all africa , if the scarcity of provisions had not been such , that their army could not subsist there any longer . the consuls , as they sailed homewards were shipwrecked about sicily : and the tempest so great , that out of four hundred and sixty four ships , they could scarce save eighty : neither was so great a storm ever heard of . but the romans soon set out another fleet of two hundred sail ; nor was there any one daunted with their former misfortune . cnaeus servilius cepio and c. sempronius blaesns the consuls sailing to africa with two hundred and sixty ships , took some cities , and returning home with rich spoil were also shipwracked . wherefore the romans being afflicted with these continual calamities , the senate decreed they should abstain from sea-fights , and onely keep a fleet of sixty ships to guard italy . in the consulship of lucius caecilius metellus , and caius furius pacilus , metellus the consul in sicily overcame a general of the africans , marching with thirty elephants , and great forces , and having slain twenty thousand of his men , took six and twenty elephants , and gathered together divers others stragling up and down in the country by the assistance of the numidians , who helped him in that war , and brought them to rome in great pomp , filling all the roads with an hundred and thirty elephants . after these misfortunes the carthaginians sent regulus the roman general , whom they had taken prisoner , to desire the romans to make peace , and exchange their captives : he being come to rome , and brought into the senate , acted nothing as a roman , saying , he was no roman from that day he had been taken by the africans , hindering even his wife from embracing him , he persuaded the romans not to make peace with the carthaginians : for they being weaken'd with so many misfortunes were now hopeless ; he was not of so great value that they should restore so many captives for him being an old man , and for a few romans who had been taken . therefore he obtained his request : for no body granted peace to the africans desiring it . upon his return to carthage , the romans would have had him to have stay'd at rome , but he answered , he could not live there with the same honour as before , having been a slave to the carthaginians . wherefore when he returned to africa , they put him to a very cruel death . p. claudius pulcher , and c. junius being consuls , claudius fighting with ill omens against the carthaginians , was defeated : for of two hundred and twenty ships he fled with thirty , the enemy having taken ninety and sunk the rest , twenty thousand being made captive . also the other consuls fleet was shipwracked , but he saved his army , having landed it on the coast hard by . caius luctatius catulus and aulus posthumius albinus being consuls in the twenty third year of the punick war , having the management of the war , sailed into sicily with three hundred ships , the africans had a fleet of four hundred against him . luctatius catulus went sick a shipboard , for he had been wounded in the former battel . the romans fought very valiantly over against lilybaeum a city of sicily , they took seventy three carthaginian ships , and sunk an hundred and twenty five ; they took thirty two thousand prisoners , having slain thirteen thousand : with a great quantity of gold and silver . of the roman fleet there were but twelve ships sunk . this fight was on the sixth of the ides of march. the carthaginians soon after desired to make peace with the romans , which they granted them . they restored the romans their captives ; and the carthaginians having desired their own captives might be ransomed , the senate commanded those who were in publick prisons to be sent to them gratis , expecting a ransom onely for them in the possession of private men , and upon their return to carthage , it should rather be paid out of the treasury , than by the carthaginians . quintus luctatius , and aulus manlius being consuls , made war with the falisci , whose city heretofore abounded with riches , which war they finished within six days , having slain fifteen thousand of the enemy , and granted peace to the rest , taking away half of their land. the third book of evtropivs : the war with the ligurians , sardinians , illyrians , and the cisalpine gauls ; the second war with the carthaginians , with other passages . from v. c. 512. to 551. by mr. william williams . the first punick war being ended , which continued for twenty two years , the romans being grown famous , sent embassadours to ptolomy the aegyptian king , promising him aid , because antiochus the king of syria had made war upon him . he returned thanks to the romans , but accepted not their help , for now the battel was over . at the same time hiero the most powerful king of sicily came to rome to behold the plays , and gave two hundred thousand bushels of wheat as a gift to the people . in the consulship of lucius cornelius lentulus and fulvius flaccus , at which time hiero came to rome , the war also was carried on against the ligurians in italy , and in conquering them the romans triumphed . the carthaginians attempted now to renew the war , inciting the sardinians to rebel , who ought to have been subject to the romans according to their former articles . yet embassadours from the carthaginians coming to rome , obtained peace . in the consulship of titus manlius torquatus , and caius attilius balbus , the roman people triumph'd over the sardinians : there being no wars in any place , the romans enjoy'd peace , which onely hapned when numa pompilius reigned , from the building of rome . lucius posthumius albinus , and cnaeus fulvius centumalus being consuls waged war against the illyrians , and having taken many cities , the kings of that country submitted themselves ; and then the romans triumphed first over the illyrians . in the consulship of lucius aemilius great armies of the gauls passed over the alps : but all italy assisted the romans ; and 't is written by fabius the historian who was then a soldier , that eight hundred thousand men were in readiness for that war : but affairs were manag'd so prosperously by the consuls , that forty thousand of the enemies were slain , and a triumph decreed for aemilius . not many years after the romans fought against the gauls in italy : the war was ended in the consulship of m. claudius marcellus and cnaeus cornelius scipio . then marcellus fighting with a small body of horse , slew with his own hand the king of the gauls , who was called viridomarus . after that with his collegue he destroyed the great forces of the gauls and took mediolanum and brought great spoil to rome : and marcellus triumphing , carried the spoils of a certain gaul on a truncheon upon his shoulder . in the consulship of m. minutius , and p. cornelius war was made with the istri : because they had robbed the roman ships which carried provision , and they were all overcome . the same year the carthaginians began the second punick war by hannibal their general : who besieged saguntum a city of spain in league with the romans , being in the twentieth year of his age , his army consisting of a hundred and fifty thousand foot and twenty thousand horse . the romans sent to hannibal to keep the peace : but he would not see the embassadours . then sending also to carthage , that they should command hannibal not to wage war against the allies of the roman people , they received no civil answer . in the mean while the saguntines were overcome through famine ; and being taken by hannibal were put cruelly to the sword. then publius cornelius scipio having march'd with an army into spain , and tiberius sempronius into sicily : war was proclaimed against the carthaginians , hannibal having left his brother asdrubal in spain , passed over the pyrenaean mountains : and made his way through the alps hitherto unpassable in that part . hannibal is reported to have brought along with him eighty thousand foot , and twenty thousand horse , and seven and thirty elephants . in the mean while many ligurians and gauls listed themselves under hannibal : sempronius gracchus having notice of hannibal's coming , ship'd his army out of sicily to ariminum . publius cornelius scipio first fought hannibal : the battel being joyn'd , his soldiers fled , and scipio returned wounded into his camp. sempronius gracchus , and hannibal fought at the river trebia . he also was overcome . many in ital submitted themselves to hannibal , he coming from thence into tuscia , fought flaminius and slew him with five and twenty thousand romans , the rest being put to flight . after that quintus fabius maximus was sent against him ; he by not fighting stop'd the career of the conqueror : and after having found an opportunity , overcame him . in the five hundred and fortieth year from the building of the city , lucius aemilius and p. terentius varro , are sent against hannibal , succeeding fabius in that war ; who admonish'd both the consuls that they could overcome the eager and impatient hannibal no otherwise than by deferring the battel . but through the rashness of varro , the other consul contradicting him , they fought at a village in apulia , called cannae , both the consuls were overcome by hannibal . in that battel three thousand africans were slain ; and a great part of hannibal's army wounded : the romans never suffer'd more in any punick war ; for in this fight aemilius paulus the consul was slain , and twenty , that had been consuls or praetors : thirty senators were taken or kill'd : three hundred noble men : forty thousand soldiers ; three thousand and five hundred horse . in which misfortunes the romans disdain'd to mention peace . they listed their servants , having made them free , a thing never done before . after that battel many italian cities which obeyed the romans , yielded themselves to hannibal . who , profering the romans to redeem their captives : it was answered by the senate , that they wanted no such citizens , who when they were armed , could not defend themselves . after that he put them all to death with divers torments ; and sent three bushels of golden rings to carthage ; which he pulled from the fingers of the roman knights , senators and soldiers . in the mean while asdrubal hannibal's brother remaining with a great army in spain , that he might bring that nation under the power of the africans , was overcome by the two scipio's , and lost in that battel thirty five thousand men , ten thousand of these being taken , and twenty-five thousand slain ; but twelve thousand foot , four thousand horse , with twenty elephants were sent to him from carthage to repair his forces . the fourth year after hannibal came into italy , marcus claudius marcellus the consul fought successfully against him at nola a city of campania . hannibal took many of the roman cities in apulia , calabria , and amongst the brutii : at which time also philip the macedonian king sent embassadours to hannibal promising him aid against the romans ; upon this condition , that having destroy'd them , hannibal would help him against the greeks . therefore the embassadours of king philip being intercepted and their embassy known ; the romans commanded marcus valerius laevinus to go into macedonia , and titus manlius torquatus the proconsul into sardinia : for that province also being underhand stirr'd up by hannibal , had deserted the roman interest . so at one time the romans fought in four several countries ; in italy , against hannibal ; in spain , against asdrubal ; in macedonia , against king philip ; in sardinia , against another asdrubal , a carthaginian : this asdrubal was taken by titus manlius the pro-consul , who had been sent into sardinia ; twelve thousand of his soldiers were slain in that battel , a thousand five hundred taken ; and sardinia being subdued by the romans , manlius the conqueror brought the captives and asdrubal to rome . in the mean while king philip was overcome by laevinus in macedonia , and asdrubal and mago the third brother of hannibal , in spain by the two scipio's . the tenth year after hannibal came into italy in the consulship of p. sulpicius , and cnaeus fulvius , he came within four miles of rome , his horse came up to the gates : not long after , for fear of the consuls coming with an army , hannibal withdrew into campania ; both the scipios were slain by asdrubal his brother in spain , who had been conquerors for many years : yet the army remained intire : for they were overcome more by accident than by asdrubal's valour . at which time also a great part of sicily was taken by marcellus the consul , which the africans had seized : and great plunder was carried to rome from the famous city syracuse . laevinus made a league in macedonia with king philip and many people of greece , and with attalus king of asia : and passing into sicily he took hanno an african captain at the city agrigentum , together with the town , and sent him to rome with the principal captives ; forty cities having submitted , he took twenty six . thus having subdued all sicily and macedonia he returned to rome with great glory . hannibal having set upon cnaeus fulvius the consul unawares , slew him with eight thousand soldiers . in the mean time both the scipio's being slain , and no roman general in spain , publius cornelius scipio , was sent , being four and twenty years old ; the son of publius scipio , who had been general there , a man far surpassing almost all the romans of his time and those that came after him . he took carthage in spain ; in which the africans kept all their gold , silver , and provisions for war : also the best hostages which hannibal had received from the spaniards : he took mago hannibal's brother in that city ; whom he sent with others to rome . there was great joy at rome for this news : scipio restored the spanish hostages to their parents : for which kindness almost all the spaniards unanimously surrendered themselves to him . after which things he put to flight asdrubal hannibal's brother , and took very great spoil . in the mean while q. fabius maximus re-took tarentum in italy , where hannibal had great forces : he slew there carthalo one of hannibal's captains , and sold twenty five thousand captives : and having distributed the plunder among his soldiers , sent the price of those that were sold to the treasury . then many cities of the romans which sided with hannibal , yielded themselves to fabius maximus . the year following scipio performed famous actions in spain , and recovered several towns by himself and his brother lucius scipio . yet they fought unsuccessfully in italy ; for claudius marcellus the consul was slain by hannibal . the third year after scipio came into spain , he continued his noble deeds : he receiving into protection the king of spain overcome in a great battel , and was the first that asked no hostage of the conquer'd . hannibal despairing that spain could be kept against scipio any longer , sent for his brother asdrubal to italy with all his forces ; who coming the same way his brother hannibal had come , fell into the ambush laid by appius claudius nero , and marcus livius salinator at sena a city in picenum : yet he was slain fighting valiantly ; his great forces were either taken or kill'd , and a great sum of gold and silver sent to rome . after this hannibal began to doubt of the event of the war , and the romans being mightily encouraged , sent for publius cornelius scipio out of spain , who came to rome with great glory . in the consulship of quintus caecilius , and lucius valerius , all the cities which were under the power of hannibal among the brutii , deliver'd themselves up to the romans . in the fourteenth year after hannibal came into italy , scipio who had acted in spain successfully , was made consul and sent to africa : something divine was thought to have been in that man ; insomuch that he was believed to have conference with the gods. he fought in africa against hanno the carthaginian general , and routed his army . in the second battel he took his camp with four thousand and five hundred soldiers , with the slaughter of eleven thousand . he took syphax king of numidia , who had assisted the africans , and seized his camp , who was sent by scipio to rome with the most considerable numidians , and infinite spoils ; which thing being known almost all italy deserted hannibal , who was commanded by the carthaginians to return into africa , now laid waste by scipio . thus the seventeenth year italy was freed from hannibal , who was reported to have left it with tears . embassadours from carthage desiring peace of scipio , were sent by him to the roman senate : a truce for forty five days was granted them , till they could return from rome , where they made a present of thirty thousand pound in silver . the senate commanded a peace should be made with the carthaginians according to the will of scipio , who granted it upon these conditions : that they should keep a fleet but of thirty ships , that they should pay five hundred thousand pound in silver , and restore the captives and fugitives . in the mean time hannibal arriving in africa , the peace was broken , and many hostilities committed by the africans ; yet their embassadours coming out of the city , and seiz'd by the romans , were dismissed by scipio's command . hannibal being overcome by scipio in many battels , also desired peace . when it came to a treaty , peace was granted upon the same conditions as before : scipio having added to the old sum of five hundred thousand pound a thousand pound more for their late rupture . the propositions displeased the carthaginians , and they commanded hannibal to fight ; the war was carried on against carthage by scipio and masinissa , another king of the numidians , who had made a league with scipio . hannibal sent three scouts to the roman camp : whom being taken , scipio commanded to be led through the camp , that the whole army should be view'd by them , that a dinner should be given them presently , and after that to be dismissed that they might tell hannibal what they had seen in the roman camp. in the mean time the armies are drawn up in batalia by both these captains , the like never was seen in the memory of man : the armies being drawn up by the most skilful of all generals . scipio was conqueror , hannibal himself being almost taken : who first escaped with many horse , then with twenty , last of all with four . twenty thousand pound in silver was found in his camp , and eight hundred in gold with other rich furniture . after that battel peace was made with the carthaginians . scipio returning to rome triumphed with great honour , and hence was stil'd africanus . thus ended this second punick war , after it had lasted nineteen years . the fourth book of evtropivs : the three macedonian wars , the third carthaginian , the syrian with king antiochus , with those in achaia , asia , spain , transalpine gaul , and in africa against jugurtha , with other co-incident actions : from v. c. 551. to 648. by mr. brune clench . the second punick war being ended , the macedonian followed against king philip. in the five hundred fifty first year from the building of the city , titus quintius flaminius was sent against king philip , fought with good success : peace was granted to him upon these conditions , that he should not make war upon the grecian cities which the roman protected against him ; that he restore the captives and deserters , and keep but a fleet of fifty ships , paying yearly four thousand pound in silver for ten years , with his son demetrius for a hostage ; also titus quintius making war with the lacedaemonians ; overcame nabides their general , who submitted himself upon the consuls conditions , who upon his return led demetrius the son of philip , and armenes the son of nabides , two noble hostages before his triumphal chariot in great glory . after the macedonian war the syrian begun against king antiochus , in the consulship of publius cornelius scipio , and marcus acilius glabrio . hannibal took part with this king , having left carthage his native country for fear they should deliver him up to the romans . marcus acilius glabrio fought fortunately in achaia , and having taken king antiochus's camp in a battel by night , put him to flight and restored demetrius to his father philip , because he helped the romans against antiochus . in the consulship of lucius cornelius scipio and caius laelius , scipio africanus went lieutenant general under his brother lucius cornelius scipio the consul against antiochus , hannibal who was his admiral was overcome in a sea-fight . afterwards antiochus himself was overthrown in a great battel at sipylum and magnesia cities of asia by lucius cornelius scipio the consul . eumenes the brother of king attalus who built eumenia in phrygia , assisted by the romans in that fight , fifty thousand foot and four thousand horse of the king's side being slain ; then antiochus sought peace , which was granted to him though overcome , by the senate , upon the same conditions as before ; that he should depart out of europe and asia , that he should bound himself with the mountain taurus , pay ten thousand talents , give twenty hostages , with hannibal the cause of the war. all the cities of asia , which antiochus lost in this war , were given to king eumenes by the senate ; likewise many cities were given to the rhodians who assisted the romans against him . scipio return'd to rome , and triumphed with great honour , taking the name of asiaticus by imitation from conquering asia , as his brother was called africanus from overcoming africa . in the consulship of spurius posthumius albinus , and quintus marcius philippus , marcus fulvius triumphed for his victory over the aetolians . hannibal after the victory over antiochus , lest he should be delivered to the romans , fled to prusias the king of bithynia ; being also demanded of him , by titus quintius flaminius , when he was to have been given up to the romans , he drank poison and was buried at libyssa in the borders of nicomedia . philip the king of macedonia being dead , who had both fought with the romans , and afterwards help'd them against king antiochus , his son perseus rebelled in macedonia , having rais'd a great army to carry on the war ; cotys the king of thrace , and the king of illyricum called gentius aided him ; eumenes the king of asia , ariarathes king of cappadocia , antiochus king of syria , ptolemaeus king of aegypt , with masinissa the king of numidia help'd the romans , but prusias king of numidia , although he married perseus's sister , stood neuter being civil to both parties . publius licinius the consul and general of the romans , was beaten by the king in a fierce battel , neither would the romans grant peace to the king desiring it , though they were overcome , but upon these conditions , that he should surrender up himself and his cavalry to the senate and roman people . a little after lucius aemilius paulus the consul was sent against him , and caius anicius the praetor into illyricum , against gentius , but he being easily overcome in one battel , soon after yielded up himself , as his mother also did , with his wife , two sons and brother , to the romans ; thus the war was ended in thirty days , the overthrow of gentius being sooner known , than that the war was begun . but aemilius paulus the consul fought the third of the nones of september with perseus , and overcame him with the slaughter of twenty thousand of his foot , all the horse being fled with the king ; the romans onely with the loss of an hundred , gain'd this victory , with the surrendry of all the cities in macedonia , which the king possess'd . he being forsaken of his friends , submitted himself to paulus , but aemilius did not esteem him as a conquered man , for he would not suffer him though he desired it , to lie at his feet , but placed him next to him : these conditions were granted to the macedonians and illyrians ; that they should live free , paying but half the tribute they paid to their kings : that it might appear , the roman people fought more for justice than for riches . paulus delivered these things in a very great assembly of the people , and treated the embassadours that came from many parts at a most costly banquet , saying , that it became the same general to overcome in war , and to appear great in his entertainment . a little after having taken seventy cities of epirus , which had rebelled against him ; he distributed the spoils to the soldiers , and return'd to rome , with great pomp in perseus's ship , reported to have been of an unusual bigness , with sixteen ranks of oars , and triumphed most magnificiently in his golden chariot with his two sons standing on each side of him , and perseus in the forty fifth year of his age with his two sons going before him . caius anicius also triumphed over the illyrians , and gentius is led before his chariot with his brother and children : the kings of many nations came to rome to this great sight ; amongst the rest attalus and eumenes kings in asia , with prusias king of bithynia were entertained with much honour , and , they laid up the presents which they brought in the capitol , with the consent of the senate . also prusias recommended his son nicomedes to them . the following year lucius memmius fought successfully in spain , and afterwards marcellus the consul fortunately managed his affairs there . then the third carthaginian war begun , in the six hundredth year from the building of the city , in the consulship of lucius manlius censorinus , and marcus manilius , fifty one years after the second punick war. these carried the war to carthage , against whom asdrubal fought as general , and famea commanded the horse ; then scipio the nephew of scipio africanus was a tribune of the soldiers , him all the romans feared and respected , for he was esteemed very serviceable both in their battels and at their councils , therefore many things were managed fortunately through him by these consuls ; neither did asdrubal or famea shun any thing more , than to fight against that squadron of the romans , where scipio fought . about the same time masinissa , the king of numidia , who for sixty years was in league with the romans , in the ninety seventh year of his age , died , leaving fortry four sons behind him , and ordered scipio to divide his empire amongst them . now scipio being grown famous though but a young man , was made consul , and sent against carthage ; he took it , and sack'd it ; and finding there the spoils , which carthage had gathered together from the destruction of many cities , he restor'd back upon proof to several cities of sicily , italy and africa , their ornaments . thus carthage was destroyed , about seven hundred years after it was built , and scipio by his merit obtained the name , which his grandfather had , being stil'd for his valour africanvs the yovnger . in the mean time one called pseudophilippus , took up arms in macedonia and utterly defeated publius juvencius the roman praetor , sent against him . after him quintus caecilius metellus was sent thither by the romans , and twenty thousand of the enemy being slain , he recovered macedonia and reduced pseudophilippus under his power . war was also proclaimed against the corinthians the inhabitants of a most famous city in greece , for an affront done to the roman embassadours . this city mummius the consul took and destroy'd ; then there were three noble triumphs at rome at the same time of africanus out of africa , before whose chariot asdrubal was led , of metellus from macedonia , before whom andriscus went , otherwise called pseudophilippus , of mummius from corinth , before him were carry'd brazen statues , pictures , and other ornaments of that famous city . one pseudoperseus also rebelled in macedonia , having gathered together several slaves , pretending himself to be perseus's son , but was overcome with seventeen thousand of his men by tremellius the quaestor . at this time an hermaphrodite being seen at rome , was drowned in the sea by the appointment of the southsayers . at the same time metellus perform'd noble acts in celtiberia amongst the spaniards . quintus pompeius succeeded him , a little after quintus caepio was sent commander to the same war ; which indeed viriatus waged against the romans in lusitania , upon which through fear viriatus was slain by his soldiers , after having made the spaniards rebel against the romans for fourteen years . he was a shepherd at first , afterwards chief amongst the thieves , at last he stir'd up so many people to this war , that he was thought the assertor of the spaniards liberty against the romans , and , when his murtherers sought their rewards from caepio the consul ; he answered , 't was never acceptable to the romans , to have a general murther'd by his own men. then quintius pompeius the consul being overcome by the people of numantia , a rich city of spain , made a dishonourable peace . after him caius hostilius mancinus made another league with the numantians , which the senate and people commanded to be broken ; and mancinus the author of it , to be given up to his enemies : that they might revenge the injury of this rupture upon the cause of it ; wherefore after so great an ignominy , the roman army being twice overcome by the numantians , publius scipio africanus was made consul the second time , and sent to numantia , he first corrected the vicious soldiers without any cruelty , more by labour than punishment . then he took many cities in spain , partly by force and partly by surrendry ; after a long siege he took the city numantia by famine and ras'd it ; taking the rest of the province into his protection . about that time attalus a king in asia the less , the brother of eumenes died , and by making the roman people his heir , added asia to their empire by his will. a little after decimus junius brutus triumphed with great glory for his victory over the callaeci , and the lusitan , and publius scipio africanus triumphed the second time over the numantians the fourteenth year after his first triumph in africa . in the mean time war was rais'd in asia by aristonicus , the son of eumenes , whom he had by an harlot ; this eumenes was the brother of king attalus , publius licinius crassus was sent against him with the assistance of many kings . for nicomedes king of bithynia help'd the romans , and mithridates king of pontus , with whom afterwards the romans had a severe war , and ariarathes king of cappadocia , pylaemenes king of paphlagonia , yet crassus was overcome and slain in battel ; his head brought to aristonicus , and his body buried at smyrna . afterwards perpenna the roman consul , who succeeded crassus , hearing of the event of the war hastened into asia , and having overcome aristonicus in battel , compelled him through want of provision to a surrendry at the city stratonice whither he had fled ; aristonicus was strangled in prison at rome , by the command of the senate ; but perpenna could not enjoy his triumph , dying in his return home at pergamum . in the consulship of lucius caecilius metellus , and titus quintius flaminius , carthage in africa by the command of the senate was rebuilt ; as it is in my time , two and twenty years after scipio destroy'd it , the romans planting a colony there . in the six hundred twenty seventh year from the building of the city , caius cassius longinus , and sextus domitius calvinus being consuls , waged war with the gauls on the other side of the alps , and the arverni , with bituitus their king , killing a great multitude of them at the river rhodanus , the spoil was great , from the very chains taken from them , bituitus surrender'd himself to domitius , and was led captive by him to rome , where both the consuls triumphed with great glory . in the consulship of marcus porcius cato , and quintus marcius rex , in the six hundred thirty third year from the building of the city , the colony of narbona was planted in gaul , afterwards the consuls lucius metellus , and quintus mucius scaevola , triumphed for their conquest in dalmatia . in the six hundred thirty fifth year from the building of the city , caius cato the consul fought dishonourably with the scordisci . in the consulship of caius caecilius metellus , and cnaeus carbo , the two brothers of metellus , triumphed the same day , one for thrace , and the other for sardinia ; and 't was then reported at rome that the cimbri were come out of gaul into italy . in the consulship of p. scipio nasica , and l. calpurnius bestia , the war began against jugurtha king of numidia , for killing the two kings adherbal , and hiempsal , sons of micipsa , his brothers and confederates with the romans . calpurnius bestia the consul is sent against him , but being bribed with the king's money , he made a disgraceful peace with him , which was disliked by the senate ; spurius posthumius albinus went the next year to fight jugurtha . he fought by his brothers ill conduct ingloriously against the numidians . quintus caecilius metellus the consul was the third that was sent , he reduced his army to roman discipline with great severity and order , though without capital punishment ; he overcame jugurtha in many battels , either taking or hilling his elephants , and when he was making an end of the war , caius marius succeeded him ; he overcame both jugurtha and bocchus the king of mauritania who assisted jugurtha against the romans , having taken some cities in numidia , he finish'd the war , jugurtha being taken by that great man cornelius sylla his quaestor , whom bocchus had delivered up , though before he had fought for him . the cimbri were overcome in gaul by marcus junius silanus the collegue of quintus metellus , the scordisci and triballi in macedonia , by minucius rufus , and the lusitani in spain by servilius caepio . there were two triumphs for jugurtha ; first metellus , then marius ; before marius's chariot jugurtha was led in chains with his two sons , and not long after strangled in prison by the command of the consul . the fifth book of evtropivs : the war with the cimbri , &c. with mithridates king of pontus , the civil war between marius and sylla , with other interfering actions . from v. c. 648 , to 675. by mr. james lowther . whilst war was made in numidia against jugurtha , the roman consuls marcus manilius and quintus caepio , were overcome at the river rhodanus by the cimbri , teutones , tigurini , and ambrones , nations of germany and gaul , and the romans were almost all slain , having lost their tents with a great part of their army . the fear at rome was scarce so great in hannibal's time in the carthaginian wars , lest the gauls should come again to rome . wherefore marius after the jugurthine victory the second time was made consul , and the management of the war was deceed him against the cimbri , and teutones . also the third and fourth consulship was conferr'd upon him : because the cimbrian war continued ; in his fourth consulship he had quintus luctatius catulus for his collegue . then fighting with the cimbri , he slew two hundred thousand in two battels , and took eighty thousand , and their general teutobodus , for which good service in his absence he was created consul . in the mean time the cimbri , and teutones , whose forces were yet very great , passed over into italy , caius marius , and quintus catulus again fought with them : but catulus the more successfully . for in that battel which both of them fought one hundred and forty thousand were slain either in the fight or in the pursuit ; sixty thousand taken , and but three hundred roman soldiers lost in both armies ; three and thirty ensigns were taken from the cimbri , of which marius his army got two , catulus his army thirty one . thus the war was ended , and a triumph decreed for each of them . sextus julius caesar , and lucius marcius philippus being consuls in the six hundred and fifty ninth year from the building of the city , when almost all other wars were now ended , the picentes , marsi , and peligni made a grievous war in italy , who when they had obeyed the roman people for many years , then began to assert their liberty . this war was very dangerous , p. rutilius the consul was slain in it , caepio a noble young man , and portius cato the other consul . but the picentes , and the marsi had these captains against the romans , titus vietius , hierus asinius , titus herennius , and aulus cluentius ; the romans fought fortunately against them under caius marius , now the sixth time a consul , and cnaeus pompeius ; yet under lucius cornelius sylla most successfully , who amongst other extraordinary actions so overcame cluentius captain of the enemies with great forces , without losing one of his men. this war was prolonged for the space of four years , yet with great misfortune in the fifth year , at last lucius cornelius sylla being consul ended it , when before as praetor he had valiantly performed many things in that war. in the year of the city six hundred sixty two the first civil war began at rome , with the mithridatick war. c. marius who had been six times consul , was the cause of it ; for when sylla the consul was sent to make war against mithridates , who had seiz'd upon asia and achaia : being forced for some time to keep his army in campania , that he might make an end of the war in italy with the confederates ( which we have mentioned ) marius desired that he might be sent against mithridates . whereupon sylla in great anger came with his army to rome , where he fought against marius , and sulpicius , and upon his first entrance slew sulpicius and put marius to flight , cnaeus octavius , and lucius cornelius cinna being appointed consuls for the year to come , he marched into asia . for mithridates king of pontus and of armenia the less , with the pontick sea all about the thracian bosphorus , at first would have drove nicomedes the ally of the roman people out of bithynia , informing the senate , that he was bringing war upon him for the injuries which he had suffered ; the senate sent word to mithridates , if he did so , he should suffer a war from the romans . wherefore in a rage he forthwith took cappadocia , expelling king ariobarzenes a friend of the romans : and presently invaded bithynia , and paphlagonia , having driven out the kings pylaemenes and nicomedes , confederates of the roman people . then he marched unto ephesus , and sent letters through all asia , that wheresoever the roman citizens were found , they should be kill'd in one day . in the mean time athens a city of achaia was delivered to mithridates by aristones an athenian . for mithridates had sent archelaus his captain into achaia , with one hundred and twenty thousand horse and foot : by whom he won the rest of greece ; sylla besieged archelaus at piraeeus not far from athens , and took the city : afterwards a battel being fought with archelaus , he so overthrew him , that out of his hundred and twenty thousand there scarce remain'd ten , and of sylla's army onely fourteen were slain . mithridates upon the news of this battel recruited archelaus with eighty thousand chosen men out of asia , with whom sylla fought again . in the first battel twenty thousand of the enemy were slain with diogenes the son of archelaus : in the second , all the forces of mithridates were cut off , archelaus himself three days lying hid in the marshes . mithridates upon hearing of this began to treat with sylla . at that time also sylla overcame the greatest part of the dardani , scordisci , dalmatians and moesians , and received the rest into his protection . when embassadours came from king mithridates , desiring a peace , sylla answered that he would not grant it , unless the king deserting those places which he was possessed of , returned into his own kingdom . yet afterwards in a personal treaty , peace was made between them ; that sylla hasting to the civil war might be in no danger in his absence . for whilst sylla overcame mithridates in achaia and asia , marius , who was fled , and cornelius cinna , one of the consuls , renewed the war in italy , and having entred the city rome , slew the most noble and consular men of the senate , and proscribed many , having pulled down the house of sylla , they compelled his sons and wife to secure themselves by flight ; every one of the senate that remain'd , flying out of the city came to sylla in greece , intreating him that he would succour his native country . he passed over into italy to fight against norbanus , and scipio the consuls ; he fought the first battel against norbanus not far from capua ; where he slew seven thousand of the enemy , and took six thousand , with the loss of one hundred twenty four of his own , then he marched against scipio , but before the battel , scipio surrendred his army without bloodshed . but upon the new election of consuls at rome , marius the son of marius , and papirius carbo being chose , sylla fought marius the younger , and fifteen thousand of the enemy being slain , lost four hundred men. afterwards entring the city , and pursuing marius the younger to praeneste , he besieged him there , and forced him to kill himself . then he had a fierce battel with lamponius , and carinates captains of marius's party at the gate collina . eighty thousand men were reported to have been in the army against sylla , twelve thousand yielded themselves , the rest were either slain in battel , in the camp , or in flight , so unsatiable was the revenge of the conquerors . cnaeus carbo the other consul fled from ariminum into sicily and there was slain by cnaeus pompeius , whom but a young man twenty one years of age , sylla upon the observation of his industry , had made commander of his armies , with the esteem of being next to himself . upon the death of carbo pompey recovered sicily , and passing into africa , slew domitius one of marius's faction , and hiarbas king of mauritania , who aided domitius . after these things sylla triumphed for conquering mithridates with great glory . and cnaeus pompeius in the twenty fourth year of his age ( which never had been granted to any of the romans ) triumphed for his victory in africa . thus these two cruel wars ended , the italian which is called the social , and the civil war , both which carried on for the space of ten years , destroyed above a hundred and fifty thousand , twenty four consular men , eight praetors , sixty aediles , and almost three hundred senators . the sixth book of evtropivs : the wars with sertorius , with the gladiators , and the pirats ; the end of the mithridatic ; the conquest of crete and of tigranes king of armenia ; the catilinarian conspiracy , the death of crassus in parthia ; the wars in gaul by julius caesar , with the civil war between him and pompey : from v. c. 675 to 710. by mr. leonard powel . in the consulship of marcus aemilius , and quintus catulus , when sylla had setled the commonwealth , new wars arose , one in spain , another in pamphylia and cilicia , the third in macedonia , the fourth in dalmatia . for sertorius who was of marius's party against sylla , fearing the fate of those who were slain , stirr'd up the spaniards to the war , quintus caecilius metellus ( his son who overcame king jugurtha ) and lucius domitius the praetor , were sent generals against him ; domitius was slain by hirtulejus one of sertorius's captains . but metellus fought sertorius with various success . afterwards when he was thought unfit by himself to manage the war , cnaeus pompeius was sent into spain . sertorius fought with variety of fortune against these two generals , till at last killed in the eighth year of the war by his own soldiers . thus the war was ended by cnaeus pompeius a young man , and quintus metellus pius , and almost all spain subdu'd by the romans . appius claudius after his consulship being sent into macedonia , skirmish'd with several people of the province rhodopa , and there falling sick , died . cnaeus scribonius after the expiration of his consulship was sent to succeed him , he overcoming the dardani , marched a conqueror even to the danube , and obtain'd a triumph , having ended the war in three years . publius servilius a valiant man was sent proconsul into cilicia and pamphylia . after the conquest of cilicia he besieged and took the best cities of lycia ; amongst these he took phaselis , olympus with corycus of cilicia , then going against the isauri , and they submitting , he ended the war in three years . the first of all the romans that marched to the mountain taurus returning home , he received a triumph according to his merits and had the name of isauricus . cnaeus cosconius being proconsul was sent into illyricum , he subdued the greatest part of dalmatia , took salonae , and ending the war , returned to rome in three year . at the same time marcus aemilius lepidus , catulus's fellow consul , would have raised a civil war , but his insurrection was suppress'd in one summer . then many received their triumphs together ; metellus and pompey from spain , curio from macedonia , and servilius from isauria . in the year of the city six hundred seventy six , in the consulship of l. licinius lucullus and marcus aurelius cotta , nicomedes king of bithynia died , and made the romans his heir . mithridates having broken the peace , would have again invaded asia and bithynia . both the consuls sent against him , had various success ; for cotta was overcome by mithridates in a battel at chalcedon , and being driven into the city was besieged there . but when mithridates marched from thence to cyzicus , that taking it he might invade all asia : lucullus the other consul encountred him , and whilst mithridates was busie in the siege of cyzicus , he blocked him up in the rear , and overcame him in many battels . at last driving him to byzantium ( now call'd constantinople ) lucullus also overcame his captains in a sea-fight . thus in one summer and winter lucullus destroy'd almost an hundred thousand of mithridates soldiers . in the year of the city six hundred seventy eight , m. licinius lucullus govern'd the province of macedonia , the cousin of that lucullus who managed the war against mithridates . in italy on a sudden arose a new war ; for seventy four gladiators under the command of spartacus , chrysus , and oenomaus , having broken out of their fencing school at capua , fled away : and wandering through italy , commenc'd as great a war as hannibal did ; for overcoming many of the roman captains , and two of their consuls , they gathered together an army of almost sixty thousand men ; at last they were conquered by m. licinius crassus the proconsul in apulia , and after many calamities in italy , the war was ended the third year by him . in the year of the city six hundred and eighty , in the consulship of p. cornelius lentulus , and cnaeus aufidius orestes ; onely the mithridatick and macedonian wars disturb'd the roman empire . lucius lucullus and m. lucullus managed them . for l. lucullus after his victory over mithridates at cyzicus , and his captains in a sea fight , pursued him , and having recovered paphlagonia and bithynia , he marched into his kingdom , and took sinope and amisus two famous cities in pontus . the second battel was fought at the city cabira , where mithridates had gathered together great forces from all his countries thereabouts , when five thousand romans putting to flight mithridates with thirty thousand of his best soldiers , plunder'd his camp. lucullus also subdu'd armenia the less , which mithridates governed . but he was received after his flight by tigranes king of the greater armenia , who then reigned with great fame , and oftentimes beating the persians , had seiz'd upon mesopotamia , syria , and part of phaenicia ; but lucullus demanding mithridates that fled , entred armenia , tigranes his kingdom , took there the famous city tigranocerta , and with eighteen thousand so overthrew tigranes coming against him with six hundred thousand cuirassiers , one hundred thousand archers , and armed men , that he cut off a great part of his armenians . from thence he marched to the city nisibis , which he took , with the king's brother . but those whom lucullus had left in pontus with part of the army to defend the romans with their conquest in the adjacent countries , behaving themselves carelesly and covetously , gave an opportunity to mithridates of breaking into pontus , and so the war was renewed , and one sent to succeed lucullus , having taken nisibis , and preparing the war against the persians : the other lucullus who governed macedonia , was the first of all the romans that waged war against the bessi , and overcame them in a great battel on the mountain aemus , and having taken the city vscudama which the bessi inhabited , in one day , and cibyle , he marched conquerer even to the danube . from thence he went against many cities bordering on pontus , where he sacked apollonia , and took cala●●s , parthenopolis , tomi , histrum , and all buzia . after the war was ended he returned to rome , and both of them triumph'd ; but lucullus who managed the war against mithridates , triumphed with greater glory , being conquerour of so considerable kingdoms . the macedonian war being ended , and by reason of lucullus his return to rome , the mithridatic war continuing , which mithridates with new forces prosecuted , there arose a war in crete . caecilius metellus was sent thither , and in three year having subdued all the provinces , and being stil'd creticus , he triumphed from the conquest of that island . about the same time libya was added to the roman empire by a grant in king apion's will , in which province there were these famous cities , berenice , ptolemais , and cyrene . whilst these things were perform'd , the pirats so infested the seas , that the romans though the conquerers of all the world , could not safely sail . wherefore this war was decreed to be managed by cnaeus pompeius , who with great fortune and celerity ended it in few months , afterwards the war against mithridates and tigranes was committed to him , which having undertook , he overcame mithridates in armenia the less in a battel by night , and plunder'd his camp , cutting off forty thousand of the enemy with the loss onely of twenty of his soldiers and two centurions . mithridates fled with his wife and two attendants . afterwards when he tyranniz'd over his people , in a mutiny of his soldiers raised by his own son pharnaces , he was forc'd to poison himself . thus mithridates died at bosphorus , a man of great industry and conduct , he lived seventy , reigned sixty , and made war with the romans forty years . then pompey made war against tigranes , who surrender'd himself , and coming to him in his camp , sixteen miles from artaxata , fell at his feet , and delivered up his crown , which pompey restored again , and received him honourably , but took away syria , phaenicia , sophone ; besides fining him in six thousand talents of silver , to be paid to the romans for raising war against them without a cause . afterwards pompey brought war on the albani , and thrice overcame orodes their king , who at last obtain'd a peace by his letters and presents to pompey . he also overcame in a battel anthaces the king of iberia , who submitted to him . he gave armenia the less to dejotarus the king of galatia for assisting him in the mithridatic war. and restoring paphlagonia to attalus and pylemenes ; he made aristarchus the king of the colchi . then he subdued the ituraei and the arabians , and coming into syria made seleucia near antioch a free city , because it had not aided king tigranes . he restor'd the people of antioch their hostages , and added some grounds to the daphnenses to enlarge their groves , being delighted with the pleasantness of the place , and its many springs . from thence he marched into judaea , and in the third month took jerusalem the chief city , and having slain twelve thousand jews he receiv'd the rest into his protection . having performed these things , he returned into asia , and so ended this long war. in the consulship of marcus tullius cicero ( the orator ) and c. antonius , in the year of the city six hundred eighty nine , lucius sergius catilina , a man of high birth , but of a very vitious disposition , plotted with some audacious noble men against his country ; but he was driven out of the city by cicero , and his associates upon apprehension strangled in prison ; catiline also overcome in a battel , was slain by antonius the other consul . in the year of the city six hundred and ninety , in the consulship of d. junius silanus , and l. murena . metellus triumphed for conquering crete , and pompey for the piratic and mithridatic wars : no pomp of a triumph was ever like to pompey's ; for mithridates his , and tigranes's sons , also aristobulus the king of the jews , with a great sum of money were carried before his chariot . at that time there was no considerable war in all the world with the romans . in the year of the city six hundred ninety three , caius julius caesar ( who was afterwards emperour ) and l. bibulus were made consuls : caesar having obtain'd by order of senate the government of gaul and illyricum with ten legions , first overcame the helvetii ( who are now called the sequani . ) then after his victories in very great battels , he marched a conquerour even to the british ocean . he was almost nine years in subduing all gaul , which lies between the alps the river rhone , the rhine and the ocean , in compass three thousand and two hundred miles . then he brought war upon the britans , who never before heard of the roman name , and having overcome them , he took their hostages and made them tributary to the roman empire , and ordered gaul to pay an annual tribute of above three hundred thousand pounds . and then passing the rhine overcame the germans in very great battels : he was so fortunate , that he fought but thrice unsuccessfully : once in person against the arverni , twice in his absence in germany , where his two lieutenants titurius and arunculeius were slain in an ambush . about the same time in the year of the city six hundred ninety seven , marcus licinius crassus pompey's collegue , made the second time consul , was sent against the parthians , and when he fought at carrae both contrary to the omens , and praedictions of the southsayers , he was overcome by surena one of orodes his captains , and at last was slain , with his son a famous and valiant young man. the residue of his army was saved by cnaeus cassius his questor , who with great resolution and courage so repair'd the calamity , that repassing the euphrates he overcame the persians in many battels . now that lamentable and horrible civil war came on , which , besides the calamities that happen'd in battel changed the condition of the roman name . for caesar returning conquerour from gaul , required another consulship , and it being without dispute carried on his side , he was oppos'd by marcellus the consul , bibulus , pompey , and cato , and commanded , having dismissed his army to return to rome ; for which affront , from ariminum , where he mustered his soldiers , he march'd against his native country . the consul with pompey , the whole senate , and all the nobility fled out of the city into greece . pompey being general rais'd war against caesar in epirus , macedonia , and achaia . caesar having entered the city forsaken , made himself dictator . thence marching into spain he routed pompey's brave and stout armies , under the three generals , l. afranius , m. petreius , and m. varro . then returning he marched into greece ; where fighting against pompey , he was in the first battel overthrown , and put to flight ; but the night drawing on , he escaped , and upon pompey 's not pursuing him , he said , pompey knew not how to conquer , he being only that day in his power to have been overcome . afterwards they fought in thessaly at palaeopharsalus with great armies on both sides . pompey's army consisted of forty thousand foot and seven thousand horse in the left wing , with five hundred in the right , besides the auxiliary forces of all the east , all the nobility , with a great number of senators , praetors , and such as had been consuls , and the conquerors of ny nations . caesar's army amounted to thirty thousand foot , with a thousand horse . the roman forces were never greater at one time , nor never commanded by more valiant generals , they might have overcome the whole world , if they had fought against their enemies . but after a sharp fight , pompey being overcome , and his camp plunder'd , fled to alexandria , that he might receive aids from the king of aegypt , whose guardian he had been by order of senate in his minority ; but he following pompeys fortune more than true friendship slew him , and sent his head and ring to caesar ; which he looking on , is reported to have wept , beholding the head of so worthy a man , and once his son-in-law . afterwards caesar coming to alexandria , ptolemy had designs upon his life , for which reason caesar made war with him , and he being overcome , was drowned in the nile , but his body was afterwards found covered with a gold coat of mail. caesar having won alexandria , gave that kingdom to cleopatra ptolemy's sister , with whom he had been dishonourably acquainted . caesar returning from thence overcame in a battel pharnaces great mithridates's son , who aided pompey in thessaly , and also rebelling in pontus , had seiz'd upon many of the roman cities , upon which misfortune he kill'd himself . then caesar upon his return to rome , made himself the third time consul , with m. aemilius lepidus , who was the year before in his dictatorship general of the horse . from thence he went into africa , to the war , which very many of the nobility , with juba king of mauritania had raised against him . the roman generals were p. cornelius scipio ( of the ancient family of scipio africanus , he was father-in-law to pompey the great ) m. petreius , q. varius , and m. porcius cato , l. cornelius faustus ( the son of sylla the dictator and pompey's son-in-law . ) caesar in a pitch'd battel , after many skirmishes overcame them . cato , scipio , petreius , and juba slew themselves ; but faustus was put to death . after a year caesar coming back to rome made himself consul the fourth time , but soon went into spain , where cnaeus and sextus pompey's sons had levy'd a great war , they fought many battels , the last was at the city munda , in which caesar was so near overcome , that seeing his soldiers sly , he would have slain himself , lest after so great military glory , and fifty six years old , he should fall into the power of these young men ; at last , having rallied his forces , he overcame them , and slew pompey's eldest son , and put to flight the younger . now caesar having ended the civil wars through all the world , returned to rome , and began to govern too insolently , and against the customs of the roman liberties . he would bestow honours at his own pleasure , which were before given by the people : neither would he rise up to the senate coming to salute him ; he performed other things after a regal tyrannick manner . whereupon above sixty senators and roman knights conspired against him . the chief of the conspirators were the two bruti ( of brutus's family who was the first that was made a roman consul , and had expell'd the kings ) with cnaeus cassius and servilius casca , who stab'd caesar on a certain day with twenty three wounds when he came to the senate . the seventh book of evtropivs : the reign of augustus , tiberius , caligula , claudius , nero , galba , otho , vitellius , vespasian , titus , domitian : from a. v. 710. to v. c. 850. by mr. thomas cornwallis . caesar being kill'd about the seven hundred and ninth year of the city , the civil wars were renewed . the senate favouring the murtherers of caesar , antony the consul , one of caesars party , endeavoured to overthrow them in a civil war. having therefore disturbed the commonwealth , and done many ill things , he was judged an enemy by the senate . the two consuls , pansa and hirtius were sent to pursue him , with octavianus , caesar's nephew , a young man , eighteen years old , whom he made his heir , and commanded to bear his name . this is he who afterwards was call'd augustus , and obtained the empire . wherefore these three generals marching against antony , overcame him : but it happened out that these two consuls being conquerors were slain ; upon which the three armies obeyed caesar . antony being put to slight , having lost his army , went for succor to lepidus , who was general to caesar's horse , and then commanded great forces , by whom he was received ; and soon after lepidus endeavouring it , caesar made peace with antony ; and as if he would vindicate the death of his father , by whom he was adopted in his will , he marched to rome with his army , and by force procured the consulship in the twentieth year of his age . having proscribed the senate , he began with antony and lepidus , to govern the commonwealth by an army . cicero the orator was kill'd by them , with many other noblemen . in the mean while brutus and cassius the murtherers of caesar rais'd a great war , for there were many armies in macedonia and the east , which they seiz'd upon : wherefore caesar octavianus augustus , and mark antony went against them , ( lepidus staid behind to defend italy ) they fought against 'em at philippi , a city of macedonia : caesar and antony were overcome in the first battel , but the most noble cassius was slain . in the second brutus and very many noblemen of his side were slain , and then the commonwealth was thus divided amongst them , that augustus should govern spain , france , and italy : antony , asia , pontus , and the east , but lucius antonius the consul raised a civil war in italy , his brother who had fought with caesar against brutus and cassius , he was overcome and taken at perusium a city of tuscia , but his life spar'd . in the mean time sextus pompeius , the son of cn. pompeius made a war in sicily , those of brutus and cassius's party who remain'd joyning with him ; yet after a war brought upon him by caesar augustus , and m. antony , at last a peace was ratified . at that time m. agrippa acted prosperously in aquitania , and l. ventidius bassus overcame the persians , making incursions into syria , in three battels . he kill'd pacorus the son of king orodes , the same day that heretofore orodes king of the persians had kill'd crassus by surena his general . he first triumph'd truly over the persians [ at rome . ] in the mean time pompey broke the peace : and being beat in a sea-fight , fled to asia , and was there slain . antony , who govern'd asia and the east , being divorced from augustus's sister , married cleopatra the queen of egypt . he also in person fought against the persians , and overcame them in the first battel ; but in his return he suffered much by famine and pestilence , and the parthians falling upon him in his flight , he lost his victory . he also raised a great civil war by the instigation of his wife cleopatra , the queen of egypt , whilst she through a womans ambition long'd to rule at rome . he was overcome by augustus in a famous sea-fight , at actium in epirus , from whence he fled to egypt ; and in despair , when all his soldiers had revolted to augustus , he killed himself . cleopatra died with the poison of asps , which she had put to her breasts . octavianus augustus added aegypt to the roman empire , and cn. cornelius gallus was the first that governed it . thus having finished all his wars every where , augustus in the twelfth year after he had been made consul returned to rome . from that time he governed the commonwealth alone for four and forty years , having rul'd it twelve years before with lepidus and antony ; and so from the beginning to the end his reign lasted six and fifty years . he died a natural death in the seventy sixth year of his age , in atella , a city of campania . he was buried in the campus martius at rome ; a man not undeservedly for the most part , reckon'd a god. nor was any one more happy than him in his wars , or more moderate in peace . he lived with the greatest civility all the four and forty years he ruled alone , being most liberal towards all men , and very faithful to his friends , who he had advanced to so great honors , that they were almost equal to himself . the roman affairs never flourished more ( before his time ) for besides the civil wars in which he was always conqueror , he added aegypt to the roman empire , with cantabria , and dalmatia , oftentimes overcome before , but entirely subdued by him : also pannonia , aquitania , illyricum , rhaetia , the vindelici , and the salassi , living upon the alps ; with all the maritime cities of pontus : and amongst these the famous cities bosphorus and panticapaeon . he overcame the daci in several battels . he cut off the great forces of the germans , and drove them beyond the river allis , which is up the country far from the rhine : but this war was managed by his son-in-law drusus , as the pannonian war was by his other son-in-law tiberius ; in which war he brought four hundred thousand captives out of germany , and planted 'em upon the banks of the rhine in gaul . he retook armenia from the parthians , and the persians gave hostages to him , ( which they never did before to any other . ) also they restored the roman ensigns , which were taken away from crassus , when he was beaten . the scythians , and the indians sent presents and embassadors to him , who before had never heard of the roman name . galatia in his time was made a province , being before a kingdom ; and m. lollius the propraetor was the first that governed it . the barbarous nations so loved him , that kings who were allies of the roman people , built cities to his honor which they would call caesarea ; as that built by king juba in mauritania , and that in palestine , which now is a very famous city . many kings left their kingdoms , to do him service , and being dressed in a roman habit , ran by him in his chariot , or on horseback , and dying he was stiled a god : he left the commonwealth to tiberius in a most flourishing condition ; who being his wives son , was afterwards his son-in-law by the marriage of his daughter , and at last his son by adoption . tiberius governed very lazily with great cruelty , wicked avarice , and filthy lust . he never fought in person , but carried on his wars by his lieutenants . some kings whom he had enticed to him by his flatteries , he never let return to their own country ; amongst whom archelaus king of cappadocia , whose kingdom also he made a province , and commanded the chief city to be called after his name , which now is called caesarea , and before mazaca . he reigned three and twenty years , and died in campania in the eighty third year of his age , to the great joy of all men . after him rul'd caius caesar , surnamed caligula , drusus the son-in-law of augustus was his grandfather , and tiberius his great uncle : he was very wicked and horrible , one who might excuse the vices of tiberius . he undertook a war against the germans ; and entering into suevia , performed no valiant action . he committed incest with his sisters , and had a daughter by one of 'em , when he had been outragious towards all men in cruelty , avarice , and lust , he was kill'd in his palace in the nine and thirtieth year of his age , and of his reign the third year , tenth month , and eighth day . after him reigned claudius , caligula's uncle , the son of drusus , who has a monument at moguntiacum ; whose nephew caligula was : he governed indifferently well , managing many things calmly and moderately , some cruelly and foolishly . he brought war upon britany , where none of the romans durst arrive since julius caesar : and after the conquest of it by the two renowned captains cn. sentius and aulus plautius . he made a famous triumph : he added also to the roman empire some islands scituated beyond britany , in the ocean call'd orcades : he stil'd his son britannicus , and appeared so civil to some of his friends , that he accompanied plautius a nobleman , who in the british expedition performed many brave actions , in his triumph going to the capitol , and walked on his left hand : he lived sixty four years ; and reign'd fourteen : he was consecrated after his death , and stiled a god. after him came nero , very like to his uncle caligula : who both disgraced and diminished the roman empire ; one of unusual luxury and expence : he followed the example of caius caligula , and washed himself in hot and cold oyntments : he fished with golden nets and purple strings : he kill'd a great many of the senate , and was an enemy to all good men : at last he prostituted himself so basely , that he danced and sung upon a stage in a fidlers habit : he committed many parricides in the murther of his brother's wife and mother : he burnt rome , that it might represent to him , how heretofore troy was taken and burnt : he performed no warlike action , and almost lost britanny ; for there in his time two noble cities were took and destroyed . the parthians took away armenia , and made slaves of the roman legions . yet two provinces were gained in his time , pontus , call'd polemoniacus , from the gift of king polemon ; the alps , call'd cotiae , from the death of king cocius . hence he became detestable to rome , deserted by all men , and adjudged an enemy by the senate ; when he was searched for to be punished , which was thus , that he should be lead along in publick naked , with a fork upon his neck , and beaten with rods to death , should be flung head-long from off the carpeian rock ; he fled out of the palace ; near the city in a farm of one of his freemen , kill'd himself , between the salarian and numentane way , four miles from rome : he built the hot baths call'd neronianae , and now alexandrinae : he died in the one and thirtieth year of his age , and the fourteenth year of his reign . with him all augustus's family was extinct . after him came ser. galba , a senator of a very ancient family , being seventy three years , he was chose emperor by the spaniards and gauls , and soon after was willingly received by all the armies : when he lived a private life , he was eminent in military and civil affairs , often consul , often proconsul , and general in the greatest wars : in his short reign he began well , but at last seemed more inclined to severity : he was kill'd by the treachery of otho in the seventh month of his reign , and had his throat cut in the forum at rome , and buried in his gardens , in the aurelian way , not far from the city . otho having kill'd galba , got the empire ; of a more noble race by his mother , than by his father ; but neither was mean : he was effeminate in his private life , and could not shew any experiment of himself in his reign ; for at that time when otho kill'd galba , vitellius was made emperor by the german armies , and rais'd war against him , when he was beat in a skirmish at bebriacum in italy , tho he had great forces remaining : he kill'd himself of his own accord , and answered his soldiers , desiring him not so soon to despair of the success of the war , that he was not of so great value , to be the occasion of a civil war : he died a voluntary death , in the 38th . year of his age , and the 95th . day of his reign . then vitellius obtained the empire , of a family more advanced by preferment , than noble : his father was not very honorably born , yet bore three regular consulships ; he ruled very scandalously , notorious for great cruelty , especially for gluttony ; oftentimes keeping a feast every 4th . or 5th . day : one supper was very remarkable , which his brother vitellius gave him ; in which entertainment , besides other expences , there were laid upon the table two thousand fish , and seven thousand birds : he affected to be like nero , and so far pretended it , that he honored him with funeral rites who had been so meanly buried : he was killed by the generals of vespatian , having first slain sabinus the emperor , vespatian's brother , whom he burnt with the capitol : he was drawn naked publickly and ignominiously through rome , having a sword under his chin , and dung flung at his face and body by all that met him ; at last with his throat cut , he was flung into the tyber , and wanted common burial : he died in the 57th . year of his age , and in the eighth month , and first day of his reign . after him reigned vespatian , made emperor at palestine , a prince of obscure parentage , but to be compared with the best ; so illustrious before he was emperor , that being sent into germany by claudius , and then into britanny : he encountered two and thirty times with the enemy . he conquered two valiant nations , took twenty towns , and added the island vecta , lying just by britanny to the roman empire . he carried himself at rome very moderate in his reign , tho somewhat too covetous of mony ; yet he took it from none wrongfully , and gave with great care that especially to the poor which he had gathered with all frugality . scarce any prince before him was more liberal ot just : he was of so good a nature , that he hardly punished any one guilty of treason otherwise than by banishment . in his time he added judaea to the roman empire , with hierosoluma , the most eminent city of palaestine , and made provinces of achaia , lycia , rhodes , byzantium , samos , which enjoyed their freedom before his time ; also thrace , cilicia , trachea , commagene governed by confederate kings ; he remembred neither offences nor quarrels , and patiently bore the reproaches that lawyers and philosophers spoke against him ; yet a diligent exactor of military discipline : he triumphed for the conquest of jerusalem with his son titus . for these things when he was beloved and dear to the senate , the people , and to all , he died of the flux in one of his own mannors near the country of the sabines , in the sixty ninth year of his age , the ninth year , and seventh day of his reign , and was numbred amongst the gods : he knew the nativities of his sons so well , that when many plots were made against him , which being discovered , he despised with dissimulation , saying to the senate , that his sons should succced him or none . after him came titus , who was also called vespatian ; a man adorned with all sorts of virtue , stiled the love and the delight of mankind , very eloquent , warlike , and temperate : he pleaded causes in latin , and made greek poems and tragedies : at the siege of jerusalem fighting under his father , he kill'd twelve men upon the walls , with twelve strokes of his darts : he was so civil in his government at rome , that none ever was punished : he pardoned those to that degree convicted of conspiracies against him , that he treated them with the same freedom as before : he was one of so great easiness and liberality , that he could deny nothing to any man ; and when he was reprehended by his friends , he answered , that no man ought to depart with a sad countenance from the emperor : wherefore once at supper remembring he had given nothing that day to any one , he said , o my friends , i have lost this day : he built the amphitheater at rome , and kill'd five thonsand wild beasts at its dedication . hence being beloved with unusual kindness , he died in the same house his father did , after he had reigned two years , eight months , and twenty days , in the one and fortieth year of his age . when he was dead the publick mourning was so great , that all grieved as if they had been fatherless . the senate having heard of his death in the evening , assembled with all hast in the senate-house the same night , and render'd him being dead so many thanks and praises , as never to any emperor in his presence , or in his life time , consecrating him amongst the gods. then domitian reigned , his younger brother , more like nero , caligula , or tiberius than his father , or brother ; yet he governed soberly for his first years : soon after falling into the great vices of lust , anger , cruelty , and covetousness , he made himself so hated , that he abolished the merits of his father , and brother : he killed the noblest of the senate , and commanded himself to be stiled lord and god : he would suffer no statue to be erected in the capitol for him , but of silver and gold : he kill'd his kinsmen , and his pride was execrable : he made four expeditions , one in sarmatia , another against the catti , and two against the daci : he triumphed twice over the daci , and the catti , and wore a laurel for the sarmatians : he suffered many losses in these wars , for his legions were kill'd in sarmatia , with their general , and the daci cut off appius sabinus a consular man , and c. fuscus captain of the guards with their great armies : he built many places at rome , as the capitol , the forum , called transitorium , the musick room , the portico's of isis and serapis , and the stadium : but when he began to be hated by all for his wickedness , he was slain in the palace , by a conspiracy of his servants , in the five and fortieth year of his age , and fifteenth of his reign . his corps were carried out by the bearers with great disgrace , and buried scandalously . the eighth book of evtropivs : the reign of nerva , trajan , adrian , antoninus pius , antoninus philosophus , commodus , pertinax , julianus , severus , caracalla , madrinus , heliogabalus , and alexander severus , with the most considerable passages . from v. c. 850 , to 987. by mr. robert ingram . in the eight hundred and fiftieth year from the building of rome in the consul ship of vetus and valens the commonwealth was re-stated in a most prosperous condition , by being happily committed to the government of good emperors . nerva succeeded domitian , that cruel tyrant ; a man moderate in his private life , valiant , and of the middle rank of nobility , who , when he was very old by the help of petronius secundus the captain of the guards : and parthenius , who slew domitian , being made emperour , carry'd himself most justly and civily : and consulted the good of the commonwealth with a divine foresight , in adopting trajan . he died at rome , having reign'd sixteen months and eight days , in the seventy first year of his age , and was consecrated a god. after him came vlpius trajanus crinitus , born at italica a city of spain , of a family more ancient than noble : for his father was the first consul . trajan being made emperour at agrippina , a city of gaul , govern'd the commonwealth so well that he was deservedly profer'd before all other princes ; he was of extraordinary civility and valour , and extended the bounds of the roman empire both far and wide , which after the time of augustus was rather defended than honourably increas'd : he repair'd many cities in germany on the other side of the rhine , and having overcome decibalus conquer'd dacia , making that part a province beyond the danube , which now belongs to the taiphali , victophali , and the thervingi , about one thousand miles in compass : he also retook armenia , , which the parthians had seiz'd , having kill'd pharnaces the syrian , who govern'd it . he gave a king to the albani , and took under his protection the kings of the iberi , the sauromatae , the bosphorani , the arabians , the osroeni , and the colchi , and seiz'd upon the adiabeni , and marchomedi , with a great country of persia , call'd anthemisius ; he took the city seleucia , ctesiphon , babylon and edessa , and conquer'd even unto india ; at last he came up to the red sea , and there made three provinces , armenia , assyria , and mesopotamia , with the nations bordering upon macedena , reducing arabia to the same form of government ; he setled a fleet in the red sea to wast the coasts of india . yet he surpass'd his military fame with civility and moderation , equalizing himself to all at rome and through the provinces . he oftentimes went to visit his friends , either when they were sick or upon festival days ; and without any distinction kept mutual feasts among them , going abroad with them in their litters : he never injur'd any of the senators , nor did any unjust thing to encrease his exchequer ; he was liberal to all men , and both publickly and privately enrich'd with money and honours , even them , with whom he was but indifferently acquainted : he built many places all over the world , and granted great priviledges to cities : he acted all things so peaceably and quietly , that all the time he reign'd , but one senator was condemn'd , and he by an order of the senate , unknown to trajan . for this reason most resembling a god both alive and dead , he deserv'd to be worship'd all over the world. among other sayings of his , this is much esteem'd , when his friends blam'd him , that he was too kind to all men ; he answered , he did to them , as he should wish emperours to do to him , if he himself was a subject . after he had obtain'd great honour both at home and abroad , as he was returning from persia he dy'd of the flux at seleucia , a city of isauria , in the sixty second year , ninth month , and fourth day of his age , and of his reign , the nineteenth year , sixth month and fifteenth day : he was made a god , and of all other emperours was buried within the city , his bones were put in a golden urn , and placed under a pillar in the forum , which he himself had made , which pillar was one hundred forty four feet high . so great respect is paid to this princes memory , that even unto my time the senators with no other phrase honour'd their emperours , than be thou happier than augustus , and better than trajan . so much hath the glory of goodness obtain'd from him , that it gives an occasion of a great example either to flatterers , or true praisers . after the decease of trajan , aelius adrianus was made emperour , indeed not with trajan's will , but by the help of his wife plotina , for he , as long as he liv'd , although he was his kinsman , would not adopt him ; he was born at italica in spain , who envying the glory of his predecessour , presently forsook those three provinces which trajan had added to the roman empire ; and recall'd his forces out of assyria , mesopotamia , and armenia , and made euphrates the eastern bound of the empire ; his friends deter'd him endeavouring to do the same thing in dacia , lest many of the roman citizens should be expos'd to the barbarians : for when trajan had conquer'd that countrey , he brought a great colony out of the whole roman empire to plant and build cities there , dacia being depopulated in the long war with decibalus : aelius adrianus enjoy'd peace all the time of his reign , having made only one war , and that by the governour of the province , he travel'd all over the roman empire and built in many places . he was a very good scholar both in latin and greek ; not esteem'd very merciful , yet he took great care of his revenue , and the discipline of his soldiers . he died in campania , above sixty years old , and in the twenty first year , tenth month , and twenty ninth day of his reign . the senate would not have made him a god , onely titus aurelius fulvius antoninus , that succeeded him , by long intreaty , when all the senators resisted him openly , at length obtain'd it . then titus antoninus fulvius bojonius was made emperour after adrianus , he was also call'd pius , his family was noble , but not very ancient ▪ yet he himself was so famous a man , that he might as deservedly be compar'd to numa pompilius , as trajan to romulus . when he was a private man he was very honest , but when emperour , much more . he was rough to none , but kind to all : indifferently honour'd for his military actions , affecting more to defend the provinces , than to increase them , he made it his business to seek for men that were able to govern the common-wealth , always conferring great honour upon good men , and detesting the bad without severity ; he was no less venerable to his confederate kings than awful ; insomuch that many nations of the barbarians laid down their arms , and submitted themselves to his opinion in their controversies and quarrels : he was very rich before he was emperour , but wasted it in his soldiers pay , and gifts bestowed upon his friends ; yet he left a rich treasury behind him . he was call'd pius for his clemency , and dy'd at lorium , his country palace about twelve miles from rome , in the seventy third year of his age , and twenty third of his reign , and was deservedly made a god. after him reign'd m. antoninus verus , who was without doubt a most noble prince : for his father descended from numa pompilius , and his mother from king salentinus ; with him reign'd l. annius antoninus verus , for then the roman commonwealth first submitted to the equal authority of two princes , being govern'd before but by one emperour . these were ally'd by kindred and marriage : for verus annius antoninus married the daughter of m. antoninus , but m. antoninus was son-in-law to antoninus pius , by his wife galeria faustina the younger , who was his cousin-german . they made war with the parthians , who after the victory of trajan , then made their first rebellion . v. antoninus march'd to this war , and living at antioch near armenia , did great actions by the conduct of his captains ; he took seleucia a very famous city in assyria with five hundred thousand men : and conquering the parthians , made a triumph with his brother and father-in-law . he dy'd in venetia of the disease , which the grecians call the apoplexy , being kill'd by a sudden eruption of blood in his brain , in his litter with his brother , as he was coming from concordia to altinum . he was a rough man , yet never did any ill thing in reverence to his brother ; he dy'd in the eleventh year of his reign , and was made a god. after him only m. antoninus govern'd the commonwealth ; a man more to be admir'd than prais'd : he was very peaceable from the beginning of his life ; insomuch that neither joy nor grief could alter his countenance ; he mightily lov'd the stoick philosophy , and was master of it as well by learning , as by the morality of his life . even when he was a youth he merited so great admiration , that adrianus design'd to make him his caesar , but having adopted antoninus pius , he made him therefore his son-in-law , that he might come that way to the government ; he learn'd philosophy of apollonius , the chalcedonian , and greek of sextus chaeronensis , plutarch's nephew , and fronto that most excellent orator taught him latin ; he carry'd himself very justly to all the romans , and was no way puff'd up according to the haughtiness of emperours : he was very liberal , and govern'd the provinces with great moderation . affairs while he reign'd were carry'd on successfully against the germans , in his own person , he made one war with the marcomanni , as considerable as any in story , even to be compar'd with the carthaginian wars , and from the loss of whole armies to be esteem'd worse . in his time there happen'd so great a pestilence , that after his victory over the persians , a great number of men and almost all his soldiers dy'd through italy and the provinces . wherefore after he had persever'd with great labour and patience full three years at carnuntum , he ended that war with the marcomanni , which had been carry'd on by the confederacy of the quadi , the vandali , the sarmatae , the suevi and all the neighbouring barbarians ; he slew a great many thousand of them , and having freed the pannonii from their servitude , he made another triumph at rome with his son com. antoninus , whom he had made his caesar . when his exchequer was all exhausted in this war , and he had no assistance by presents , being unwilling to lay any thing upon the provinces or the senate , he made an inventory of the furniture of his palace , and in trajan's forum for two months expos'd to sale his golden vessels , his chrystal and amber cups , his wifes and his own wardrobe , and a great many jewels , from which he rais'd a good sum of god , and after the victory bought his houshold-stuff again of them that were willing to sell , being offended with none that refus'd it . he also granted that noblemen might make feasts with the same grandeur and retinue as himself . after this victory he was so noble in his sports and publick shews , that he is reported to have expos'd in the amphitheater an hundred lions at once . thus after he had restor'd the commonwealth to a prosperous condition , he dy'd in the sixty first year of his age , having reign'd about eighteen years , and was made a god according to the earnest desires of all men. lucius antoninus commodus succeeded him , a man not at all like his father , yet considerable for a war , he manag'd successfully against the germans ; he endeavour'd to have the month september call'd commodus from his own name ; being deprav'd by his luxury and lusts , he oftentimes fought as a gladiator in their fencing schools , and in the amphitheater with such sort of men. he dy'd suddenly , and 't was thought he was strangl'd or poison'd , when he had reign'd twelve years and eight months from the death of his father , so detested by every body , that he was reflected upon as an enemy to mankind , even after he was dead . pertinax succeeded him , an old man , who being above seventy years old , and governour of rome , was made emperour by an order of the senate ; he was slain in the eightieth day of his reign , by a mutiny of the praetorian soldiers , and the treachery of julian . after him salvius julianus took the government , he was a noble man and skilful in the laws , nephew to salvius julianus , who in the time of adrianus drew up the perpetual statute . he was conquered by severus at the milvian bridg , and was slain in the palace , having reigned seven months . septimius severus succeeded him , he was born in africa , at leptis , a town of the province of tripolis . he was the first and last emperour in the memory of man that ever came out of africa , he was first an advocate in the treasury , afterwards a tribune of the soldiers , and so by various employments he came to the government of the common-wealth . he call'd himself pertinax in honour of that pertinax slain by julian ; he was very parsimonious , and by nature cruel . he fought many wars , and came off successfully : he slew pescennius niger at the city cyzicus , who had made a rebellion in aegypt and syria : he overcame the parthians and the arabians to such a degree , that if he pleas'd he might have made their countrey a province ; wherefore he was call'd parthicus and arabicus : he built many cities all over the roman empire . in his reign clodius albinus , that conspir'd with julian to kill pertinax , made himself caesar in gaul , but was overcome and slain at lugdunum . severus , besides the honor he obtained in military actions , was much renowned for politicks , being a very good scholar , and an excellent philosopher : his last war was in britanny , where he fortified the provinces , he had recover'd , with a great wall two & thirty miles long , from the german ocean to the irish sea : he died at eboracum when he was a very old man , in the eighteenth year , and fourth month of his reign , and was consecrated a god : he left his two sons bassianus and geta to succeed him , and by order of senate would have bassianus , call'd antoninus ; wherefore he assum'd the name of m. aurelius antoninus bassianus , and succeeded his father ; for his brother geta being look'd upon as a publick enemy , was forthwith slain . m. aurelius antoninus bassianus , call'd also caracalla , was much of his fathers disposition , yet somewhat more rough and ill natur'd : he made a famous bath at rome , call'd antoninianae ; the only remarkable thing of his life : he was one so ungovernable in his lust , that he married his mother-in-law julia : he ended his days at osroenes , a city not far from edessa , in his design against the parthians , in the sixth year of his reign , and second month , scarce three and forty years old , and was buried at the publick cost of the people . then opilius macrinus the captain of the guards was made emperor with his son diadumenus , they did nothing worth memory , for they reign'd but fourteen months , and were both slain by a tumult of the soldiers . after these two marcus aurelius antoninus was made emperor ; he was thought to be the son of antoninus caracalla , but indeed he was a priest of the temple of heliogabalus : he , when he came to rome , with the great expectation both of soldiers and senators , disgrac'd himself with all sorts of scandal , and liv'd most shamefully and lewdly ; so after two years and eight months his soldiers slew him and his mother semia , the syrian . next to him reign'd aurelius alexander , he was stil'd by his army caesar , and by the senate augustus ; he was a very young man , and making war with the persians , most gloriously overcame xerxes their king. he strictly kept up the discipline of his soldiers , and disbanded some whole legions , that were tumultuous . vlpian the famous civilian was the master of his rolls . he was very favourable to rome , but slain in gaul , in an uproar of the soldiers , having reigned thirteen years and eight days , extreamly dutiful to his mother mammaea . the ninth book of evtropivs : the reign of maximinus , gordianus , philippus , decius , valerianus , gallienus , claudius , aurelianus , tacitus , probus , carus , numerianus , carinus , diocletianus ; with other remarks : from v. c. 987. to 1056. by mr. martin bowes . after aurelius alexander , maximinus was the first of any in the army , that obtained the government of the empire , chose only by the soldiers , without the authority of the senate , himself being no senator , having manag'd the war successfully against the germans : when he war saluted imperator by his soldiers : upon their revolt , pupienus kill'd him and his young son at aquileia , with whom he had reigned three years and a few days . afterwards there were three emperors at once , pupienus , balbinus , and gordianus : the two first were of a very mean family ; gordianus was a nobleman : for his father being pro-consul of africa , was chosen emperor by the consent of the soldiers , when maximinus reigned ; but when they came to rome , balbinus and pupienus were kill'd in the palace , and gordianus was emperor alone ; who being but a young man , having married tranquillina at rome , set open the temple of double-fac'd janus : and marching to the east , made war with the parthians , who now endeavoured to invade the empire ; which war he managed very well , and beat the persians in great battels . returning home , he was kill'd by the treachery of philip , who succeeded him . his soldiers built for him a monument near the river euphrates , twenty miles from circessus a castle of the romans , and carrying his body to rome , stiled him a god. the two philips , the father , and the son , when gordianus was dead , got the empire ; and having brought back the army safe , they march'd from syria to italy . when they govern'd , in the thousandth year of the city , there was a great festival celebrated with all manner of sports . they afterwards were both kill'd by their soldiers , the eldest at verona , the younger at rome ; having reign'd five years . nevertheless they were number'd amongst the gods. after these , decius who came from the lower pannonia , born at bubalia , took upon him the empire : he ended the civil war that was in gaul , and made his son his caesar : he built a bath at rome . when he and his son had rul'd two years , they were slain fighting far from rome with the barbarians , and consecrated amongst the roman gods. then gallus hostilianus , and volusianus his son were made emperors ; under their government aemilianus endeavoured an insurrection in maesia : to suppress whom , in their march , they were killed at interamna before two years end : they did no great action all their reign , it being only remarkable for the plague , and other diseases . aemilianus born of very obscure parents , govern'd more obscurely , and died in the third month of his reign . then licinius valerianus being general in rhaetia and noricum , was saluted first imperator by his army , afterwards augustus . gallienus likewise was made emperor by the senate : their government was pernicious , and almost destructive to the roman name , either by the ill fortune , or idleness of these princes . the germans came up to ravenna . valerianus waging war in mesopotamia , was overcome by sapores king of the persians ; and being made captive , linger'd out a dishonorable old age in slavery amongst the parthians . gallienus when he was a young man , was made emperor ; at first he mannaged the empire happily , then indifferently , at last very ill ; for in his youth he acted valiantly in gaul , and illyricum , having kill'd ingenuus at mursia who usurp'd the empire , and trebellianus : a long while he was quiet and peaceable ; afterward falling into all vice : he neglected the common-wealth , through idleness and despair ; the almans having wasted all gaul , broke into italy : he lost dacia , which lying beyond the danube , was brought under subjection by trajan : greece , macedonia , pontus , and asia were over-run by the goths : pannonia was spoiled by the sarmatians , and the quadi : the germans came even to spain , and besieged the noble city tarraco : the parthians having overcome mesopotamia , began to claim a title to syria . now things being in despair , and the roman empire almost overthrown , posthumus born of a very mean race , made himself emperor in gaul , and manag'd his affairs so for ten years space , that he almost won all the provinces that were lost ) with great valour and moderation : he was kill'd in a tumult of his soldiers , because he would not deliver up the city moguntiacum , which had rebelled against him in an insurrection of lollianus , to be plundered by his soldiers . after him marius a most useful man made himself emperor , and was kill'd the second day of his reign . victorinus a very valiant man took upon him the government of gaul , but being very lascivious , and a defiler of other mens beds , he was killed at agrippina , by the plot of one acturius in the second year of his reign . tetricus a senator succeeded him , who was governor of aquitania , and was chosen emperor by his soldiers in his absence ; he took upon him the government at burdegala , and patiently bore many mutinies in the army . but whilst these things were done in gaul , in the east the persians were overcome by odenatus , who desending syria , and regaining mesopotamia , went as far as ctesiphon . thus gallienus not minding the common-wealth , the roman empire was kept up in the west by posthumus , in the east by odenatus ; in the mean time gallienus , and his brother valerianus were kill'd at mediolanum in the ninth year of their reign : and claudius succeeded him , chosen by his soldiers , and declar'd emperor by the senate . in a great battel he overcame the goths spoiling and depopulating illyricum , and macedonia : he was a frugal modest man , a lover of justice , and fit to govern the commonwealth ; who nevertheless died of a natural death , before he had reigned two years , and was stiled a god. the senate honored him mightily , that he should have a golden shield set up for him in the senate-house , with a golden statue in the capitol . after him quintilius the brother of claudius was chosen emperor by the consent of his soldiers ; a man from his extraordinary moderation , and civility either to be equall'd or prefer'd before his brother : the senate agreed that he should be call'd augustus . he was kill'd when he had been emperor sixteen days . after him aurelian took upon him the empire , born in dacia ripensis ; he was a man powerful in war , but of an unruly nature , and prone to cruelty : he very valiantly beat the goths , and restored the roman empire by various successes of war to its ancient bounds : he overcame tetricus in gaul amongst the catalauni : tetricus delivering up his army whose continual seditions he could not bear ; for by secret letters he so press'd aurelian , that among other arguments he us'd this verse of virgil , eripe me his invicte malis , that is , deliver me thou great conqueror , from these misfortunes . he also in a very great battel took zenobia , not far from antioch , when her husband odenatus who commanded those parts of the east was kill'd , and entering rome , he triumphed very nobly , as if he had been conqueror of the east , and west ; tetricus and zenobia going before his chariot . tetricus afterward was governor of lucania , but zenobia left her posterity at rome , which remain there to these days . in his reign those that belonged to the mint having coined false mony , and kill'd felicissimus , the master of the mint , made a rebellion in rome , whom he subdued and quelled with extreme cruelty : he put to death many noblemen , being severe and bloody , and in some things rather necessary than to be beloved : he was harsh all his life time , and killed his sisters son ; yet a great keeper up of military discipline , and a strict corrector of his soldiers dissolute manners : he repair'd and fortifi'd the walls about rome , and erected a temple to the sun , inriching it with much gold and jewels : he deserted the province of dacia , which trajan had extended beyond the danube : he wasted all illyricum and [ maesia ; despairing that it could be kept , having drawn the romans out of the cities of the country of dacia : ] he placed them in the middle of maesia , lying on the right side of the danube , as it flows into the euxine sea , when before it was on the left side . he was kill'd by the treachery of a servant , who brought some names remark'd upon to some soldiers , his friends , forging the emperors hand as if he had intended to kill them ; so that he might be prevented , he was killed upon a journey in the middle of the old way , between constantinople and heraclea : the place is called caenophrurium ; but his death was reveng'd , and he was made a god , having reign'd five years and six months . then tacitus took upon him the empire ; a man well bred and fit to govern the commonwealth ; but he could not do any famous action , dying before he had been emperor six months . florianus , who succeeded tacitus reign'd but two months , and twenty days ; neither did he any act worth memory . after him probus , a man famous in military affairs , got the rule of the commonwealth ; he restor'd gaul with great success , which the barbarians possessed : he happily suppressed some endeavouring to usurp the empire , viz. saturninus in the east , proculus , and bonosus at agrippina : he suffer'd the gauls , and pannonians to have vineyards ; and his soldiers having planted vines on the mountain almus near sirmium , and on the mountain aureus in the upper maesia , he charg'd the inhabitants to look after them ; he , when he had waged a great many wars having obtain'd peace , said , that within a little time there would be no need of soldiers : he was a valiant and just man , equalling aurelian in military glory , but excelling him in civility : and was kill'd in the iron tower at sirmium , in a mutiny of his soldiers , having reign'd six months and four days . after him carus being emperor , born at narbona in gaul , made carinus and numerianus his sons , his caesars ; with whom he rul'd two years ; but whilst he waged war with the sarmatians , having heard of the insurrection in persia , marching to the east he performed noble actions against them , and overthrew them in a battel : he took seleucia and ctesiphon very eminent cities , and when he had pitch'd his camp by the tigris , was kill'd by a thunder-bolt . numerianus his son , whom he had brought along with him into persia , a young man of very great hopes , being carried by reason of a pain in his eyes in his litter , was treacherously kill'd through the incitement of aper his father-in-law , and when he had cunningly hid him [ till he could get the empire for himself ] his murder was found out by the stench of his body ; the soldiers of his guard being disturb'd with the smell , having taken off the cloaths of the bed , after a few days discover'd his death . in the mean time carinus , whom carus , when he made his expedition against the parthians , had left in illyricum , gaul , and italy , defil'd himself in all manner of vice : he put many to death with the accusation of forg'd crimes : he abus'd many noblewomen , and was also mischievous to his fellow students , who had been somewhat smart upon him in their schools ; for which being hated by all men , he a little after was punish'd . the army returning home after the conquest of persia , when carus and numerianus their emperors were killed , one by a thunder-bolt , the other by treachery , made dioclesian emperor born in dalmatia of obscure parents , being generally reported to be the son of a scrivener , but by some the son of a freeman to anulinus a senator : he in the first assembly of the soldiers swore that he had no hand in killing numerianus , and when aper who murder'd numerianus , stood next to him , he run him through with his own hand in the sight of all the army : afterward he overcame carinus in a great battel at murgum , who liv'd hated and detested of all men : he was deliver'd up by his own army , being stronger than the enemy , and deserted between the mountain viminatius and aureus . thus dioclesian obtain'd the roman empire , and the country people in gaul making an insurrection , and calling their rebellion by the name of the bagaude , under their captains amandus , and aelianus : he sent maximianus herculius his caesar to suppress them , who in small skirmishes overcame them , and settled that part of gaul . then also carausius , who born of a very mean family , had got great honor by his good service in the war ; when at dononia all along the coast of belgick gaul , and armorica , he had undertook to secure the seas which the franks , and the saxons infested ; having often taken many barbarians , and not restoring the entire spoil , neither to the inhabitants of the province , nor presenting it to the emperors ; when there began to be a suspicion , that he had let in the barbarians on purpose , that he might meet them in their passage , and so enrich himself with the spoils : being commanded by maximianus to be kill'd , made himself emperor , and seiz'd upon on britanny . so when all over the world things were in confusion , carausius rebell'd in britanny , achilleus in aegypt , the quinquegentiani molested africa , narseus made war in the east , diocletian advanc'd maximianus herculius from caesar to augustus , and made constantius , and maximianus caesars ; of whom constantius was claudius's grand-son by his daughter , maximianus galerius was born in dacia , not far from sardica , and that he might also ally them by affinity , constantius married theodora , the daughter-in-law of herculius , of whom he had six children , the brothers of constantine . galerius married valeria the daughter of dioclesian , both of them being forc'd to divorce their former wives . at last he made peace with carausius , when he had endeavoured a war in vain against him , being very skilful in military discipline . allectus his colleague kill'd him seven years after , and kept britanny three years after his death , who also was kill'd by asclepiodotus captain of the guards , so britanny in the tenth year was reduced to the the roman power . about the same time a battel was fought by constantius in gaul near the lingones ; in one day he had experience of good and bad fortune ; for on a suddain the barbarians rushing upon him , he was forc'd to retreat into the city , they were in such disorder , that having shut up the gates , they drew him up the walls by ropes . within less than five hours after , a fresh army coming up , he destroy'd almost sixty thousand almans ; also maximianus the emperor finish'd the war in africa , having overcome the quinquegentiani , and forc'd them to make a peace . dioclesian within the space of eight months overcame achilleus besieg'd in alexandria , and kill'd him ; he exercis'd his victory with cruelty , and defil'd all aegypt with severe proscriptions , and slaughters ; but on that occasion he manag'd and did many things wisely , which remain to this time . galerius maximianus fought between callinicum and carrae at first unhappily , but at last successfully ; yet rather through indiscretion than cowardise , joyning battel with a very few men against a very powerful enemy ; wherefore being beat , he went to dioclesian , who meeting him in the way , was reported to have received him with such great pride , that galerius ran by his litter some miles together ; afterwards having raised forces in illyricum , and maesia , he fought again very successfully with equal conduct , and valour , in armenia the great , against narseus the grand-father of ormisda , and sapores ; having been himself a scout , with one or two horsemen . narseus being overthrown , he plunder'd his camp , took his wives , sisters , and children , a great many persian noblemen , with a very rich treasure , and forc'd him to fly to the farthermost recesses of the kingdom . wherefore upon his return this conqueror was received with great honor by dioclesian , staying in mesopotamia with a reserve . then they wag'd war sometimes together , sometimes separate , having overcome the carpi , the basternae , and the sarmatians . they plac'd a great many captives of these nations upon the roman frontiers . dioclesian was cunning , witty , and subtil , so managing himself in his severity , that other men might bear the hatred . nevertheless he was a very careful and prudent prince , and was the first that rather observ'd the form of regal customs than of roman liberty : and when before his time emperors were only saluted , he commanded the people to worship him as a god : he wore jewels upon his cloaths and shooes ; whereas before the badg of royalty consisted in a purple coat , the other dress was in common : but herculius in outward appearance fierce , and of a rude disposition , discover'd his roughness in the horror of his countenance ; but smoothing his own nature , he obey'd dioclesian in his more severe designs . dioclesian , when he grew old , finding himself unfit to govern the empire , mov'd herculius to live a private life , and give up the common-wealth to brisker and younger men ; to which his collegue unwillingly consented ; yet both of them upon a certain day chang'd the royal robe for a private habit ; dioclesian at nicomedia , herculius at mediolanum , after they had gloriously triumph'd at rome over a great many nations , with a magnificent shew of pageants , in which the wives , sisters , and children of narseus went before their chariot ; one of them retir'd to salonae , the other to lucania . dioclesian as a private man spun out an honorable old age at a place near salonae , exercising himself in virtue unusual to him before . he was the only man after the foundation of the roman empire , that of his own accord descended from so high a pitch to a private condition ; for which reason this hapned to him which never did to any other , that tho dying a private man , he should be consecrated a god. . the tenth book of evtropivs : constantius , galerius , licinius , constantinus , with his three sons , and successors ; also julianus , jovianus , with other roman synchronisms . from a. c. 1056. to 1119. by mr. john shadwell . therefore dioclesian and herculius retiring , constantius and galerius were created emperours to govern the commonwealth , and the roman empire was divided between them : constantius had gaul , italy and africa , galerius possessed himself of illyricum , asia , and the eastern parts having chosen two caesars . but constantius satisfied with the honour of being emperour refused the trouble of governing italy and africa , he was an excellent man , and of most extraordinary civility , extreamly gracious to his allies and private persons , he cared not for the fulness of his exchequer , and was better pleased to have the publick wealth in the hands of private men , than shut up in one fund . he affected pomp so little ▪ that on festival days , if he were to feast with many of his friends , he borrowed furniture and plate from private persons to entertain them . the gauls not onely loved this man , but even reverenced him , chiesly because under his power they had escaped the suspected policy of dioclesian and the bloody rashness of maximianus , he died in britanny at york in the thirteenth year of his reign , and was consecrated amongst the god. galerius was a man well bred and famous in warlike matters , when he found that the government of italy fell under his command by the consent of constantius , he ordained two caesars . but constantius being dead , constantine his son by a wife of mean quality was made emperour in brittany , and as one most desireable succeeded his father . in the mean while the praetorian band at rome having raised a mutiny , proclaimed maxentius the son of herculius emperour , who lived publickly not far from rome , at which news maximianus herculius hoping to reassume the power , he had unwillingly forsaken , came soon to rome from lucania , where as a private man he had chosen to dwell , growing old in that most pleasant country . he persuaded dioclesian also by letters ( but in vain ) to re-take the power he had laid down . but severus caesar being sent to rome by galerius against the insurrection of the praetorian soldiers , arrived there with his army , but besieging the city his soldiers basely deserted him : thus maxentius his power was encreased , and the empire confirm'd to him . severus in his flight was slain at ravenna : but herculius maximianus after these things endeavouring to depose his son maxentius in an assembly of the army , made the soldiers mutiny and revile him . upon this he went to gaul with a treacherous design , to associate himself with his son-in-law constantine , as if his own son had expelled him , but endeavouring whenever he had an opportunity to kill constantine , who reigned in gaul much beloved both by his soldiers and the natives , having beaten the franci and the alamanni , he exposed their captive kings to wild beasts at his publick and noble show . wherefore his treachery being detected by his daughter fausta , who discovered the villany to her husband , herculius fled to massilia , and there slain ( intending to sail from thence to his son ) was punish'd with a just death . he was a man prone to all kind of roughness and cruelty , unfaithful , injurious , and very barbarous . now galerius made licinius emperour being a dacian , having been formerly acquainted with him , and acceptable to him for his great endeavours and services in the war he made against narseus : galerius soon after died : then the commonwealth was governed by these four emperours , constantine and maxentius sons of emperours , licinius and maximinus being upstarts . but constantine in the fifth year of his reign raised a civil war against maxentius , and routed his forces in a great many battels , at last at the milvian bridg he conquer'd him ( who had raged with all kind of cruelty against the nobility at rome ) and so gained italy . not long after maximinus attempting an insurrection in the east against licinius , his own accidental death at tarsus , prevented his intended destruction . but constantine was a great man , and endeavouring to perform all that he had designed in his mind ; also affecting the government of all the world ; he brought war upon licinius , although he was familiarly acquainted with him and nearly related to him , his sister constantia being married to licinius : on a sudden he set upon him first in pannonia , and then as he was gathering together great forces at the city cibalae , and having gained all dardania , moesia and macedonia , he possessed himself of a great many provinces . afterwards there arose several wars between them , and the peace which was made , broken in the end , licinius conquer'd in a sea-fight , and at land at nicomedia , yielded up himself , and was killed a private man at the city thessalonica contrary to the sincerity of a solemn oath . then the roman empire was under one emperour and three caesars ( never so before ) constantine's sons governing gaul , the eastern parts and italy : but this wonderful success somewhat alter'd constantine from his tractable and gentle temper . so that first persecuting his nearest friends , he killed his sisters son an excellent young man , and of a very good disposition ; and after the slaughter of very many of his friends he put his wife to death : he was a man in the beginning of his reign to be compared with the best of princes , but at last to be ranked with the indifferent , adorned with a great many virtues both of mind and body , very ambitious of military honour , fortune was successful to him in war , but his industry was as great as his fortune . for after the civil war he often beat the goths : and at last having granted them peace , he left even amongst those barbarians a great remembrance of his favour . he was addicted to civil arts and generous exercises , an affector of true friendship , which he altogether sought to procure by his liberality and easiness ; as he was severe to some of his friends , so he was extraordinary kind to the rest , letting no opportunity slip to make them rich and eminent . he made a great many laws , some good and just , very many superfluous , and some severe . he first attempted to advance the city constantinople called after his own name to so great a pitch as to make it equal with rome : in his design to make war against the parthians , who had harassed mesopotamia , he died in a publick vill of the city nicomedia , in the one and thirtieth year of his reign , and the sixty sixth of his age . his death was foretold by a blazing star , ( called by the greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) which of an unusual bigness appeared for some time ; and he was deservedly made a god. he left three of his own sons and one of his brothers to succeed him : but dalmatius caesar a most hopeful man not unlike his uncle was slain a while after by a military faction with the consent rather than by the command of his cousin constantius . moreover constans his captains slew constantine making war against his brother and unadvisedly fighting at the city aquileia . thus the commonwealth was reduced to two emperours . constans his reign for some time was great and just , afterwards through sickness and the persuasions of some of his worst friends , being grown vicious and intolerable to the subjects of the provinces , and unacceptable to his soldiers , he was slain by the faction of maxentius , not far from spain in a castle called helena in the eighteenth year of his reign , and the thirteenth of his age . he performed a great many valiant actions in war , and was terrible to his army all his life-time without much cruelty . constantius his fortune was various , for he suffer'd very many injuries from the persians , who had oftentimes sacked his towns , besieged his cities , and beaten his armies : never had he any success in battel against king sapores unless at singara , where the eagerness of his soldiers , lost in probability a certain victory , who tumultuously and foolishly against the reason of war demanded to fight , the day being far spent . after the death of constans magnentius having got italy , africa and gaul , there arose an insurrection in illyricum . veteranio being made emperour by the consent of the soldiers , and now a very old man and beloved by all by reason of his long continuance and success in war , was chosen prince and governour of illyricum . he was a virtuous man observing the ancient roman manners and of obliging civility , but ignorant of all liberal sciences ; so that he did not learn even the rudiments of learning , till he was old and made emperour ; but constantius , who to revenge his brothers death had raised a civil war , put an end to the reign of veteranio , who after a new and unusual manner by the agreement of the soldiers was forced to lay down the imperial power . there arose also a mutiny at rome by the means of nepotianus constantine's sisters son , who seizing upon the empire with a party of gladiators , met with a death worthy of his cruel beginnings , being slain on the eight and twentieth day by magnentius his captains , and his head carried all about the city upon a javelin . there were great proscriptions and much slaughter of the nobility at that time . not long after magnentius was put to flight , and very near taken in the battel at mursa : the great strength of the romans in that fight was much weaken'd , even soldiers that were fit to manage any forein wars , and might have procured security and many triumphs to the commonwealth . soon after constantius sent gallus his uncles son as caesar to the east : and magnentius beaten in several battels in the third year and the seventh month of his reign , killed himself at lugdunum : as his brother decentius , whom he had sent with an imperial authority to govern gaul , did also among the senones . at this time constantius also having committed a great many out-rages , killed gallus caesar , a man fierce by nature , and prone to tyranny if he had been absolute . sylvanus also attempting an insurrection in gaul , died before the thirtieth day : ( then constantius was the only prince and augustus of the roman empire . ) soon after he sent julian caesar to gaul , who was his cousin , and the brother of gallus , having given him his sister in marriage . at that time the barbarians sacked a great many towns , besieged others , and had horribly wasted all places . the roman empire by these misfortunes was in a tottering condition , by whom with indifferent forces the great army of the alamanni was suppressed at argentoratum , a city of gaul , their most considerable king was taken , and gaul was regained to the empire . this julian afterwards performed a great many valiant actions against the barbarians , and drove the germans beyond the river rhine , and restored the roman empire to its former confines . not long after when the german army was removed from their garrison in gaul , julian was chosen emperor by the soldiers , and after a years space he marched to gain illyricum , whilst constantius was busie in managing the parthian wars , who died in his march between cilicia and cappadocia , in the eight and thirtieth year of his reign , and the five and fortieth of his age , and deserved to be numbred amongst the gods : he was a man of an exceeding calm temper , easie , and giving too much credit to his friends and familiars : he was also too uxorious , but in the first years of his reign he behaved himself with great modesty : he also enriched his friends , nor did let any of them want honor , whose industrious services he had made use of : yet inclinable to seseverity , if he grew jealous of any design upon his empire , but otherwise mild , whose success was greater in the civil , than in forein wars . after this julian gained the empire , and with great preparation made war with the parthiuns , in which expedition i my self was present : he made some towns and castles of the persians to surrender , or else took them by force ; and having depopulated assyria , he encamp'd for some time at the town ctesiphon , and returning conqueror was slain by the enemy , whilst he too rashly pressed on in the battel , on the sixth of the kalends of july , in the seventh year of his reign , and the one and thirtieth of his age , and was translated amongst the gods ; an extraordinary man , designing admirarably to govern the commonwealth , if he had lived : he was very skilful in liberal sciences , and much more learned in greek than in latin : he was very eloquent , and had a memory most ready and tenacious , and in some things more resembling a philosopher : he was liberal towards his friends , but not so careful as it became so great a prince ; for there were some who would wound his honor : he was very just to the natives of the provinces , and eased them from taxes as much as could be : he was courteous to all men , but took little care of his exchequer , very ambitious of glory , which oftentimes transported his mind : he was too great a persecutor of the christians ; yet so as he abstained from putting any to death : he was not unlike m. antoninus , whom he endeavoured to imitate . after julian , jovian , who at that time was one of the guard , was elected emperor by the soldiers , more eminent by his fathers commendation than by his own ; who through the disorder of his affairs , and the want of provision in the army , when he was overcome in several battels by the persians , made a necessary , tho an ignoble peace with king sapores , being forced to diminish the confines , and to part with some of the roman empire , which in eleven hundred and eighteen years from the building of rome , never hapned till his time . i confess our legions were made slaves at the town caudium by pontius telesinus , in spain also at numantia and in numidia ; yet no part of the empire was surrendred . this condition of peace ought not altogether to have been blamed , if jovian would have broke the necessity of his league , when it was fresh and in force , as the romans have done in all these wars , that i have given an account of ; for war was forthwith brought upon the samnites , the numantians , and the numidians ; neither was there any peace ratified . but he staying in the east , and fearing one that would rival him in his empire , little consulted his own honor : wherefore in his march to illyricum he suddenly died in the confines of galatia : he was a man neither unactive nor imprudent . many snppose he died of a surfeit , for he loved to indulge feasting at supper , others of the small of his bed-chamber , which coming from the fresh plaistering of the wall , was dangerous to such that lie there : some think he died by the fume of too many coals , which he commanded to be burnt , it being very cold . he died in the seventh month of his reign , on the fourteenth of the kalends of march ; and as they who speak most probably in the three and thirtieth year of his age , and by the kindness of his successors was deified ; for he was inclined to civility , and very liberal in his nature . this was the state of the roman empire , when this jovian and varronianus were consuls in the eleven hundred and 19th . year , after the building of rome . but since i am come to famous and venerable princes , i will put an end to my work ; for i must speak of what remains in a more lofty stile , which i do not at this time so much omit , as reserve to be written more accurately . a geograpical index to explain the names of the people , countrys , citys , rivers , and hills mentioned by eutropius . a. a chaia , largely taken is hellas , or greece , but strictly part of the peloponnesus , about corinth . actium , a city of epirus , on the sea shore , and called nicopolis in memory of augustus's victory over mark anthony and cleopatra . adiabeni , the people of adiabene , a country of assyria . aegypt , a country in africa anciently divided by mela into two parts ; the lower delta , the upper thebais ; famous for the invention of arts and physick , astronomy , husbandry , &c. it is bounded on the east with the red-sea , on the west with cyrene ▪ on the north with the mediterranean-sea , on the south with aethiopia . aemus , or haemus , the greatest hill of thrace , called now balkan . aequi , a people of latium in italy , now called campagna di roma . aetoli , a people of greece , between acarnania , and phocis . africa , one of the four parts of the world ; it is a peninsula , joyned to asia by an isthmus of sixty miles long . agrigentum , the town gergento , on the hill agragas in sicily . agrippina , now called cologne a famous city of the lower germany upon the rhine , so called from agrippina the empress and wife of claudius . albani , the people of albania , between iberia and the caspian-sea . albis , a river , it runs through the midst of germany , called the elb , and falls into the sea near hamborough , it has its name from halb , that is , half . alexandria , the name of many citys , but here in aegypt now called scanderia , built by alexander the great . alexandrini , the people of alexandria . algidus , a hill 12 miles from rome , with the town algidum built upon it . allia , a river of the sabins in italy flowing into the tiber , supposed now to be rio de mosso , famous for the slaughter of the 300. fabij . almans , a people of germany near to rhaetia , heretofore inhabiting in suevia : now all the germans are called almans . altinum , a town of the lower pannonia now hungary , called tolna . ambrones , a people of france , where ambrun is now , tho cluverius makes them some of the helvetii . the alps , high mountains which part italy from germany and france . anio , a river of the sabin's flowing into the tyber , three miles from rome , now called teverone . antemnates , the people of the city antemnae in italy . anthemisius , a country of persia . antiochia , antioch , a great city of syria , this is the city where men were first named christians . apollonia , a name of many citys . 1. in macedonia , 2. in asia , 3. in thrace . apulia , a country in italy , it is now called puglia , it is divided into two parts , the one is called puglia piana or daunia , the other peucetia or terra di barri . aquileia , a city of italy not far from venice . aquitania , the third part of france , now called guienne , one side bordering on the ocean-sea , on the west it hath spain , on the north the province of lyons , and on the south narbone . arabia , a country of asia so called , between judea and aegypt . it is divided into three parts , arabia the stony , arabia the desert , and arabia the happy . ardea , once a city of italy twenty miles from rome . argentoratum , a city of alsatia , it is now called strasburg . argos , a country and a city in the peloponnese . ariminum , a city of italy , by the river rubico , cow called rimini . armenia , now called turcomania , a country of asia divided into two parts , the greater , and the less , the greater hath on the west cappadocia , on the east , part of the hyrcane-sea , on the south mesopotamia ; the less hath on the north , and west a part of cappadocia , on the east euphrates , on the south taurus . armorica , bretagne in france , so called by caesar . arverni , a people of france by the river loire , this province is called auvergne . asia , the third part of the world divided into two parts , the greater and the lesser , the greater is parted from europe by tanais , and from africa by nilus . the lesser is now under the power of the turks and called natolia . assyria , a country in asia , on the east it hath media , on the west mesopotamia , on the north armenia the less , and on the south susiana . atella , a town of campania , athenians , the people of the city of athens now called setines , famous for an university , built on the sea-coast in attica , first by cecrops , and called cecropia . aventinus , one of th seven hills of rome . now m. di s. sabina . b. babylon , a noble city in chaldea , anciently famous for its brick-walls built by semiramis , in height 300 foot , in bredth 75. the river euphrates passed through the midst of it . it is now called bagdet . basternae , a people of sarmatia in europe , in the kingdom of poland near the euxine sea. barbaria , a country in africa , it is divided into four kingdoms , tunis , algiers , fess , and morocco , and it lies all along the africk shore from the streights of gibraltar to aegypt . bebriacum , a village in italy between cremona , and verona , where vitellius worsted otho , it is now called by the italians , la bina . belgica , the low-countrey , or neatherlands , it containeth seventeen provinces . beneventum , a town of the hirpini , now in the kingdom of naples built by diomedes , it was called maleventum , untill a colony of romans was brought there , and for good lucks sake it was called beneventum . berenice , a maritime city of cyrene , another in aegypt , both built by ptolomy in honour of his wife . bessi , people of thrace by the river strymon , famous for theft and robbery . bithynia , a countrey of asia the less , next to troas , by solinus it was called bebrycia , afterwards mygdonia , now 't is called bursia , and becsanguil , by the turks manili . bononia , bulloign , a city of france in picardy . bosphorani , a people of sarmatia nigh the bosphorus cimmerius . britannia , the isle of britanny , containing england , scotland , and wales , it is 800. miles long , the whole compass 1836 miles . it hath on the east the german sea , on the west the irish , on the north the scottish , on the south it is divided by a narrow sea from gallia belgica . brundusini the people of brundusium now called brindisi , it is a city of calabria by the adriatick sea , which hath been a very commodious haven , whence was their usual passage into greece . brutij , a people in the farthest part of italy beyond the lucani over against sicily , whose kingdom is now called calabria . burdegala , burdeaux in guienne in france , an arch-bishops seat. byzantium , a city of thrace built by pausanias a spartan captain , it was called ligos , afterwards nova roma in the time of severus , and being enlarged and made the head of the oriental empire in the time of constantine , it was called constantinople , it is now under the power of the turks being won by mahomet the second , and it is called stambol , here is the seat of the grand-seignior . c. cabira , a city of asia the less in paphligonia . callaeci , a people of lusitania , or now rather gallicia . campania , a champian country of italy in the realm of naples , now called terra di lavoro . cannae , a pitiful village in apulia , famous for a great overthrow which hannibal gave the romans there , where were slain 40000. and among them such a number of gentry , that he sent three bushels full of rings to carthage . capitolium , the capitol , a strong castle of rome built on one of the seven hills of rome of that name . cappadocia , a country in asia the less , it is otherwise called leucosyria , almasia or geneck and anciently moga . capua , a famous city of campania , not far from naples . carnuntum , a city of the upper pannonia now st. petronel. carpi , a people of salmatia europoea . carrae , a city in mesopotamia , by the hebrews charan , now heren . here abraham dwelt , and it was here that crassus the roman with his whole army was routed so miserably by the parthians . carthago , a famous city of africa , built by dido after the temple of solomon 135 years , and before the building of rome 133. in the year of the destruction of troy 300. now called tunis . catalauni , the people of a country in spain belonging to the kingdom of arragon . catanenses , the people of catana , now catania lying between messina , and syracuse . catti , people of germany now under the langrave of hessen . celtiberia , a country in spain lying near the river iberus in the countrey of biscay . chalcedon , a city in bithynia where the fourth general council was held before christ 453. to refute the heresie of nestorius , it is otherwise called computa , and of late time calcitiu , and caulina . cilicia , a countrey in the lesser asia , where st. paul was born , it is now called caramania and fenichia . cimbri , a people of denmark and holstein . circessunt , a castle of the romans not far from euphrates . clypea , a maritime city of africa . coelius , one of the seven hills of rome , now m. di s. giovanni laterano . caeninenses , the people of the town caenina in italy . colchis , a countrey by the euxine sea in asia near pontus , having on the north the hill corax , being a part of taurus , on the east iberia , on the south phasis , it is now mengrelia and laxia . colchi , the people of colehis . concordia , a city of the carni by aquileia , also a city in germany called kochersberg . constantinople , a city in thrace called the port , by the turks stambol , it is the seat of the grand seignior . corinth , a famous and rich city of achaia placed in the isthmus going into morea . corsica , an isle in the ligustick sea about six miles from sardinia , 't is in compass 300 miles , it is now under the city of genoa . creta , the isle called candia , situated in the mouth of the aegean sea , between rhodes and peloponnesus , the breadth of it is fifty miles , the length 279. crustumii , a people of thuscia nigh the veii in italy . ctesiphon , a town of assyria called calamio , or calaneth . cyrene , a province of libya between mareotis , and zeugitana . cyzicus , a large city of mysia in the lesser asia by the propontis . d. dacia , a country beyond hungary and the danow , 't is now divided into transylvania , which was called dacia , mediterranea and valachia , called the hilly dacia , and moldavia . daci , the people of dacia . dalmatae , people of dalmatia . dalmatia , part of illyricum , now called sclavonia , lying between croatia , bosnia , servia and the adriatick sea. danubius , the danow , the greatest river in europe , as it passes by illyricum , it changes its name , and is called ister , it receives into it sixty more rivers , and arises in the lowest side of germany out of the hill arnoba , and runs into the euxine sea. dardania , the city of troy in phrygia , in asia the less , built by king dardanus . dodonae , a city of chaonia , or molossia , now called larta or janna , and by the turks , under whose government it is , arbanos . e. eboracum , a city in the kingdom of england , called york . edessa , a city of syria . edessi , the people of edessa . ephesus , a city in ionia , built by the amazons , as justin says , and called by lysimachus , who removed it to where it now stands after his wife's name arsinoe , but now figena or efeso , famous for the temple of diana , one of the seven wonders of the world , which was burned by erostratus the same night that alexander was born . epirus , a country in greece , 't was called by the ancients chaonia and molossia , now larta and chimera , 't is under the turks , and by some called albania inferior . esquilinus , one of the seven hills of rome . eumenia , a city of phrygia , built by eumenes , from whom it took its name . euphrates , a river of mesopotamia rising out of niphatis a hill of armenia , one of the rivers that come out of paradise , it passes through babylon , and now called aferat or frat. europa , europe , one of the four parts of the world , and most considerable for arts and arms , so called from europa the daughter of agenor king of tyre . f. falisci , a people of tuscany , in italy , subdued by camillus the consul . fidenae , a city of latium , a province of italy , now called st. peters patrimony . g. gabii , a city of the volscians twelve miles from rome in the way to praeneste , now called campo gabio . galatia , or gallograecia , a country in asia the less , lying between paphlagonia , pontus , and cappadocia , whereof dejotarus , for whom tully did make an oration , was king , 't is now called chiangare ; and by the turks gelas. gallia , now called france , it is bounded with the english , aquitane and mediterranean seas , the pyrenean hills and the alps. galli , the people of gallia , now called the french. germania , germany , a most large country in europe , having on the west the river rhine , on the north the baltick ocean , on the south-west the danow , 't is divided into ten circles , and governed by the emperor , and seven electoral princes , with other dukes and petty princes . germani , germans , the people of germany . gothi , a people of the lower scythia , in the northern part of europe , they did wast and depopulate a great part of europe . graecia , a famous eastern province of europe , the nurse of valour and learning . h. helvetii , the people of helvetia , now called switzers . heraclea , a city in thrace betwixt stanbol and galliopolis , once called perinthus . hierosolyma , jerusalem , called also salem , and by the poets solyma , the chief city of the holy land , indeed once of the whole world , 't was also called aelia , from aelius adrianus . the turks who have it now in possession , call it chutz or gots . hispania , the country of spain by the ancients called iberia , 't is environ'd with the mediterranian , the ocean , and cantabrian seas , except towards france , from which 't is sever'd by the pyrenean hills . i. janiculum , a castle upon the hill janiculus , one of the four hills of rome , called from the god janus ; now montorio . iberi , a people of spain , which was called iberia , either from king iberus , or from the river iberus . illyricum , the country called sclavonia , or wedenland , having on the north pannonia , on the west istria , on the east mysia superior , and on the south the adriatick sea. india , a large country of asia , call'd by the natives indostan , 't is bounded on the east with china , on the north with tartary , on the west with persia , and on the south with the indian sea. interamna and italian city in vmbria , called terani . isauria , a southern country of galatia , joyning to pisidia , with a city called isauria , which was afterwards called claudiopolis . istri , the people of istria , a country now in italy , by the dutch called histerech , so called from the river ister , under the dominion of venice . italica , a city of spain , built by scipio africanus . ituraei , the people of iturea a region of palestine bordering upon arabia . judaei , jews , people of judaea , or palestine , now dispersed over all the world. l. lacedaemonia , a large country of peloponnesus , now called tzaconia , the chief city whereof was lacedaemon , called also sparta . lacedaemonii , the people of lacedaemon . latini , the people of latium , a province in italy , now called compagna di roma . leptis , a city of africa , between the two syrtes belonging to tripoli , and now called lebeda , or lepeda . libyssa , a town of bythynia , called now polmen , where hannibal died , between nicomedia and chalcedon . ligures , the people of liguria in italy , reaching from the hill apenninus to the tuscan sea , of which genoa is the chief city , 't is now called la riviera di genoua . lilybaeum , a promontory and city of sicily , now called capo coco . lingones , people of france , dwelling about longres . lorium , a village 12 miles from rome . lucania , a country of italy in the kingdom of naples . lugdunum , the city lyons in france , called for difference-sake lugdunum celtarum , from lugdunum batavorum . lusitania , the third part of spain , now called protugal , 't is parted on the north from tarracon , by the river ducro . lycia , a country in asia the less , now called bricquia , by others aldinelli , situated between caria and pamphylia . m. macedonia , a large country of greece , containing several provinces , 't is now all under the turks . maesi , people of maesia , a country in europe , adjoyning to pannonia , and running out at length along the danube to the pontus , antiently the higher , and the lower now bulgaria servia . magnesia , a country of macedonia joyning to thessaly , containing pieria and pelasgia . marcomanni , people near austria , whose country is called mark ; or as others , bohemians . mare rubrum , the red sea , called by the greeks erythraeum , and 't is also called sinus arabicus , it parts asia from africa . mariana , a city in corsica , now called matino or zagorolo . marsi , a people of latium in italy . massilia , a city in provence in france , called marsiles . mazaca , the city caesaria in cappadocia , by the hill argaeus . mauritania , a country in africa , called morisco , lying towards the gaditan straits , and the west ocean , 't is divided into tingitana ( which contains in it the kingdom of fess and morocco ) and caesariensis called the kingdom of algier , and is now with other countrys contained under the general name of barbary . mediolanum , the city of milan in italy , where st. ambrose was bishop , remarkable for four things : for multitude of people , a stately church , a strong castle , and a library well furnished . mesopotamia , a country of asia , between tigris and euphrates . milvius pons , a bridge two miles from rome , where milvius ager lies . moguntiacum , the city mentz in germany , the seat of one of the spiritual electors of the emperor , here was printing first invented . munda , a town in hispania boetica , where the last and most bloody battel that ever caesar undertook , was fought between him and the sons of pompey . mursa , a town in pannonia . n. narbona , a city in france , an arch-bishops see. nicomedia , a city of bithynia by the propontis . nicomedienses , a people of bithynia . nisibis , otherwise antiochia , of this name are many cities , one of syria , called epiphane . nola , a city of campania , fourteen miles from naples , where augustus caesar died , tho our author mentions atella . noricum , a great tract of ground containing several countrys , as great part of austria , stiria , carinthia , &c. numantia , a city of spain , now called soria or garray . numentana , via , a road , that went from rome to nomentum . numidia , a part of africa , now called biledulgerid , bounded with mauritania , carthage , and aethiopia . numidae , the people of numidiae . o. olympus , 't is the name of three cities , the first in pamphylia , the second in lycia , the third in cilicia ; also the name of a promontory of cyprus , and of twelve hills , especially one very high in thessaly , and 't is also a promontory in crete , now called cambrasia , or cambrussia . osdroene , a country in syria , on the confines of mesopotamia . osdroeni , the people of osdroene . p. palatinus , one of the seven hills of rome , called so from palatia evanders daughter , now palazzo maggiore . palaestina , a country of asia called by the ancients canaan and the land of promise , by ptolomy palaestine , or the country of the philistines , and now by christians the holy land , it containeth the countrys of idumaea , samaria , judaea and galilee , the chief city was hierusalem . pamphylia , a southern country in asia the less , between cilicia and lycia , now subject to the turk , and lying on the west part of caramania . panticapaeon , a great city of taurica now tartary the less , near the cimmerian bosphorus , call'd pantico . pannonia , a large country of europe , now called hungary , divided into the upper and the lower . pannonii , the people of pannonia . paphlagonia , a country in asia the less , lying between galatia and the euxine sea , now called bolli . parthi , the people of parthia , a country in asia , lying between media , carmania , and the hyrcane sea ; by mercator 't is called aroch , by others corasan . parthenopolis , a city of macedonia , and of mysia in asia the less . peligni , a people of italy about the city sulmo . pergamus , a city of troas in asia the less now called pergamo , or bargamo , where galen was born . persia , a large country of asia , lying between the caspian sea and the country of the moguls , 't is ruled by a sophy , and the inhabitants call it farsi . perusium , a city of tuscany in the mid-way betwixt rome and florence . praeneste , a city of latium in italy now called palestrina , twenty four miles from rome . phaselis , a city of pamphylia , built in the year of the world 3257. it was a long time held by pyrats . philippi , a city of thessaly , built by philip king of macedonia , who called it after his name . phrygia , a country in asia , bounded with caria , lydia , mysia , and bithynia , it is divided into the greater and the less , now called troas . picentes , the people of picenum , a country in italy , now called la marca de ancona . piraeeus , the port-town of athens , now called porto di setine . ponticum mare called pontus euxinus , and now the black sea. pontus , a country of asia the less , lying between bithynia and paphlagonia and the euxine sea. ptolemais , a town by the red-sea , there are also four citys of this name . pyrenaei montes , the mountains that part spian from france , running from east to west , eighty five leagues in length cross the land. q. qvadi , a people in germany , in moravia . quinquegentiani , a people of africa . quirinalis , one of the seven hills of rome , called so from romulus's , name quirinus , now monte cavalle . r. ravenna , a city of italy upon the coast of the adriatick sea. rhaetia , the country of the grisons on the alps. rhenus , a river which parts france from germany , and after it has run 300. miles , it falls into the river mosa , and the german sea by two mouths , whence virgil calls it rhenus bicornis . rhodanus , the river rhone in france . rhodii , the people of rhodes , an isle near caria , in compass an 110 miles . rhodopa , a province of thrace . rome the chief city of italy , seated on the river tybur , now in the power of the pope . s. sabini , people of italy not far from rome . saguntum , a city in spain now called morvedre , famous for its ruin by hannibal . saguntini , the people of saguntum . salassi , people of piedmont , whose country in dutch is called austhalles from augusta praetoria the chief town . salentini , a people of italy inhabiting that corner of italy called terra de otranto , formerly messapia . salonae , cic. salona pl. a city once of dalmatia , out of whose ruins spalato came . samos , an isle of the icarian sea , lying over against ephesus , the compass of it 87 miles . samnites , a people of italy whose country was called samnium , or samnis , now adays labruzzo . sardica , in this author is a city in dacia upon the ister , and also 't is a city anciently in thrace , now the head of bulgaria , called by the turks and greeks sophia . sardinia , an island of italy under the spaniard , it is 170 miles in length , 80 in bredth , 450 in compass , the chief city is cagliare . sardi , the people of sardinia . sarmatae , the people of sarmatia . sarmatia , a large country northward , part in europe , part in asia , containing poland , russia , muscovy , and most part of tartary . sauromatae , the scythians and tartars , a wild people that drink horses blood . saxones , the people of saxony , once masters of great part of germany , some of them came over into england , the duke of it is one of the seven electors of the empire . scordisci , a people of pannonia . scythae , people of scythia , scythians or tartarians in the north parts of asia and in some part of europe , also eastward . seleucia , the name of several citys , one in syria , in mesopotamia , in cilicia , in pisidia . sena , the city siena in tuscany , 100 miles from rome . sicilia , the island of sicily , lying at the toe of italy , and parted with a narrow dangerous sea , 600 miles in compass . siculi , the people of sicily . sipylum , the name of a town and mountain in lydia , called formerly tantalis . sirmium , the city sirmisch in the lower hungary . smirna , a city of ionia called the old naulochus , now smyrna or ismyr . stratonice , a town of macedonia called so from stratonice the daughter of ariarathes , and afterwards built by adrianus , and now called castro franco . sutrium , the people are called sutrini , a little city of hetruria now called tuscany in the province of st. peters patrimony . suevi , a people of germany lying about the danaw , the country now called schwaben . suessa pometia , once a city of the volsci , in latium st. peters patrimony . syria , a country in asia , bounded with asia the less , euphrates and the mediterranean sea , divided into phoenicia and palaestine . syracusani , the people of syracusae a city of sicily called saragossa . t. taiphali and thervingi people of dacia . tarentini , the people of tarentum , called now taranto . tarentum , a noble city , in the farthest part of magna graecia now called tarento . tarraco , the chief city of hispania tarraconensis , which is one of the three parts of spain , and larger than both twice , it doth now contain the kingdom of castile , gallicia , navarre and arragon . taurominitani , the people of the city of taurominium in sicily now called taormina . taurus , a continual mountain in asia , beginning at the indian sea , and stretching its arms northward and southward , it also reacheth westward to the aegean sea. teutones , the people of germany in general called almaines . thracia , a large country of europe commonly called romania , bounded with the euxine and aegean sea , macedonia and the mountain hoemus . thessalonica , a city of macedonia , built by philip of macedon in memory of conquering thessaly , now called salonichi . thessalia , a country of greece between boetia , macedonia , the river peneus and thermopylae . thusci , a people now called tuscans . tygris , a famous river of asia , it riseth in mount araret , in armenia , parts mesopotamia and assyria , it continues its course after it s joyned with the river euphrates into the persian gulf. tigurini , the people of tigurum a city of the helvetians now called zurich . tygranocerta , the town sultania in armenia the greater . tomos , a city of pontus whereunto ovid was banished . transalpini , the people of gaul beyond the alps from rome , now called the realm of france . trebia , a river of italy called la trebia near placentia running into the po. triballi , a people of mysia , between danubius and aemus , now the bulgarians . tripolis , a city of syria , by which name several other citys are called . troy , a city of phrygia a country of asia the less . tuscia , a large country of italy called tuscany , divided into two parts , the one under the great duke , and the other under the pope , called the churches patrimony . tusci , a very ancient people of italy , also called hetrusci now florentines , their country was called hetruria now la toscana . tusculum , a city of latium in italy , now frascati , 12 miles from rome . u. vandali , a people of germany about mecklenburg ; after setling in spain andaluzia was called from them . vectis , the isle of wight , about sixty miles in compass , twenty in length and twelve in bredth . newport is the chief town . vejentes , the people of veii , a town of hetruria in italy . venetia , the country of venice . verona , a city of italy in the territory of the venetians . victophali , a people of dacia . viminalis , one of the seven hills of rome , called so from the osiers that grew there . vindelici , people of vindilicia a country of germany where now bavaria is . volsci , a people of latium in italy , now called campagna di roma . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a38761-e1240 * valens . * julian . a continuation of lucan's historicall poem till the death of iulius cæsar by tm may, thomas, 1595-1650. 1630 approx. 257 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 77 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-02 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a07324 stc 17711 estc s108891 99844543 99844543 9367 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a07324) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 9367) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 966:04) a continuation of lucan's historicall poem till the death of iulius cæsar by tm may, thomas, 1595-1650. lucan, 39-65. pharsalia. cockson, thomas, engraver. [160] p. printed [by j. haviland] for james boler at the signe of the marigold in pauls church-yard, london : 1630. in verse. the title page is engraved and signed: t cockson sculp. printer's name from stc. signatures: a-k. the first two leaves and the last leaf are blank. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng rome -history -republic, 265-30 b.c. -poetry. 2005-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-12 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2005-12 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a continvation of lucan's historicall poem till the death of ivlivs caesar by t m london printed for james boler at the signe of the marigold in pauls church-yard . 1630 to the most high and mighty monarch charles by the grace of god , king of great brittaine , france , and ireland , &c. sir , i shovld haue taught my humble labors a lower presumption than to haue approached your sacred hand , if i had onely weighed mine owne weaknesse and disabilitie ; but the dignitie of this subiect did somewhat encourage mee , being a remainder of that great historie , whose former part was so richly dressed in the happie conceits , and high raptures of that noble lvcan : of whose abilitie in writing i was not so ambitious in emulation , as officious in desire , to continue so stately an argument for your princely eare : with what successe i haue performed it , your maiesties acceptation onely can determine ; to whom if it present but the least delight , my end is accomplished , for which i haue runne so great a hazard , as ( perchance ) to be censured a foile onely to lucan's lustre ; and chose rather to fall vnder the weight of a great argument , than to present a meane one to so high a hand : your maiesties renowned worth , and heroicall vertues ( the perfection of minde meeting in you with the height of fortune ) may make you securely delighted in the reading of great actions ; to whom i humbly present this weake worke , beseeching almighty god long to establish your maiesties throne vpon earth , enriching it with blessings of the right hand and the left ; and after to crowne you with incorruptible glorie : so prayeth your maiesties most humble subiect tho. may. iohannis svlpitii verulani querela de interitu lucani , opere nondum perfecto . haec cecinit vates , scripturus plura : sed illum in medio cursu iussit mors dira silere . accidit vt cigno , qui fixus arundine , carmen mille modis querulum , quod caeperat , interrumpit . nec phaenix aliter , cum sese imponit in altum quem struit ipse , rogum , cantus dulcedine mira nondum perfectos plaudenti morte relinquit . nec secus ismariis vates oppressus in oris a ciconum nuribus , superûm dum cantat amores , brutaque cum syluis , & saxa sequentia ducit , haud potuit moriens medios absoluere cantus . proh scelera ! oh superi , cruciat quae poena neronē ? num rota , num saxum , num stagna fugacia vexant ? an vultur , pendensue silex ? an feruet in vnda ? illum comburat phlegeton , lacerentque cerastae : hydra voret , raptentque canes , semperque flagellis torua megaera secet , nec sit requiesque modusque . quanto fraudata est tua gloria plena nitore corduba ! quamque minus te mantua docta veretur ▪ mantua , cui primae fulget nunc gloria palmae ; sed contenta tribus longè lacteris alumnis . tu verò o nostrum vates diuine laborem , quem pro te subij , non auersate probabis . the complaint of calliope against the destinies . too cruell sisters , why againe am i enforc'd to weepe , and tax your tyranny ? was not my orpheus death ( though long agoe ) enough for me to beare , for you to doe ? orpheus so much by all the graces lou'd , whose charming skill , and matchlesse musi●ke mou'd the sauage beasts , the stones , and senselesse trees , yet could not moue the harder destinies . j saw his limbes ( alas ) scattered abroad on hebrus bankes , while downe the siluer flood his learned head was rowl'd , and all along heard the sad murmurs of his dying tongue . no other tragedy but lucan slaine by your vntimely stroke could thus againe reuiue my griefe : oh could you not prolong that thread awhile , vntill the stately song of his pharsalia had beene finish'd quite ? what sauage bird of prey , what murdring kite could , in the mid'st of that melodious lay , rauish the charming nightingall away ? thou sung'st no lusts , no riots , nor mad'st knowne ( corrupting others manners with thine owne ) new crimes , nor with lasciuious wantoning did'st thou defile the sacred thespian spring . thy verses teach no foule adulteries , nor rapes committed by the deities , which may from guilt absolue the worst of men ; but actions great and true : thy happie pen adorning history with raptures high , with quicke conceits and sound moralitie condemn'd the strong iniustice of that age , and reines too much let lose to ciuill rage , when rome the strength , which she had made , did feare , no longer able her owne weight to beare , taxing bad greatnesse , and in deathlesse verse bestowing fame on noble sepulchers ; and had'st enobled moe ; but woe is me , th' vntimely stroke of death did silence thee . of which the griefe not onely vs inuades , but diues into the blest elysian shades , sadding the worthies there , that so did long to fill a roome in thine eternall song . there cato thinkes ( and grieues it was deny'd ) if thou had'st liu'd , how great he should haue dy'd : the roman scipio , did disdaine a tombe on libya's shore , in hope to finde a roome within thy stately poem , well content saue there , to haue no other monument , those stately temples , where great caesar's name shall be by rome ador'd , wanting the fame which thy high lines might giue , in time to come shall enuy pompey's small aegyptian tombe . had iuba's tragicke fall beene sung by thee 't had eas'd the losse of his great monarchy ▪ but that to them and vs did fate deny that we the more might waile thy tragedy . a continvation of the subiect of lvcan's historicall poem till the death of iulius caesar . the first booke . the argument of the first booke . th'aegyptians sue to caesar for a peace , excuse their crime , and craue their king's release : the king restor'd by caesar to his state , reuolts againe : euphranor's noble fate . ptolomey's vision from serapis sent foreshews the change of aegypts gouernment . the warre in delta ; caesars victory . the ouerthrow and death of ptolomey . the threatning ocean now had spent in vaine his swelling spite , and from the watery maine ▪ from aegypts feeble treason , and the band of pharian slaues is caesar safe at land fill'd with reuenge and scorne , arm'd with a rage greater than aegypts ruine can asswage . his warre is now made iust ; but that great minde too much disdaines so iust a cause to finde from such a state , grieu'd that they durst afford wrongs proud enough to call on caesar's sword , or prouocation to his fury lend , whom rome it selfe had trembled to offend , and ru'd his anger at no cheaper rate than pompey's fall , and ruine of the state. how well could rome excuse the gods aboue for caesar's late-wrought safetie , and approue their fauour in it , if no other state had felt the force of his reuiued fate but aegypts guilty land ? in that warre nought but iust reuenge for pompey had beene wrought . the willing senate had with ioy decreed honours for such a conquest ; for that deed from euery towne th' italian youth in throngs had met his charriot with triumphall songs , nor had great pompey's spirit from the skie repin'd at sight of that solemnitie . that act had reconcil'd the conquerer to rome againe , had not the fatall warre , which straight in affrick , and in spaine ensew'd , his conquering army with first guilt embrew'd . the treacherous band of aegypts souldiers now that chose arsinoë queene , gan disallow the pride of ganymedes , and disdaine a feeble woman , and base eunuchs reigne . all murmur , all to muteny inclin'd , yet each afraid to sound each others mind : till one at last more venturous than the rest thus with his owne the thoughts of all exprest . what end haue these our armes ? why doe we make tumults in stead of warres ? if armes we take to free niles fruitfull regions from the yoke of romes ambition , why doe we prouoke the strength of caesar at a time when he detaines our king within his custodie ? the king as hostage for our truth doth lie we hazard not the warre but ptolomey . though our attempt ' gainst caesar should succeed we staine the honour of so great a deed wanting a lawfull chiefe ; and t will be thought rebellious tumults not iust warres haue wrought rich aegypts freedome : more may be obtain'd by peace , than can be by such hazards gain'd . then let vs sue for ptolomey's release : caesar ( though now incenst ) will grant vs peace on easie termes ; and thinke it better farre then to be here entangled in a warre , whilest yet pharsalia's reliques doe remaine to ioyne their strength , and trie their fate againe : whilest the dispers'd not conquer'd powers of rome are gathering head , and furious nations come from iuba's kingdome , ammons farthest sands , and where spaines calpe bounds the westerne lands to crosse his growing fortunes : but if we tender the state of young arsinoë , ( because descended from great lagus race , ) why doe we wrong her brother , and misplace our dutie so ? preposterous loyalty it is , to honour lagus family , and therefore lagus lawfull heire depose . a generall shout , which through the campe arose , shewes their agreement too too great to be suppressed now , or term'd a muteny . that euen arsinoë seeing this consent is forc'd to be , or seeme ( at least ) content . embassadours to caesar they addresse to begge the king's inlargement , sue for peace , and pardon for their treachery to him : which they excus'd at large , and all the crime vpon photinus and achillas lay'd : whose liues ( say they ) haue for their treasons pay'd . caesar , though once enrag'd , admits their low submissiue prayers , and smooths his angry brow , scorning to lose so proud a wrath vpon such worthlesse obiects ; or intent alone on ciuill warres , reserues his fury all to wreake in nothing but his countreys fall . nought but so hard , and so abhorr'd a crime had guilt and danger great enough for him . he breefly grants them their desired ends , and ptolomey backe to his kingdome sends . poore boy , what fatall freedome hast thou gain'd ? thou to thy ruine hast thy wish obtain'd . t is caesar's crueltie that sets thee free , to make thee guiltie and then punish thee . thine innocence did guard thee , whilest by him thou wert confin'd , and could'st not act a crime that might deserue thy death ; but well knew he thy ages weaknesse , and the treachery of thy perfidious and vnconstant men would draw thee to offences , and thou then by faire pretence of iustice might'st be slaine a sacrifice to cleopatra's a reigne , and his desires , who meanes thy crowne shall buy or pay the hire of his adultery . caesar's surmises finde a true euent ; for ptolomey backe to his people sent ( whether that falsehood were the nations vice , or else by nature or bad nurture b his , or he by others easie to be sway'd ) forgets the oath that he to caesar made . and fill'd with vaine and flattering hopes , calls on the forward fates t' his owne destruction . a well rigg'd fleet of ships he forth doth send in ambush neere canopus to attend ( an i le that east from alexandria lies ) to cut off all prouision and supplies , that might by sea to caesar's campe arriue . to this his first attempt doth fortune giue some seeming fauour ; for while there they lie , euphranor's ship , seuer'd vnhappily alone from all the rest of caesar's fleet , by this aegyptian nauy is beset . c euphranor's valour , that had neuer found the fates but friendly , and so oft renown'd with caesar's fortune had for caesar fought , this change affrights not ; his vndaunted thought not feare but rage possesses ; and though there beset , he playes th' assailant euery where . they feare to ioyne with him , and euermore fly from his grapple ; as a chafed bore the following hounds auoid , so aegypts fleet surprises danger which it dares not meet . but being so many ships they cannot all escape from him ; some , though vnwilling , fall vpon euphranor , and are forc'd to buy with their owne losse their fellowes victory . some vessels bor'd twixt wind and water sunke , and drinking waues into the waues were drunke . ' gainst others from the roman vessell fire , wrapt vp in balls was throwne ; whose actiue ire the ocean could not quench vntill too late , and did not succour then , but change the fate . some dead , some liuing float in neptunes flood the sea discolour'd with the victours blood . had but one more of caesars ships beene caught th' aegyptian fleet a fatall prey had sought , and learned then how they deceiued tooke but fortunes bait , which hid a mortall hooke . but when at last those few caesarians were spent with wounds and toile , and that their hands could for that endlesse taske no more suffice euphranor weary with subduing dies , leauing the rest of those aegyptian powers suruiuours rather than true conquerours . now ptolomey was leuying strength by land , when mithridates with a warlike band of men , from syria , and cilicia came raised from thence by him in caesar's name . and marching swiftly ore the land , at last arriu'd where strong pelusium's fitly plac'd vpon the continent , and on that side th' aegyptian bounds from syria doth diuide : pelusium's strength is thought by land to be aegypts defence as pharos is by sea. but now ( alas ) too weake it proues to stay fierce mithridates course , who in one day ( though there achillas left a garrison ) summons , assaults , and wins by force , the towne ; nor stayes he there , but marches speedily to ioyne his strength with caesar's power , whom he of this exploit before had certifi'd . this mithridates , who on caesar's side so well had seru'd as to deserue from him after this warre , the thracian diadem , of great and royall parentage was sprung , and trained vp in princely arts , when young , by that great king , that asian conquerour , who fortie yeares withstood the roman power , and in so many honour'd fields did fame lucullus , sylla , and great pompey's name . the king , that now besides canobus lay , with all his power , intends to march away with speed through delta , where the fates decree to seat the warre , and his sad tragedy . rich delta , aegypts pride the flower alone of all the pharian kings dominion ; vpon whose fertile brest a thousand wayes in winding tracks the wanton nilus playes , and with his amorous folding armes doth seeme t' embrace small ilands , whilest his siluer streame from seuerall channells oft it selfe doth meet , and oft it selfe with wanton kisses greet . so those faire riuolets , which for the food of liuing bodies , beare the crimson blood to euery part , within the liuer meet , and there with kisses number lesse doe greet themselues ; and as they through each other glide make many knots , as if they tooke a pride in their strange foldings , and themselues did please in those admired anastomoses . this fertile region , whose extension makes a iust triangle , from the letter takes delta for name , whose basis is the sea , whose two sides niles two widest channells be . for all the other fiue within those two into the northren sea through delta goe . downe from the lesser cataract nile flowes , and in one single channell northward goes from elephantis i le the ancient bound , twixt th'aethiopian , and aegyptian ground foure thousand furlongs to that spatious plaine , where memphis stands , so famed for the vaine , and mispent labour of so many men , her wondrous pyramids ; which had not beene , if natures bountie , and the wealthy soile had not too much excus'd the plowmans toile . so many hands ( as there were vainly found ) had beene enough t' haue made the barren'st ground of ammons deserts , or the libyan sands fruitfull by working , t' haue entrench'd whole lands , and fenc'd their aegypts often conquer'd towers from persian , graecian , and italian powers . at memphi● nile his channell doth diuide : that branch that flowes along the easterne side , into the ocean rowles his curled waues at strong pelusium ; tother channell laues ( a thousand furlongs distant thence , as he into the ocean falls ) the regions nigh to faire canobus , which ( by ancient fame ) from menelaus pylot tooke the name ; who dying there , was buried on the shore , when aegypts crowne that iust king proteus wore : who tooke from priam's wanton sonne away atrides beautious wife , his rauish'd prey , and to her husband after her restor'd when troyes sack'd towers had felt the vengefull sword of armed greece . that region , which betweene those two the widest armes of nile is seene , is delta , which so plentifully yeelds , ceres and bacchus , rich in pasture fields , and flowery meadowes , where the bleating flocks , and horned heards doe graze ; the labouring ox weary'd in those fat furrowes , nere deceiues hopes which the greediest husbandman conceiues . there loftie cities stand , and townes of fame , lakes flow , which from those cities take their names . butum enuiron'd with the buticke lake , where once her oracles latona spake : there faire diospolis , lycopolis , hermopolis , and leontopolis proud cities rise : there doth busiris stand fatall to strangers , that were forc'd to land vpon her bloody shore ; vntill the hand of great alcides freed the grieued land from that fell tyrants reigne , whose name the towne yet beares ; neere that is that faire citie knowne by venus name ; there faire panephysis , tanitis , xois , and cynospolis , and sais chiefe of all the region , in which minerua's stately temple 's showne , where fam'd psammiticus entombed lies . there also mendes famous walls doe rise , where pan th' arcadian god is worshipped , and goates ador'd ; there goates ( as we haue read ) doe mix with womankinde ; so got was he that lou'd the boy turn'd to a cypresse tree . but now to know the future warres successe , the king aduis'd by dioscorides ere from canobus he through delta passe , ( since there serapis stately temple was ) resolu'd to craue that oracles aduice commands the priests prepare a sacrifice . this snake-like god serapis seated there , whom all rich aegypt , and the nations neere deuoutly worship , and from euery port to his vndoubted oracle resort , speakes not to men , like other gods , nor snewes his truth by voyce , as horned ammon does ; norlike their apis , fore-declaring good or bad , by taking or refusing food ; nor like the delphian phaebus doth possesse in killing rage , a wretched prophetesse , making sad death the punishment or hire of euery soule his fury doth inspire ; but gently glides into a sleeping brest , by dreames instructing our repose and rest , in truths that can be by no labour gain'd : there only knowledge is with ease attain'd . to this renowned temple farre and neere th' aegyptian lords and princes come to heare truth without helpe of senses , and to know by dreaming there their future weale or woe . why should this god his knowledge then declare to men , when men least fit for knowledge are ? and chuse to come to them at such a time when they no duties can returne to him ? is it his bountie or his power to show , that men so taught may plainly see they owe nothing at all to studies of their owne , but to his bountie and his power alone , that then can make them vnderstand aright when they are rest of vnderstanding quite ? or else the god , when men can exercise their powers and intellectuall faculties , will not descend with their weake thoughts to ioyne commixing human reason with diuine . within the temples inmost roome , a bed of richest purple wrought with gold was spred ; to which the king was by the priests conuay'd , and there , to take his dreaming vision , lay'd . no dreames at all within that sacred roome but such as were diuinely sent , might come . others , which from complexions difference or naturall humors flow'd , were banish'd thence ; and those which from the studies of the day , or cares arose , in th' outward temple stay , and there together flie in companies of different colours , shapes , and qualities . faire sanguine dreames , that seeme to cheere the night , with beautious shapes , and rosie wings , as bright as is the morning , or those flowers , that grace in mid'st of spring , the painted flora's face , within the temple merrily doe sport ; to whom the little cupids oft resort ; the little cupids from faire venus groue stealing by night , doe thither come , and loue with those bright sanguine dreames to passe away the howers of night in sport and amorous play . there dreames of choller in a flame-like hew through th' aire , like little fierie meteors flew with swift and angrie motion to and fro , as if they sought within that place a foe . sometimes vp to the temples roofe on high they soare , as if they meant to scale the skie , or some impossible atchieuement sought t' allay the thirst of an aspiring thought . but downe below with sad and heauy cheere on dead mens tombes , and euery sepulcher , the duskie dreames of melancholly light , with sable wings like bats , or birds of night . fluttering in darkest corners here and there , but all alone , and still each other feare . courting dead skulls , and seeming to inuite the dismall ghosts for company by night . there all along the temples whited wall phlegmaticke lazy dreames , not wing'd at all , but slow , like slimie snailes , about doe crawle , and euermore are thence afraid to fall and so be drown'd ; for on the floore below they doe suppose deepe pooles of water flow . but swift as thoughts can flie , as windes doe blow or winged lightning , in a moment goe the flatuous dreames through th' aire ; sometimes with noyse like the farre-off affrighting thunders voyce . besides a thousand other companies of dreames , which doe from daily cares arise , from thoughts and deeds of men ; which doe appeare in formes as many and as different there as all the world has obiects , or is fil'd with deeds : all these to dreames diuiner yeeld , and flie aloofe without ; nor dare they come into the temples inward sacred roome . the dead of night had closed euery eye , and sleepe now seiz'd the brest of ptolomey , when loe a vision from serapis sent to his affrighted fancy did present the changed state of aegypts haplesse land , which now by fates appointment was at hand . a large-siz'd ox , into that sacred roome with sad and heauy pace did seeme to come , and leane he was , as if he had not eat of long , or wanting , or refusing meat ; saue two white spots , his colour wholly blacke , one on his forehead , tother on his backe : and passing by he seem'd to waile and moane , from his blacke eyes the teares fast trickling downe . after a woman came of stature tall , of presence stately and maiesticall ; high towers , and castles on her head she bare , but loose , as if all torne , hung downe her haire . strong chaines did seeme her naked armes to tie ; with that arose a dismall shreeke and crie , as it had beene from ghosts infernall sent , whose fury rent the regall monument : and from their open'd tombes he saw arise the ghosts of all the bury'd ptolomeys , from lagus sonne the first , in order all , who following , seem'd to waile the womans fall . with that cold chilling horrour from the brest of sleeping ptolomey had banish'd rest , who with amazed thoughts look'd vp and downe ▪ but when his eyes were ope , the sight was gone . the priests approach , and hearing him relate his dolefull dreame , lament the wretched state of aegypts kingdome , and with one consent foretell th' approaching change of gouernment : yet to appease the gods , by their aduice , the king commands a solemne sacrifice . but neerer miseries by farre than those doe threaten thee , poore king ; the god foreshowes thy countries future dangers , and from thee conceales thine owne approaching tragedy . to meet with caesar then he march'd away through wealthy delta , and encamped lay vpon an high and spatious hill , which round about commands the lower champian ground ; from whence the countrey he afarre descri'd . a place by nature strongly fortifi'd three seuerall wayes ; th' ascent so steepe and hard to climbe , as seem'd impregnable , did guard one part alone without rhe aid of men : vnto another part a spatious fen and lake did seeme to giue protection : to guard the third a riuer swiftly run . betwixt the lake and which alone did stand , to lend some passage , a small necke of land : that little isthmos seem'd alone to stand in need of guarding by a souldiers hand against the foes assault . but in that place the king supposes , t were too much disgrace to be assaulted first , and would dismay his souldiers hearts , for caesar there to stay ; or else not safe in what defence the lake , the riuer , hill , or his owne workes could make , to hinder caesar's comming he intends farre off ; and most of all his forces sends to guard a riuer where his passage lay . that banke , on which th' aegyptian souldiers stay , was high , and farre from water , and might well keepe the caesarians off , or them compell to fight on wondrous disaduantage there . but caesar's troops incapable of feare , at first approach , resolue , viewing the place , in spight of disaduantages to passe . and whilest the legionary souldiers throw ' gainst tother side , to busie there the foe , thicke stormes of winged piles ; whilest some of them striue to lay trees , for bridges , ore the streame , the german cohorts vp and downe doe try the riuers depth , and where most easily they may or swim , or wade the channell through ; and make as boldly their attempts as though they went against no enemie at all . whilest the aegyptians doe securely gall downe from aboue their labouring enemy , and on the place , not their owne worth rely : for all the weapons , which from them are throwne , require no strength , but by descent alone bring wounds to the caesarians , who , inrag'd to be ' gainst such aduantages ingag'd , sigh , that their valour they must vainly lose not to subdue , but to approach their foes , and must contend as eagerly to gaine a fight , as erst a conquest to obtaine . against the riuer and the bankes they goe : and in this warre the foe is least the foe . caesar perceiues in what distressed plight the legionaries are enforc'd to fight , and therefore straight commands his lightest horse to wheele about , and with a speedy course farre from that place to crosse the riuer ore . which they performed swiftly , and before th' aegyptian souldiers their approach could feare , behinde they charg'd them in a full carriere . whose force whilest they , turning about , withstood , the legionary souldiers past the flood with greater ease by bridges which they made , and through the shallowest fordes the germans wade . and now at last th' aegyptian souldiers are forc'd , though loth , to enter equall warres . but feare made them vnequall , and subdu'd as soone as fought with , by the fortitude of caesar's men , who else had sought in vaine by so much sweat and labour to obtaine a battell , had they not a conquest had : and now a slaughter , not a warre was made . the king from out his loftie campe beheld his slaughtred souldiers bodies strow the field , which late they stood vpon : for scarce by flight were any saued ; the caesarian spight pursu'd the conquest which they had obtain'd with such a fury , that the fields distain'd all ore with blood , might let th' aegyptians see how they before had fought vnequally . he viewes how few return'd , that newes to tell , which he had seene , and knew too sadly well . but to the campe those , that escaped were brought nothing but astonishment and feare . th' incamped finde in them no aid at all , but see the greatnesse of their fellowes fall : whom caesar's men so swiftly follow home , that to the trenches , and out-workes they come . caesar , that neuer in his battells , held a foe subdu'd , till from his campe expell'd , exhorts his souldiers to forget their paines and freshly force the workes , whilest feare there reignes , to end this warre , and with the wealthy spoyle of aegypts king to recompence their toyle . nor need the souldiers be incouraged to seeke their wages for the blood they shed . they first inuade that little necke of land which twixt the riuer and the lake did stand . but that th' aegyptian souldiers most doe guard ; when on the passage there begins a hard and bloody conflict ; one side fight to make their conquest perfect , and the fruit to take : tother despaire in stead of courage armes ; for vanquished they feare the worst of harmes . from either side the passage where they stood , the lake and riuer are distain'd with blood . downe halfe dead bodies they precipitate , who drown'd in water taste a double fate . there oft together , as they fighting stand , aegyptians and caesarians hand in hand doe grappling fall into the crimson lake ; nor there ( alas ) their enmitie forsake : but weakely trie the combat out , where he that conquers can no long suruiuour be . whilest on that side the campe , both parties fought so furiously , and all hands thither brought ; caesar perceiued on the other side , that seem'd enough by nature fortifi'd , where the ascent was craggie , steepe , and hard to climbe , that ptolomey had left no guard ; or those that had beene left , from thence were gone to tother side , as aid , or lookers on . thither his lightest cohorts he commands ; bold carfulenus leads those actiue hands , who straight , as caesar gaue in charge to him , with those light-armed cohorts gins to climbe . th'ascent so steepe and hard , that to the foe did seeme impregnable , but prou'd not so , brought on their ruine ; death there enter'd in , from whence with greatest ease he might haue beene repel'd by them . but carfulenus now entring th'aegyptian campe , with small adoe kills or repells his few resisting foes , feare and distraction through the campe arose . the workes , whilest to and fro th' amazed runne , on euery side by the caesarians wonne : to whom for mercy now they sue in vaine , nor does the generall their swords restraine ; but bids them kill , and in their slaughter free the world from so much fraud and treachery . part of th'aegyptian-campe had beene before romes legionary souldiers , and brought ore vnder gabinius , there in aegypt left were by her pleasures softned , and bereft of military vertue , and became degenerate staines vnto the roman name . like the aegyptians they were growne to be in manners , basenesse , fraud , and treachery . not farre from thence , vnto the riuer side a little vessell by a rope was ti'd : whither the king in this tumultuous heat of flight , escaped from the campe , doth get ; and now aboord , commands his slender traine with all their strength to launch it forth amaine . his purple robe vpon the shore he throwes to flie disguis'd ; but cruell fate allowes no flight nor safetie to him ; nought at all gaines his disguise but a plebeian fall . for loe the flying multitude espi'd ( that from the campe prest to the riuers side ) that barke , contending all to get aboord to saue themselues , respectlesse of their lord. he cries , the king is here ; doe not intrude ; there is no safetie for a multitude in one small vessell ; why should you destroy ( losing your selues ) the life of ptolomey ? though fortune worke my ruine , doe not you murder your king : but caesar's men pursue , amazement stops their eares , and feare of sword had banish'd all allegiance to their lord : till , the ore-laden vessell sinking downe , themselues together with their king they drowne . mixt with plebeian deaths a monarch lies the royall race of th' ancient ptolomey's vnder no couert but his nile's cold waues , no pyramids , nor rich mausolean graues , nor sacred vaults , whose structures doe excell : as his fore-fathers ashes proudly dwell , and dead , as liuing , doe their wealth expresse in sumptuous tombes as gorgeous palaces . vnhappie ptolomey , how short a date haue fates allotted to thy kingly state ? no otherwise didst thou a crowne obtaine than sacrifices , crowned to be slaine . happier might'st thou haue di'd , before thy reigne ( though short it were ) had left that lasting staine of pompey's death vpon thy name , and shew'd to future times thy foule ingratitude , depriuing him of breath , that did before thy banish'd e father to a crowne restore . and now to that dead roman worthyes tombe art thou enforc'd a sacrifice to come t' appease his ghost , and offer'd vp by him , in whose behalfe thou did'st that heinous crime . who chooses rather to reuenge , than owe to thee , so base a ruine of his foe . caesar , possest of this great victory , by land , through delta marches speedily to alexandria ; but supposing there how much the citie his iust wrath might feare , he sends before to comfort them , and free th' inhabitants from feare and iealousie . to be with ioy receiued , he declares that all his wrath is ended with his warres ; that he , as romes dictatour , would preserue their liues and liberties , and still reserue the crowne of aegypt free , rightly to place vpon the next of lagus royall race . and that no other now was his intent than to confirme f auletes g testament . annotations to the first booke . a thus dion ; caesar beleeued that the aegyptians had truly desired peace , disheartned with their designes not succeeding ( for he had heard they were a people by nature timorous and vnconstant ; ) but howsoeuer their intentions were , he resolued to grant their request , lest he should seeme to withstand an offered peace ; he sends therefore their king to them ; for by his presence he knew there was no increase of strength brought to them , considering his age and bad education : by this meanes he supposed he might afterwards conclude a peace with the aegyptians vpon his owne termes , or finde a iust pretence of conquering the countrey , and giuing the kingdome to cleopatra : for he was not at all afraid of their strength now , hauing receiued his army out of syria . dion . lib. 42. b the young king educated in false and deceitfull disciplines , that he might not seeme to degenerate from the manners of his nation , weeping intreated caesar that he would not send him from him ; for enioying of a kingdome could not be to him so pleasant as the presence of caesar . caesar moued with his teares comforted him , and promised if there were need shortly to visite him ; but ptolomey at libertie , began immediatly to warre against caesar with so fierce and eager a desire , that the teares which at the parting he shed , might seeme to be teares of ioy . hirt. commen . de bello alexan. c none of the roman ships came at all to the succour of euphranor , either bacause they durst not partake of the danger , or because they had a strong confidence in the great vertue , and extraordinary felicitie of euphranor , which in all his other fights had euer attended him : so that he only at that time behaued himselfe well , and perished alone with his victorious galley . hirt. commen . de bello alexan. d of this towne canopus , and the temple of serapis there , thus strabo speakes in his seuenteenth booke ; canopus distant from alexandria an hundred and twentie furlongs by land , was so called from canopus menelaus his master of his ship , who was buried there : in it is the temple of serapis , with great deuotion honoured amongst them , insomuch as the noblemen put great affiance in that god , and come thither to take dreames both for themselues and others : some of them haue written of diuers cures which haue beene there wrought , and many miracles in seuerall kindes : but aboue all other things , wonderfull is that number , who vpon festiuall times come downe thither by the lake from alexandria : for night and day is that lake full of boats , in which men and women with songs , and gestures of all manner of lasciuiousnesse doe recreate themselues ; and in canopus it selfe , diuers jnns there are vpon the lake side to entertaine passengers with such leuities and vaine delights . strabo lib. 17. e this young king ptolomeus dionysius sonne to ptolomeus auletes the last of all the race of ptolomey's , by the wicked counsell of his followers , as photinus the eunuch , achillas captaine of the guard , and theodorus chius the rhetorician , had vnthankefully slaine pompey the great flying to him in his necessitie , who before had beene the greatest meanes of restoring his father auletes to the crowne of aegypt . dion . plutarch . appion . f auletes ptolomeus the ninth ptolomey from the sonne of lagus , who after the death of alexander the great possessed aegypt , was a man ( saith strabo ) of most dissolute and wicked manners , for which he was expelled his kingdome by the people of alexandria ; who made the eldest of his three daughters queene ouer them ; his two sonnes being both infants had by this meanes lost all hope of succession in their fathers kingdome : the queene elected was married to one cybiosactes of syria , who deriued his pedigree from the ancient syrian kings : but the queene within few dayes strangled her husband , not able to endure his sordid and base nature ; and married her selfe to archelaus , who fained himselfe the sonne of mithridates eupator ; but was indeed the sonne of that archelaus , who had warred against sylla , but was afterwards h●noured by the romans , and grandfather to him who reigned last in our times ouer cappadocia : this archelaus liuing then with gabinius , whom he promised to aid in a warre against the parthians , was by some of his friends ( vnknowne to gabinius ) brought vnto the queene , and declared king : at that time the banished king ptolomeus auletes was fled to rome , and there kindly entertained by pompey the great , and by him commended to the senate : pompey aduised them to restore auletes to his kingdome and put to death those embassadours that were come thither to plead against their prince , of which embassage dio the academian was chiefe . auletes therefore brought backe to his kingdome by gabinius ouercame , and killed the queene his daughter , and archelaus his sonne in law ; dying sh●rtly after he left behinde him two sonnes and two daughters . strabo lib. 17. g ptolomeus auletes by his testament had willed ( according to the incestuous custome of that family ) that his eldest sonne ptolomey should marry his eldest daughter cleopatra , and with her enioy the crowne of aegypt : the procuration of this testament was by him assigned to the people of rome , which caesar as dictator had power to execute . dion . lib. 42. hirt. commen . de bello alexand. finis . the second booke . the argument of the second booke . faire cleopatra is espous'd , and led a wife in name , to her young brothers bed : great caesar's heart her tempting beauties fire , who reapes the wanton fruit of his desire . the scatter'd reliques of pharsalia scipio vnites againe in affrica . the strength of varus there ; each nations name , that vnder iuba's royall standard came . caesar from aegypt ' gainst pharnaces goes , and vanquishes , as soone as sees , his foes : erects a trophee there ; and crossing ore more swift than thought , arriues on libya's shore . the alexandrian citizens releast from all their feares by caesar's pardon , feast with ioy ; extoll his goodnesse to the skies , and to their gods deuoutly sacrifice with vsuall rites : alas , you doe not know fond alexandrians , to whom you owe your cities safetie ; not those deities , that you with vaine and barbarous mysteries adore , haue wrought it ; nor could all your towers , your stately temples , tombes of conquerours , nor alexander's buri'd dust , which more than your religion caesar's thoughts adore , preuaile so much in purchasing his grace , as beauties charmes in cleopatra's face . it was the glance of her bewitching eyes , had power to helpe your helplesse deities : nor was it fit such people , rites , and lawes should owe their safetie to a better cause . great cleopatra mistresse of the state , to giue the conquering author of her fate high entertainment , to his eye displayes th' aegyptian wealth in such luxurious wayes as might excuse euen rome , and make the riot of her degenerate senate seeme the diet which th' ancient curii , and camillus vs'd , not what her asian victories infus'd . the gorgeous pallace with such lustre shone as wealthy kingdomes neere their ruine growne vse to expresse ; which shew the present crimes , and speake the fortune of precedent times . but caesar's eyes in all that wealthy store , which he so lately had beheld before , no pleasure finde , nor with delight viewes he the golden roofes , nor precious imag'ry , rich eben pillars , boords of citron wood , which on their carued iuory tressells stood : nor curious hangings doe his eyes admire . for cleopatra's beautie , and attire did quite eclipse all obiects , and outshone all other splendours ; on her lookes alone his eyes are fix'd ; which , though beheld before , the more he viewes , doe rauish him the more . all other obiects lose at second sight ; but womans beautie breeds the more delight the ofter seene : he viewes that snowie necke , those golden tresses , which no gems can decke . the wealth , she wore about her , seem'd to hide , not to adorne her natiue beauties pride . though there bright pearles from th' erythraean shores , from all th' assyrian lakes , the wealthy stores of siluer ganges , and hydaspes shone ; from aegypts easterne iles the gold-like stone , and cheerefull emeraulds gather'd from the greene arabian rocks were in full splendour scene . pale onyx , iaspers of a various die , and diamonds darkned by her brighter eye . the saphires blew , by her more azure veines , hung not to boast , but to confesse their staines . and blushing rubies seem'd to lose their die when her more ruby lips were mouing by . it seem'd ( so well became her what she wore ) she had not robb'd at all the creatures store , but had beene natures selfe , there to haue show'd what she on creatures could , or had bestow'd . but caesar's heart enflamed long before burnes with fresh fury , and resolues no more now to conceale , but feed the pleasing flame . what power ( quoth he ) controules my wish , what fame ? what would the sowrest seeming vertue doe arm'd with a power like me , and tempted so ? by such a beautie as from guilt would free a rauisher , and make adulterie no crime at all , but such a piece of vice as former times vnto the deities did oft impute ; had cleopatra beene by those renowned graecian writers seene , whose deathlesse poems in the skies aboue haue fix'd so many paramours of joue ; before the daughters of faire pleione , atlanta , maia , and taygete , she had there beene grac'd : her tresses farre more faire had shew'd in heauen than berenices haire . calistho's waine had not in skies beene set , nor ariadnes shining coronet , till cleopatra's starre had found a place , and chose what part of heauen she meant to grace . let ioue my warrant be ; whom powerfull loue so oft has forc'd from heauen ; or let it proue the thunderers excuse to future times that caesar now partakes the thunderers crimes . there is no cause thou should'st misdoubt thy suit , no waking dragon keepes that golden fruit thou mean'st to taste , nor need'st thou feare to finde that beautie guarded by too chast a minde . yet wanton loue , and cupids childish fires , which warme plebeian hearts , and moue desires in rurall girles , and lowly shepherds swaines , aid not thy suit , oh caesar . she disdaines that common cause should make her beautie yeeld to thy embraces ; her proud brest was fill'd with higher thoughts ; desire of soueraigntie , aspiring hopes of state and maiestie in cleopatra's brest had now controll'd all other passions ; had her blood beene cold , yet when ambition pleaded on thy side , her chastitie had yeelded to her pride . that reason caesar , that did first subdue thy loyaltie to rome , made thee embrue thy parricidall hands in her sad wounds , and die with blood thessalia's guiltie grounds , proues now the selfe same cause that conquered this queene , and drew her to thy wanton bed . let not the guiltie greatnesse of thy minde be by vaine men extoll'd ; since here we finde a womans brest the same impressions moue : ambitious pride , and soueraignties dire loue alike in thee and cleopatra plac'd , made thee disloyall proue , and her vnchast . caesar , lest rome should iudge he first did moue this warre alone for cleopatra's loue , to winne for her , not for his countries sake , ( for conquer'd aegypt he intends to make no a roman prouince ) and on th' other side too much suspecting that th' aegyptians pride , his bountious fauour would farre lesse esteeme if that a woman wore their diadem , whilest yet a male childe liu'd of lagus blood ; thus cleares both doubts ; to make the action good one colour serues : young ptolomey , whom he before had married to arsinoë , a childe of eight yeares old , must now supply the roome of his dead brother ptolomey , and weare two shadowes both of loue and state , of aegypts king , and cleopatra's mate . what more than names , poore boy , dost thou obtaine ? as vaine thy marriage is , as is thy reigne , and but in title nothing is thine owne : caesar thy bed possesses , she thy crowne . nor canst thou yet so much as riuall proue in cleopatra's reigne , or caesar's loue . yet happie art thou that thy tender age cannot enioy th' incestuous marriage : for if the match for thee had beene more fit , thou had'st contracted greater guilt from it , and with fowle incest stain'd a brothers name ; but whilest thou want'st the fruit , thou want'st the blame . now without care thou dost a crowne obtaine , and an incestuous marriage without staine . now nights blacke mantle had the earth ore-spread , and all the host of starres in phaebus stead ( though with lesse light ) adorn'd the spangled skie : when caesar fir'd with loue , and raised high with m●roës sparkling wine , pursues his suit , and soone obtaines the wish'd and wanton fruit of his late warres and toiles ; his fame and glory , his power , and gifts the strongest oratory had woo'd , and wonne the queene to his delight , within whose armes he spends the wanton night . nor , cleopatra , was 't a crime in thee ; th' incestuous custome of thy family , where sisters wiues on brothers are bestow'd , and mixture of the nearest names allow'd , makes this a vertuous loue : thou had'st beene led with greater guilt to such a nuptiall bed ; and 't is thy fate , thy beautie cannot be better enioy'd than by adulterie . yet from the burden of her fruitfull wombe both hers , and caesar's punishment come . for young b caesario , whom their loues short ioy with aduerse fates begets ( vnhappy boy ) vntimely slaine , shall be in future time augustus caesar's parricidall crime , and caesar's house with caesar's blood shall blot ; thy guilt , augustus , is that night begot , which shall hereafter those rich triumphs staine , which thou from aegypts conquest shalt obtaine ; vnlesse that flattery be taught for thee to wrest all natures lawes , and policie of state , together with the peace of rome alleag'd to iustifie thy bloody doome . whilest caesar thus a wanton conquerour in aegypt stayes , the senats scatter'd power and flying legions from pharsalia scipio againe vnites in affrica , ' great pompey's father in law , who now ore all is by consent elected generall . stout labienus most engag'd of all in hate to caesar , ( though against the gaule he vnder caesar's colours oft had fought ) serues vnder him ; and matchlesse cato brought by no engagement of a priuate cause , but for his countries libertie and lawes . d petreius falsely there takes armes againe ' gainst caesar's side , by caesar once in spaine pardon'd before ; there attius e varus stands , who all the roman prouinces commands in affrick , once proud carthage feodars : who brings his punick forces to the warres , subtle in warlike slights , with targets light , short swords , and brests vnarm'd they vse to fight ▪ and still in battell weare their cassocks red to hide the colour of the blood they shed . drie barces scorch'd , and euer-thirsting sands send men to varus ; there the warlike bands of hot cyrene stand , the progeny of pelops stain'd and tragick family , that from mycena came ; there th' aaeans stood mixed of libyan and sicilian blood ; and those of tabraca , th' old tyrians brood . the men of leptis , and at hippo bred , where the phaenicians first inhabited when they to affrick came ; hippo , whose site made it the ancient libyan kings delight . and there in armes the men of thapsus be , that from the latines draw their pedigree . juba to these his mighty army brings , juba the greatest of all affricks kings , who had already giuen a fatall blow in curio's sad and mortall ouerthrow to caesar's side : no libyan king alone commands so large and vast a region . th' extent of his dominion lies as farre as thera's plaines , and horned ammon are from mauritania's farthest westerne lands , where neare the gades heauen-propping atlas stands . with whom to warre so many nations went of manners , rites , and habits different ; fierce mauritanians , which deriue their race from th' ancient medes , who peopled first the place . the nasamonians euer bare and poore till wrackes at sea enrich their fatall shore with mankindes ruine ; the scorch'd swarthy bands of garamantians , on whose barren sands no shady trees ere spred , no flockes doe feed , nor ought but serpents , and dire monsters breed . with these marmarians march , whom nature makes as antidotes against those mortall snakes . then march the vagrant bold numidians on well-rein'd steeds ; and light massylians , who euermore their horses bitlesse ride ; and them alone with slender wands can guide ▪ the strong getulians , that no dwellings know , but with their heards doe wander too and fro ; that in no sports but dangerous delight ; and singly dare with raging lions fight . the light autololes , whose winged speed , in running , farre out-strips the swiftest steed , equalls the winds themselues , and , as they passe , scarce bend the standing corne , or slender grasse . the cole-blacke mibian next , vpon whose brow and curled-lockes the scorching sunne doth show his lasting tyranny ; who to the warre does lightly goe , his brest and body bare , and neuer iron nor brasse armour weares ; great linnen turbants on his head he beares in stead of helmes : his arrowes mortall points with venom'd iuyce he treacherously annoints . shaggie cyniphians too were armed there who goats rough skinnes vpon their shoulders weare , their beards oregrowne and horrid : neare to these with painted shields the adyrmachides arm'd on the left side only , not the right ; and swords , like sickles , crook'd they vse in fight . of diet course and rude ; their meat vpon the sands is roasted by the scorching sun. besides the troops that were from vaga sent , that from ruspina and faire zamah went. from all these seuerall places iuba drawes a royall army t' aid the senates cause , ioyning himselfe with roman scipio . with all these forces they intend to goe when first the spring her verdant face shall show , and comfortable gales of zephyre blow , t' inuade their natiue countrey , and set free subiected rome from caesar's tyrannie : and this their great designe from the euent of old examples found encouragement . since sad experiences did often shew romes strength , neere rome , 't was easiest to subdue . they knew the barbarous cimbrian , furious gaule , the force of carthage led by hannibal beat oft in forren parts by roman powers , in italy prou'd easie conquerours . with these they sadly call to minde how soone cinna , sertorius , carbo , marius wonne rome by surprise , though beat in forren lands with ease by sylla , and great pompey's hands . and last of all , when this sad warre begun , and caesar first had crossed rubicon , pompey without one conflict fled away , and rome to him became an easie prey . but caesar's fortune frustrates their intents ; his wonted speed and strange successe preuents their expedition ; and , as euery where he had before , so playes th' assailant here . too soone , alas , shall you in affrick see whom you intend to seeke in italy . but caesar plung'd in aegypts soft delights insnar'd by beautie , and the charming slights of cleopatra , could almost forget how many armed foes , and forces , yet oppose his growing fortunes , and remaine threatning the height of his vsurped reigne . as when alcides with ill fate had seene the tempting beauties of th' oechalian queene ▪ his brawny shoulders straight forget to weare the lions skin , his awfull hand to beare the monster-taming club ; from his rough head the poplar garland falls ; no tyrants dread that world-auenging strength ; which had well nigh beene sunke into a famelesse lethargy . and iuno's hopes of great alcides fall a womans beautie further'd more than all those monstrous plagues , which she had power t' inuent , or could from aire , earth , seas , or hell be sent . but fortune findes alarums to awake the soule of caesar from this dreame , and make compleat for him the worke she had begun , whither she hasten'd romes sad ruine on ; or rather blush'd such liberties and lawes , should owe their safetie to so base a cause as caesar's sloth ; and iudg'd it better farre than keepe it so , to lose it by a warre : that warre alone , which built vp romes high reigne , should now haue power to ruine her againe . nor were the fates pleas'd that the wanton loue of cleopatra should more helpfull proue to romes affaires , than all those iust-drawne swords , which once thessalia , libya now affords . yet was it now no strength , no armes of rome , no part of ciuill warre drew caesar from aegypts delights ; f pharnaces feeble power prouok'd him first to make him conquerour of greater forces than his owne ; as when a sleeping lion's couched in his den , the horned heards securely graze along the verdant pastures ; till that lion stung by some presumptuous little gnat awake , and wanting there his full reuenge , doth make those cattell feele his wrath ; whose liues anon doe rue the little gnat's presumption . this false pharnaces , who from pompey's hand receiu'd ( as price of parricide ) the land of rich cimmerian bosphorus , was sonne to mithridates , whose fear'd power had wonne from nicomedes his bithynia , conquer'd armenia , cappadocia , and wealthyest graecian iles , whose swelling fame began to riuall romes victorious name , and long withstood her growing fate ; at last by pompey's force from all his kingdomes chac'd he fell by treason , to increase the shame of his false sonne , and lessen pompey's fame . pharnaces now with vaine ambition swell'd , deceiu'd by flattering hopes , when he beheld romes broiles , and saw how her diuided bands against themselues imploy'd their conquering hands , sought to regaine what once his father had , and gan the roman prouinces inuade : in asia minor , ( his first enterprise fortune beholding with propitious eyes ) domitius fall , who with ill fate imploy'd the swords of caesar , rais'd his boasting pride . nicopolis , whose loftie walls were there founded as pompey's trophees , still to beare name of his conquest , and the place to show of mithridate● finall ouerthrow , beheld the slaughter of domitius hosts a parentation to the ponticke ghosts . nine times had cynthia now restor'd againe light to her waned hornes , when caesar chain'd in cleopatra's wanton armes , had stay'd on aegypts coast ; her swelling wombe display'd at last th' effect of an adulterous bed . whom caesar thus departing comforted : faire queene , sole mistresse of thy caesar's state , the fate of him that rules all other fate , pharnaces cruell to himselfe and me , with his owne ruine parts our company . his treasons , loue , now call my vengefull steele . doe not thou grieue ; the conquer'd foes shall feele our parting griefe , and in their slaughter see with how much anger caesar goes from thee . but that poore king dares not my force withstand ; he onely drawes me from this happie land , to make a iourney rather than a warre , for he at first will flie , and easier farre may i obtaine a conquest than a fight : his dastard troops my name alone shall fright . and easie triumph comes ; but i from thee goe grieu'd to triumphs , sad to victory . from thee , whose eyes make aegypts swarthy face brighter than that white path the gods doe trace ▪ without whose light no land breeds my content ▪ and rome it selfe to me is banishment . but fate to vs farre greater conquests owes : how much , alas , would cleopatra lose if caesar stay'd at home ? we haue not yet fully attain'd that world-commanding height , that must enthrone thy beautie in a state high as it selfe , for all to wonder at like some new constellation : those that neare th' antartick pole , ne're see the northren beare descend into the ocean ; those that lie ( enduring winters lasting tyranny ) vnder the frozen wa●●e , and lose the sight of bright canopus , whose desired light cheeres this horizon still , shall both adore faire cleopatra's name ; the farthest shore that peleus siluer-footed wife doth know shall honour thee ; euen rome her selfe shall bow , and with her eagles shall thy state maintaine , whilest kings doe wait in cleopatra's traine . for such effects , faire queene , ( if caesar know his fate aright ) shall this our parting now returne to thee when i in triumph come : by this deare part of caesar , which thy wombe encloses here , thou shalt engage our speed : therefore farewell ; we must pursue in deed our consultations , swiftly as we thought . but cleopatra , whom loues queene had taught all winning wiles ; and blest with such a face as teares became , and griefe it selfe did grace , thus with a seeming griefe , and teares replies : i dare not hope to change the fates , or prize my worthlesse prayers at so high a rate , as to haue power to change at all the state of caesar's great resolues , on which depend all nations fates , and all the starres attend . if by their prayers fraile mortalitie should hope to alter what the gods decree , 't were a proud pietie . i le rather lose my suit , and checke my loue , than interpose it so ; and rather to my selfe deny the happinesse of caesar's company , than loue it with so great presumption , as , for mine owne delights , to hinder one of his resolues ; yet pardon , mighty lord , if to mine owne desires i doe afford one place in loue : cannot great caesar thriue in these his warres , if cleopatra liue neere to his person ? can it ouerthrow his fortune to procure my safetie so ? there 's no retreat in all the world for me , so safe as thy victorious campe will be . but i am pleas'd to stay at thy command in aegypt still , and still suppose this land within great caesar's reach ; whose powerfull hands from siluer ganges to the baetick sands , from pole to pole extend their conquering force : no distances of place can long diuorce vs two , if caesar in his loue can be as speedy as in warre and victory , and march as farre to finde his friends as foes ▪ this pledge , which i within my selfe inclose , assures my longing minde against delay , that caesar long will not protract his stay . then with a kisse he bad the queene adieu ; and wing'd with haste into armenia flew swifter than lightning , or the southern wind along through libya's yeelding aire , to finde pharnaces out ; whom he ( past thought ) oretooke neere zela walls , and vanquish'd with a looke . soone beat , he left behinde him nought at all that might deserue a mention , but his fall : nor can there ought of this short warre be said but caesar g came , and saw , and vanquished . how much did pompey's honour suffer there ▪ when caesar's troops beheld that nations feare ? and saw how easie 't was to conquer them ? how vndeseru'd did his great triumph seeme ore pontus and armenia ? more was lost than poore pharnaces crowne , and feeble host ; the fame of pompey was orethrowne that day , when caesar boasting could finde cause to say ; oh pompey ; happie thou , that by defeat of these base nations , got'st the name of great ; whilest i subduing the fierce ganles , deseru'd . no name , enioy'd no triumph : had'st thou seru'd beyond the frozen alpes , or past the bound of rhenes swift streame , the big-bon'd germans found , a difference twixt our acts thou then had'st seene ; our ciuill warres perchance had neuer beene . yet ere that he from thence to affrick passe , though haste important vrge him , in the place a stately trophee he erects to show to future times pharnaces ouerthrow , not farre from that proud trophee , which before great mithridates for his conquest ore triarius , had erected : that this story might quite eclipse old mithridates glory , or please his manes , that the field there wonne tooke punishment of his vnnaturall sonne . but greater warres call caesar thence away ; scipio not farre from adrumetum lay with all the power of rome , but did not h now since winters fury rag'd , expect a foe . for phaebus lampe , to our horizon low , the shortest dayes , and coldest did bestow from capricorne , cold winter glaz'd the floods , and pur●'d with frost the fields and naked woods . but caesar's heart , admitting no delay , whose speedy march no season ere could stay , when he his third dictatorship at rome had tane , and thence to sicily was come , lest any time should to his fame be lost , euen then the seas from lilybaeum crost . and sailing by the libyan shores , espies great carthages halfe-ruin'd edifice ; and clupe as fatall station passes by with griefe remembring how vnhappily bold curio there did with his legions land , a wofull prey to juba's barbarous band . then from this ominous place he sailes away westward along ; and leauing vri●a ( where cato then in garrison did lie ; cato the soule of roman libertie , who from that towne must shortly take a name , and leaue the towne , in lieu , eternall fame ) at ad●umetum lands ; vpon which coast scipio encampes with all his roman hoast . annotations to the second booke . a dion relates it thus ; caesar hauing subdued aegypt , would not subiect it , as a prouince to the people of rome , but bestowed it wholly vpon cleopatra , for whose sake he bad made the whole warre in aegypt ; yet fearing lest the aegyptians vnder the reigne of a woman would rebell againe , and that he might perchance alienate the hearts of the romans from himselfe by reason of this , and the familiaritie , which he was knowne to haue w●th cleopatra , he gaue her in marriage to her younger brother , and confirmed the kingdome to them both ; which was indeed but a show , for cleopatra wholly possessed the power ; her husband being a childe ; therefore vnder a pretext of marriage , by which she should ioyne with her brother in the kingdome , she both reigned alone , and enio●ed the bed of caesar . dion . lib. 42. b this caesario , both dion and plutarch report to be the sonne of iulius caesar by cleopatra , when after the alexandrian warre , and before his expedition against king pharnaces , he stayed in aegypt ( according to dion ) nine moneths : after the victory of augustus caesar against marcus antonius and cleopatra , this caesario being sent away for safetie into aethiopia ( saith dion ) was intercepted in the iourney and slaine by caesar's command : the reasons that moued augustus to this cruelty were partly the counsell ( according to plutarch ) of arius the philosopher , his tutor , who told him it was not s●fe to suffer too many caesars : partly the remembrance of what antonius had done , who before had commended this caesario to the old souldiers , aduising them rather to honour the true and naturall sonne of iulius caesar , than octauius who was but an adopted heire . c scipio was chosen generall of all the roman forces in affrica that meant to continue the warre against caesar , partly by reason of his dignitie , and partly by an absurd persuasion ( saith dion ) that no scipio in affrick could be vnfortunate : which thing when caesar perceiued might encourage the enemie , and disharten his souldiers , he tooke along with him a certaine obscure man descended of the ra●e of the scipios , and of that name ( but his surname was salatto ) and with him to thwart the other superstitious feare , he landed at adrumetum before the enemie expected him , it being then an vnse●sonable time of yeare . dio. lib. 43. d varus so long had gouerned those countries , and was so puffed vp by the victory of ●uba ( saith dion ) that he contended with scipio himselfe for the chiefe command : but by the authoritie of cato it was swayed on scipio's side . cato , when all the souldiers offered to him the chiefe command , or at least to be ioyned generall with scipio , refused both ; accounting it iust that he which by the lawes had attained the highest dignitie , should haue now the greatest command ; but hee himselfe had neuer attained to so much dignitie in rome as scipio ; to him therefore of his owne accord he yeelded place , and gaue him also that army which he had brought into affrick . dion . lib. 43. e petreius had before beene vanquished by caesar in spa●ne . lucan . lib 4. he was th●n pardoned and set free vpon oath neuer to warre against caesar againe ; which oath here hee violated . f cleopatra ( saith dion ) had stayed caesar longer in aegypt or else accompanied him to rome , if pharnaces had not beene the hindrance : this pharnaces the sonne of great mithridates was king of bosphorus cimmeriu● ; but m●ued with an ambitious desire of recouering all his fathers kingdome , while rome was intangled in ciuill warre , he had rebelled : and during the time of the ciuill and aegyptian warres had with small adoe subdued colchis , and all armenia in the absence of deiotarus , besides many cities of cappadocia , pontus , and bithynia . caesar busied then in the affaires of aegypt , and hoping to subdue pharnaces by a lieutenants hand , sends domitius caluinus to that warre , commanding him to take the regency of asia , and of those armies which he found there . domitius ioyning the kin●s deiotarus and ariobarzanes to him , marches directly against pharnaces , who was then at nicopolis , where in fight domitius was vanquished . dion . lib. 43. g those three words veni , vidi , vici , did afterward in caesar's triumph expresse his sudden conquest of pharnaces , and that then he vttered such a speech concerning pompey , appian is ●y authoritie . h caesar in the midst of winter sailed into affrica ; by which speed of his ( saith dion ) in comming vnawares vpon his enemies , hee had often prospered in his greatest affaires : nor was there any other so great reason , why caesar so much excelled all other generalls of those times , as his wonderfull speed in all expeditions . dion . lib. 42. finis . the third booke . the argument of the third booke . iuba from scipio to his kingdome goes . caesar escapes the ambush of the foes , and till th' arriuall of his full supplies himselfe within rhuspina fortifies . sage cato's counsell to great pompey's sonne . iuba's returne ; the whole warre meets vpon vzzita's plaines , and is remou'd from thence to thapsus fatall fields : what dire ostents foregoe the battell ; caesar's victory . to seuerall coasts the vanquish'd princes flie . now neere this mighty warre began to draw : those blood-stain'd swords , which dire pharsalia saw , with no lesse guilt in libya meet againe , to draw that little blood that did remaine in romes afflicted state : why did you spare it then , oh gods , to make a second warre ? was it cause one , though ne're so great a blow , the roman empire could not ouerthrow ? or must moe lands behold her fall ? moe grounds drinke in the blood of her vnnaturall wounds ? or must this second warre declare to all the state subsisted after pompey's fall , and once againe her freedome might haue seene had caesar's warre alone ' gainst pompey beene . rome now in affrick is ; those scorched grounds that once her conquest saw , now see her wounds . where once the scipios with triumphant fate aduanc'd her eagles ' gainst a riuall state , this scipio now , in stead of barbarous foes , in romes behalfe ' gainst romes dictator goes . but fate a while , content with meaner play , respi●s the tryall of so great a day . so many liues , as there resolu'd were met , must not be throwne into the hazard yet . nor must sad thapsus giue the fatall blow of juba's fall , and scipio's ouerthrow , vntill rhuspina , and vzzita's walls haue felt the force of both the generalls , and other parts of affrick haue beheld , some bloody prologues to so great a held . fortune a while from helping scipio , diuerts king juba's strength , inforc'd to goe with speedy marches to his kingdomes aid ; which a sittius now and bocchus did inuade . and caesar's troops remaining on the shore of sicily , himselfe had crossed ore into a land possessed by his foes , with one weake new-fill'd legion ; nor to those that stay'd behinde , could he appoint the port where they should land , or whither to resort , ( as be in former warres had euer done ) committing all to fortunes rule alone . so much on her protection he rely'd ; nor had she euer fail'd his greatest need . could it not seeme to thine ambitious thought caesar , enough , that fortune euer wrought th' accomplishment of all thy highest hopes when ere in field inuiron'd with thy troops thou foughts against the greatest foes ; but she without an army too , must succour thee ? and all thy rash aduentures rectifie ? was not thy scape from aegypts treachery , thy safe arriuall on brundusiums shore ; ( the stormy seas so boldly ventur'd ore from greece by night ) enough for her to doe ? how oft shall fortune more her fauour show from priuate dangers in protecting thee , than in bestowing th' earths sole monarchy ? from adrumetum , where in garrison confidius lay , whose truth could not be won from scipio's side , does caesar march away with his small army , but in faire array . since now his highest hopes were not to get the towne , but thence in safetie to retreat . nor was that granted him ; confidius horse with furious sallyes oft molest his course , and vex his armies rere : t' encounter those assaults , does caesar in the rere dispose the ablest men , and marching slowly on safe to rhuspina brings his legion . nor did that act of warre , though seeming small , but well become so great a generall . from thence remouing , leptis him receiues , in which a little garrison he leaues , and to rhuspina marches backe againe ; that onely towne in affrick did remaine a safe retreat for caesar's feeble power : nor thither then , vnlesse a conquerour , could he arriue ; danger beset the way . pierce labienus and pacidius lay in ambush there : in which , though timely spi'd , was caesar's skill , and fortune wholly tri'd . he breakes with conquest through the aduerse troops , fortune but mocking labienus hopes . who now with losse forsakes the field , and beares to adrumetum his hurt souldiers . caesar returning with his little band vnto rhuspina , takes a worke in hand of wondrous toile , ( since now resolu'd no more to march from thence , till on the libyan shore his legions all arriue ; whom euery day chiding the winds , and fortune for their stay , his eager thoughts expect ) two trenches downe to the sea-shore he drawes , one from the towne , another from his campe ; on either side with sharpned stakes , and engines fortifi'd so well , as that , without the garrison they might by land secure both campe and towne , and make the shore betweene at his dispose : but there inclos'd by his insulting foes ( for scipio now with his great strength drew nigh ) he payes , in wants , for that securitie . nor can his men from out their trenches goe to fetch prouision in by land ; the foe cuts off all passage there ; and in disdaine of caesar's weaknesse , on the spatious plaine scipio oft sets his battells in array , who ' mong'st themselues in wanton skirmish play , and exercise their elephants , in sight of caesar's trenches , and vnusuall fight in roman armies ; those beasts ne're had beene till pyrrhus warr'd with rome , by romans seene ; nor ere in triumph to the people showne , till the dictator curius had orethrowne the samnites , sabines , and king pyrrhus power : the like metellus cretes fam'd conquerour , from his sicilian victory did bring , and pompey's triumph ore numidia's king. vncertaine aids in warre they euer proue , and with like danger to both armies moue , as well their owne annoying as the foes , fitter for other labours ( sure ) than those ; nor , though their strength be wondrous , for that end did prudent nature those great beasts intend . the nabathaean lands , where they are bred , are recompens'd with those rich teeth they shed . through all the world a wealthy merchandise , which on their deaths oft sets a greedy price . but greater farre the easterne countrey yeelds than those within the mauritanian fields , and farre more fierce ; such as in india great alexander's frighted souldiers saw . these mighty beasts , as they in bulke exceed and passe in strength all other farre , that feed on earths vast bosome , doe as farre excell ( if ancient authors haue obserued well ) in apprehension , and large faculties of soule ; ' mongst beasts they onely exercise those qualities ( or like to them ) which we in men stile vertues ; perfect equitie they keepe , and lawes of iustice haue in vse ; to which all morall vertues we reduce . nor are these creatures thought by some to be quite void of th' intellectuall facultie . but that they can discerne and vnderstand the language spoken in their natiue land ; and might discourse , if to so strange a wit nature had pleas'd to lend them organs fit : not speake as crowes and parrats oft haue done by imitation of a sound alone . if we so much to elephants should giue , why should we call them creatures sensitiue ? we must extend the facultie of sense to larger bounds ; and put lesse difference twixt that and reason ; or betwixt the two finde out a middle region to bestow their knowledge in ; as to some things that liue we place twixt sense and vegetation giue . but in a higher kinde ( as some relate ) doe elephants with men communicate . ( if you beleeue it ) a religion they haue , and monethly doe adore the moone . beside the loftie nabathaean wood of vast extent , amylo's gentle flood gliding along the sandy mould combines : thither , as oft as wexing cynthia shines in her first borrowed light , from out the wood come all the elephants , and in the flood washing themselues ( as if to purifie ) they prostrate fall ; and when religiously they haue ador'd the moone , returne againe into the woo is with ioy . nor halfe so vaine is this deuotion which these beasts present , as that which men more brutishly inuent ; nor ( as the mad aegyptians vs'd ) doe they to dogges and snakes , and vilest creatures pray ▪ nor to the senselesse leekes and onyons bow , such gods as yearely in their gardens grow ; nor yet to wood or stone deuotion doe , more senselesse than the stones they bow vnto ; a farre more glorious creature they adore . should this be true of elephants ; farre more wise in religion are those beasts than men ▪ but if that this a fiction be , why then did mens inuention faine a beast to be wiser , than are themselues , in pietie ? while at rhuspina both the generalls encamped rest ; in vtica's strong walls cato remaines with pompey's eldest b sonne , whom thus sage cato sharply sets vpon ▪ awake young man , and now in time redeeme thy youth from sloath-bred scorne ; from disesteeme goe vindicate the name of pompey now : goe trie all kingdomes , search all seas to know how great thy father was ; what fame he wonne , how strong he leaues thee in thy name alone : trie if the seas , which his braue hand did free from pyrates , can deny a fleet to thee . that stocke of glory , which thy father won , and left behinde for thee to spend vpon , armes thee with strength enough ( though nought beside so good a cause could lend ) ' gainst caesar's pride . goe trie the farthest west , sollicite spaine ; the name of pompey is enough to gaine those nations to thy side : if nought at all thy groaning countries suffrings , nor the fall of roman libertie affect thy minde : although thou could'st endure a lord , and finde content in seruing , yet the wrongs , which thou alone from caesar suffrest , were enow to rowze thy spirits , and stirre thine enmitie . if thy great father for romes libertie and lawes alone fought in pharsalia , as great a fortune did'st thou lose that day as on a priuate citizen could light : but if thy father for himselfe did fight ; thy losse was more , and caesar then from thee by conquest tooke the worlds sole monarchy . but would'st thou know the true inheritance which he did dying leaue thee , to aduance the name of pompey ; which may euer be thine owne , in spight of caesar's enmitie , which honour bids thee claime , and rome now needs ? the imitation of his noble deeds is thine inheritance : 't was his braue fate , when great bad men had seiz'd th' afflicted state , when marius faction did the walls inuade , and rome it selfe a slaughter-house was made , to saue his countrey bleeding then , as now , and not so much in debt to yeares as thou . when he no honours yet , no titles had , no power at all but what his vertue made , he rais'd an army , rescu'd italy . by him did carbo in sicilia die ; by him did spaine behold sertorius fall : and then in triumph to the capitoll he , but a gentleman of rome did bring hyempsal vanquish'd the numidian king. all this before he had attain'd vnto thy age , young pompey , did thy father doe ; which to his future greatnesse made the way : and sleep'st thou here ? what helpe in affrica lend'st thou to rome more than one priuate hand ? goe gather forces in another land ; repaire the ruines of thy house , or die great as thy birth has made thee . no reply young pompey made at all ; but , as if from some sacred oracle the speech had come , or romes owne voyce from cato's brest had spoke , his modesty obey'd , and straitway tooke a long c farewell , neuer to meet againe ; but finde a tombe in europe , and to spaine carry as great a part of romes sad wounds as dire thessalia's blood-distained grounds , or fatall thapsus saw . though destinie haue not allotted , braue young man , to thee so great and long a race of happinesse as to thy father , yet thy fall no lesse than his shall be in weight , nor shall the field of fatall munda to pharsalia yeeld . caesar supply'd with strength from sicily marches away , to take and fortifie those loftie hills ( in spight of enemies ) which from the champian , neere vzzita , rise : which hills he takes and fortifies with ease : though labienus vaine-lay'd ambushes to their owne ruine did molest his way , by caesar's scouts discouer'd where they lay too soone ; and so by changed fate , call'd on in stead of his , their owne destruction . so a getulian lion when beset by weake-arm'd hunters , whose vaine force doth whet not daunt his courage , with collected ire breakes through , and makes his wounded foes retire : his seeming danger nought but anger moues , and fatall onely to the hunters proues . juba return'd and ioyn'd with scipio , with all their forces to vzzita goe : now the whole warre was met ; vzzita's walls beheld the campes of both romes generalls . thrice there did scipio his whole strength display ; thrice caesar set his battells in array eager of fight ; and thrice prouok'd his foe , to triall of the day ; but scipio would not th' aduantage of the place forsake . nor did the destinies intend to make vzzita guiltie of so great a staine , which did for thapsus fat all fields remaine . whither , dislodging from his campe by night ( when scipio could not be prouok'd to fight ) with prosperous omen , caesar marches on : there then virgilius lay in garrison , faithfull to scipio and the senates side , the place by nature strongly fortifi'd . scipio and iuba follow , though the aire gaue sad presages of the future warre , the earth and skies the like ; his mourning face the sunne with clouds obscured : in whose place ruine portending comets did display their blazing lampes , and made a dismall day : and lightning through th' vncertaine aire gaue light more full of horrour than the shades of night . the thunders voyce was heard there where the aire from clouds was free ; and th' horrid noise of warre from thence resounded : helmes of brasse did sweat , some piles and swords did melt ; nor could they get by strength their heauy standards from the ground : which swarmes of bees orespread ; a hollow sound of lions sadly murmuring was heard about the campe : the mountaines all appear'd to moue , which did about vzzita stand . and from the farthest part of libyan land the mauritanian atlas seem'd to shake his skie-supporting top : birds seem'd to take vnusuall flights ; sad entrailes did appeare , and fill'd the sacrificing priests with feare : nor meane the gods , when these portents they show , to teach fraile mortalls to preuent the woe , but feare it onely . the vnhappie troops to thapsus march distraught twixt feares and hopes , where this great warre shall shortly finde an end , on which so many ruines doe depend . the libyan thapsus a sea-bordering towne , an i le almost by situation , is by that sea , which affrick doth diuide from sicily , enuiron'd at one side ; the other side a spatious fenne oreflowes , guarding that part from all approach of foes : betwixt the sea , and that great fenne , doth stand ( the onely passage to the towne by land ) a little isthmos , which ( although not wide ) a standing lake doth in the mid'st diuide , and makes two narrow passages of one : within these straits , not farre from thapsus towne caesar is enter'd now with all his troops , and with strong workes ; and deepe-digg'd trenches stops all meanes of sallies from the towne , that might perchance infest his armies rere in fight . scipio encamp'd there where the isthmos ends within the continent , with speed intends to draw a trench downe to the shore , and so within that necke of land shut vp the foe : but till the worke be perfected , to hide what he intends , or battell to abide , in faire array he marshalls all his bands : himselfe with his italian legions stands in the mid-battell ; iuba's legions mixt of so many seuerall nations make the right battell ; on the left doth stand stout labienus with a warlike band of gaules , which he had from brundusium led , and german troops , which from pharsalia fled . old foes to caesar : thither varus brings his libyan cohorts : but before both wings the mighty elephants are plac'd , to fright the foes first on-set ; and by them the light numidian horse , and mauritanian too : behinde the beasts the light-arm'd souldiers goe , his poison'd quiuer the blacke mibian beares , the strong mazacians their well-brandish'd speares of aime as sure as parthian shafts ; by these with crooked swords the adyrmachides . but seeing caesar's army in array , and now not likely to protract the day , thus scipio speakes : true romans , if a cause so iust , so great , as to this battell drawes your farre-engaged hands , could need at all any incitements from a generall , the wrongs of rome , the foes impietie afford too large , too sad a scope for me to play the oratour : and though the fall of our sad state and lawes in generall should not affect your mindes ; cast but an eye vpon those blood stain'd fields of thessaly , thinke on pharsalia's slaughter , and learne there what each man suffers in particular , beside the publike losse : let euery ghost of friend or kinsman , that that day was lost , ( yet vnreueng'd ) excite your valour now : on vs the gods and fortune here bestow a iuster cause than there , for caesar's guilt was not so great before that blood was spilt ; nor could that honour , souldiers , haue beene gain'd in thessaly , that may be here obtain'd by caesar's fall ; now his esteeme is more , although his strength no greater than before , and we are bound to fortune , who in this on equall hazard sets a greater price . nor need you feare that she should now forsake her romes defence , whom she has toil'd to make head of the world so long , because you saw caesar subdu'd rome in pharsalia . the date of pompey's fortune was expir'd , his many triumphs , which her fauour tir'd , so long had lasted , as it had beene thought ( had caesar fall'n when that great field was fought ) not romes , but pompey's fortune had preuail'd : and rome then onely her long fauour fail'd , as loth a priuate man should thinke her his , and she depriu'd of publike sacrifice . but thinke not , romans , the rebellious fate of one proud man shall still out-weigh the state : nor does the anger of the gods appeare ( if this good omen we may trust ) that here on affricks sun-burnt face you meet the foe vnder the conduct of a scipio . i need not boast , what euery nation knowes , with what triumphant fate the scipio's in affrick haue aduanc'd romes power and fame , how well her fortune pleas'd her in that name ? and what forbids vs hope the like , since we as lawfully are armed here , and he , whom now our loyall valour copes withall , as great a foe to rome as hannibal ? into your hands the gods haue put their doome ; nought but your vertue can restore to rome her lawes , and banish'd citizens againe : for banished are you , and must remaine for euer so , vnlesse you conquer here : he that would see his natiue land , his neere and dearest pledges , by the sword must now redeeme them all in caesar's ouerthrow . their spirits were rowzed ; and the roman troops inflam'd with loue of fight , and fill'd with hopes ; no lesse did iuba's barbarous nations , with rude and different acclamations desire a signall , and precipitate with eagernesse their owne vnhappie fate . caesar perceiuing that the gods gaue way to his desire , and now the wish'd for day of fight was come , aduances , and thus cheeres with confidence his forward souldiers . the time is come , braue souldiers , that must crowne and guerdon all the seruice you haue done , that must conclude the labours of the sword , and ( maugre enuy ) to your heads afford all those triumphant bayes , which hitherto haue beene deferr'd , deseru'd so long agoe , for conquer'd gallia , brittaine , germany , treacherous pharnaces , and false ptolomey : all these has fortune but deferr'd till now , to ioyne with them proud iuba's ouerthrow great as the greatest ; and this held , when done , confirmes , or loses all that we haue wonne : but 't were a crime to doubt it , since i see those lookes that neuer fail'd of victory . let you torne remnant of pharsalia know their conquerours . more would he say , when loe from the right-wing , not staying his command , the trumpets sound a charge , and from their stand ( although the tribunes , and centurions striue to keepe them backe ) the souldiers rush to giue the on-set straight ; nor them in vaine to stay does caesar striue , but giues their courage way : as when two charriots are prepar'd to run , and one too hasty from the list is gone , in vaine the charrioter their course would stay , th' vngouern'd horses hurry him away . then with a rage as great as if two seas ( some god remouing , for the sailers ease , the long malaea ) should each other meet , both hosts incounter , and begin the fight with horrid showts , that all the mountaines nigh resound aloud , and backe from sicily high lilybaeum to the libyan shore , returnes againe their eccho'd clamours ore , as much afray'd to harbour but the sound , of such a warre within that quiet ground : their noise not that of thracian boreas among the pines of ossa , can surpasse , nor that which nilus falling water makes precipitated downe the cataracts , when with his foame he seemes to laue the skie , and strikes a deafenesse through the dwellers nigh ▪ mischiefe and fury rage ; reuenge doth one excite , the other indignation : that after pompey's death the warre at all should laste , and finde another generall . blood all th' adioyning fenne discolours ore , and makes a flood , where ne're was flood before , and from the moisture of so many wounds , combines the mould of affricks thirsty grounds ▪ through both the hosts enyo's blazing light like fatall lightning flashing flies t' excite their thoughts to fury ; the tartarian god set ope the vaults where libyan ghosts abode , and from th' infernall cauernes set them free to view a while this fatall tragedy . and glut their dire reuenge with roman blood : vpon the mountaines gloomy tops they stood , blasting the day , and round about the hosts making a balefull ring ; the cruell ghosts of iugurth , syphax , and great hannibal ; who for their owne , and carthages sad fall did then excuse the gods , when they beheld the roman fury in that mortall field . yet in romes ruine libya suffers too : more wracke , alas , shall this sad battell doe than after-ages can repaire with ease . more desolation now , more wildernesse the wasted face of affrick shall orespread , and beasts possesse the seats of nations dead : where feared monarches once gaue lawes to men shall lions reigne , and tygers make their dens ; the slimy serpents all alone shall crawle , and wanting men , shall be no plague at all . caesar foreseeing th'elephants , that were in front of iuba's battell , would strike feare into his troops , doth such a cure prouide as quite conuerts vpon the other side the fate that threatned his ; to the right wing his choicest bowes , and missile armes he brings , and sets them , at faire distance , opposite to th' elephants ; who there begin the fight with such successe , as makes those beasts to be the onely cause of caesar's victory . for gaull'd with shafts , confusedly they run in spight of their distracted guides , vpon their owne vnhappie troops , to sudden rout putting all iuba's quarter round about , and bearing downe all that before them lay to caesar's conquest make a speedy way ; their mighty strength , since now vngouerned , is by the hand of fortune onely led , and brings aduantage to that side alone , which she is pleased to bestow it on . the mauritanian , and numidian horse , which there were plac'd , by th' elephants rude force orethrowne , were crush'd to death , or headlong downe into the trenches with their riders throwne , some few escaping by disorder'd flight : the light-arm'd souldiers mixt with these to fight reft of their shelter , now by heapes are slaine , and to the foes a prey , no warre , remaine ; and tire ( as standing not to fight but die ) with their bare throats the murdring enemie : nought there , alas , can weake bamurians doe with their fire-harden'd darts ; nought can the bow and poison'd shafts the coale-blacke mibian weares auaile their master ; vaine those brittle speares are in the hands of light autololes , and crooked swords of th' adyrmachides : the weake cyniphians finde that skinnes of goats , are too light armour to protect their throats ; when brasse , and iron no defence affords , against the force of the caesarian swords . the purple field so great a slaughter strowes , blood from so many different people flowes , that while king juba takes a sad suruey in how great breadth his empires ruine lay , no priuate deaths distinguishing at all , he scarce can count how many nations fall : nor does he thinke , his campe , after so great an ouerthrow , can be a safe retreat ; but leauing that to greedy enemies a wealthy spoile , he with petreius flies . king juba's campe by the pursuing foe is soone possest , and the caesarians know before their victory be fully done , how great a prize their bloody toiles haue wonne . but fortune , where th' italian legions fought , and scipio stood , had not so quickly wrought her caesar's ends : there strength by strength repell'd , and fury ioyn'd with equall fury , held the ballance straight , whilst doubting victory seem'd , not , a while , resolued whose to be ; or else deferr'd it onely to declare that highest fury reignes in ciuill warre , that countrey men in fight are cruell'st foes , or greatest courage from worst causes growes . on equall hopes they both engaged were , and in no quarter of the warre but here , did it at all into a question come what should be romes estate , or caesar's doome . nor was the question here determined , till with his libyan cohorts varus fled , and labienus too , when he beheld his slaughter'd gaules , and germans strow the field , reseru'd a while by destinies to see another ruine great as this , to be a bleeding part of romes third mortall wound ; and lie enterr'd in munda's fatall ground : as long meant fortune to prolong their fall as rome with caesar could contend at all . scipio perceiues his army ouerthrowne , and now the losse irreparable growne : horror distracts his thoughts ; what should he doe ▪ suruiue this battell ? and not rather goe vpon the swords , and there in height of all his honour die as romes chiefe generall , and by the ruine of so great a name enoble caesar's conquest ? or giue fame to thapsus fatall field ? for what has fate power to bestow on such a wretched state , that can at all his minde to liue inuite ? with this resolue in fury of the fight had scipio dy'd ; but flattring hope withheld ( euen such as from pharsalia's mortall field , made pompey flie to meet a sadder fate ) his eager soule , that the afflicted state though seeming dead , after this fatall hower , might once more struggle against caesar's power : then mounted on a libyan steed he flies ; and ore the field his routed companies , mixt with the horsemen take disordred flight ; some legions hoping to retire from fight to juba's campe , and it to fortifie , and finding that seiz'd by the enemie , after the vsuall manner , casting downe their armes , they tender a submission . but all in vaine ; no safetie at the hands of the enrag'd , and fierce caesarians , ( oh shame of warre ! ) could their submission get , although that caesar did himselfe intreat , grieuing that in his power it lay not then , to saue from death his wretched countrey men ▪ and by his speech and actions did declare , that he was then no part of ciuill warre . he cries aloud , oh spare the yeelding foe , they are no longer foes , but romans now : you more than lose your valour , and to me doe purchase enuy here , not victory : they , that in conquest of so many lands nere disobey'd his most seuere commands , nor ere refus'd what he would put them too , in this alone their disobedience show now his commands are good : all ore the plaine are scipio's souldiers miserably slaine , that , to this tragedy compared , light were all the slaughters of the former fight . and now the mourning fields with slaughter strow'd and couer'd ore with horrid ruine , show'd a full and perfect conquest was obtain'd that for the sword no farther worke remain'd ; when caesar master of his highest hopes , from the pursuit calls backe his weary troops , and recompences , with the wealthy spoiles of kings and nations , their successefull toiles . annotations vpon the third booke . a caesar hauing but a small force in affrica , and much troubled at the report of the great army of his enemies , that all king iuba's forces ioyned with scipio , found helpe from an occasion little expected : for ( as dion relates it ) publius sittius ( if we may attribute it to sittius , and not rather to fortune ) brought vnto caesar not onely a timely safetie , but a great victory : this sittius expelled before out of italy , and ioyning to himselfe some other exiles , passed ouer into mauritania ; there obtaining an army from king bocchus , he resolued to aid caesar in this warre : though he had neither receiued any benefits from him , nor was at all knowne to him : but because he heard that caesar was farre from him , and could then giue him no great helpe ( for caesar's forces in affrick were then but small ) watching the time when king iuba drew his army out of his owne countrey , hee inuaded numidia , and getulia another part of iuba's kingdome , wasting and spoiling both the countries : by which accident king iuba was forced to omit his expedition , and march backe againe with the greater part of his forces to the rescue of his owne kingdome ; for he had sent part of his strength to scipio before : so that it is certaine if king iuba by fortune had not then beene diuerted from ioyning with scipio , caesar had not beene able to haue stood against their vnited forces , nor maintained himselfe then in affrica . dion . lib. 43. b the roman army remaining in affrica , hearing that spaine was vexed with dissentions and seditions , sent thither cneius pompeius the eldest sonne of pompey the great , as thinking that he for his fathers sake would be receiued in spaine with greatest honour ; aduising him that when he had setled his affaires there , he should march to rome ; and they themselues intended with all their forces to meet him there , and make the warre in italy , this counsell was had while caesar as yet lingred in aegypt according to dion . lib. 42. but hirtius in his commentaries relates it after that time . c cneius pompeius chid by cato , and aduised to goe into spaine and raise forces , with thirtie ships of all sorts , putting to sea at vtica , sailed to mauritania , and entred the kingdome of king bogud : there setting his army on shore , which consisted of about two thousand slaues , and freemen , part armed , and part vnarmed , he marched toward the towne of ascurum ; in which towne there was then a garrison of the kings : the garrison suffering pompey to passe quietly till he approached the very walls of the towne , sallying out then , on the sudden ouercame them , and some they killed , some they forced into the sea ; pompey himselfe with a few of his men getting to their ships sailed away ; after which he neuer more arriued on the shore of affrick , but went to the balearicke ilands , and from thence to spaine . hirt. comment . de bello affricano . finis . the fovrth booke . the argument of the fourth booke . to his imperiall zamah iuba flies , and thence excluded , with petreius dies amidst their banquets bleeding . scipio slaine by his owne hands , within the watery maine intombes himselfe : the death of cato fames old vtica ; caesar laments , and blames his wilfull fate ; and from the libyan coast is ship'd for rome with his victorious host . bvt all the wracke , that thapsus fields had made , the fields could not containe ; nor could so sad , and great a ruine in such narrow bounds be circumscrib'd : the high imperiall wounds which there were giuen , in other regions bled : and those great names , which from that battell fled , as loth to mix with vulgar funeralls , must beare the fame of their renowned falls to other lands , lest this great losse should be in story told as one calamitie . with winged speed by nights obscuritie from thapsus iuba and petreius flie , to reach strong zamah the imperiall seat of iuba's realme , a citie faire and great ; in which , when first the warre began , he lay'd his wealth , and dearest pledges had conuey'd : but now the gates were shut ; the men deny'd their king an entrance ; and with scoffes deride his threats and prayers , for his changed fate now gaue them leaue freely to shew their hate ; and all too late is iuba forc'd to see the curs'd effects of former tyranny . oh wretched state of tyrants that nere see , vntill their sight in vaine and bootlesse be , their iust esteeme : nor euer till too late , can know what men deserue their loue , or hate . in wretched times your friends are onely knowne ; but when that knowledge comes , the power is gone . your state requitall , or reuenge denies , and fortune , but to grieue you , opes your eyes . the king opprest with griefe , and fill'd with ire vnto a countrie palace doth retire , not farre from thence ; with him petreius goes , and a small troope of horse : there they repose their weary bodies and vex'd mindes , vntill a great resolue their brests with comfort fill : then he commands his seruants to prepare forthwith a stately banquet , and with rare and sumptuous cates a full repast they take ; when thus king juba to petreius spake ; roman , thou seest how fortunes vtmost spight pursues our actions , and has rest vs quite of any future hopes ; nothing can be safetie to vs but caesar's clemency . but thou and i in all this ciuill warre ' gainst caesar's side , haue beene engag'd too farre to hope for mercy ; which , if i might haue , by all our gods i should disdaine to craue : for loue of pompey i was caesar's foe , and in the great'st extreme dare still be so . had he preuail'd , a welcome friend to rome with greatest honour iuba might haue come : nor shall she now behold me captiue there , and led as syphax and iugurtha were , like slaues through her proud streets , to grace the power of an insulting laurell'd conquerour : no , let rome rather heare how iuba dy'd , disdaining caesar's pitie , or his pride . i doe not want a hand , a heart , a sword , or whatsoeuer else may death afford ; but doe inuite petreius as my friend , to share in this last act of fame , my end : our cause , our fortunes are alike in all ; then like our selues , braue roman , let vs fall , but vse each others helpe : vnsheath thy sword , and let our friendship striue who shall afford , first freedome to his friend ; loue shall ingage my valour against thee , as much as rage against a foe . petreius drawes his sword , and thus in short returnes : braue libyan lord , worthy whom rome with honour still should name , to whom petreius gladly owes his fame ; nor ( though a roman generall ) doe i blush to be taught by iuba how to die : it was the roman g●nius prompted thee to this , lest rome should be inforc'd to see that king a captiue , and in triumph brought , that had for her , her lawes , and freedome fought , that had with scipio and the senate stood ; and thy disgrace proue caesar's conquest good against his countrey : no , great king , of thee rome still shall hold a dearer memory ; with massanissa shalt thou ranked stand , when our sad annalls caesar's deeds shall brand , and marke his partie with as blacke a staine as catiline , and his rebellious traine . the rest my sword shall speake for me , and proue how much thy freedome , and mine owne i loue . with that they both in equall fury meet , and with such fierce assaults each other greet , as who had seene the combat , might suppose that so much valour had not fought to lose , but guard by conquest a desired life : at last to end this hot despairing strife , iuba a bootlesse conquest did obtaine ; vnder whose force was weake petreius slaine : keepe in ( quoth iuba ) life a while , and see a life let out to beare thine company : if not , before thou crosse the stygian lake , my fleeting soule thy ghost shall ouertake . farewell you fading glories that attend a kingly state , too feeble to defend your proud possessours from the stormes of fate : what rest vpon the slippery heights of state findes man ? what stay on fortunes restlesse wheele ? oh treacherous zamah , may thy false necke feele romes yoke as hard , as thou to thy true lord disloyall prou'st : then falling on his sword , from forth his strugling brest his spirit flies , and night eternall closes vp his eyes . but see , from thapsus fatall ouerthrow a nobler death drawes neere , great scipio romes generall , that had so lately led the senats warre ' gainst caesar's fortune , fled from that sad battell in a poore disguise , and one small barke , the seas of libya tries , to finde from thence safe passage into spaine , where pompey's sonnes with all their strength remaine . but by a storme was driuen into the bay of hippo , where the ships of sittius lay , left there in caesar's name to guard the coast . scipio perceiues himselfe and barke are lost , the weather crosse cuts off all hope of flight ; the winds ( quoth he ) and seas for caesar fight : why did i scape the stormy maine ? oh why from thapsus fatall battell did i flie , and not in height of all mine honour fall , fighting for rome to die her generall ? oh would pharsalia's battell had destroy'd , this ill-kept life , before that here imploy'd , the senats warre with ill successe i led , and affrick saw a scipio vanquished . you noble soules of my dead ancestours , that hither oft haue led the roman powers with glorious fame , as carthages great fall , as captiue syphax , vanquish'd hannibal , and saued rome can witnesse , blush not now at this your nephews haplesse ouerthrow ; no libyan forces , but the strength of rome , has rome it selfe , and scipio ouercome ; by her owne strength subdu'd , with her i die , to wait vpon expiring libertie . by this occasion fate with kinde intent , to me necessitie of death has sent , lest i my freedome might perchance out-liue ; nor could the gods a fitter bountie giue . let pompey's sonnes now trie their fate , and gaine our lawes and state againe , or lose in spaine as much from rome , as here in affrick i , or their great father lost in thessaly ; my course is runne ; and , though this armed hand shall testifie i could haue dy'd by land , the ocean likes me best , within the maine vnknowne for euer scipio shall remaine : oh let my floating carcasse neuer come to land , lest affrick should bestow a tombe , and to her sonnes in after-ages show a monument of vanquish'd scipio : with that a ponyard in his hand he tooke , and with a strength and aime so certaine s●rooke his willing brest , that thence the gushing blood , made on the deckes a crimson pretious flood : but he , while yet his vitall parts retaine some spirits , leaps into the curled maine ; and her blew waues with purple staining , dies : vnbury'd sc●pio's noble body lies within the seas deepe bosome ; th' oceans frie deuoure the flesh of that braue family , in which great rome may make her iustest boast ; if all her actions , all her fame were lost , if all those seuerall vertues , pietie , true fortitude , admired constancy , impartiall iustice , frugall temperance , that through the world her honour did aduance , in all names else had beene forgot and gone , in this renowned family alone all might be found ; nor did the roman fame ere shine , more bright than in a scipio's name : why did thy countrey want an vine for thee ? ore which the peoples vntaught pietie might truly mourne , and pay the teares they owe vnto the ruin'd race of scipio . by this the flying companies , that were from that sad battell scap'd , had euery where fill'd libya's townes with terrour and dismay : at v●ica the noble cato lay in garrison ; who free from priuate feare , not for himselfe dismay'd at all , to heare the fatall newes of scipio ouerthrowne , exhorts his souldiers to defend the towne ' gainst caesar's entrie ; but perceiuing then th' astonishment , and faintnesse of his men , he with the same vnshaken constancy forgiues their feare , and counsells them to flie ; prouides from all the neighbouring ports a fleet vsing his vtmost diligence to get them safely all aboord , and timely gone , carefull for euery safetie but his owne . the citizens of vtica he cheeres with hope of caesar's clemency , and cleeres all dismall clouds of feare and iealousies , that might within their fainting brests arise : and such to them with cheerefull lookes ( although resolu'd to die ) did cato striue to show , as if himselfe had not at all disdain'd , to begge , or take a life at caesar's hand . he , whose austerer vertue nere before had giuen him leaue to hide , or colour ore his least intention , whom no feare had taught how to dissemble , or once swerue in ought from his profest , and rigid path of right , for loue of death now prayes the hypocrite . nights silent reigne had robb'd the world of light to lend , in lieu , a greater benefit , repose and sleepe ; when euery mortall brest whom care or griefe permitted , tooke their rest . but cato's brest was not alone set free , from perturbation and anxietie , by vertues constant vse , for soft repose or sleepe , the common end , but to compose and raise it selfe vnto an act more high the contemplation of eternitie . in contemplation the vntroubled soule parts from the bodies bonds , free from controule of fleshly passions , by no cares distracted , ( not as in sleepe she does , to lie contracted within her selfe , and from all action cease ) but to imploy her purest faculties at nobler distance , where no sense of sight , or outward organ can direct her flight : there by her selfe the soule can take suruey of those high glorious bodies , which display ( obiects too bright for sense ) in their owne light some beames and glimpses of that infinite eternall essence , from whose fulnesse they deriue their beauties : there the soule would stay , or wishes that from lets corporeall free , she might ( what now she cannot ) plainly see those formes ; and does in that desire imply her owne vndoubted immortalitie . but ere the minde of man can fitted be , to search the depth of true philosophy , it must be purg'd by morall rules , and freed from impious lusts , from vice of thought and deed . and as a wise physitian euer giues before his medicines , cleane preparatiues , so let no soule contemplate , till it be prepar'd , and purg'd by sound moralitie . first let it practise vertue here , before with contemplations wings it dare to soare in search of that , which is the perfect'st good , and height of all that can be vnderstood ; lest , as in physicke , th' vnpurg'd humours may distract the medicines working force ; so they not purg'd from vices through false glasses see , and oft deceiu'd in speculation be : vnto thy selfe first morall physicke giue , and then securely be contemplatiue . so cleans'd was cato's soule ; and fit was he for strictest precepts of philosophy , since vertues paths , which rough to others seeme , long vse had made habituall to him . to whom the fates present , as now on high his thoughts were soaring to eternitie , an obiect fit ; casting his eye aside diuinest plato's phaedon he espy'd . oh welcome booke sent from the gods ( quoth he ) to teach a dying man philosophy ; and though thou canst not further , or controule the resolution of my fixed soule , since fate has doom'd my end , yet may'st thou giue comfort to those few houres i haue to liue . man's soule immortall is ; whilest here they liue the purest mindes for perfect knowledge striue ; which is the knowledge of that glorious god , from whom all life proceeds : in this abode of flesh , the soule can neuer reach so high ; so reason tells vs ; if the soule then die , when from the bodies bonds she takes her flight , her vnfulfill'd desire is frustrate quite , and so bestow'd in vaine : it followes then the best desires vnto the best of men , the great creator did in vaine dispence ; or else the soule must liue when gone from hence : and if it liue after the body fall , what reason proues that it should die at all ? since , not compounded as the body is , and mixt of euer-fighting contraries , but one pure substance , like it selfe , and may ( by reasons rules ) subsist alone for aye . and though we yeeld that god , who did create , can , if he please , againe annihilate the soule ; and nothing in that sense can be indissoluble , saue the deitie , yet soules , which in their nature doe agree so neare with that , shall nere d●ssolued be , till they at last their wished end attaine , and so immortall by themselues remaine . true grounds ( quoth he ) diuine philosopher : else what were vertue , or true knowledge here but waking dreames ? why , more than beasts , should we oblige our selues to lawes of pietie , or curbe our lusts ? oh why should vertue be iudg'd , by the wisest , true felicitie before wealth , honour , pleasure ? vertue here does not ( alas ) so beautifull appeare , but poore , and wretched rather ; nor is she ( vnlesse , which in this life we doe not see , some fairer substance or true forme she haue ) ought but an emptie name , or fortunes slaue . the wisest men are glad to die ; no feare of death , can touch a true philosopher . death sets the soule at libertie , to flie , and search the depth of that diuinitie ; which , whilest imprison'd in the body here , she cannot learne : a true philosopher makes death his common practice , while he liues ▪ and euery day by contemplation striues to separate the soule , farre as he can , from off the body : ( what 's the death of man but separation of those two ? ) should he , that euery day did striue in some degree to gaine this freedome , feare it at the time when nature has allotted it to him ? would birds incag'd , that with all motions trie , and seeke all wayes to gaine their libertie , the cage set ope , refuse to flie from thence ? nay more , haue louers in impatience forc'd out their liues , and violently fled into the other world , to finde their dead deare loues ? and should the soule , which here below clos'd in the body , euery day did wooe , and court that knowledge , which is perfect blisse , refuse to goe , and finde it where it is , then when the gods haue open'd her the way ? but here , till then , the soule is bound to stay ; nor must she leaue her station , till that god dee call her hence , that gaue her this abode . here cato stopt and paws'd ; is death ( quoth he ) vnlawfull then till rude necessitie inforce a man to taste it ? and must i weare this loath'd life , till caesar bid me die ? is not the fatall ouerthrow so late in thapsus fields , and ruine of the state , necessitie of death enough for me ? may i not thinke the gods in that decree the death of cato ? but must hold my hand expecting till the conquerour command ? and giue more power to him , whose lawlesse might already has vsurp'd aboue his right ? or begge for life , acknowledging him so my lord , whom iustly i adiudg'd romes foe ? so saue my life by sinning , or el●e die with one sinne more , if mercy he deny ? but this sure hand shall saue that hazard now ▪ plato , and all diuinest lawes allow rather than act a crime , a man should die . should i take life from caesar's clemencie , it would be iudg'd by all ( what ere were ment ) i did approue of caesar's gouernment . how great a crime might mine example proue ? how great a wrong to rome , and all that loue her lawes and liberties ? great pompey's sonnes , that now doe arme the westerne regions , and for their countrie yet intend to fight , might thinke themselues excus'd if i submit , and from their iustest resolution swerue when old free cato were content to serue . i le trie ( since most assur'd the soules doe liue ) what lawes to vs the other world will giue : for sure the gods , ' mongst soules departed hence , twixt good and bad will put a difference . those happy soules , that while they liued here , by pure and perfect contemplation were abstracted from the body , that with true desires did oft the heauenly beauties view , shall thither goe , when they from hence are fled , to haue their ioyes and knowledge perfected . within the heauens shall they for euer be , since here with heauen they made affinitie . but those darke soules , which drowned in the flesh did neuer dreame of future happinesse , that , while they liued here , beleeu'd , or lou'd nothing but what the bodies taste approu'd , when they depart from hence , shall feare the sight of heauen , nor dare t' approach that glorious light ; but wander still in dismall darknesse , neere their bodies , whom alone they loued here . those sad , and ghastly visions , which to sight of frighted people doe appeare by night about the tombes and graues , where dead men lie , are such darke soules condemn'd t' accompany their bodies there ; which soules , because they be grosse and corporeall , men doe therefore see . how different shall the soules condition be , if this ( quoth he ) be true philosophy ? as true it is , nor doe i thinke it lesse ; if vertue be the way to happinesse : and that be vertue , which we men haue thought , what in-bred reason to our soules has taught , and lawes commanded vs ; if such thou be oh vertue , cato still has follow'd thee ; and neuer from thy hardest precepts sweru'd ; nere has this soule the bodies pleasures seru'd . what doubts can shake my long securitie ? but doubts , where frailtie is , will euer be : farewell , fraile world ; what here we cannot see , i goe to finde , cleare truth and certaintie : then with a fatall stroke he pierc'd his brest ; at noise of which his seruants vainely prest in , to preuent the fate ; nor could they lend helpe to his life , but trouble to his end : who sadly shew'd , death could not be deny'd , and rending wider his large wound , he dy'd : the citizens with honour did inter●e that spotlesse mansion of a soule so cleare . caesar from thapsus , now secur'd from foes by that full conquest , to vzzita goes , with ease possessing there all scipio's store of corne and armes ; and where the sword before threaten'd his march , where horrid dangers lay and ambushes , he now findes quiet way to ad●umetum backe ; where he bestowes a cheerefull pardon on his yeelding foes , since now all affricke from his feares was free , and fortune had secur'd his clemency . marching away to vtica from thence , humbly receiu'd by all the citizens , who then solemniz'd cato's funerall ; he sigh'd , and thus complain'd ; why did'st thou fall oh enuious man ? rather than not depriue caesar of honour , cato could not liue . how sadly cruell hast thou beene to me , against thy selfe to wrong my clemency ? and shew thy death a greater enemy , than all thy liuing power or armes could be . to kill my ioyes thou dy'st , choosing to be lamented rather than embrac'd by me : it is my sorrow not my loue is sought . what strange rewards haue all my mercies got , that greatest romans rather chose to flie to death it selfe , than to my clemency ? so haplesse pompey , while he fled from me , durst rather trust th' aegyptian treachery , and there to perish by ignoble hands , than liue with caesar , thinking barbarous lands better than rome with vs : but he againe hop'd to repaire his strength ; thou in disdaine of caesar dy'st ; but yet my goodnesse shall orecome thy enuy , and qui●e frustrate all thy scope in death ; i le giue all dues to thee ; thy sonne in honour shall remaine with me , and to the world shall witnesse , thou didst die by thine owne enuy , not my crueltie . then to his grace he takes th' inhabitants of vtica , and for his armies wants commands prouision , and , while there he stayes the cities walls , and fortresses suruayes . walking not farre from off the towne , he saw vpon the sandy banke of bagrada , which slowly there his muddy waues doth moue ▪ ( within that countrey rare ) a stately groue not wide in circuit , where an awfull shade the meering boughs , exiling phaebus , made : that shady groue , whilest with a curious eye caesar suruey'd , he chanced to espy within , a deepe and vast descent of ground ; the iawes of taenarus , that balefull bound twixt earth and hell , is not a blacker roome ; to which , they say , the ghosts infernall come . a caue there was , in which no cheering light at all ere peep'd ; but sad and drery night a squallid filth , and mouldinesse had made , from whence exhaled stinches did inuade the vpper aire , whilest caesar in amaze , doth neerely view the horrour of the place his longing thoughts a libyan standing by ( taught by tradition ) thus doth satisfie . this denne , oh caesar , which for many a yeare hath emptie stood , and freed the land from feare , a monstrous serpent , by heauens vengeance bred the plague of affrick , once inhabited . the earth a greater monster neuer bare ; not hydra might with this dire snake compare , nor that great dragon , whose still waking eyes medea charm'd , when colcho's golden prize the venturous iason bore to thessaly ; nor that , as great and watchfull too as he , whom great alcides conquer'd to possesse the glittering orchard of th' hesperides ; nor , though the sunne that mighty python slew , did ere the sunne a greater serpent view . the seuerall snakes , that out of libya's slime are bred , might all haue beene combin'd in him ; nor could medusa's head , had all the blood at one place fall'n , produce a greater brood . a hundred ells in length was his extent ; when he vpon this side the riuer went , with his long necke stretch'd out , what ere he spy'd , with ease he seized from the other side . with lions here he fill'd his hungry maw , that came to drinke the streames of bagrada , and fiercest tigers all besmear'd with blood of cattell slaine , became themselues his food . when first the roman armies sailing ore , and threatning carthage on the libyan shore were led by regulus , whose tragicke fall sadly renown'd the spartan generall , here then this hideous monster did remaine : the army marching on you spatious plaine , three roman souldiers , by ill fate , drew neere to quench their fiery thirst , the riuer here , and tempted by these shady trees , to shunne a while the scorching fury of the sunne , entring the wood , downe to the streame they stoope , and take in helmets the coole liquour vp ; when suddenly surpris'd with chilling feare , a horrid hissing through the aire they heare , and from the den the serpents head appeares , at once amazing both their eyes and eares . what should they doe ? for helpe they could not call ; the serpents hissing loud had filled all the wood ; nor strength , nor hearts had they to fight , nor scarce did any hope appeare by flight . nor could their trembling hands the helmets hold ; when straight the serpent from his scaly fold shot forth , and seized one , who calling on his fellowes names in vaine , was swallowed downe , and buried in the monsters hungry maw , his horrid destiny when th' other saw , they leapt into the streame to saue their liues : but that ( alas ) to them no safetie giues ; for forth his long twin'd necke the serpent stretch'd , and swimming hauens in the riuer reach'd ; who , though too late he striued to be drown'd in bagrada , a fate more cruell found . marus at last , while hauens death did stay the monsters speed , had time to scape away ; and to th' amazed generall relates the serpents greatnesse , and his fellowes fates . but ere his faultring tongue had fully told the tragicke story , they from farre behold the scaly monster rowling on the sands in spatious windings : regulus commands the army straight their piles and speares prepare to charge , and march against it as a warre , and ready all their battering engines make , that strongest walls and bulwarkes vs'd to shake : the trumpets then , as to a battell , sound ; which noise the serpent hearing , from the ground where he in spatious rings infolded lay , aloft his head aduances to suruay the champion round , and to their eyes appeares , long as that dragon twixt the heauenly beares . fire from his threatning eyes , like lightning , shot , and stygian blasts exhal'd from his dire throat ; while he aduanc'd , you would suppose from farre a mouing castle made offensiue warre : and shooting forth he in a moment flew vpon farre distant faces ; at whose view the starting horses could no more be held by bits , but snorting flew about the field ; whilest this dire serpent sad massacres makes among the men , some twixt his iawes he takes , and crushes there , some into aire he flings , who falling die : and while his spatious rings he does vnfold with fury , sweeping round the sands , he beats whole cohorts to the ground . the army now gaue ground , and gan reti●e , when noble regulus inflam'd with ire to see that shame , cries out , oh stand the field ; to libyan monsters shall romes vertue yeeld ? if so , i singly will the combat trie , and expiating romes dishonour die : then all alone , deuoide of feare , he goes , and his strong pile against the serpent throwes with well tane aime , whom not in vaine he strucke ▪ in his tough forehead the steel'd iauelin stucke . the hideous monster , whose long age before had nere felt steele , sent out a yelling rore , and shooting forth , impatient of the wound ; with his long taile he lash'd the suffering ground . a shout the souldiers raise , incourag'd now , and altogether stormes of iauelins throw ; some harmelesse lighting on his scaly backe such noise , as haile on tiled houses , make ; some pierce his brest , and softer belly wound ; those parts alone they penetrable found . blacke gore from thence distaines the swarthy sand ; at last two iauelins sent from lucky hands in both his fiery threatning eyes did light , depriuing him , though not of strength , of sight : whos 's yet blinde rage drawes many a ruine on , vntill at last a huge , and massie stone , shot from a bulwarke-battring engine , stroke his bowed backe with such great force , it broke that many-ioynted bone ; nor then could he lift , as before , his speckled crest on high ; but while he struggling lay vpon the plaine , another stone dash'd out his poisonous braine ; the sands discolour'd with blacke filth appeare , and that so lately feared serpent there , stretch'd out at length his balefull life expires ; his vast extent the generall admires : but straight a grone the mourning riuer gaue , a dolefull noise the wood , and hollow caue resounded forth ; the naiades , that kept slow bagrada , for their dead seruant wept ; nor did the augurs then forbeare to shew , the roman troops his death should dearely rew , and regulus become a captiue prey to his insulting foes ; on whom ( said they ) the nymphs , and wrathfull naiades would take , that dire reuenge for their slaine serpents sake . caesar enough delighted to behold the caue , and pleas'd with what the libyan told , returnes to vtica ; thence marching on with speed through iuba's lost dominion , arriues at wealthy zamah , libya's pride , where late a powerfull monarch did reside ▪ and hearing there of iuba's wretched fate , laments the frailtie of mans highest state : then he commends the citizens , and ore the countrey leaues sallustius gouernor , which from a kingdomes state is now become , a subiect prouince to imperiall rome . then marches backe to vtica againe , and lanching forth his fleet into the maine sailing by sardos , on th' italian coast he safe arriues with his victorious host . annotations vpon the fourth booke . lucius scipio , generall at thapsus , perished at sea by the report of all that write that story , but the manner of his death , as j haue here related it , is to be found onely in appian , which i haue read , that first hee wounded himselfe with a sword , and afterwards leaped into the sea , as loth that his dead body should either suffer despight , or receiue fauour from his enemies . appi. lib. 2. de bello ciuili . finis . the fifth booke . the argument of the fifth booke . what vnaccustom'd honours by decree the senate gi●e to caesar's victory . his foure rich triumphs shew'd ore gallia , conquer'd pharnaces , aegypt , affrica . whose pompous showes display the captiu'd fate of seuerall princes : caesar's high estate to throw into the hazard once againe , great pompey's sonnes reuiue the warre in spaine . when caesar's conquest borne by winged fame , had enter'd rome , and to the senate came , th' affrighted fathers in pale haste declar'd their forced ioy ; and while the priests prepar'd for sacrifice , officiously decreed , ( though rome it selfe in that dayes fate did bleed ) that supplications to the gods should be , twice twentie dayes for caesar's victory ; through all the roman temples they inuoke the gods for him , and all their altars smoke with thankfull incense , more than when the fall of carthages so feared hannibal , or that defeat of all the cimbrian powers by marius hand , that sau'd quirinus towers , first pierc'd their ioyfull eares ; no vanquish'd foe ere caus'd such seeming ioy . rome's forced now to thanke the gods for her subiection more , than all the greatnesse she had won before . to that great triumph , which so long before , his ten yeares labour had deserued , ore the conquer'd gaules , and well deferr'd till now , the forward senate grant three triumphs moe , t' expresse more pompous state than ere before the people saw , or lawrell'd roman bore ; that all the seuerall vanquish'd nations from east and west , from both the poles at once , by his triumphant charriot might combine , the yellow germans with blacke libyans ioyne , gaules with armenians meet , the sun-burnt bands of meroë with cold pannonians , the painted brittaines , curl'd sicambrians with coale-blacke mibians , and mazacians . those that at farthest distance neuer yet each other view'd , at caesar's triumph met , might there acquainted in sad bondage grow , and waile in chaines their common ouerthrow : that the imperiall tyber might at once all floods , that blesse so many regions , in caesar's rich triumphall tablets see display'd , bewailing their captiuitie . and bridled there by his proud conquest , ioyne seuen-channell'd nilus with the german rhine , the swift danubius with slow bagrada ; and all those winding streames , which euery way from north to south into the ocean rowle , twixt fardest thule and tritonia's poole ; from whence minerua deign'd her name to take , when first within the quiet chrystall lake come downe from heauen , she view'd her virgin face . nor euer so did any triumph grace romes power ( as this had done ; ) nor yet in all those former bayes , which deckt the capitoll , if here her selfe no part at all had beene of the subdu'd , had she more glory seene . but lest these honours should not seeme to be enough for caesar , by a new decree the senatours , before he enter rome , make him dictator for ten yeares to come , and three yeares censor ; that it might be showne how caesar's conquering power had ouerthrowne their liberties , together with the fall of barbarous nations : in the capitoll he in a charriot was aduanc'd to sit , to ioue himselfe directly opposite : a globe terrestriall not farre from thence , display'd in short the vast circumference of all the earth ; on which his statue trod with this inscription , he 's a demy-god . swell'd with the senates flattering decrees , and fortune of so many victories , does caes●r now in pompe triumphant come , his loftie charriot through the streets of rome by snow-white horses drawne , more bright by farre than those fam'd steeds , which in the troian warre from slaughter'd rhesus tent tydides tooke , before they drunke of xanthus chrystall brooke , or cropt the troian pastures , a vaine aid to falling ilion , the first night betray'd . declare , ye sisters of the thespian spring , ( for you remember well , and well can sing , ) in those foure triumphs , which the people saw ore aegypt , pontus , france , and libya , how many captiu'd people sadly went in habits , tongues , and visage different before great caesar's charriot , shewing there with different gestures their disdaine , or feare . how many lands and stately cities there , display'd in his triumphall tables were , where skilfull hands had wouen to delight , so many nations seuerall kindes of fight , with his proud conquests , and succesfull toiles ; by which were borne the armes , and wealthy spoiles of vanquish'd princes , crownes of burnish'd gold for all the wondring people to behold . but if ye muses in so high a state , disdaine to mourne for each plebeian fate ; yet passe not slightly by that princely gaule , stout vercingetorix , for whose great fall some hearts relented there ; whose stubborne thought , could not at all in nine yeares warre be taught to brooke with patience the proud yoke of rome : who now reseru'd for death by caesar's doome , before the charriot a chain'd captiue went , striuing in vaine t' orecome the discontent of that dayes shame ; and , though his hands were ty'd , shaking his blacke curl'd lockes , he sought to hide his angry front , whil'st his vndaunted looke seem'd more to wish than feare deaths fatall stroke . another obiect , though vnlike to this , yet fall'n alike from height of worldly blisse , mou'd the beholders hearts ; they earn'd to see , the tender beauties of arsinoë a virgin a branch of lagus royall stem , that once had worne th' aegyptian diadem , by fortune throwne into so low a state of bondage now ; pittying her changed fate : those snow-white armes , that did a scepter hold , ( oh mocke of fortune ! ) manicled in gold : although for her a gentler doome then death remaine , and caesar's pitie spare her breath , or else his ends in loue restore her backe againe to aegypt for her sisters sake : how much ( alas ) had there her blood beene spilt , had fortune tane from cleopatra's guilt ? for all the fauour , which t' arsinoë rome shew'd , repriu'd her but a while , to be in after-times her sisters crime , and die by cleopatra's foule impietie . but that in libya's triumph , which aboue all other obiects might deserue to moue a iust compassion ( if true innocence in misery may iustly moue the sense ) was young prince iuba , led in chaines , the sonne of that great juba , whose dominion from mauritania's farthest westerne end , to thera's sands so lately did extend : whose puissant hand a prouder scepter bore , than euer libyan monarch did before . this poore b young prince by fortune seem'd to be brought as a spectacle of misery , depriu'd so lately of so many lands , and , ere his yeares could act a crime , in bands . but oh ( how blinde are mortall eyes ? ) that day of seeming woe , first made the glorious way to iuba's future happinesse ; and he was farre more blest in that captiuitie , than if his fathers greatnesse still had stood . train'd vp at rome he gain'd a truer good ; and freed from barbarisme , was taught to know what rome , or learned athens could bestow : adorning so his minde , as wisest men in euery age admir'd his happy pen. so that to grace his future prosperous reigne , ( for great augustus hand restor'd againe this captiue iuba to a kingly throne ) a lasting name his histories haue wonne , and fame vnto his natiue libya giue ; where with himselfe those mention'd kings shall liue , when brazen monuments are eat with rust . and marble columnes time shall bruise to dust . and had the ponticke king c pharnaces beene in person there and by the people seene , that obiect well had ballanc'd with delight the others ruth ; but he was scap'd by flight : whose absence one proud sentence must supply , j came , i saw , and vanquish'd th' enemy . but those sad stories , which the tables show , more than the liuing spectacles could doe , affect the peoples hearts : for there ( although no vanquish'd roman might a captiue goe ) the bleeding wounds of rome it selfe are spread ; and each man there his owne deare losse may read . for mixt with forren conquests , with the falls of barbarous captaines , princes of the gaules , with dying juba , drowned ptolomey , those enuious tables to the eyes display domestike losse ; and in sad figures tell , by caesar's sword what vanquish'd romans fell . here with king iuba old pe●reius dies , here slaughter'd sylla , there afranius lies : there damasippus and torquatus fall ; and here ( oh wofull sight ! ) romes generall , the noble scipio by his owne hand slaine , falls bleeding downe into the watery maine ; and sinking leaues a noble crimson dye on neptunes face : but what true roman eye refrain'd from teares , when he beheld the fall of matchlesse cato , who , in spight of all his friends preuention , dy'd , and wider tore with his owne hands the wounds he made before ? yet ' mongst so many wofull stories showne , one noble name was spar'd , one fate alone was thought too sad ; nor to the peoples eye durst they present great pompey's tragedy , for feare so great a sorrow might outweigh the pompous ioyes of that triumphant day : but that conceal'd , which most of all was sought , remain'd more deeply fixt in euery thought ▪ and they , without a picture , can supply each part of his lamented history . what tongue , what pen can at the height relate each sumptuous part of that so enuy'd state ? the publike feasts , rare spectacles deuis'd , and games by all the people exercis'd ; who without number flock'd to doe him grace : when all the senate from the iulian place waited him home , and seem'd not then to be the worlds high lords , but caesar's family . and as they passe , to gild their pompous way , numberlesse lights the elephants display vpon their captiue backes , and mouing through the streets , like heauenly constellations show , like those great beasts , which in th' horizon plac'd through euery part with glorious starres are grac'd . nor in vaine showes was this magnificence alone consum'd , but reall monuments , which his great power to after-ages prais'd : a stately temple he to d venus rais'd , or in deuotion , or in pride to grace that deitie from whom he drew his race , that now the paphian queene , by caesar's reigne , might seeme a truer conquest to obtaine , ore blew-ey'd pallas , and the wife of ioue , than when they for the golden apple stroue , and paris fatall iudgement did bestow , the prize on her to iliums ouerthrow . for rome and all the conquer'd world farre more , are forced now to honour and adore her name than theirs , so much it was to be th' originall of caesar's pedigree , more than the daughter , or the wife of ioue : the temples structure in rare beautie stroue , with what the height of fancy could expresse , or any pennes most gracefull happinesse describe aright : vpon the walls did stand in parian marble wrought with curious hand , that amorous story where the phrygian boy the beautie of a goddesse did enioy : the vale of ida there was shadowed such , as poets made it , ida vale so much indebted to the muses , seemed now vnto a painters hand as much to owe : the bower of loue was richly carued there , that happie bower of blisse and pleasure , where venus descended from the chrystall skie , to generate the iulian family ; was as a bride in all her glories led , to fill with beautie young anchifes bed . neere them their noble issue , in whose blood a goddesse mixt with man , aeneas stood ; such was his shape , so shone his cheerefull face as young apollo's , when he goes to grace his natiue delos , and in height of state that festiuall intends to celebrate , or bacchus , when from conquer'd india , the yoked tygers his proud charriot draw , troian aeneas , whose fam'd history , great maro's muse did after raise as high , as th' old maeonian did achilles fame . but that most pious posture more became aeneas farre , when at the fatall sacke of troy , he stoop'd , and on a willing backe flying from thence , carry'd his aged sire from the greekes swords , and all-deuouring fire , together with his gods , whom he priz'd more than priam's wealth , and all troyes burning store . behinde was young iulus , and did seeme with short vnequall steps to follow him , that prince , from whom the iulian family deriue their name as well as pedigree , who the foundations of long alba lay'd , and ore that land a powerfull scepter sway'd . by him the scepter'd issues of his blood , in their successiue order carued stood ; till alba was destroy'd by tullus doome , and all her people were transfer'd to rome : from alba's sacke the pedigree went on , and was deduced lineally downe to caesar's time ; in whose successe and reigne alba had seem'd to conquer rome againe . but into th' hazard once againe to throw a state so strong , so sure as caesar's now seem'd to the world to be , a furious e warre more full of threats , of doubt and danger farre than euer had as yet oppos'd his reigne , the two young pompeys raise in farthest spaine there where the great alcides pillars stand , and proudly boast to bound the farthest land . that part of spaine must proue the third sad stage of ciuill warre , and romes selfe-wounding rage . those , that inhabit that farre westerne shore , vainely suppose that they alone , before the setting sunne forsake this hemisphere , doe view his face at nearer distance there than other men , than other countries can ; and that he falls into their ocean as poets taught ; or else his loftie sphere bowes downe more neare the globe terrestriall there , because his beautious orbe , before the set , vnto their eyes appeares more large and great . those mistie fogges and vapours that arise from that great sea , which interposed lies , breaking diffuse the rayes , from th' eyes that went , or else inlarge the obiects figure sent , and make the setting sunne seeme greater so , as bright things largest in the water show : whence they scarce any twilight haue at all , either at phaebus rising , or his fall ; day breakes together with the rising sunne , and day together with the set is done . all spaine , in figure of a bullockes hide , is by the ocean wash'd on euery side , and made almost an i le , saue where her ground the pyrenaean hills from france doe bound : from whose east end ( for old description makes fiue sides of spaine ) the first beginning takes , and westward thence vnto the gades extends , but by the way to south obliquely bends ; and is inuiron'd by the mid-land seas , where stand those ilands balearides , from whence metellus tooke his famous stile , faire ebusu● , and that small snaky i le . the second side from gades , ( of small extent ) is to the sacred promontory bent ; in which short space two riuers , of no small account in spaine , into the ocean fall , baetis and anas ; farre their channells spread , and from the siluer mountaines both take head : both their great channells doe at last diuide , and make two ilands by the oceans side : from thence the third side in a line extends , and at the nerian promontory ends , from south directly north it goes ; this bound of spaine doth westward know no further ground : that all along the boundlesse ocean laues ; thither the golden tagus rowles his waues , winding through lusitania , and into that ocean doth in one great channell flow : from thence the northerne side of spaine extends , and at the pyrenaean mountaines ends , bounded along by the cantabrian sea ; within those shores the wildest nations be the barbarous celtae , rough asturians , and ( those that name the sea ) cantabrians ▪ but last of all , the fifth , and north-east side the pyrenaei make , which doe diuide gallia from spaine , which by their wondrous height might seeme to threat the skies , and once more fright the gods with a gigantike warre : that side of those high mountaines , which surueyes the pride of wealthy france , doth bare and barren show , cloth'd with no grasse , no trees at all there grow ▪ the other side , which barren spaine oresees , shewes like a fruitfull summer , cloth'd with trees which neuer doe their verdant colour lose : and so to both th' adiacent countries showes , as if to clothe himselfe , he had robb'd spaine , and lost his owne , to make france rich againe . that loftie mountaine ( if we trust to fame ) did from the faire pyrene take his name , when great alcides moued by the fame of king geryon's stately cattell , came from greece , to fetch that wealthy spoile away , entring the bounds of spaine , he there made stay . king bebrix then ore all those mountaines reign'd , and there with feasts alcides entertain'd : the conquering guest , by fate vnhappie , spy'd pyrene daughter to the king , and fry'd with inward flames ; at last , while there he stay'd , his charming words had wonne the royall maid : he vowes his loue still constant shall remaine , and , when with conquest he returnes againe , espousall rites : but cruell fates deny , and make alcides slow in victory , too slow , alas ; nor could the fight be try'd ere faire pyrene miserably dy'd . her swelling wombe now gan the fact reueale , nor could she longer her stoll'n loue conceale , when fearing her sterne fathers wrathfull spight , into the woods she takes a secret flight : there all alone to caues and senselesse trees she wailes her fate , and calls great hercules , or false , or slow ; till some fell beasts , that were more sauage than their kinde , had seized her , and whilest in vaine , alas , she did implore her absent louer , her to peeces tore . seuen times had cynthia fill'd her waned light , when he return'd with conquest from the fight ; and laden with g●ryons wealthy spoiles , the recompence of his successefull toiles , sought for pyrene , but inforc'd to finde what oft before his sad misgiuing minde made him suspect , distraught with griefe and woes among the woods , and craggy hills he goes in search of her , and with a mournefull sound , calls his pyrene ; all the hills rebound pyrenes name ; the hills themselues did shake , the sauage beasts , and mountaine robbers quake ; no tygers prey'd , nor lions durst to moue , whilest great alcides sought his wretched loue. but wandring through the solitary wood , when he had found her limbes , and vnderstood pyrenes wretched fate , oh loue , ( quoth he ) 't was my accursed absence murder'd thee : what sauage beast durst this ? what power aboue suffer'd so much against alcides loue ? oh would geryons spoiles had all beene lost , and i nere stirr'd from this beloued coast : then gathering vp those sad deare reliques , there within the mountaines side he did interre his loue and sorrow . this small tombe ( alas ) when times strong hand ( quoth he ) shall quite deface , thy state shall greater be , and time to come , shall reckon all these hills pyrenes tombe : the fates consented , and by lasting fame those mountaines euer bore pyrenes name . the two young pompey's with their powers , not farre from gades now marching , meant to seat the warre in that rich countrey , where faire baetis flowes , and on the region his owne name bestowes , ( though turdetania , from the men that came to plant it first , be yet another name . ) there they the fatall munda doe possesse , a towne yet famous for their dire successe , with other townes not farre , a●egua , and vcubis , and stately corduba that old patritian colony , whose name the births of great and learned romans fame . the turdetanian region may for rare and wondrous gifts of nature well compare , with any peece of earth ; no other soile does more reward th' industrious plowmans toile with rich increase ; no other pastures keepe moe horned heards , moe wealthy-fleeced sheepe , those many branches , which from baetis flow , such wealth on all the neighbouring fields bestow ; whose yellow bankes , no lesse than tagus is , are stor'd with metalls of the highest price in euery place ; more gold no barren ground affords , than in that wealthy glebe is found : which nature seldome does together giue ; and happy might the turdetanians liue , but that their countrey too too happy is , and on their conquest sets too high a price . their wealthy grounds are oft the seat of warre , and prey to euery powerfull conqueror : there rome and carthage fought , and did maintaine their riuall forces with the wealth that spaine afforded there , while fortune doubted yet which land to make the worlds imperiall seat . when like to titius fruitfull liuer , they sustein'd those birds , to whom they were a prey ; and suffring spaine by those great factions rent , that vultur fed which did it selfe torment ; nor lies the gold of that rich region deepe in the bowells of the earth alone , thence to be digg'd vp with a toile as great at is the value ; there they need not sweat in gathering wealth , nor need they farre to fire from day , or threaten pluto's monarchy with their deepe labours ; the rich metall 's found vpon the glistering surface of the ground , and lies on riuers bankes commixt with sand , or else with dust vpon the drier land , and mountaines tops : what reason can be found should so inrich the vpper part of ground vnlesse you trust a tale ? when phaëton did erst misguide the charriot of the sunne , and scorch'd the earth ; the nature then of all these grounds sulphurious was , and minerall , the metalls melted by the sunne , fry'd vp , and so with ease are gather'd at the top . to pompey's army , while they there remaine , the seuerall nations from all parts of spaine ( besides those scattered troops , from thapsus fled , which labi●nus there and varus led ) adioyne themselues ; the fierce cantabrians , that thinke it base to yeeld to natures hands their liues , as if bestow'd for warre alone ; gallecians skill'd in diuination ; the callaicians too , whose men intend nothing but warre , and still in rapine spend their ventrous liues , vsing the womens hands to all workes else , to sow and plow the lands : from old ilerda , that so lately try'd romes ciuill warrs , comes aid to pompey's side : from minius bankes come bold asturians , from golden tagus lusitanians ; fierce ceretans , alcides souldiers , the light-arm'd vascon , that no helmet weares : and concani , that in their drinke expresse themselues deriu'd from wilde massagetes , their greatest thirst with horses blood they slake . the celtiberians , that mixt birth did take from gaules and spaniards ; who doe euer burne their friends dead bodies , and extremely mourne ( accounting it the worst vnhappinesse ) if wolues , or vulturs their dead limbes should seize . from sucro's bankes come hedetan supplies , and from the loftie towers of serabis : the vettones , the oretanians too , and th' ensignes of parnassian castulo , with all the spanish nations else , whom loue of old dead pompey to the warre did moue . annotations vpon the fifth booke . a this arsinoë , which had in the tumult of aegypt beene saluted queene by the souldiers ( as was before declared ) and afterwards by caesar apprehended , and here led in triumph ( according to dion ) and released at the suit of her sister cleopatra then queene of aegypt , was afterwards murthered by the same cleopatra ( as iosephus reports ) for cleopatra in the time of marcus antonius the triumuir , did by her cruelty extinguish the royall blood of the ptolomeys , and impatient of any that might afterwards proue riualls to her in that gouernment , did not onely poison yo●ng ptolomey , her brother , whom caesar had made her husband , but caused her sister arsinoë to be murdered as she was at her deuotion in the temple . iosephus lib. 15. de antiquitat . b this iuba ( saith plutarch ) was happie in his captiuitie , and losse of his so great an inheritance , for at rome he obtained happie education , and in stead of a barbarous prince became a learned and iudicious writer : he is mentioned by diuers of those ages ; he wrote commentaries of the libyan kings , and diuerse obseruations of his owne times ; he was industrious in the study of naturall philosophy , and searching the natures of herbes & plants : he was the first that found out the vertues and malignitie of the herbe euphorbium , and called it by the name of his chiefe physitian : he serued augustus caesar in his warres against marcus antonius , and was afterwards by his bountie restored to a crowne ( though not to all the dominions of his father ) and married cleopatra the daughter of marcus antonius and cleopatra . strabo . lib. 17. c pharnaces had escaped by flight , and was slaine by asander , who rebelled against him , to whom he had committed the gouernment of bosphorus in his absence : so that his person was not led in triumph ; the conquest of pharnaces ( saith dion ) though it were not glorious by reason it was so easily obtained , yet caesar much gloried in it by reason of the speed , and that he might carry those three words in triumph , veni , vidi , vici . dion . lib. 42. d caesar was especially magnificent in doing honour ( saith dion ) to venus , whom he accounted , and desired to haue it generally beleeued , the originall of his pedigree ; from her also ( as appian reports ) he would glory that he had receiued beautie of body , she being the queene of loue and beautie . e caesar after all these triumphs , and assurances of greatnesse was yet threatned by a third warre in spaine : a warre ( saith dion ) not to be contemned ; nay , farre greater and more full of danger than all his former warres : the battell of munda ( saith florus ) for fury , slaughter , and crueltie as much exceeded thapsus , as thapsus did pharsalia , &c. finis . the sixth booke . the argument of the sixth booke . varus by didius on the stormy maine js vanquished : caesar arriues in spaine , and raises pompey's siege from vlla's walls ; he takes ategua : both generalls remou'd from thence , the warre to munda beare ▪ caesar's despa●re ; his mens vnsuall feare ; a bloody conquest they at last obtaine , young pompey , varus , labienus slaine . bvt ere the tragicke warre arriu'd in spaine , and did with blood the continent distaine , the ocean bore it , and was first the stage of this third fury , and reuiued rage : there where th' extended libyan coast doth meet almost with spaines tartessus , varus fleet guarded the straightened sea in pompey's name ; thither for caesar didius nauy came : two shores their fury at neere distance saw , fearing to whether land the warre would draw ; but affrick bled before ; what did remaine of romes dissentions , fates decreed to spaine : that narrow point of sea on all foure sides great lands from lands , great seas from seas diuides , in breadth the libyan continent and spaine , in length th' iberian and great westerne maine . the nauies scarce their furious fight began , when all in waues the threatning ocean swell'd vp ; and they encounter'd from the sea as great a danger as the warre could be . the southerne wind from tingitania blowes ; and from the westerne ocean corus rose ; fierce boreas met them from the spanish coast , and now the sea on euery side was tost : their seuerall waues the different winds did moue , as if that aeolus and neptune stroue a warre so sad and wicked to preuent , or drowne both fleets while they were innocent . but greater was their dire desire of fight than was the oceans rage , or winds despight : to impious warre through stormes as rough they goe as would the greediest venturing merchant doe for parma's wealthy fleeces , spaines rich ore , or brightest gemmes from th' erythraean shore . but when no space almost at all diuides both eager fleets , the rowers take their sides , tugge at the oare , and ( though the ocean raues ) with armes vnweary'd cut the curled waues : the horrid showting of the souldiers drown'd all noise of rowing and shrill trumpets sound . yet all these sounds , and all the noise of warre the winds , and louder stormes out roared farre , with which , and darts , the aire is darkned round ; ships against ships , beakes meeting beakes resound : some by their owne endeuours meet their foes , others the winds and stormy seas expose before they thought ; to triall of the warre , dashing together with more fury farre the aduerse ships , than else they would haue met ; now grew the horrour and confusion great : their feares were different ; some , while others fought , repair'd those ruines which the storme had wrought , and stopp'd their leaking ships , preuenting so the certaine danger of a nearer foe : nor could stout didius now his souldiers cheere , or guide his fleet ; the tempest euery where is onely heard ; but leauing his commands puts all into the winds and fortunes hands ; no more could varus for young pompey doe : guided by chance against each other goe th' amazed fleets ; some vessells sides bor'd through by sharpe and brazen stemmes ; nor doe they know surely to whom they doe their ruine owe , whether the weathers fury or the foe . nor did confusion of all sounds affright the eares alone ; but through that horrid night , which showre-black clouds , & skies tempestuous brought , with no small terrour the wing'd lightning shot : no other light to them the day could giue ; no other fire in such a storme could liue . some ships now almost taken by the foes , the swelling sea with violence orethrowes , and vindicates their honour from surprise ; some sinke , when boorded by the enemies , drowning the victors , and the vanquish'd see a quicke reuenge of their captiuitie . fortune did seeme against both sides to fight a while , and wreake in common her despight , but long it held not ; she at last decided the day , and shew'd for whom she had prouided so great a labour of the troubled maine ; and caesar's forces a full conquest gaine : though didius blush it should be thought that he ow'd to such aids as those the victory . varus perceiues the fates themselues conspire on caesar's side , and forced to retire when now be saw part of his haplesse powers orewhelm'd , part seized by the conquerours , with his poore remnant flies , and gets into carteias harbour ; thence by land to goe to pompey's campe ; pompey at vlla stay'd , and siege in vaine to that strong citie lay'd . caesar with more than his accustom'd speed ( by which his great designes did still succeed ) hasts to the warre in spaine , and gone from rome in seuenteene dayes was to sagunthus come , that true sagunthus , whose so tragicke fall did once vpbraid the heauens , and enuy call vpon their iustice , till th' offenders fate , and small ruine of the punike state absolu'd the gods againe : with chrystall waues the cities westerne side faire dur●as laues , clothing with verdant grasse th' adioyning plaine , and gently slides into th' iberian maine . his quicke arriuall , vnexpected there , with sudden ioy did all the souldiers cheere : with speed as great from thence he marches on thorough the celtiberian region , nor duria's streame , nor mount idubeda , nor sucro's rapid flood his course could stay , nor that high glittering mountaine , that for fame of his great wealth retaines the siluer name : from whose descent rich baetis takes his head ; along , the shore of baetis caesar led his cheerefull souldiers on to corduba ; either to take that wealthy towne , or draw pompey from vlla's siege ; the first in vaine caesar assay'd , the last he did obtaine : for pompey straight , although within the towne his brother sextus lay in garrison , abandons vlla , and ' gainst caesar goes ; who from the walls of corduba arose before his foes approach , loth there to trie the vtmost hazard of a warre so high . but passing thence ore salsus streame , does lay with more successe , siege to ategua , and winnes the towne , maugre the feeble aid munatius brought : but there while caesar stay'd , a faire ostent the gods were pleas'd to shew , a towring eagle long ore caesar flew till seeming weary , with a faire descent it gently pearch'd on young octauius tent , who follow'd then his father to the warre . a good presage the augurs all declare , and not alone to shew the warres successe , but young octauius future happinesse : but not so soone , alas , could they foresee the full effect of this faire augury : how many ciuill wounds did yet remaine ere rome with patience brooke a caesar's reigne , and for her safetie be inforc'd to flie to great augustus happy monarchy ? for thee , great prince , and thy insuing state was rome opprest , and iulius fortunate ; for thee were marius crimes , and sylla's wrought : for thee was thapsus and pharsalia fought , that rome in those dire tragedies might see what horrid dangers follow'd libertie : and thou at last a welcome conqueror , might'st those high titles without enuy weare which mighty iulius with a toile so great , with so much blood and enuy striu'd to get . thou then anew that powerfull state shalt mould , and long the worlds high scepter safely hold , aboue all riualls plac'd ; thy god like state no force shall shake ; when shutting janus gate , thou shalt set ope the sacred thespian spring , and there securely heare the muses sing , whose stately layes still keepe thy deathlesse fame , and make immortall great augustus name : nor euer did the arts so truly reigne , nor sung the muses in so pure a straine as then they did , to grace thy glorious time ; as if the muse before lack'd power to clime , or else disdain'd her highest notes to raise , till such a monarch liu'd to giue the bayes . grieu'd for ategua's losse , and fearing now that other townes would , following fortune , goe to caesar's partie , and his cause forsake , pompey resolues with all his strength to make a speedy triall of a warre so great , and on one hazard his whole fortune set . to munda's fatall fields was caesar gone ; thither young pompey's army marches on : the towne was his ; and neere the towne , arose an high and spatious hill ; where pompey chose t'incampe his men ; from whence he might suruay the plaines below where caesar's army lay . no prodigies forespake the blacke euent of that dayes wondrous battell , no ostent at all was show'd from seas , earth , aire , or skies , no entrailes spake , no birds gaue auguries : those sad protents , that vs'd to strike a feare at other times in men , were spared there . yet were their feares farre greater ; they suspect the silence of the gods , loth to detect so great a ruine as did then ensue : horrour inuades their brests ; although they knew no cause from whence those strange amazements grow , no outward signes appear'd , their threatnings now were inward all ; they make , by sad surmise within themselues a thousand prodigies . in pompey's campe th' amazed souldiers sad silence kept , distraught twixt desp'rate feares , and tragicke hopes ; pale horrour to their eyes seemes to present the future tragedies , and the deare ghosts of slaughter'd friends appeare : yet know not they whether themselues should feare , or hope their hands should make th' ensuing fate . on one side caesar's fortune does abate their confidence too much ; on tother they resolue , orecome , not to out-liue the day : but ( oh strange fate ! ) the bold caesarians grow faint and heartlesse ; and those actiue hands , that had so often drawne their countries blood , and ' gainst all lawes for caesar's fortune stood ; that had before to their successefull toiles , promis'd the worlds sole sway , and wealthy spoiles of euery nation , quake , and faulter here , nor from each other can conceale their feare . how deare this field would cost , what 't was to goe , against the fury of a desperate foe , their trembling thoughts reuolue ; nor to their friends shame they to vtter it ; those dauntlesse mindes , that met with ioy pharsalia's dreadfull day , those that at thapsus battell could not stay the generalls command ; preuenting there the signall , now both fight and signall feare . but that the feare , which did his campe inuade might not seeme strange , caesar himselfe was sad before the battell , and that cheerefull looke , that vsuall vigour , whence his souldiers tooke happie presages still , was changed there ; nor did his wonted confidence appeare : perhaps reuoluing the vncertaine fate of things , and frailtie of man 's highest state , and how vncessant stormes doe beat vpon the loftie cedars , learnes to feare his owne by other mighty falls so lately wrought ; or fortune else presenting to his thought her many fauours , and his long successe , he weigh'd the time of pompey's happinesse , who in her fauour claim'd as great a share as he could now , before phar●alia's warre . that he arriued now as high in state as pompey was ; might feare great pompey's fate : whose fall ( though wrought for him ) had let him see fortunes great power , and strange vnconstancy ▪ but lest his sadnesse should too much dismay the souldiers hearts before so great a day , he recollects himselfe , and with fain'd cheare , and forced lookes , taught to dissemble feare , thus to his army speakes ; victorious troops , on whose knowne valour more than caesar's hopes , his certaine state depends , see here in spaine this fainting hydra yet shoots forth againe his last weake heads ; let that herculean might , that lopt the first , and strongest off in fight , make perfect your great labour , which requires the last hand here : of all your large desires you are free masters , when this field is fought , though all the world for fresh supplies were sought , in fortunes power it lies not to expose your quiet state againe , or finde you foes . but what are these that once againe should dare molest our peace with vnexpected warre ? what can these barbarous halfe-arm'd nations doe ? or what vnfain'd affection can they owe to pompey's side ? or doe they feare his name , and haue not heard enough of caesar's fame ? haue not the warres by old llerda taught our strength to spaine ? what roman powers are brought thither , but young raw souldiers , and vnskill'd in military arts , that nere beheld a foe before ? and those poore few that know the warre , are such as haue beene beat by you ; and bring more feare than helpe vnto their side : will varus troops your well-knowne strength abide ? or that so often vanquish'd runnagate false labienus , long mainteine the fate of his young generall ? braue souldiers on , perfect that worke that is so neerely done . his speech no shouts , no acclamation findes , nor could it raise their sad deiected mindes : and though , the signall giuen , all trumpets sound , and pompey's army from the vpper ground make downe to charge , the cold caesarians dare not approach , nor follow the commands of their great generall ; when caesar fill'd with griefe and rage , seizing a speare and shield , this day , quoth he ( no more my souldiers ) shall end the life of caesar , and your warres ; remember whom you leaue ; then forth he flies alone to charge th' amazed enemies ; who , till their wonder was expell'd by hopes , awhile made stand ; at last from all the troops ' gainst caesar's head whole stormes of iauelins come ; some in his shield he does receiue , and some auoids , declining of his body downe till shame not courage brought his souldiers on to saue their generall ; and ' gainst the foe they doe begin a fight so a furious now , as if with this new rage they would appeare to recompence their ignominious b feare . th'auxiliary troops on either side gaue backe , and left the battell to be try'd by none but roman hands ; who man to man , and foot to foot a constant fight began with so great horrour , as who had beheld pharsalia's fight , or thapsus bloody field , would haue esteem'd those furies light , and thought he nere saw warre till munda's field was fought . both generalls alike twixt hope and feare , with needlesse speeches their fierce souldiers cheare , till weary'd with the toile , they both retire , and from two little hills behold the dire encounter of their men ; when caesar's eyes , that drie , had view'd whole nations tragedies , began to melt ; and whilest bright victory , ore both the armies houer'd doubtfully , caesar and pompey had forgot their hopes , and onely pity'd their engaged troops , fearing both armies in the place would die , and leaue no conquest , but one tragedie . a balefull silence on the sudden then possest the field ; no showts of fighting men were heard ; as if they labour'd to keepe in their sp'rits for action ; hands alone were seene to moue , and write in bloody characters their deepe resolues : young pompey's souldiers beyond this day disdaine to hope at all ; and caesar's men promise , in pompey's fall to all their toiles a rich and quiet close , and that the world no more can finde them foes ▪ at last the battells fortune seem'd to leane to pompey's side , and caesar's fainting men gaue backe apace , nor scarce with all their might could the centurions stay their open flight : when caesar arm'd with high despaire , preparing the fatall ponyard , which he wore , and baring his manly brest , thus speakes ; oh fortune , now i see thou wants not power to ouerthrow what ere thou build'st : but i accuse not thee ; enough already hast thou done for me : enough haue thy transcendent fauours grac'd my liues whole course : should'st thou not change at last perhaps the erring world might censure me more than a man , and thee no deitie : i that so long haue thy high fauours knowne , can thus securely entertaine thy frowne . there had he dy'd ; but as kinde mothers doe oft let their children neere to dangers goe , that then , when they perceiue them most afraid , they may the more endeare their timely aid : so fortune findes an vnexpected way to saue his fate ; whilest yet his men made stay and kept the field , king bogud , that without the battell stood , wheeles suddenly about to seize young pompey's campe ; which to preuent leauing his station labienus went , and with him drew fiue cohorts from the fight : which action chang'd the battells fortune quite ; whilest haplesse errour through both armies flew , and pompey's battell suddenly orethrew ; for misconceit that labienus fled had quite disheartened his owne side , and bred in caesar's souldiers most assured hopes : nor could young pompey stay his flying troops , too late ( alas ) it was to make them know what haplesse errour caus'd their ouerthrow ▪ for routed once ore all the field they flie a prey to the pursuing enemie . vnhappie attius varus , where he stood enuiron'd round with carcasses , and blood ; varus , that twice before a warre had led ' gainst caesar's fortune , and twice vanquished , when he had labour'd long in vaine to stay his flying men , loth to out-liue the day , or longer keepe that often conquer'd breath , now rushes boldly on , to finde a death amid'st the thickest of his enemies , and gladly there on all their weapons dies . but when ( alas ) sad labienus view'd how great and swift a ruine had ensu'd vpon his haplesse action , cursing fate and his owne dire misfortue , too too late seeking to ralley his disorder'd troops , he cryes , 't is i , that haue vndone the hopes of wretched rome ; 't is i haue lost the day : through this dire brest take your reuenging way , and expiate this fatall ouerthrow , or caesar's swords shall take reuenge for you : then ( like a libyan lion round beset , arm'd with a high despaire and rage as great ) carelesse of wounds or weapons forth he goes to sell a loathed life deere to his foes : till by a thousand swords at last he dies , and to the shades his angry spirit flies . pompey perceiues his army ouerthrowne , and now the losse irreparable growne , and though he see no cause that should inuite him to out-liue the fury of the fight , his owne fresh youth perswades him t' entertaine a future hope to raise his state againe : high mounted on a spanish steed he flies ( leauing in field his routed companies ) with speed , carteia's harbour to attaine , and saile from thence : but to disastrous spaine sterne fates the death of this young man decree and he ere long the selfe same destiny forc'd to endure on spaines vnhappie ground that his great father in false aegypt found . his brother c sextus scap'd from that sad day fortune long hides in celtiberia to raise his state againe , againe to breathe fresh warre and ruine after caesar's death , and once againe with faction rend the state in that sad time of romes triumuirate . the fight was done , and nothing now ensu'd but impious rage , and murder ; the pursu'd to pompey's campe and munda's walls ( alas ) for refuge fled , but vaine that refuge was ▪ so horrid now was the caesarians rage , that neither pitie could their heat asswage , nor strength defend their wretched enemies from their dire force ; on euery side the cries and groanes of dying men are heard alone . neuer so sauage crueltie was showne against the worst of forren foes , as then the vanquish'd felt from their owne countrymen ▪ which most appear'd , when to surprise the towne ( a thing among'st barbarians neuer knowne ) the workes they rais'd against it to maintaine the siege , were carcasses of romans slaine . caesar , that nere before did truly see how hard it was to gaine a victory , ( since fortune still his wish with ease had wrought , and he for glory , not for life had fought till munda's field ) recounts what he had lost , grieuing to finde what this sad conquest cost , he sometimes wail'd his owne slaine souldiers then , sometimes the slaughter'd foes , as countrimen , and wishes some , to whom he now might show his mercy , had suruiu'd the ouerthrow ; and almost taxes fortune , who that day had wrought his ends by such an enuy'd way . neuer till now did caesar's pensiue brest , truly reuolue how tragicall the best successe will be that ciuill warre affords , and how deepe wounds his sadly conquering swords had made in th' entrailes of afflicted rome . now thapsus battell , now pharsalia come into his sad remembrance ; and almost he wishes all his triumphs had beene lost , rather than with such horrid slaughter won , and that he nere had crossed rubicon : scarce can the glories , that it brings , outweigh the inward sorrow for so blacke a day . while thus great caesar's troubled thoughts were led , cenonius enters and presents the head of noble pompey , whose now pitty'd state call'd to remembrance his great fathers fate , in treacherous aegypt ; and no lesse than his inforced teares of ruth from caesar's eyes . how did he die ( quoth he ) relate to vs his tragedy : when thus cenonius ; when munda's fields strew'd with his slaughter'd troops young pompey saw , and voide of present hopes fled to carteia , to embarque from thence for forren coasts , fearing the citizens and our pursuit , he left the towne againe , and quite bereft of all his scattered traine wounded and lame , retir'd into a wood , that not farre distant from carteia stood , hoping the couert of that shady place a while might yeeld him shelter from the chace ▪ we enter'd in , and long the wood suruay'd with curious eyes , and long in vaine we stray'd : but farre within a spreading beech there stood , where weary'd now , and faint through losse of blood alone he sate ; he that had fought so late ' gainst thee , oh caesar , with long doubtfull fate ; he whom so many roman legions did lately guard , so many nations obey'd and seru'd , now all forsaken fate a sad example of mans fraile estate . when i approaching bad him yeeld to me in caesar's name : neuer aliue ( quoth he , ) let caesar see my head , for nere can that be my disgrace , that was my fathers fate ▪ by this vnhappie token let him know the heire of pompey , and perceiue a foe that might haue proued worthy of his feare so let me goe to him , rather than beare a conquerours disdaine , or blushing be the pitty'd subiect of an enemie : nor shall you finde i prize , so cheape a life ( though vanquished ) as without any strife to send it him : then with a courage high aboue his strength , aboue the misery of his forsaken state , among vs all he flies ; or to preuent , or sell his fall deere as he could ; alas , for victory fortune forbid him hope ; nor did it lie within the power of his vnwilling foes to saue that life which he resolu'd to lose ; but meeting wounds away at last it fled : caesar , with sighs , beholds the noble head , pittying his fall , and bids cenonius beare it thence , to finde the body , and interre them both in such a manner , as became th' vnhappie ruines of so great a name : and thence , secur'd from feares , marches away by baetis streame , to stately corduba , now the herculean gades , faire hispalis , munda , so lately fatall , vcubis , ategua , and all the other townes which fence the wealthy beticke regions , breathe nought but peace , nor longer to oppose caesar's preuailing fortune , harbour foes ▪ nor doe these onely their subiection yeeld to caesar , but the farthest , the most wilde , and sauage nations , rough asturians , fierce callaicians , bold cantabrians from all the farthest distant shores of spaine doe humbly sue his fauour to obtaine : the loue they bare to pompey's name before was quite oreborne by fate , and could no more maintaine a faction against caesar's power ; who now a sole vnriuall'd conquerour , from that subiected coast hasts to be gone to visite rome , which now was his alone , and there in fearelesse triumphs to display the wofull glories of blacke munda's day . annotations vpon the sixth booke . a how truly the manner of this battell is here expressed , or how farre it may be lawfull for one writing by the way of a poet to digresse , i leaue it to the iudgement of the reader : and that you way briefely see it without the labour of searching bookes , thus the cruell battell of munda by two historians of credit is described ( to omit others for breuitie sake . ) dion cassius lib 43. thus : at the first conflict the auxiliaries on both sides fled away ; but the roman forces encountering fiercely continued the fight long , not regarding at all what became of their associates , euery man thinking that the whole victory depended vpon his hand : they gaue no ground , nor left their stations , but killing , or dying made good the place : there were no clamours nor military showtes heard , nor hardly groanes , onely these speeches , strike , kill . caesar and pompey both on horsebacke from two hills beheld the battell , and knew not what they should resolue , but were equally distracted betweene feare and confidence . and afterwards thus : so long and fiercely with equall hopes both armies fought , that vnlesse king bogud , who stood with his forces without the battell , had turned about to surprise the campe of pompey , and labienus had left the battell to preuent him , they had all without doubt died in the battell , or night had parted them vpon equall termes . florus relates it thus : doubtfull and sad was this battell , fortune seeming to deliberate , and not resoluing what to doe : caesar himselfe was sad before the battell , contrary to his custome , either considering the frailtie of mankinde , or suspecting the long continuance of his prosperitie , or else fearing the fate of pompey being now growne to the height of pompey : but in the battell it selfe ( what neuer before had beene knowne to happen ) while both the armies were in their height of fury , a sudden silence , as if by consent , was throughout the field : and last of all ( a thing not usuall in caesar's army ) the old souldiers began to giue ground , and that they did not absolutely flie , it seemed to be shame , not valour that withheld them : concerning the despaire of caesar , and this his action appian is my warrant , and florus partly testifies as much . c sextus pompeius did long lurke in celtiberia , till after the death of iulius caesar he leuied forces , and surprising the iland of sicily , he commanded the seas in those parts , and saued many romans that fled to him from the proscription of the triumuiri : he was at last vanquished at sea by marcus agrippa the chiefe generall for augustus caesar , and slaine in asia by the souldiers of marcus antonius the triumuir . finis . the seventh booke . the argument of the seuenth booke . what different passions 'mongst the people rise at caesar's new transcendent dignities : he , to decline the enuy of his reigne , designes a warre against the parthian . cassius consults with brutus to set free the state againe by caesar's tragedy . the lords conspire : vnto the capitoll caesar securely goes ( though of his f●ll by fatall prodigies foretold in vaine ) and entring there is by the senate slaine . that ciuill fury , that so long had torne romes state , & through so many regions borne her bleeding wounds , it selfe had wasted now ; and long'd-for peace did seeme againe to show her cheerefull face ; the people hop'd for rest , since now vnriuall'd caesar was possest of all the honours , rome could giue , alone , and the world knew no other power but one . the ore-ioy'd people wish it euer so : ( his power was growne aboue their enuy now ) and to the gods they willingly forgiue the losse of that vnsafe prerogatiue their libertie , and gladly would adore a safe and peacefull scepter ; for the more his might in warre their terrours did increase the more his vertues now secure their peace : no better guardian , wish they , to the state than mighty caesar , whose vnconquer'd fate so long preuail'd ' gainst all opposing powers , and crush'd so many great competitours . nor doe the poore plebeians wish it so alone ; these hopes the weary'd senate too ( except some few ) doe harbour with delight , and gladly giue consent to caesar's height : they most of all desire a calme , since most the highest cedars by rough stormes are tost ; they wish the shadow of that freedome gone whose substance long agoe was ouerthrowne . for what since marius times , since sylla's reigne did they of ancient libertie retaine , but the bare name ? for which so deere a price they pay'd , and saw so many tragedies : and therefore not alone from flattery , but from true ioy to caesar they decree more height of honour , and more state than can fit the condition of a priuate man , left he perchance might seeme in his owne eyes lesse than a monarch : to those dignities , which after the defeat of scipio he had receiu'd , they adde farre greater now , diuine and humane ; that throughout all lands , and all the kingdomes which great rome commands , not onely sacrifices should be had for him , and offerings in all temples made , but temples to himselfe they doe decree to consecrate as to a deirie : but one more sumptuous than the rest , and high erected is to him and clemency ioyning their deities , where hand in hand does caesar's image with the goddesse stand : and ( as his countries sauiour ) euery where his rich-wrought statues oaken garlands weare ▪ they stile him consull for ten yeares to come , dictator euer , father of his rome ; and that in euery cause , for ample state , he , as supreme , and soueraigne magistrate should iudgement giue from a tribunall high of burnish'd gold and polish'd iuory . that those chaste maides , which keepe the vestall flame , and all romes priests should vow in caesar's name , and for his safetie offer euery yeare , and he himselfe a robe triumphall weare at publike sacrifice ; that thankes should be giu'n to the gods for his each victory , and the dayes sacred . who could ere haue thought that day , on which pharsalia's field was fought , or that of thapsus , or sad munda's warre as holidayes should fill the calendar ? and cato , scipio , pompey's tragicke falls be kept with ioy as roman festiualls ? the moneth quintilis , to his lasting fame , ( which gaue him birth ) must beare great iulius name . what more deserued honour could there be , more fit , more gratefull to posteritie for caesar's future memory to weare , than mention in his owne amended yeare ? that he , whose wisdome from confusion had freed th' accounts of time , and to the sunne had squar'd his yeare , from all those errours freed which negligence insensibly did breed , in that should liue , while people euery where throughout the world obserue the iulian yeare . and more to heighten his transcendent state , they make decree , that euery magistrate shall ( when elected ) sweare not to withstand what euer caesar's edicts shall command , making his power so great , there 's nothing now but he himselfe may on himselfe bestow . what now should caesar feare ? what ill successe can shake so strong a grounded happinesse ? or what should rome now in a state so blest suppose can rend her peace , or reaue her rest ? askes it a greater vertue to maintaine a setled fortune than at first to gaine ? or is it easier to the powers on high to giue , than to preserue prosperitie ? or would the gods else let proud mortalls see by this so fatall mutabilitie , their fraile estate , and finde the distance so betwixt celestiall powers and powers below ? caesar to mould the state a new beginnes with wholesome lawes , and by his mercy winnes ( if mercy could such enuy ouercome ) the peoples hearts , calling from exile home those banish'd lords that had against him fought to make all hatred , with the warre , forgot : and through the empires wide circumference extends his bountie and magnificence ; carthage and corinth he re-edifies , and plants them both with roman colonies , and not detracting from th' old founders fames , le ts them both beare their first renowned names . but yet suspecting ( what the sadde euent prou'd true ) how hardly his new gouernment will at the first be brook'd , till time allay that enuies heat , that does as yet outweigh his lenitie , and nothing more than rest matures the plots of discontented brests , caesar resolues with speed to entertaine an honourable warre to wipe the staine of ciuill blood , by forren deeds , away , to fetch againe from conquer'd parthia ( which yet secure did of romes trophees boast ) those captiue eagles which slaine crassies lost . his fixed thoughts on that high action set , vnto a great and frequent senate met , thus caesar speakes ; fathe●s conscript , had i meant to abuse my power in crueltie , as cinna , marius , and dire sylla did , what closest vizour could so long haue hid my nature from you ? you had found ere this some fatall signes : but i , that still did wish power , for no other end than to secure the vse of vertuous deeds , and put in vre nor what my passions but true reason taught , in all these warres haue for the publike fought , to make my selfe a guardian , not a lord of rome and you , and with a conquering sword keepe out all tyrants , that might else intrude , working your safetie , not your seruitude . what can this senate , or the people feare from caesar's power , whose mercy euery where so many pardon'd enemies haue try'd ? and , saue in battell , none by me destroy'd : let those suruiuing witnesses relate how i in warre haue vs'd my prosperous fate ; let scip●o's papers burn'd , vnread by me ( after the field of thapsus ) testifie how loth i was to finde in rome a foe ▪ and rather chose my dangers not to know , but still to liue in danger , than to be secur'd by slaughter and seueritie : nor , but enforc'd , witnesse ye gods of rome , to this sad ciuill warre did caesar come , and was compell'd ( though loth ) to conquer more to purchase that , which i deseru'd before , for which ten yeares successefully i fought against the gaules , and all those regions brought vnder the power of rome , which lie betweene the pyrenaean hills , the german rhine , and brittish seas ; nor did the german rhine , or brittish seas my victories confine , which flew beyond them both , and crossing ore ( where neuer roman eagles pearch'd before ) i taught the germans there our yoke to carry , and made the painted brittaines tributary : for which my triumphs enuy did deny ; to winne for rome was made a crime in me . had not my foes vngratefull iniury turn'd backe those conquering armes on italy they had , perchance , fathers , by your command ere this subdu'd the farthest easterne land . our name the indians , and tam'd medes had knowne ▪ the persian susa , and proud babylon had felt our strength , nor on the parthian coast so long had crassus vnreuenged ghost complaining wander'd : that designe for me rests now to act ( so you the warre decree . ) when first the spring dissolues the mountaine snow , and westerne winds vpon the waters blow ; when with his golden hornes bright taurus opes the chearefull yeare ; shall these victorious troops aduance against the parthians , and there die , or fetch those eagles home with victory which crassus lost : till then you need not feare the insolency of the souldier , that their disorder'd licence here at home may any way disturbe the peace of rome . my care already has ( besides the spoiles of forren foes ) rewarded all their toiles with those great summes , which here so lately i ( perchance much enuy'd ) rais'd in italy to keepe them still , and did not feare to buy with mine owne enuy your security . then , conscript fathers , if your wisdomes shall esteeme of caesar as a generall , fit to reuenge the roman infamy ' gainst parthia's pride , decree the warre to me : i am your souldier still ; nor ere has ought but romes renowne by all my toiles beene sought : you shall perceiue that caesar's souldiers are not onely fortunate in ciuill warre . caesar had ended ; when the fathers all to such a warre , and such a generall giue glad consent , and with one voyce decree the parthian warre to caesar's auspicie . but fates deny what they so much desir'd ; the date of caesar's glory was expir'd , and fortune weary'd with his triumphs now reuolts from him ; more ruine and more woe was yet behinde for wretched rome to tast ▪ nor can their quiet happinesse out-last the life of caesar , whose approaching fate more ciuill warres and wounds must expiate ▪ no vertue , bountie , grace , nor clemency could long secure vsurped soueraignty : for more that power to citizens borne free distastfull was than benefits could be sweet and delight some : which soone hasten'd on th' vntimely death of caesar ; nor alone to this conspiracy did hatred draw his ancient foes ▪ as pontius aquila , bucolianus , and cecilius , ligarius pardon'd once , and rubrius , scruilius galba , sextus naso too , spurius , with many of the faction moe : but euen ' mongst caesar's friends dire enuy wrought ; and to his slaughter bold trebonius brought , casca , and cimber , and minutius his seeming friends ; nor thee , oh cassius , could caesar's fauour , nor thy pretorship of rome obtain'd , from this dire murther keepe . decimus brutus too , so highly grac'd , and in so neere a ranke of friendship plac'd with caesar , to whose trust and gouernance the wealthy prouince of transalpine france caesar had left , enuying his patrons power among the rest is turn'd conspiratour : nor seemes the knot of this great faction yet , to be of strength enough , vnlesse they get young marcus brutus in , who then did sway the prouince of cisalpine gallia , colleague with cassius ( as romes pretors ) then , and high in caesar's grace : this braue young man for his knowne vertues and admired parts , in all the peoples discontented hearts did seeme most thought of , and mark'd out to be the vindicatour of lost libertie : nor did they hide it , but in libells wrote on his pretorian cell , exprest their thought , taxing his courage as degenerate from th' ancient brutus , who first freed the state of rome from monarchy ; as if the fame of such an act could suit no other name , and he by fatall birth condemn'd to be an actor now in caesar's tragedy . now had rh●m n●sian nemesis possest in all her blackest formes , the vengefull brest of fierie cassius , and did wholly sway his eager thoughts , impatient of delay : who , by nights silence , enters brutus house ▪ him there he findes alone , and anxious , wailing his countries fate , and sadder farre than when the feare of this great ciuill warre first seiz'd the peoples hearts , and frighted rome was fill'd with fatall prodigies : to whom cassius beginnes : oh why should brutus spend that pretious time in thought , which he should lend in actiue aid , to his sad countries need ; that would againe by brutus hand be freed . see what the peoples longing thoughts expect that thou should'st worke for them ; marke the effect of what they write on thy praetorian sell : there may'st thou read that ( though contented well ) they look'd no farther than for vaine delights ( as libyan huntings , and circensian sights ) from other praetors , they expect from thee a benefit , no lesse than libertie : can brutus thinke that caesar , while he liues ▪ will ere resigne so great a power , who striues to make it more his owne ; and not content with a dictator's name and gouernment , an office oft bestow'd , while rome was free , aimes at more certaine markes of monarchy the regall crowne and scepter , thinking all the senate giues , cause they can giue it , small ? why were the tribunes else , for taking downe from caesar's statue , late , a golden crowne , depos'd ? or what could he by law alleage against their persons sacred priuilege ? did lewd antonius put a diadem on caesar's head , to be refus'd by him in publike onely , and not there to trie how we would all allow his monarchy ? besides a thousand more ambitious arts , he daily findes to sound the peoples hearts . his death the period of his pride must be , and must with speed be wrought : for if , till he returne triumphant from the parthian warre , we should delay our vengeance , harder farre , and with more enuy must it then be done , when he more honour and more loue has wonne . to shake off caesar's yoke this is the time , or make it not our owne , but fortunes crime : the noble brutus sigh'd ; oh cassius , if heauens ( quoth he ) haue not allotted vs a longer date of freedome , how can we with feeble armes controule their high decree ? they , that in affricke , spaine , and thessaly condemn'd the cause of roman liberty , will not protect it now : and better farre it should be lost in faire and open warre , from whence at first it sprung , and grew so high , than to be sau'd by secret treachery , such as the ancient romans scorn'd to vse ' gainst worst of foes . noble fabritius , when conquering pyrrhus threaten'd rome , disdain'd to free his countrey by a traitours hand , aduenturing rather romes sad ouerthrow by open warre : nor ' gainst a forren foe were these respects obseru'd alone by vs : what greater traitour than sertorius , and foe to rome ? yet he by treason slaine on base perpenna stucke a lasting staine : what hope was there that one so deepe in blood as was that butcher sylla , euer would resigne his reigne to be a priuate man ? yet who ' gainst sylla's life attempted then ? twixt whom and caesar was as great an ods almost , as twixt the furies and the gods. as much as those then liuing romans were too timorous , too base , and prone to beare a tyrants yoke , as much , for this , shall we be iudg'd ingrate to caesar's clemency : and those old men will more accuse our crime , that can remember sylla's bloody time : but i ( of all accurst ) that so much owe to caesar's fauours , am condemned now to be a subiect , or from seruitude to free my selfe by foule ingratitude : oh what a torture my distracted brest suffers , twixt two such sad extremes opprest ? oh why , when dire pharsalia's field was fought , and i disguis'd in common armour sought to reach his life , before i was descry'd , and sau'd by caesar , had not brutus dy'd , and free descended to the shades below ? or if my aime had hit , one happie blow had rescu'd rome from thrall without a staine ( vnlesse great pompey had vsurp'd a reigne ) and had not left our libertie to be thus poorely wrought by secret treachery : oh , stay awhile our vengeance , cassius , see what the gods , and fate will doe for vs ▪ or what ere long our fatall enemies the parthians can doe . cassius replies , could brutus then be pleas'd , the parthian foe againe should triumph in our ouerthrow ? to haue , with publike losse and infamy that wrought for vs , which may with honour be ( and rome yet safe ) by our owne hands atchieu'd . in all thy reasons , yet , thou art deceiu'd , mistakinq grounds of things , thou dost conclude impartiall iustice foule ingratitude : for if the deed be iust , no benefit receiu'd , should hinder thee from acting it ; that were corruption , not true gratitude : the greater fauours caesar ere has shew'd to thee , the more thy iustice will appeare in that the publike good thou dost preferre : 't would take much honour from a deed so high , if caesar had beene knowne thine enemie : nor could an act , wherein thy priuate hate had borne a share , so much oblige the state : to purchase honour , and our countries good priuate respects of friendship or of blood must be forgot and banish'd : is that old brutus through , all succeeding times extoll'd , by whose strict iustice his owne sonnes did die , that sought againe to bring in monarchy ? and art thou bound to suffer caesar's reigne ? what would old brutus doe , if here againe ? or vnto thee can caesar's fauour seeme a greater bond than nature was to him ? nor canst thou terme it secret treachery if by our hands vsurping caesar die ; since fate of warlike power has vs bereft , and no meanes else to worke our freedome left . should we a while deferre the action , it cannot be , perchance , hereafter done but with dishonour and base treasons staine , when we before haue both approu'd his reigne : for in the sibils bookes 't was lately read , the parthians neuer can be vanquished but by a king : which in the peoples eares is told already ; and his flatterers by them would haue it publikely desir'd ; our voyces , brutus , will be then requir'd ; which we with greatest perill must deny , or else for euer lose our libertie . when cassius had with his persuasiue art fully confirm'd young brutus wauering heart to this sad deed ; a noise at doore they heare ; decimus brutus now was enter'd there , and all the rest of that conspiracy : where ' mongst themselues the fatall knot they tie , by mutuall othes ; striuing ( alas ) in vaine by caesar's death that freedome to attaine , which was for euer banish'd by the doome of fate , and neuer to returne to rome though often sought ; in stead of freedome now more desolation , tragedies and woe after this slaughter must againe ensue ; and all the people that dire action rue which they desir'd . philippi's balefull day , perusia's siege , and fatall mutina , with leuca's fleet shall make afflicted rome truly lament ore slaughter'd caesar's tombe . the balefull ides of march approaching nigh ordain'd by fate for this great tragedy , th' etrurian augurs , who diuine by sight of slaine beasts entrailes , and the various flight of birds , in caesar's danger were not dumbe , but boldly told what they foresaw to come . the ides of march spurinna bids him feare : nor did the earth , the aire , or skies forbeare presaging signes ( if any signes could lend meanes to preuent what destinies intend : ) affrighting voyces in the aire were heard ; the sunne himselfe in threatning formes appear'd , sometimes , as if he wept , his glorious head with a blew rainebow round enuironed ; sometimes quite dimm'd , as if he fled the sight of men , and meant to make eternall night . the windy spirits through earth's torne cauernes breake : floods change their courses : beasts ' gainst nature speake ▪ the swelling poe oreflowes th' adioyning plaine , and to his channell suddenly againe retiring backe , thousands of monstrous snakes , which he brought forth , vpon dry ground forsakes . the sea , that had orewhelm'd a part of land by tyber's mouth , retiring , on the sand as many fish did in like sort forsake : but nearer signes great caesar's death fore-spake . those stately steeds , which , when the warre begun , he crossing ore the streame of rubicon had consecrated , and for euer freed from future seruice of the warre , to feed at libertie along the chrystall flood , and quiet wander through the shady wood , for many dayes before their lord was slaine , did , of themselues , their pleasant food refraine : their mourning eyes presaging sorrow shew'd , and all the pasture fields with teares bedew'd . the little regall bird , the day before , flying along , a sprig of laurell bore within her mouth ; whom straight a multitude of birds from out the neighbouring wood pursu'd , till she had enter'd pompey's court , and there the laurell'd bird did all to peeces teare . that night , that vsher'd forth the fatall day , was come , and with her darknesse did display prodigious feares , bringing , in stead of rest , a sad disturbance to each wakefull brest : throughout the palace , where great caesar slept his last , the armes of mars , which there were kept , were heard to yeeld a horrid ratling sound , clashing together of themselues ; and round about the house the doores flew ope at once : the aire of night was fill'd with dismall grones ; and people oft awaked with the howles of wolues and fatall dogges : ill boding owles , night-iarres , and rauens with wide-stretched throats from yews , and holleys send their balefull notes ; the shrieches wailings , and all cries were heard of euery fatall and affrighting bird. shape-faining morpheus , in the dead of night , sent from the king of rest , with speedy flight entring the palace , to calphurnia , who sleeping in her lords embraces lay , presents his slaughter'd figure in such wise as vnto all th' amazed peoples eyes , the next day's sunne must show ; all stain'd with blood before the bed she dreamt her caesar stood , his visage pal'd with death : that robe of state , which neuer foe before could violate , all torne , through which his gaping wounds appeare : calphurnia weepes , then shriekes aloud for feare , and stretching ore the bed her louing armes t' embrace the flying shade ; though free from harmes she finde her lord , who was awaked now , scarce dares she trust her waking senses so as she beleeues the vision ; in her thought so much that too prophetike dreame had wrought . caesar with kisses wipes away her teares , and askes the cause of her so sudden feares : she trembling yet , the fatall dreame declares which had disturb'd her sleepe ( nor could the cares that rose from thence , be banish'd ) with the story mixing fresh teares , and louing oratory , persuades her caesar to remember now what th' augur's skills so lately did fore-show , and what the learn'd spurinna bad him feare from th' ides of march , which now ( ill ) present were : she begges of him he would forbeare to goe that morning to the senate , and bestow that one poore day , if not vpon his owne deare safetie , yet vpon her feares alone : and grant to her as much , as to a wife was due , of int'rest in a husbands life . that he those spanish guards would entertaine , which had so lately beene dismiss'd , againe : that safe preuention of a danger neere was noble still , and could be stiled feare no more than scorning the gods threats could be true fortitude or magnanimitie . caesar replies ; ah deare calphurnia , dearer to me than that life-breath i draw , would'st thou forbeare thy griefe , it could not lie within the power of any prodigie to make this day a sad one : should i here begin to learne that superstitious feare of fatall dayes and houres , what day to me could ere hereafter from such feares be free ? i onely should my wretched life torment , and not my destin'd time of death preuent , but liue for euer with vaine feares diseas'd when ere astrologers or augurs pleas'd : euery beasts entrailes were a care to me , and flight of euery bird a malady . if caesar's danger grow from discontent of rome , not one dayes absence can preuent , nor scarce repriue my fate ; and once to die better than euer feare conspiracie : what good can strongest guards on me conferre but make me liue perpetuall prisoner ? why should i feare the peoples discontent , who now enioy vnder my gouernment more wealth , more safetie , and prosperitie than by my death they could ? the death of me , that haue already reach'd the height of all glory and state that can to man befall , and wrought my farthest ends , can neuer be so much mine owne as their calamitie ; who will againe with ciu●ll iarres be rent , and wish a safe and setled gouernment : oh doe not feare thy dreame , calphurnia , nor sad presages from such trifles draw : if dreames were fatall , loue , sleepe were not rest ; since most our cares would be by sleepe increast : but if they were presages , tell me then , for our two dreames to night haue different beene , which should preuaile ? me thought i flew aboue the loftie cloudes , and touch'd the hand of joue , and to my selfe did seeme more great and high than ere before : what but felicitie should this portend ? i dare not now suspect in calmest peace , those powers , that did effect my roughest warres ; oh let no sad surmise with causelesse griefe distaine calphurnia's eyes . aurora now from t●thon's purple bed arose , and th' easterne skie discoloured gaue cheerefull notice of th' approaching sunne ; when forth , through rome , th' officious clients ●unne , the palace all with early visitants was fill'd , to wait when caesar would aduance forth to the senate ; striuing to be seene neere th' earthly sunne , and in his raies to shine : some to doe grace , and grace receiue from him , some , like malignant cloudes prepar'd to dim , or in eclipse eternall bury quite before the set of phaebus , caesar's light . among the rest did decimus attend with fained seruice , and the name of friend to fatall ends abusing , hasten'd on perswaded caesar to destruction ; though , ere they goe , the sacrifices all threatning and blacke appear'd , and did appall the fearefull priests , who from those entrailes show portent of dire calamitie and woe : some bulls they could not at the altar stay , who breaking thence fled through the streets away ; in others , which were slaine and open'd there , none but th' infernall gods deign'd to appeare : the hearts were perish'd , and corruption flow'd through all the vitall parts , blacke was the blood . the burning entrailes yeelded onely fume , no flame at all , but darkely did consume mouldring away to ashes , and with blacke vnsauoury clouds through th' aire a darkenesse make . but caesar , maugre what the entrailes threat , vndaunted passes on ( how wondrous great is destiny ? ) and as he goes , neglects that scroll presented to him , which detects the whole conspiracy : which , as of small import , he pockets vp not read at all , and enters pompey's bloody court , led on by powerfull fate to his destruction : where ominously receiu'd , he mounts his high dictator's sell of gold and iuory : the lords obeisance make in humblest wise , when different passions in their brests arise ; euen those bold hearts that vow'd his tragedy , almost relent : the mans great maiestie , that awfull fortune , that did still attend his deeds , in all extremes a constant friend produce a feare t' encounter discontent : nor doe their fancies onely him present inuincible in open field , as when he stood enuiron'd with his armed men : but such as when alone he wrought his ends , aided by none but fortune , as his friends , as when he scap'd th' aegyptian treachery , when he appeas'd his souldiers muteny , or when the stormy seas he crossed ore by night , and safely reach'd brundusium's shore : and why should not that friendly fortune now , as then ( thinke they ) preuent his ouerthrow and to their ruine quite defeat the plot . but shame forbid them to relent ; the knot among too many conscious brests was ty'd to let them start ; and on the other side reuenge encourag'd by the multitude of actors , enter'd , and all feares subdu'd , first to his sell bold cimber made approach , and seiz'd his purple robe ; at whose rude touch while caesar's wrath together with amaze began to rise , the rest from euery place drawne neere , no longer hiding their intent the fatall ponyards to his brest present : the first wound on him casca did bestow , whose ponyard caesar wresting , to his foe returnes a stabbe backe for the stabbe he gaue , striuing in vaine with one poore strength to saue a life assaulted by so many hands ; no succours could approach , no guard , nor bands of aiding friends were nigh ; that courage quite was lost , that nere was lost before in fight ; vntill enfeebled by a deeper wound , and by inuading death enuiron'd round , hopelesse he hides his face , and fixed stands t' endure the fury of reuenging hands repressing groanes or words , as loth to shame his former life , or dying staine the fame of those great deeds through all the world exprest , these silent thoughts reuoluing in his brest : yet has not fortune chang'd , nor giuen the power of caesar's head to any conquerour ; by no superiours proud command i die , but by subiected romes conspiracy : who to the world confesses by her feares , my state and strength to be too great for hers , and from earths highest throne , sends me to be by after-ages made a deitie : through many wounds his life disseized , fled at last ; and he , who neuer vanquished by open warre , with blood and slaughter strew'd so many lands , with his owne blood embrew'd the seat of wronged iustice , and fell downe a sacrifice t' appease th' offended gowne . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a07324-e25400 plat. phaed. an historicall collection of the continuall factions, tumults, and massacres of the romans and italians during the space of one hundred and twentie yeares next before the peaceable empire of augustus cæsar selected and deriued out of the best writers and reporters of these accidents, and reduced into the forme of one entire historie, handled in three bookes. beginning where the historie of t. liuius doth end, and ending where cornelius tacitus doth begin. fulbecke, william, 1560-1603?. 1601 approx. 283 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 115 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a01289 stc 11412 estc s102772 99838536 99838536 2918 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a01289) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 2918) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 293:05) an historicall collection of the continuall factions, tumults, and massacres of the romans and italians during the space of one hundred and twentie yeares next before the peaceable empire of augustus cæsar selected and deriued out of the best writers and reporters of these accidents, and reduced into the forme of one entire historie, handled in three bookes. beginning where the historie of t. liuius doth end, and ending where cornelius tacitus doth begin. fulbecke, william, 1560-1603?. [16], 20 [i.e. 209], [7] p. printed [by r. field] for vvilliam ponsonby, london : 1601. dedication and preface signed: william fulbecke. printer's name from stc. includes index. the first leaf is blank. p. 209 misnumbered 20. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng rome -history -republic, 265-30 b.c. -early works to 1800. 2007-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-01 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-03 jason colman sampled and proofread 2007-03 jason colman text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an historicall collection of the continvall factions , tvmvlts , and massacres of the romans and italians during the space of one hundred and twentie yeares next before the peaceable empire of augustus caesar . selected and deriued out of the best writers and reporters of these accidents , and reduced into the forme of one entire historie , handled in three bookes . beginning where the historie of t. livivs doth end , and ending where cornelivs tacitvs doth begin . london , printed for vvilliam ponsonby . 1601. to the right honorable sir thomas sackeuill knight , of the most noble order of the garter , baron of buckhurst , lord high treasurer of england , one of her maiesties most honorable priuie counsell , chauncellour of the vniuersitie of oxford . the epistle dedicatorie . right honorable , i hope your lordship will pardon my feare transformed into boldnesse , who hauing vowed by good right vnto your honor excellently deseruing of the more polite learning , and milder sciences , this small history , and so much fearing or rather reuerencing your censure , that i did hold it better to smother it with silence , then to endow it with light , sith your honour hath trauersed such an infinite sea of histories , when as i do but offer certaine shallow riuelettes and slender parcels of an historie : yet now notwithstanding , as if all were well accomplished , i presume to deliuer it into your lordships hands . therefore , that it may appeare clearely and euidently to your lordship , what cause did especiallie mooue me to entertaine this determination , i will by your honours fauour , in few words , as becommeth me , explane and vnfold the secret sense of my minde . the fortunes of noblemen , a man adorned with nobilitie : the state and forme of politike affaires , some eye of a common weale : the aspiring icarian romanes , he , whose authoritie is effectuall for the depressing of the popish phaetons , is onely fit to censure and with iudiciall stile to note . and what did perswade me to this labour , being destinated to another profession , and euen then champing vpon the vnpleasant barke of the studie of the law , which might easilie procure a distast of more delightfull learning , i do not purpose to conceale . plutarch in that part or region of his worke , which is entitled lucullus ( for his whole volume doth resemble the hugenesse of the world ) hath reported , and imparted to posteritie , that lucullus , hortensius , and sisenna being famous for skill in law , did by couenant determine to write according to lot the historie of that time . to lucullus was allotted the description of the marsian warre , who content with this taske , did with great commendation finish it : and he being a worthie conquerour , did in the greeke language display the notable conquestes of the romanes : which thing hauing recorded and digested in my minde , i found by infallible exexperience , that one studious of law might afford some leasurable time to the diuulging of an historie . for i do not despaire to follow these romanes , though i do not aspire to their exquisite and industrious perfection : for that were to climbe aboue the climates : but to imitate any man , is euery mans talent . but this slender gift , of paper and small accompt ( i would it were worthie of your honour , your birth , your place ) yet flowing from that minde , of which it was conceiued , that is to true nobilitie most addicted , take ( most honorable lord ) in good worth and aboue my desert or expectation , and not onely with looking , but with liking vouchsafe it . the lord god support your honour with vnchaungeable safetie . your honors most humble to commaund . william fvlbecke . the praeface to the reader . fourteene yeares are now runne out sithence i fully ended and dispatched this historicall labour : for departing from the vniuersitie of oxford in the yeare 1584 , and addressing my selfe to the studie of the law , i thought it more conuenient and reasonable at once to finish and perfect this worke , which i had already begun , then breaking my course with delaies to be still striking on the anuill , knowing that things begun , are more easily concluded then thinges interrupted can be conioyned ; wherefore in that very yeare and some few daies following , i did begin , continue and consummate the three bookes of this historie , since which time it hath lyen in the couert of my studie , of my selfe seldome looked on , of others some times read , who by vrgent perswasion would haue mooued me to offer it to the publike view of my countreymen , to which i would in no wise condiscend , alleaging for reason that it would be thought a blemish of impudencie in me to assay the discription of such things , which by appian , plutarch , paterculus , & others haue bene excellently deliuered ; which i tooke to be a sufficient fortresse and support of my excuse and refusall , but againe i heard that all the romane writers which haue reported the accidents of this historie , are either in their narrations too long and prolixe , or else too harsh and vnpleasant , or else so exceeding briefe that the coherence and mutuall dependance of things could hardly be discerned or coniectured in the narrow compasse of so strict desciphering . this i heard with patience , and answered with silence , for i durst not oppose my blunt arguments to their daintie appetite : the truth standing so in the middle way betwixt bs both , that i could not with safe conscience in all these allegations dissent from them , nor with sound opinion in all consent vnto them , wherefore weighing more precisely in minde , and ballancing with vnaffectioned thoughts the state of the difference betwixt vs , and beholding the naked pourtrature of the thing it selfe without shadow of circumstances , i perceiued that the great prolixitie and the too exceeding breuitie of the romane historiographers could not well be couered with the veile of any reasonable excuse : and further the obiection of others could not well be confuted , who do condemne in their writings great disagreament and contrariety of narration , wherefore remembring my first intent in the collecting of these historicall reports , which was to single and sequester the vndeniable truth of the historie from the drosse and falshood which was in many places intermixed and enfolded in it : and to do this in such sort , that my speciall care in auoyding the extremities of length and breuity , two lothsome faults , from which notwithstanding few writers be free , might fully and manifestly appeare : and considering likewise that histories are now in speciall request and accompt , whereat i greatly reioyce , acknowledging them to be the teachers of vertuous life , good conuersation , discreete behauiour , politike gouernement , conuenient enterprises , aduised proceedings , warie defences , grounded experience , and refined wisedome . and being again solicited by perswasible meanes , to commit the censure of this my historicall collection to the curtesie of others , i haue at last yeelded to this motion , reposing my selfe rather vpon kinde construction , then rigorous desert . the vse of this historie is threefold , first the reuealing of the mischiefes of discord and ciuill discention , in which the innocent are proscribed for their wealth , noblemen dishonored , cities become waste by banishment and bloodshed : nay ( which is more ) virgins are deflowred , infants are taken out of their parents armes , and put to the sword , matrons do suffer villanie , temples and houses are spoyled , and euery place is full of armed men , of carcasses , of bloud , of teares . secondly the opening of the cause hereof , which is nothing else but ambition , for out of this seed groweth a whole haruest of euils . thirdly the declaring of the remedie , which is by humble estimation of our selues , by liuing well , not by lurking well : by conuersing in the light of the common weale with equals , not by complotting in darke conuenticles against superiors : by contenting our selues with our lot , and not contending to our losse : by hoping without aspiring , and by suffering without conspiring . let rome in this history be a witnesse , that a slipperie ascending was alwaies accompanied with a headlong discent , and that peace is a great deale better then triumph , which will be an occasion i trust to my countreymen of england to be thankfull to god for this sweete quiet and serenitie of this flourishing estate , in which england now standeth , wherein the day striueth with the night whether shall be calmer : and let it mooue thee whosoeuer thou art , courteous reader , to pray with the earnest endeuor of thy hart , that the iris which is the pledge of our peace may still shine amongst vs , that the happie virgin which is the starre of safety in the zodiacke of this common weale may continue immoueable , that our halcyon may still sit in this albion , on this white rocke to make the seas calme , and the waues silent , and to preserue the league of heauen and earth , i meane true religion amongst vs. from my chamber in graies inne 13. octob. anno dom. 1600. thine in all sincere affection , william fvlbecke . a table of the romaine forenames written with one letter . a. aulus . c. caius . d. decimus : for decius it cannot be , because that was the name of a familie , and in the monuments of the greeke writers , it is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. lucius . m. m. ' marcus manius . n. numerius . p. publius . q. quintus . t. titus . written with two letters . ap. appius . cn. cneus . op. opiter . sp. spurius . ti. tiberius . written with three letters . mam. mamercus . sex. sextus . ser. seruius . tul. tullus . the names of the bookes and authors out of which this historie was deriued . appianus . augustinus . cassiodorus . caesar . cicero . dio nicoeus & dio cassius . eutropius . florus . gellius . gentilis albericus . hirtius . iornandes . iosephus . liber de viris illustribus . liber antiquitatum romanarum . libri gentium & familiarum romanarum . liuius . lucanus . manutius paulus . obsequeus . orosius . plinius . pedianus . plutarchus . salustius . seneca . sigonius . strabo . velleius valerius maximus . zonaras . clotho , or the first booke . when vainglorious tarquine the last of the romaine kings for the shamefull rape of lucrece committed by one of his sonnes , was banished from rome & consuls succeeded , which as the name declares , had charge of prouiding for the cōmon safetie & securitie , the romaines changed gold for brasse , and loathing one king suffered manie tyrants , scourging their follie with their fall , and curing a festred sore with a poisoned plaister : for what could be more vniust , or more contrarie to the free estate of a citie , then to subiect the whole common weale to the rule of manie potentates , and to exclude the people from all right and interest in publique affaires ? vvhat could be more absurd then the senators onely to bestow the consulship , the soueraigntie in warres , the supremacie in superstitious offices , according to their fancie and affection , to call senates at their pleasure , to conuocate assemblies when it seemed best for their owne profite , and to haue power of life and death vpon the bodies of their fellow citizens , & the people to liue like their slaues , being barred and restrained from marrying with the daughter of anie senatour , as if that pray had bene too high for so low a wing , and being held in such disdaine and disreputation that common fellowship and mutuall societie was denied them , which was indeede not to liue like free men in a citie , but like villaines and bondmen in a wainscot prison , and like sillie birds in a golden cage : but when after long experience they had found , that winter succeeded sommer , & that the withered welfare of their citie could not be reuiued without some fortunate spring : to the intent that moderation might be induced , and that the meaner sort might beare some stroke with the mightier , that the people might enioy the sweete of the citie as well as the fathers , they procured a new office entituled the tribuneship , whereby they might protect themselues as with a shield against the arrogant endeuors and outragious decrees of the senatours , and thē the fellowship of mariage was brought in with the senate , which before was prohibited the people , as if they had bene stained with some cōtagious iandise , or infected with some dangerous leprosie , and their suffrage was thē made necessarie to the election of officers , which before was as rare in that cōmon-weale as a white skin in aethiopia . the people hauing thus erected their power , did by degrees more and more enhaunce it , till by many alterations it was turned from an aristocracie , from the rule of them that were manie and mightie , to a plaine and visible democracie or estate popular , administred by the voyces of the multitude and magistrates , and by the vnited consent of the whole corporatiō . now when the people had by continuall incrochments assumed and seased into their handes the giuing and bestowing of the greater offices , as the consulship , that strong tower of the senatous authoritie , and besides that the dictatorship , the censorship , the warlike empire , the priestly dignitie , and many other most excellent honors , which before did solely belong to the peeres of rome , and now there wanted nothing to make their power equall , but onely that plebiscites , that is , decrees made by the people , should binde the greater powers , as well as the people themselues , frō which at that time the whole companie of the nobles were exempted . therefore to make them generall , and of like force against all , they wrested from the fathers after much businesse , the law hortensia , by which it was enacted that in euery important matter the people should be equally interested with the senate , and that the lawes so made and ratified by them , should stretch as well to the senators , as to the people themselues . after that the common-weale was brought to this good and temperate constitution , many profitable lawes were established , many victories followed , many cities bowed vnto them , manie monarchies sued for their fauour , manie tyrants feared their puissance , & manie countreys dreaded their inuasion . then there flourished in rome most admirable examples of abstinencie , modestie , iustice , fortitude , and which was the seale of their securitie , an vniuersall vnitie and agreement . then the same of their curij , their coruncani , their fabritij , their metelli , their fabij , their marcelli , their scipioes , their pauli , their lepidi , did ring in the world , whose great magnanimitie & wisedome in the tumult of warres , together with their singular temperance , and loyaltie in the calme of peace , is to be wondred at of all , and of all to be reuerenced . but when either the senate or people did passe the lists and limits of aequall regiment , the ancient and vertuous orders of the citie were immediatly troden vnder foote , and their good and laudable customes were encountred and put to flight by dissolute and vnbridled enormities : then the asiaticall triumphs did incorporate into the citie a womanish wantonnesse , then proude ambition mounted her plume of disdaine vppon the top of the capitolle , then their excessiue pride and iouissance for their victories had against pyrrhus , for their cōquest of carthage , for the ouerthrow of philip , perseus , antiochus , mightie kings , for the winning of spaine , sicilie , sardinia , illyria , macedonia and greece , being as yet fresh in their memories , were as bellowes to puffe vp their swelling humours . thē there succeeded a dismall discord , which beginning when the estate was at the highest , did not end or expire , till it fell to the lowest ebbe , sticking fast in the sands of a grieuous desolation . if a man will retrospectiuely measure the space of former times , & the whole compasse of yeares , wherein the fortunes of the romanes were by god his hand turned about , he shall finde that all the weight of their affaires , before the incohation of the empire of augustus , may be dispersed into sixe ages ; wherof the first containing the number of fiftie yeares , was spent in the making of a towne ; for that gorgeous seate which nowe we call rome , was then but a plot of ground , to which houses were wanting , but afterward a great multitude of latine & tuscane shepheards , together with phrygians & arcadians , flowing to that place , as to a temple reuerenced by pilgrims and trauellers , the common-weale was compacted of these seuerall people , as a bodie of diuerse elements . romulus the founder of their citie & empire , did delight wholly in mountaines , riuers , woods , marishes and wastes , playing perhaps the espiall , to discouer and find out in what place it were best to erect a citie , and how to conuey things necessarie vnto it , and how to adorne it with continual increment and addition of demeisnes ; to such imaginations the fields and places desolate were most accordant , and to his sauage societie this practise of life was most acceptable . the second age which chalengeth other fiftie yeares , did ingender in them working spirits and loftie cogitations , which eneagred and inflamed their mindes , against the confiners & borderers : then it first began to beare the countenance and shape of a kingdome , which was after enlarged to the shore of the midland and adriaticke seas , which they rather vsed as bridges to other nations , then as bounders to their owne . the third age whose steps were an hundred and fiftie yeares , was the crowne and consummation of their kingdome , in which whatsoeuer was done was done by thē for the pompe , glorie and magnificence of that estate : as yet the romane pride was in her blade , and in the tendernesse of her minoritie , this threefold age was spent vnder seuen kings , differing by fatall prouidence in the disposition of their nature , as the frame and condition of that common-weale did especially require : for who was euer more fierce and ardent then romulus ? such a one they needed to inuade the kingdomes of others . vvho more religious then numa ? such the time did aske , that the furie of the people might be mitigated by the feare of god : vvherefore was tullus that artificiall champion giuen vnto them ? that he might sharpen their valour by his wit. vvherefore aucus the great builder ? that he might extend their citie with colonies , ioyne it together with bridges , enuiron it with walles . the ornaments ; ensignes and braueries of tarquinius , did with rayes of dignitie illustrate and decore that estate . seruius taxing them by polles , brought to passe that the romane commō weale might know her riches . and the importune domination of proud tarquine did verie much profite , for the people afflicted by iniuries , did force a passage to their libertie . the fourth age was as it were the youth of the romane monarchie , when the flower of their prowesse being greene , and the bloud of their mindes blossoming in their faces and armes , the shepheardly sauagenesse did as yet breathe foorth the reliques of an vndaunted stomacke . then flourished these romane hazards , and miracles cocles , sceuola , cloaetia , which chronicles do therefore witnesse , that posteritie may wonder . then were the tuscanes repulsed and the latines and volsciās daily and deadly enemies , vanquished by the triumphant husbandman l. quintius cincinnatus , which war he ended within fifteene dayes , as if he had made hast to returne to his tillage . then were ouercome the vientines , the faliscians , and the fidenates : then the galles a couragious nation , vsing their bodies for armour , in all respects so terrible , that they might seeme to be borne for the death of men , and destruction of cities , were vtterly vanquished : then were ouercome the sabines and samnites wasting and dispoiling the fields of campania , being the goodliest plot , the diamond-sparke and the hony-spot of all italie : there is no land more temperate for aire , for it hath a double spring-tide : no soile more fertile , and therfore it is called the combat of bacchus & ceres , no region more hospitable in regard of the sea , here be the noble hauens caieta , misenus , & the healthfull bathes lucrine and auerne , the resting places of the sea . here the mountaines clad with vines gaurus , falernus , massitus , and the firie hill vesurius : here the famous citie capua third sister to rome and carthage doth imperiously stand . they begirt samniū with warre and bloud on all sides , till they had ruinated her verie ruines , and reuilled in her bowels , and twelue seuerall nations of tuscana waging hote and furious battell against them , in such sort and terrible maner , as if darts had bene throwne at the romans from the coulds , were likewise suppressed . in this age happened the tarentine warre , in which the armie of pyrrhus continually slaying was continually slaine , and reuenge did liue in the death of the romanes : so that pyrrhus did thinke him selfe to be borne vnder hercules his starre , who hauing cut off the seuen heads of hydra , seuen other did spring vp . but from this captaine the romanes plucked such spoiles , that neuer fairer were caried in triumph . for before this day nothing passed in triumph , but the heards of the volscian cattell , and the flocks of the sabine sheepe , the broken wagons of the gaules , & the crushed harnesse of the samnites : but in this triumph , if you respect the prisoners , they were molossians , thessalians , macedonians , brutians , apulians , lucans : if you regard the pompe , it was gold , purple , curious pictures , tablets , and the delights of tarentum . next to this was the victorie of the pisani and salentini : this age shewed her force the space of two hundred and fiftie yeares . then followed the fifth age , in which the bodie of the common-weale grew to great strength , the ioints and sinewes being by mature soliditie setled in firme estate . therefore the conquering nation hauing now attained to the verie manhood of manlinesse , and displayed her standerd round about the sides of italie , to the skirts of the sea , pawsed a litle , as a great scalefire , which consuming all the woods and groues in the way that it goeth , is abrupted and put out of course by a floud cōming betweene . but soone after seeing a rich pray on the other side of the sea , supposing it to be a peece of gold pulled from her masse , they did so vehemently desire the same , that because it could not be ioyned vnto their dominion by bridges for the interruption of the sea , therefore they resolued to ioyne it by sword and battell : and so was sicilia subdued by the romanes , which was the cause and originall of the first carthaginian warre , which the warres of the ligurians , insubrians and illyrians did follow : and after the second carthaginian warre , so dangerous and bloudie to the romanes , that if a man compare the losse of both nations , they which did conquer , were more like to persons conquered . for it grieued that noble brood , and valiant people of carthage to be abridged of the sea , depriued of the ilands , to pay tribute , and to vndergo not onely the bridle , but the yoke : to this age must be ascribed the circuit of one hundred yeares , which may be termed the golden age of the romanes , & the first age in which they shewing their streamers on each side of the ocean , did transport their warres into all nations of the world , in whose yeares the romanes were honest , religious , iust , sincere , vertuous , and dutifull . the sixt age containing 120. yeares was troublesome and vgly , bloudie & detestable , vices growing with their empire . for with the wars valiantly fought against iugurtha , & mithridates , against the carthaginians , cimbrians , parthians , galles & germanes , by which the romane glorie ascended and pierced the skie , the ciuill slaughters of the gracchi , and of drusus , of marius , sylla and others were mingled and enterlarded : how mournefull a spectacle was it , that they fought the same time with fellowes in league , with fellowes in the citie , with bondmen , with fencers , all the senate afterward contending and being in hurliburly with it selfe ? these times receiued of the other ages an exquisite commō weale , as it were a curious picture , which after mildring and decaying by age , they did not only neglect to renew , with the same colours , but they also forgot to preserue the outwarde forme and lineaments thereof , for what remained of the auncient maners , which were both vnused and vnknowne : for by their recent vices they lost the common-weale in fact , and in name retained it . how lamentable was the face of things at that instant ? when euerie man confusedly being found in the field , in the streetes , in townes , in houses , in highwaies , in markets , in temples , in beds , sitting at the table or in the porch , was suddenly and sauagely murdered ? what howlings were there of them that died ? what teares of them that liued , and beheld this ? the cause of these miseries was too great prosperitie . vvhat made the people so earnest to extort the lawes of fields and corne , but verie famine procured by riot on the one part , and couetousnesse on the other ? for such was the lauish mis-spending , & excessiue vianding of some , that it can hardly be defined , whether more did perish by the blade or by the banquet , and such againe was the couetousnesse , & greedie exacting of others , that none can iudicially decide , whether the romanes were more endamaged by the enemie in time of warre , or by the vsurer in peaceable seasons . hence grew the two ciuil broiles of the gracchi , and that of saturninus being the third , and that of drusus being the fourth , who maintained the senate against the knights : and for the further abetting and auow of this quarell , he promised the freedome of the citie to diuerse italians animated to this attempt , so that in one citie there was as much discord as in two seuerall campes . this bred the italian warre , because promise was not perfourmed . and next ensued the warre of mithridates , seeing the romans on each side intangled with garboiles , which presently bred the enmitie betwixt marius and sylla , when marius would haue deuested sylla of his generalship giuen him by the senat for the oppugnation of mithridates . these two gaue mithridates encoragement , by leauing the ribbes of the comweale naked and open vnto him , marius led an armie , ambition led marius : ambition i say ingendred by riches , did raise contention betwixt them : from this the warre of sertorius and pompey had his originall , whereof the one was proscribed by sylla , the other protected . for pompey was accompted syllaes minion or fauorite , whom he therefore called magnus , that himselfe might seeme greater , being the saint whom pompey serued . sylla was cruell in reuenging crueltie , and his medicine was worse then the maladie itselfe . this stirred the dissention of lepidus and catulus , whereof the one would haue ratified , the other reuersed , all the acts of sylla . then catiline whom his lust occasioned by syllaes indulgence brought to beggerie , opposed himselfe to the consuls . then pompey entred the lists , as a follower of sylla , who obtained excellent dignitie in these times , but ciuill , and such as the regular course of that common-weale did affoord , whose power & authoritie caesar could not tollerate , because he could not match it : which notwithstanding he being ouercome and slaine , caesar passed and transcended . but when this vsurper had bleached the floore of the senate house with his owne bloud , who before had ouerflowed and deluged the whole world , with the crimson goare of most admirable men , the common-weale did seeme to haue rolled herselfe into the state of her pristinate libertie , and it had returned vnto the same , if either pompey had not left sonnes , or caesar had not made an heire , or , which was worse , if antonius the thunder-dart of furie had not suruiued , being once colleague with caesar in the consulship , now successor of his vsurpation . but while pompeys sonne striueth for the honor of the name , the sea ratleth with armour : whilest octauius reuēgeth the death of his adoptiue father , thessalie is againe made the basis of tents and pauillions , and all europe and affricke groneth vnder the weight of iron , whilest antonius in the habit of his mind diuerse and discoloured , doth either disdaine octauius or doate vpon cleopatra , whose beautie if he could haue exceeded by his chastitie , his shame should not haue blazed like a beacon at this day in the eyes of posteritie , but he had won the garlād of cōquest , not meriting more then triumph . the armie of octauius hauing slaine pompeis sonne , did in him slay enmity , and cassius being ouercome by fight , brutus by despaire , they did extirpate faction . yet antonius not chalenging part with anie , but principalitie ouer all , imagining that he wanted no kingly thing saue onely a kingdome , remained as a rocke or gulfe in the mouth of the hauē , whom he with some labor subdued . and , as in the yearely conuersion of the heauens , it commeth to passe , that the starres iogged together do murmure and threaten tempest , so with the alteration of the romane state , before octauius founded his monarchie , the whole globe of the earth with ciuill and forraine warre , with fight on sea and land was terribly shaken . but the accidents and occurrences of these last hundred and twentie yeares , in the sequele of this historie shall be , if god fauour these lines , more particularly & distinctly reported . the first that made the romanes mightie was the former scipio that scourged affrica with continuall warres and vexations , and in the end subdued it : the first that made them wanton and effeminate , was the later scipio , by whom carthage was subuerted , yet not by his fault , but by the casualty of the time . for when the riuall and enuious ielousie of the carthaginian glory , was by his matchlesse victorie finally determined , the romanes did sodainly degenerate , and with an hungrie gorge fed on the poisonfull baites of bitter sweete ambition , following wantons like wilde horses , and addicted to pleasure as their onely paragon , the auncient gouernement of the citie was vtterly forsaken , the watchings of the campe were ended vpon beds of downe , their heauie armour was turned to light and fashionable attire , and the wonted businesse of the citie was chaunged into idlenesse . then did scipio nasica build porches in the capitolle , then did metellus threaten the heauēs with haughtie buildings , thē did cn. octauius erect a most sumptuous forefront , & then did the riot of the cōmons imitate the magnificence of the nobles . in the middest of this delicate iolitie , when the romanes were now in the ruffe of their pride , a grieuous and despitefull warre was raised in spaine by viriathus of lusitania , a notable theefe & ringleader to a multitude of rogues , which hong a long time in suspence : but in the end when viriathus was slaine , rather by the couine then courage of seruilius caepio , a greater danger ensued , namely the warre of the numantines . the citie of numantia did neuer affoord armour to any more , then ten thousand citizens at one battell ; but either through the fiercenesse of their nature , or the default of the romane captaines , or the indulgence of fortune , they brought pompey the first of the pompeys that was consull , a mā of note & fame to most shameful leagues , & mancinus hostilius , to a detestable truce , which vpon a remorce of minde , and change of opinion , against the law of armes , and to the great discredit of the romanes , he afterward broke : but pompey escaped vnpunished by fauour , mancinus was punished by shame . for he was caried and transported by the romane heraulds vnto the numantines , his hands being manacled , and so was deliuered vp into the enemies power , whom they refused to receiue , saying that a publique breach of promise was not to be punished by the bloud of one man. this yeelding vp of mancinus into the enemies hands , did cause in the citie a perillous and pernitious dissension . for ti. gracchus the sonne of the right noble man ti. gracchus , whose mother was the daughter of scipio affricanus , by whose meanes and authority that reprochful league was made , taking it grieuously that any thing which he did should be discountenanced , and fearing himselfe the danger either of the like punishment or of the like iudgement , being at that time tribune of the people , in life innocent , in wit pregnant , and in purpose guiltlesse : and furthermore adorned with so great vertues , as either nature could affoord , or industrie could perfect , or mans frailtie could containe . p. mutius scaeuola , and l. calphurnius being consuls fell from vertue to vice , and extreme villanie : and hauing promised vpon a dissolute fancie , that he would enfranchise and receiue into the citie anie italian whosoeuer , turned all things into a contrarie state , mingled vertues with vice , lawes with lust , and brought the common-weale into an headlong and hideous danger . octauius his fellow in office , who stood against him for the cōmon good , he put from his place , & created a new state in rome entitled a treuirate or triarchie , that is the rule of three men , who were called treuiri , himself for one , his father in law appius who had bin cōsul for another and c. gracchus his brother for the third . at that time flourished p. scipio nasica , nephew to him , who was iudged of the senate in his life time to be the best of the romanes , sonne to that scipio who purchased great praise for his good demeanor in the censorship , nephew two degrees remoued to cn. scipio a man highly commended , vncle to scipio aemilianus whose commendation lieth in his name : this scipio nasica thogh he were nearly linked in kindred to tiberius gracchus , yet preferring his countrey before his kindred , thinking nothing priuately cōmodious which was not publikly conuenient , standing in the higher part of the capitolle , exhorted all the romanes , which desired the safetie of the common-weale , to follow him , vpō which words the nobles , the senate , and the greater and better part of the romane knights did runne suddenly vpon gracchus , standing in the floore of the capitolle with his adherēts , and euen then conspiring with a frequent assemblie of new-come italians , he thereupon flying and running downe the hil whereupon the capitolle was founded , his head being crushed as he was running downe , with a fragment of one of the boordes which was in the senate house , did sodainly end his life , which he might haue enioyed with great honor and quietnesse . this broile and haplesse dissention was the first conspiracy in which ciuil bloud was shed , and the first dispensation of drawing swordes within the walles : after that time right was oppressed by violence , and the mightier man was accompted the better , the quarels of citizens that were wont to be cured by compromise and agreement , were now decided by sword and bloudshed , and warres were not followed according to the goodnesse of the cause , but according to the greatnesse of the pray . but it was no maruell , though this small beginning had so great effect , and this odious faction so vnfortunate consequence , for examples do not pawse there where they begin , but being once receiued into a narrow strait , they make way to themselues , raunging and spreading themselues ouer the bodie of the world , and when men go once astray , they mind not how farre they go , thinking that nothing can procure dishonestie to them , which hath brought profite to others . vvhilest these things were done in italie , scipio affricanus of the house of aemilius , who destroyed carthage , after many slaughters of his enemies in the numantine warre , being nowe againe made consull , was sent backe into spaine , where his courage and successe did match and aequall his valure and fortune in affricke , and within a yeare and three moneths after his comming thither , he tooke numantia , and caused euerie stone to be throwne to the ground , as a notable monument of a romane victorie . there was neuer anie man of anie name or nation , that by the sacking of cities did more aeternise his house or enlarge his glorie : for hauing rooted vp carthage , he deliuered the romanes from feare , and hauing razed numantia , he deliuered them from reproch . being returned into the citie within a short time , after two consulships , two victories , and two notable triumphs , he was found dead in his bed , his iaw bone being dissolued and dislocated . there was no inquisition made afterward of the death of this inuincible captaine : the bodie of scipio was brought out into the streete his head couered , by whose great labours and warlike exploits , rome lifted vp her head ouer all the world , to the terrour and dismay of other cities and countreys . his death was , as the most say fatall , as some say conspired : his life doubtlesse was of that singularitie , that it was ouercome of no mans glorie , but onely his grandfathers . after the death of ti. gracchus , the same fury and rage of mind that possest him , entred as it were by a kind of transmutation into his brother c. gracchus , a man as like to tiberius in his vertues as in his errour , who when with great facilitie and ease of mind he might haue bene the prince of the citie and the ruler of the senate , tooke the tribuneship vpon him to raise tumults , to licence swords , and to reuiue discord , to no other intent or purpose but either to reuenge his brothers death , or purchase to himselfe a soueraigntie , and for the more hastie pursuing of his drift , he bestowed the freedome of the citie vpon euery inhabitant of italy : he interdicted and forbad by tribunitial law , that no citizen should possesse more then fiue hundred akers of land , he erected new hauens , he filled the prouinces with new colonies , he transferred the authoritie of iudgement frō the senate to the nobles , he determined to distribute and deuide corne amongst the people : to be briefe , he left almost nothing vnaltered or vndisturbed . this man was slaine by the sharpe and hastie pursuite of l. opimius consull who was in armes against him , and fuluius flaccus was likewise slaine , one that had enioyed both the consulship and the honor of triumph , a man of a detestable meaning , whom c. gracchus had denominated and designed to be one of the treuiri in the place of tiberius his brother , being his associate in all his enterprises , and defiled with the like dishonest intendment . opimius caused proclamation to be made , that whosoeuer could bring vnto him the head of gracchus , should haue the weight of the head in gold . flaccus inciting his soldiers on the hill auentine , was there slaine , together with his eldest sonne . c. gracchus cōmitting himselfe to flight lest he might fall into the hands of them whō opimius had sent to take him , putting his bare necke vnder the naked sword of his seruant euporus , was of him beheaded : and the same euporus was suddenly a slaughter-man to himselfe . thus the two gracchi finished the course of their life , men that had a fortunate beginning , sinister proceedings , & a cursed ending , to whom if they had embraced quietnesse , the commōweale wold haue offered these honors , which by tumult and disquietnesse they sought , their mother cornelia as yet liuing , a vertuous and learned ladie ; who hauing nurtured and trained them vp in the studie of learning and vertuous demeanour , did greatly bewaile , that her good endeuors had so bad successe , and that her two sonnes , whom nature praetended to be the solace of her age , were so sodainely and shamefully disgraced , that she could not see their bodies couered with earth , they being in most despitefull maner throwne into tiber , whose mindes she had furnished and beautified with such excellēt learning , so was her ioy ouercome and surprised with griefe , that she must either loath her children , or else lament for them , but howsoeuer , for euer lacke them . in that tract of time c. marius waging battaile in numidia against iugurtha , who were both fellow souldiers and managed armes together vnder scipio affricanus , sent l. sylla his quaestor to boc●hus the king of the mores , to treate and capitulate with him about the taking of iugurth , whom by that meane he enioyed , and being made the second time consull , in the beginning of his consulship and in the calends of ianuary , he brought iugurth in triumph to rome . the cimbrians & teutons at that time did cause great slaughter and manie massacres of the romanes in france , and hauing put to flight and discomfited caepio , manlius , carbo , and silanus , they killed in fight scaurus aurelius one of the consuls , and other excellent men of memorable qualities . the people of rome did not thinke anie generall so fit to encounter these foes as c. marius : & whilest he was in these warres , he was continually consull , his third consulship he spent in warlike preparation , thinking it not sufficient to haue souldiers , but to haue practised and skilfull souldiers , training them by pettie skirmishes , and encouraging thē by the conquest of base townes , to more haughtie and valorous attempts : his fourth consulship was spent about the warres of sextus , where he fought with the teutons : and before that warre finished , he razed out of the world the whole progenie of the teutons . in his fifth consulship he planted his fight betwixt the alpes and rome , and in that battell marius him self being consull , and q. catulus proconsul , a fortunate victorie ensued , farre beyond the expectation of the romanes , and the admiration of strangers , an hundred thousand men being brought into the power of the romans wherof some were slaine & some were slaues . by this victorie marius deserued , that rome should not repent her selfe of his birth , nor requite his acts with reproch . his sixth consulship was giuē him as the crowne of his merits , yet he is not to be defrauded of the glorie , which during this consulship did of right belong vnto him , euen by the confession of the enuious . marius being the sixt time consul , saturninus one of the tribunes of the people , did promulgate a lawe , that what lands or demesnes marius had gained in france by his expulsion of the cimbrians from thence , should be equally parted & deuided amongst the people of rome , and that euery senator should sweare to this , thinking to bind them by their oath from dispossessing and disseising the people of these alotmēts and purparties . q. metellus a senator , against whom saturninus had a burning stomacke , denied to ratifie that lawe by oath , wherupon he had day giuen him to appeare before the senate . for marius being wholly addicted to please the people in all things , which did not oppugne his owne profite , did greatly fauour the law . metellus though he were supported in this action by many good and vertuous citizens , yet fearing some bloudshed in the citie by maintaining that cause , committed himselfe to voluntarie exile , and shortly after water & fire was forbidden him , which was the title & stile of the banishment vsed in rome . this saturninus was afterward made the third time tribune , and because he feared that c. memmius , who at that time sued for the cōsulship , would with maine force oppose himselfe to his actions and enterprises , he gathered a garrison of souldiers , and caused him to be slaine . marius presently rowzing himselfe for the punishmēt and reuenge of this proud tribune , and by senate-councell authorised , charged his bodie with harnesse , and with a troupe of warlike citizens besieged the capitoll , which saturninus and the praetor glancias , together with saufeius the quaestor his adherents did hold as the castle of their defence . but marius cutting in peeces the conduit pipes , enforced them to yeeld , and to submit themselues promising thē life , liuing , and libertie ; but when he had them in his power , he made hauocke of them all leauing not one aliue ; the house of saturninus he razed from the lowest foundation . vvhen the conspiracie of saturninus was appeased , there began of fresh a new quarell betwixt the senators an● m. liuius drusus a noble gentleman , eloquent and modest , nature being as bountifull vnto him , as fortune was iniurious ; he had alwayes a great desire to restore the former honor to the senate , and to transferre the iudiciall power from the nobles : for they being possest of that authoritie by the law of c. gracchus , which is aboue mentioned , did practise extreme and brutish crueltie vppon manie excellent senators and guiltlesse citizens , and amongst the rest was slaine p. rutilius , a man in that age incomparable : yet the fortune of drusus was such , that he was crossed and confronted by the senate , in those matters which he moued for the good & behoofe of the senate , they either not perceiuing , or not willing to perceiue , that though the petitions which drusus made as tribune , and as of dutie he ought , sounded and indeed tended to the profite of the people , yet his drift to be this , that the people hauing lesser things graunted them , might permit greater to the senate , that so giuing them a litle the reyne , they might enioy the fruite of libertie , but yet might easily be plucked in if there were anie feare of disorder : which was the onely meane to preserue the dignitie of the senate , and to restraine the humours of the people , but the eyes of the senators were so dazeled with enuie toward drusus , with enmitie toward the people , and selfe-loue toward their owne persons , that they did more allow the pernitious practises of the other tribunes , then the dutifull meaning of drusus : despising the reuerence wherwith drusus did alwayes honour them , and yet digesting the iniuries wherwith his fellow tribunes did molest them : which vniust and absurd dealing did euidently proceed from the gall of their enuie . then this good tribune hauing his mind surcharged with malcontentment , seeing that his honest purpose was maliciously peruerted , lacking patiēce to beare his griefe , and constancie to perseuere in his commendable intents , resolued sodainly in a desperat passion to maintaine the faction of the gracchi , to entertaine into his heart rebellion , to swarue from vertue , to prostrate himselfe to the violence of fortune , and being garded with a great multitude of vnknowne soldiers , who were seditious italians , whom drusus laboured to make free-men of the estate , he thought to terrifie the citie , but within a short time he was slaine in his owne porch , his side being pierced with a knife , which sheathed in his entrailes , and was left there sticking and filling the mouth of the wound , but when he yeelded vp to the heauens his vitall spirit , casting his eyes vpon the companie that stoode about him , & lamenting that dismall chance , he breathed out these words at the last instant and with the surrender of his soule : tell me my friends and kinsfolke , may the common-weale at any time enioy a more faithfull citizen , then i haue heretofore bene ? this ende of life had that noble gentleman , who if he had bene armed with patience , might haue triumphed ouer enuy . caius marius was now become the refuge and defender both of senate and people : he was of bodie hardfauored , in maners rigorous , famous for warre , & odious in peace , vnsatiable in ambitious desires , impatient in his wrath , and alwayes attempting some strange noueltie : he did not long after valiantly endeuor to suppresse the flames and perillous scalefire of the italian warre , which because it was most dangerously begun and continued , & with great difficultie quenched and ended , i thinke it not amisse to make full description thereof , laying for my foundation the cause which moued the italians or latines to reuolt from the romans , and to breake their faith before constantly kept . but the causes of things are so secret & misticall , being the most remote obiects , to which our vnderstanding may aspire , that we may easily be deceiued by disguised and pretenced reasons , whilest we seeke for the true and essential causes . for to report things that be done it is easie , because the eye and the tongue may dispatch it , but to discouer and vnfold the causes of things , requireth braine , soule , and the best prowesse of mans nature , wherefore to find out the causes of this warre , diligence must be vsed . this warre is of diuerse men diuersly named , some terme it the italian , some the marsian , some the sociall war : all which haue sufficient reason to make good their seuerall appellations . the italian warre it was tearmed , because it was raised by such italians , as were in league with the romanes , which was the occasion of the entercourse of manie good turnes and benefits betwixt them and the romanes : for though they did not inioy the liberties of the city of rome in such large and ample maner , as the citizens or free men of that citie , yet they possessed them in farre greater measure , then others which were meere straungers to that estate , and that by the law of societie , which to the romanes was alwayes sacred and inuiolate : this warre therfore vpon their reuolt was termed sociale , as maintained by them who had contracted & established a league of societie . the marsian war it was called , because the first commotion was attempted by the marsians , a free people of italie . the cause & the beginning of this war do in time greatly differ , for the cause hath a retrospect to the first times of the romane monarchie , when the people of italie being greatly infested and endamaged by the continuall inuasions of the romanes , did watch oportunitie , and with serious expectation attended , if by anie possible meanes they might requite the romanes with the like , and recouer their auncient rights and iurisdictions , and at one instant breake both the league and shake off the feare which they then had of the romanes , and which was the last marke of their enterprise , rather cōmaund then condition with the romanes . but as there is no euill without excuse , and no praetence without some colour of reason , and no wiles can be wanting to malicious & wrangling wits , therefore an occasion was sought for , whereby peace might be dissolued , and discord warranted . here now appeareth the error wherein drusus was intangled . for they made him an instrument or lure to draw vnto them the free vse of the romane liberties , which in truth they did neither greatly desire , not strongly hope for , but they looked for a repulse , and thought that would be a good occasion to ground their tumults vpon , and as it were a vaile for their leud endeuours : whereby it is euident that as the cause of this warre is ancient , so the beginning thereof is to be referred to the repulse of drusus , which happened sixe hundred sixtie and two yeares after the building of rome . these commotioners of italie had this purpose and intent , at their festiual meetings to ioyne their heads and hands together , and so to proceed to the citie , there to worke the death of the two consuls sex. iulius caesar , and martius philippus : but this matter being discouered , they did presently put to death seruilius proconsull , who was sent vnto them at the first beginning of their stirres , by peaceable & reasonable meanes to appease and determine them , and all the other romanes which were at asculum , were slaine . this bloudie deed being reported at rome , did greatly plunge the minds of the romanes in doubt and sorrow . for this slaughter was as it were an adamant to draw the other italians , who did not conspire in this murther to their part , and as a firy beacon to the romanes , to giue them warning not to prescribe too much in their prosperitie , but to be circumspect , & by all warie preuention to anticipate these euils , which if it should haue bene neglected of them , would presently haue turned to such a cloud of inconueniences , that the fire which did before serue to giue light , would after haue bent his force to burne and consume : for the next neighbour to admonition is correction , and it is easier to auoide then to escape a danger . but the romanes with prouident care foreseeing that the defection and reuolt of them who were linked in societie with them , might be a great maime to their estate , & as it were a ladder for forreine and professed enemies to scale the walles of their citie , did therefore in this war make speciall choise , both of captaines and souldiers : for meane men were not to be employed in a warre of so great importance , and they that were vnskilfull , were not in the midst of these eminent dangers , to be trained and taught . and because they saw that the commodious ending and composing of this war , was the hinge whereupon the whole estate of the common-weale did depende ; therefore it was decreed by senate , that both the consuls ( a rare thing in that common-weale , and neuer done but when exceeding daunger was feared ) should go in person to the managing of this warre . neither were the italiās vnprouided or vnaduised : for they knew , that if they were cōquered , they should fall from the estate of fellowes to be slaues , & their league should neuer more be trusted , which them selues had broken : and if they should enioy the victorie , that they should then haue all the wealth of the world at commaund . this golden bootie being enameld with a sweete desire of reuenging old iniuries ( for they had written them in marble with a pen of yron ) did greatly incense their minds , and rauish their spirits with a burning affectiō to fight . the marsians who brought the first stubble to kindle this flame , were gouerned by silo popedius , a man as it seemed by destiny opposed against the romanes , to whose eares nothing was so delightfull as the report of a romanes death , hating that hower in which he did not impeach their good estate . he in this respect was diuerse from manie of his countrimen , in that he detested a romane because he was a romane . vvherefore hauing singled out some of his factiō , who were partly by the instinct of their nature , partly by his instigation , obdurate and eager in hatred against the romanes , hauing proposed and shewed vnto them the scope and drifte whereunto his purpose did aime , and hauing disclosed the meanes , whereby he hoped to compasse and effect his designements , and lastly hauing declared vnto them the rewards which they might gaine by their valor , he did labour by this speech to inflame their furie , i am moued and enforced to this new enterprise , not by anie ambitious desire of enhauncing my estate , but because i see a poisonful baite of deceit hidden vnder the pretence of societie , because i see too great charges & burdens to be imposed vpon vs , because i see leud forreiners to be our commaunders , and originarie italians , though men of good desert , kept vnder the snaffle , and placed in the sinke-hole . i see the credite of our nation defaced , the libertie destroyed , and the state ouerthrowne , and for our great labours vndertaken , and dangers sustained for the romans , we haue this reward , that we are despised by them , and they haue not thought it sufficient to be aided by vs , vnlesse in the pride of their spirits they may insult vpon our neckes , men of insolent mindes , by nature iniurious to all other men and by fortune superiour . if a man should examine from the beginning , and as they say from the roote , the degrees of their estate , what iustice shall he find ? nay what iniustice shall he not find ? the two twinnes who were the founders of their city , were bastards , begotten by the rape of a holy virgin , and by destinie were cast foorth as of no regard , vntill a she-wolfe feeling perhaps some sauour of her owne nature in them , did with her dugs nourish them . after , when from milke they were growne to meate , they were fedde by a chough , and when they had attained to mans estate , nothing would please then but a kingdome , & a regall citie , the foundation wherof was solemnized by an augurie deriued from the flight of eagles . thus a most rauenous bird did ominate vnto them a monarchy , thus a most greedie beast whose hungry teeth , and vnsatiable appetite no pray could content , did giue them milke , thus a most theeuish and busie brained birde was their foster-father . these were the portents and signes of their citie , that it should be a daughter verie like to the parents : these did prognosticate vnto vs the spoiles , rapines , inuasions and violent incrochments that should afterward be made by the romanes . and for that cause romulus wold not make or appoint limits and bounds for his kingdome , that he might by force enter into euery soile as his own . but what wold not romulus do , which had the heart to shed the bloud of his owne and onely brother ? and thus was their citie cōsecrated by bloud : but some of the romanes do with impudencie denie this fact , some with modestie do doubt of it , some with griefe do conceale it , and they which by cleare proofe are enforced to confesse it , do with this imagination mollifie the fault , that it was done by the consent but not by the hand of romulus . but whether he commaunded it , or committed it , he was a murtherer . after this hainous crime ensued the rape of the sabine virgins , the rauishment of whom they excuse , because they would not yeeld their franke consent to mariage : surely they cannot iustly be reproued , if they , being a noble people , did denie mariage to such a base assemblie of shepheards , heardsmen and hoggards , newly crept out of the straw : for in that great assemblie of newe vpstartes there were but an hundred men , who were lawfully begotten , and these forsooth were at the first made senators . but nothing doth more bewray the vniust dealing and lacke of conscience in the romanes , then the lamentable estate of the saguntines , who had bin alwayes verie constant in fellowship and friendship toward them , and whilest they did keep their faith to them , they lost their citie . saguntus was fiercely besieged by hanniball , which when the romanes heard , they sent presently embassadours to hannibal to dehort him frō the siege , but being despised they went to carthage , and there framed a complaint against hannibal , pretending that he had broken the league , but failing of their purpose , they returned to rome . amids these delaies , that poore citie within eight or nine moneths after the laying of siege was destroied of the carthaginians , when the inhabitāts were before consumed with famine , and one of them did eate anothers carkasse , and being wearie of the world , because they should not come as captiues into the enemies power , they made a common fire , into which , when one of them had slaine another with the sword , they were throwne . how manifest and manifold is the abuse which they offred to the carthaginians ? they did incite masinissa the neighbour of the carthaginians to quarrell with them , who praetended that the carthaginiās ought to haue no more land then dido the tyrian queene did enioy , which was as much as could be measured by the hide of an oxe being cut into thongs . but could their prescription & possession during the space of seauen hundred yeares be so easily dissipated ? by the same reason the romanes should content thēselues with the cottages and cabbins , which first they inhabited . but the carthaginians being greatly vexed by masinissa and the romanes assisting him , did fall prostrate at the feete of the romanes , and did grieuously cōplaine of the intollerable couetousnesse and pride of masinissa , and requested with teares , that of three things they might obtaine one : namely , that either they might equally debate the whole cause and conrrouersie before the regents of some common-weale leagued in societie with them both , and indifferently affected toward them , or that they would suffer them to defend thēselues by iust warre against the vniust armes of masinissa , or lastly , if fauour did more preuaile with them then truth , that they would once determine and certainly set downe , what and how much they should yeeld to masinissa . but the romanes did not one whit helpe these afflicted persons , and that good affricanus , whom they so much commended , being sent as an indifferent vmpire betwixt them and their enemie , did make their discord a great deale more : and the desolate carthaginians , when they were enforced to prouide for thēselues , were accused at rome for the breach of league , and hereupon they were declared to be enemies . they had straite commandemēt from the romans to restore the romane hostages , to deliuer their money and treasure into the hands of the romanes , and by that meane to purchase the safetie of their citie : all this was done . vvell this was not enough : the romanes must haue their ships , their munition and weapons : they deliuered these likewise : yet this suffised not : the romanes must haue their citie , and the carthaginians must build some other citie farre from this : this was graunted vnto them , and carthage the fairest citie of all affricke was by them presently burnt , and turned euen with the ground . here when the romanes were pressed and vrged with their promise , their answer was , that in speaking of the safetie of the citie , they did meane the safetie of the citizens and inhabitants , not of the citie which did consist of stone and timber : o snares ! ô impostures ! ô sophistrie ! can the romans without blushing obiect perfidiousnesse and trecherie to the carthaginians ? surely as they dealt with them being leagued in ancient societie with them , so i am afraid they wil deale with vs. and i do the rather suspect it , because i see they will stil haue a difference betweene them selues and vs. herein lieth a mysterie , i will not say of the punicke fraude , but of the romane arte . and when it pleaseth them to drawe the curtaine , we shall be made their slaues , and our goods their dearling . vvherfore i request you all with all the vehemencie and force of my minde , that you would with one heart contend for the recouerie & defence of liberty , and that you would at length aime at such a common-weale , wherein right and law , not the priuate will of powerful men may beare sway . to the which purpose i know all the other people of italie ioyned in league and fellowship with vs , will affoord the diligent assistance of their persons , and the best wealth of their treasuries . as for me , such hath my birth , such hath my education bene , that i preferre the dignitie of my countrey , and the libertie of this common-weale before all things in the world . vvhich if you do so desirously embrace , i am fully resolued to lay my life open to all dangers , without anie regard of estate or priuate respect : if not , i will lay downe weapons , and leaue the estate of the common-wealth as it now standeth , to your owne discretion . the marsians hearing the name of liberty , did greedily receiue it , and therefore applauding to popedius , as informing them of that which was most for their vse , because there appeared in his speech no signes of couetousnesse or ambition , but an earnest and vehement desire of publique good , did resolue to follow him as their generall . they had no sooner set vp flagge of defiance against the romanes , but there resorted vnto them a huge multitude of all the prouinces of italie : so readie are disloyall persons to cast off the yoke of obedience , or common societie , when they haue gotten a head . the metamorphosis truly was verie great , to see the citie of rome enuironed on all sides by foes , which before was garded by friends , & there was none almost left to defend the city but the citizens , and nothing to defend the citizens but the citie . the people that reuolted were the marsians , the samnites , the vmbrians , the vestini , the irpini , the lucani , the marrusini , the asculani , the peligni , the pisani : and they were led by great captaines , men of valour and seruice , hauing as great desire to fight with the romanes , as the romanes had to rule ouer them . the most of them were of so choise courage and conduction , that the romanes had before in many warres relyed vpon their seruice . but yet the name of a romane was such a scepter to their spirits , that they were still kept in awe and order without anie thought of reuolting . these men were now quite altered , as if they had lately bene at some mart of soules , and had exchaunged their mindes with some men by nature enraged against the romanes : and it is greatly to be wondred how the mightie power of the diuine maiestie , doth sway the moments of things , and sorteth them in peremptorie maner to straunge and vnlooked for effects , making reason blind , pollicie astonished , strēgth feeble , and valour dastardly , turning loue into hatred , feare into furie , boldnesse into trembling , and in the circuite of one minute making the conquered person a conqueror . the romanes did not in anie warre shewe more wisedome and courage , which two things are in common vnderstanding repugnant , because wisedome for the most part procureth feare in dangerous accidents , which is opposite to courage , and courage causeth rashnesse which is contrarie to wisedome . but so were their fortunes crossed , & the lot of warre was so variable , that this warre was resolutely vndertaken of them , vnhappily continued , and victoriously concluded . the romane armie had two generals : namely p. rutilius one of the consuls , whose lieutenants were cn. pōpeius strabo , q. caepio , c. perperna , c. marius , valerius messalla : and l. caesar the other consul , who had these lieutenants , p. lentulus , t. didius , p. licinius crassus , l. cornelius sylla , m. marcellus , all famous captains , men of excellent desert and heroicall qualities , and the most of them fit not onely to manage a warre , but a kingdom , yea an empire : yet of all these none did obtaine the victorie during the first yeare of their fight , c. marius and l. caesar onely excepted , yet caesar was not long before with his whole armie discomfited , and marius did with great difficultie atchieue one victorie , which was the beginning of a greater warre . the consuls did thus dispose the encounters of themselues and their lieutenants , l. caesar was opposed to vettius cato , who led a wing of the marsian armie , but caesar being ouer mated by a man of greater wisedome and magnanimitie , was enforced to flie , and after the slaughter of two thousand of his men , being hotely pursued & enchased of the enemie , was constrained ( for necessitie will affoord no choise ) to take aesernia for his refuge . c. perperna did encounter p. praesenteius , who put him likewise to flight , & deuested him of his armie , for which cause he was discharged of his lieutenancie , and now was c. marius sought vnto by the consuls , to whom he yeelded such assistance , that he rather seemed to be their protectour then their champion . p. rutilius to reuenge the death of q. caepio , who was slaine by the ambush of popedius , and the quarrell of his fellow consul , vpon the marsians , did assay them by battell , but lost a great number of men , & in the end lost himselfe , being slaughtered in the midst of his enemies . c. marius with a fresh courage renewed the fight , & put to flight with extreme labor vettius cato the fatall enemie to both the consuls . but the messenger who brought the newes of this victorie of marius to the romane campe , did meete there another messenger , who reported vnto them , that egualius one of the enemies campe had surprised venafrum a towne of great strength : that m. lamponius another of their enemies had slaine eight hundred of the armie of p. licinnius crassus , and had put the residue to flight , that c. papius mutilus their enemie , had brought nola a flourishing colonie of the romanes into his power , together with q. posthumius their praetor , that he had also taken stauia , minturna and salernum , and did nowe besiege acerra a chiefe towne . these newes succeeding the other did make the romanes to heare with ioy , and to remember with sorow . but no better fortune did ensue : for m. marcellus being assigned for the defence of aesernia was taken prisoner by the samnites , who surprised that colonie . cn. pompeius was by three captaines of the aduerse part , iudacilius , aefranius , and ventidius fiercely encountring , driuen to the village of firmo , and there besieged . l. caesar had a prosperous victorie against the samnites , but c. marius fighting against the marsians with doubtfull euent , did recompence the death of euerie enemie with the losse of his owne souldiers : so constant is the fortune of warre in inconstancie . now was come the second yeare of this daungerous warre , which continued old broiles , and made new consuls cn. pompeius strabo , l. portius cato , both which were by the decree of the senate enioyned to take vpon them the charge of this warre . they brought some new lieutenants in the place of some that were dead , and some that were discharged . the succeeding lieutenants were a. albinius , cosconius , luceius , a. gabinius , sulpitius , l. muraena , caecilius pius , mamercus aemilius . it seemeth that rome in these dayes was a verie schoole of warfare , which did yeeld the supply of such excellent captaines , after the departure of captaines not much more excellent . c. marius vpon a disliking conceiued by the consul portius ( priuate humor is alwayes an enemie to publike good ) was discharged of his place . but so it happened , that the romanes changed their fortune with their consuls , but the italians were more daunted and disanimated by the continuance of the warre , then encouraged by the increase of their victories . for a base spirit cannot ioy in any honorable matter , & nothing more deuoureth the heart of a rebellious or trecherous person , then the inward fire of a glowing conscience . l. sylla had a notable victorie against the samnites , and did ransacke their tents . cn. pompeius did constraine the vestini , the peliani , and the aesculani , and the pisani to yeeld vnto him . sylla did kil cluentius a captaine of the contrarie part at nola , and he brought vnder his power the irpini . a. gabinius did fight prosperously against the lucani , and tooke many of their great townes , but when he wold haue spoiled their tents , he was slaine . sulpitius hauing slaine all the souldiers of the marrucini , did reduce that whole region into the subiection of the romanes . l. muraena and caecilius pius had manie encounters against the marsians , and in the ende enforced them to yeeld , but popedius their captaine the author of this warre was slaine in fight , in which war portius cato was also slaine , not through his owne default , nor by the valor of his enemies , but through the malicious stomacke of the sonne of c. marius , who in reuenge of his fathers quarell , did throw his dart at him , and with a deadly wound did make him fall prostrate to the ground : but because he could not be discerned in such confusion of fight , & in the heate of the battell , he was not impeached for this trecherous murder . the romans hauing enioyed and accomplished all things according to their desire , returned with the great ioy and gratulation of their fellow citizens . cn. pompeius , for his ample victories & great desert was rewarded with a triumph . thus was the italian warre being left to the romanes as the legacie of drusus ended and appeased , which wrought two notable effects : for it brought the italians from societie to seruitude , and refusing the bridle they receiued the yoke , and were euer after kept vnder the chaine of perpetuall commaund , but the romanes it made glorious and inuincible : for their iust warres had alwayes good successe , and their vniust warres or inuasions , could not ( as may partly appeare by this italiā vprore ) by forraine warre be reuenged . but for the cause hereof let no man make search or inquirie , sith it is no where to be foūd saue only in god his decretall booke , the contents whereof as i cannot know , so the comments of man in this matter i may not beleeue . this thing therefore as vailed with vtmost darkenesse , i do with all humblenesse leaue to him who hath reserued it to himselfe : & this onely i obserue , which euerie man may note in the sequele of this historie , that the romans were punished by the romanes for their wrongs & iniuries ( if i may vse coniecture in so thicke a mist ) done to their neighbours and others . not long after the death of drusus the consulship inuested vpon q. pompeius & l. cornelius sylla , who before his victory could not be too highly commended , and after neuer sufficiently dispraised : so contrarie and opposite he was to himselfe , being more mercifull in the combat , then after the conquest , and sylla fighting in the field was not so cruell as sylla triumphing in the towne . he was nobly descended , being the sixth man from cornelius rufinus , who was one of the chiefe captaines in the warre against pyrrhus . for the glorie and credite of that familie had bene long intermitted , and was almost perished , till it was raised and rampired vp by sylla to the ancient grace , and restored with an ouerplus to the former dignitie . sylla did a long time behaue him selfe so modestly and contentedly , that he seemed to be without all intent for suing for the consulship , but after his praetorship being much renowned by the italian warre , & for his great exploits in france , hauing slaine the stoutest captains of the aduerse part , he tooke stomacke by reason of his good successe , and making sute for the consulship , was made consull , not one citizen almost withdrawing his consent , and that honour he purchased when he was eight and fortie yeares olde . at that time mithridates king of pontus , a sharpe and victorious souldier , being sometime great in prosperitie , and at all times great in courage , in counsell wise , in strength mightie , in hatred against the romanes another hannibal , had taken and possest asia , where he put to death all the romanes that did there inhabite : the region of asia did by lot happē to sylla as his prouince , he addressing him selfe thitherward with as great speed as he could possibly make , came at length to nola , which he besieged , for that citie did most stubburnly resist the romans , reuolting from that faithfulnesse which the nolanes did religiously obserue and exhibite to the romanes in the carthaginian warres : but not long after the laying of this siege , he was abridged of his generalship by sulpitius a tribune , who being in wealth , fauor , friendship , wit , and courage great amongst the romanes , hauing before sought dignitie by desert , did now by his leud decrees and disloyall practises deserue to loose his dignitie . he assigned to c. marius an imperiall praeheminence , & the regimēt of all the prouinces that belonged to the citie of rome , which honors as marius did ambitiously desire , so sulpitius did iniuriously dispose : and therewithall he enacted that sylla should be called from asia , and marius should be generall in his place ; manie other pernitious lawes he established , both intollerable and detestable : for conclusion , he ended in murther , procuring by his bloud-thirsty seruants the death of one of the pompeys , sonne to q. pompeius , and syllaes sonne in lawe . sylla hearing of this sodaine change , and being solicited by the letters of his dearest friends , made speedie returne to the citie , which hauing taken by force of armes he droue out of it the twelue authours of this newe and damnable faction , amongst whom was c. marius and his sonne , together with p. sulpitius the first beginner of discord , sulpitius being taken by syllaes horsemen in the laurentine fennes was there beheaded , & for the guerdon of his cruelty , his head being afterward conueyed to rome , was erected vpon a pinnacle ouer the barre of the senate house . c. marius ( a cleare mirrour of this worlds vnconstancie ) to whom if you will place him amongst the fortunate , you must assigne the highest seate , if amongst the vnfortunate , the lowest , hauing before enioyed all pleasures which prosperitie could yeeld , and now suffering all troubles which aduersitie could bring ) after his sixth consulship , and the sixtieth yeare of his age , for the auoyding of syllaes horsemen , stripped himselfe naked , & flying to a marrish of reedes did there hide himselfe , plunging so deepely into the mud , that nothing could be seene of him but his eyes and nostrels , who being afterward descried , was drawne by a thong of leather tied to his neck , into the prison of minturna . there was sent to kil him a captiue slaue , whom marius had taken prisoner in the battel which he fought against the cimbrians : this bloudie cimbrian assaying to strike marius , was sodainly amazed , and terrified by the maiestie of his countenance , though marius was then full of yeares , full of miserie , and void of weapons : but the slaue seeing so bright a starre in so darke a dungeon , reuerencing the man whom he had before feared , and perswading himselfe that it was impossible for one man to worke his death , who not long before had almost destroyed the whole nation of the cimbrians , left him aliue , and in trembling maner departed from his presence . the minturnians because they held the worthinesse of marius in high reputation , deliuered him out of prison , and attiring him with conuenient apparell , bestowing vpon him a pilgrims viande , which might for a season relieue his hunger , dismissed him out of their citie . he hauing ouertaken his sonne at aemaria , directed his voyage vnto affricke , where he led a poore and wretched life in the ruines and desolate rēnants of the citie of carthage . sylla leuied an armie & renewed his iourney toward asia , ( the yeare wherein sylla was consull , was the first yeare in which the romane souldiers did slay their consull ; for then q. pompeius being fellow consull with sylla , was slaine by the seditious armie of cn. pompeius proconsull . ) after the broiles of marius and sulpitius the tumults of cinna succeeded , who was not one iote more temperate then those disorderly and enormous quarellers , or rather furious and traiterous conspirers . he was cōsull with cn. octauius , who because one of them namely cinna , fauoured marius , and the other sylla , fell to a sodaine iarre , & maintaining seuerall armies in the citie , caused much terror , and some bloudshed . cinna was expulsed the citie by the power of octauius and the senators , his consulship was abrogated , and in his place l. cornelius merula , iupiters priest was elected . cinna hauing corrupted the centurions , tribunes & souldiers with hope of liberalitie , was admitted of that armie ( which was as yet about nola ) for their captaine , and hauing sworne all his souldiers to obeisance and loyaltie , he marched in his consul robes toward rome , his armie consisting of three hūdred bands of good souldiers amounting in the view of spials to the number of thirtie legions : but though he had manie souldiers and much courage , he lacked notwithstanding factioners and fauourites to vphold him , and was destitute of popular credit , which might bolster and support his doings . for supplying of which want , he called from banishment c. marius and his sonne , with all the other romanes which were before by syllaes horsemen chased out of the citie . vvhilest cinna was thus preparing warre against his mother towne , cn. pompeius father to that great state , of whom we shall hereafter speake , whose worthie actes in the marsian warre , together with his victorie at asculum , was verie beneficiall and commodious to the common-weale , being frustrate of hope to continue the proconsulship , shewed himselfe verie indifferent and equall to the factions , doing all things for his proper and priuate good , and lying in waite for oportunitie to serue his owne turne and aduancement , enclining his armie this way and that way , now as a fauourer to cinna , & now as a friend to sylla , following fortune by coniectures , and determining to ioyne with him , who by all likelihood should be most puissant : at length he encountred with cinna before the citie wals , where after a maine sea of bloudshed , the romanes that were vpon the walles , beholding the slaughter of their brethren , friends and kinsfolke vnder the wals , the battell was fully finished , but the victorie was doubtfull . not long after cn. pōpeius died , by whose death the souldiers of cinna conceiued so great ioy and gladsomnesse , that they forgat the finall ouerthrow of their fellow souldiers , and the romans did bestow their reuenge vpō pompey being dead , which they did owe to him being aliue . cinna and marius did not without great hauocke of men and matrons inuade the citie : but cinna entred first , and published a lawe touching the receiuing of marius , then c. marius entred the wals with a most fatall and daungerous returne to the citie of rome . nothing had bene more bloudie then his entrance , if his death had not shortly ensued : for hauing possessed the citie , he was more vnsatiate in his crueltie then any rauenous tiger , and more mercilesse in his tragicall punishments , then any furie , breathing nothing but bloud , and delighting in nothing but murder , neither did the licentious rage of his wrath content it selfe with the bloud of meaner men , but it seised vpon the states and starres of the citie . then did octauius one of the consuls , a man of a mild & douelike humor , render vp his life into the pawes of these wolues : and merula , who a little before the returne of cinna had through feare renounced the consulship , cut in peeces his owne veines , and sprinkling his lukewarme bloud vpon the altar , vpon which he had often sacrificed the bloud of beasts , and intreating the gods for the execratiō of cinna , to whom he had often prayed for the preseruation of the citie , gaue vp his fainting ghost in a great agonie of mind . m. antonius the chiefe of the citie , and the phaenix of eloquence , was slain at the commaundement of marius and cinna , by the swords of their souldiers , whome by the sweetnesse of his eloquence he did a longtime restraine and delay from the killing of him . q. catulus a man famous for his vertues and valour in the cimbrian warre , the glorie of which he did participate with marius , as we haue aboue reported , when he was hunted to death by these greedie bloud-hounds , shut himself into a narrow closet that was newly pargited with lime , and hauing there a fire of burning coales , which might raise vp a sudden dampe , stopping his breath with a vaporous and darkish smoke , departed this world , rather according to his owne wish then his enemies will : then were the streetes , channels , theaters , market places , and temples strewed and ouerspread with carcasses , so that it could hardly be iudged , whether these two tyrants did slay more that they might obtaine the victorie , or more were put to the sword that they might safely enioy the victorie . for euerie one to whome marius would not reach out his hand by way of salutation , was immediatly slaine . the common weale was now in a tottering and ruinous estate : couetousnesse was the cause of crueltie , and the more wealthie a man was , the more faultie he was iudged : the accuser of a rich man had his pay and reward out of the coffers of him that was accused : and then was profite and honestie confounded and made one . afterward cinna and marius were consuls , cinna was now the second time consul , marius the seuenth time , who in that consulship died , a romane in war terrible to his enemies , in peace to his friends , and at all times impatient of quietnesse : in his place was chosen valerius flaccus . cinna being now the sole regent of italie , the greatest part of the nobilitie fled to sylla into achaia , who in the meane time did so fight with mithridates his lieutenants and coronels about athens , macedonia , and beotia , that he tooke athens , and made great hauocke of his enemies . but if any impute the rebellion of these times vnto the citie of athens , he is altogether ignorant of the truth . for the faith of the athenians was alwaies so firme and inuiolate towards the romanes , that euery action which was performed without blemish or staine of promise , was said to be done by an athenian faith : but they being heauily oppressed by the vnsufferable vsage of mithridates his host , were besieged of their friends , when they were held captiue of their enemies , and obaying necessitie stayed their bodies within the wals , though their minds were without , and entirely with the romans . sylla did then conduct his armie into asia , where he found mithridates very tractable & suppliant vnto him whome he punished with the paiment of a great summe of mony , and with the losse of part of his nauie , enioyning him to depart out of asia , and out of all the prouinces which he had vniustly inuaded , and constraining him to content himselfe with the inheritance discended from his father , which was the kingdome of pontus : he tooke from mithridates the romane prisoners without ransome , and vsed great seueritie against the traiterous reuolts , and runagates . sylla hauing thus appeased and qualified forraine affaires , went by sea toward rome , and in the way met him certaine ambassadours from the parthian king , which were sent to gratulate his victorie , he being the first of the romanes to whome the king of parthia sent ambassadours . there was nothing more worthie among syllaes labours , then that whole three yeares space , whilst the factioners of cinna & marius did besiege the townes of italie , he neither pretended any fauour toward them , neither did he omit that which he had in hād , namely the subduing and vanquishing of forraine enemies : for he knew when external tumults were ended , he might with more ease extinguish domesticall enemies . before the comming of sylla , cinna in a mutinie of his owne souldiers was slaine , a captaine more worthie to be adiudged to death by the discretion of the conquerour , then to loose his life through the furie of his souldiers , of whom it may truly be said , that he aduentured those things which no vertuous man wold attempt , & that he brought those things to passe , which none but a valiant souldier could accomplish . his fellow cōsul carbo hauing no colleague did now praedominate and beare sway . sylla hauing entred italie , it was thought he came not as a reuenger of warre , but as an authour of peace , with such quietnesse and mildnesse he lead his armie through calabria and apulia , with a great & speciall regard of the growing corne , of meddowes , of men , of castles , and cities , and indeed he assayed by lawfull articles , and equall conditions , to appease the discord , but peace could not please them which were immoderatly couetous . sillaes army did daily increase , euery good and discrete italian making recourse vnto him , and he had a most happy victory about capua against scipio and norbanus consuls , norbanus being ouercome by fight , scipio being forsaken of his army , yet sylla gaue him leaue to depart , without hurt or hinderance , so vnlike was he to himselfe in his warres , and after his victory , for whilst the victorie was fresh , he was more mild then equitie required , but when peace had taken roote , he was more cruell then any barbarous scythian , for q. sertorious the fury and firebrand of that rebellious warre , which not long after ensued , being disarmed by sylla , was sent away in safety , and many others he did with the same clemency intreate : of purpose , as i thinke , that he might giue an example of a double and diuerse mind in one man , and by that meane shroud and couer the contents of his heart . at that time to fill vp the measure of publike mishap , in the city of rome , where before men did emulate one another in vertuous actions , now they did combate and contend in malicious practises , & he thought himselfe the best man , that was most wicked and iniurious . sylla had three mighty aduersaries , carbo , and c. marius , the sonne of marius that was the seauenth time consull , which both were consuls whilst sylla rong an allarme at the gates of preneste , and pontius telesinus , who leuying an army of the samnites , did stoutly confront sylla before the walles of preneste , he was an italian borne , but was not free of the city of rome , a valiant souldier and a great enemy to a romane name , who stood in defence of preneste , but not with the consuls . this telesinus conducting forty thousand fighting men ioyned battell with sylla at collina , and brought both him and the commō-weale to extreame danger : for rome was not in greater feare , when the tents of hanniball were but three miles distant from her walles . telesinus did greatly encourage his souldiers , saying that the day of their battell was the last period of the romane glorie , and he cried that rome , rome must be throwne downe , and razed frō the foundations , adding therewithall that there wold ▪ neuer be wanting inuadors of the italian liberties , as long as the wood stoode where such wolues were harboured . at the first houre of the night the romane armie reuiued their courage , telesinus the next day after was found halfe dead , bearing the countenance rather of a conqueror then of a man subdued , whose head being cut off sylla cōmaunded to be caried along the streetes of preneste . c. marius , his life being in a desperate case , was faine to creepe through certaine holes of the earth to escape his enemies , but he was slaine of syllaes souldiers that were appointed for that purpose , of which towardly gentleman , what opinion sylla caried , a man may easily coniecture : for when he was slaine he intitled himselfe sylla the fortunate , which had indeed bene true if he had ended his life with his victories . for hauing entred the citie and vsurped the dictatorship , which had bene an hundred and twentie yeares intermitted , ( for the last dictator before sylla was made the first yeare after hannibals departure out of italie , so that it was apparant , that the romanes did not so much desire the vse of a dictator , as they did feare his tyrannie ) he began presently to broach the bloud of citizens , hauing alreadie drawne to the bottome the bloud of straungers : foure legions of souldiers , who had bene of the contrarie faction , and had now vpon couenant of life submitted themselues to his mercie , calling in vaine vpon the faith of a romaine soldier , he caused to be slaine : fiue thousand of that armie which fought against him at preneste , being promised life by p. cethegus his lieutenant , he put to a sudden and vnlooked for death , and caused their ioynts to be plucked in peeces , and commaunded that they should be dispersed and cast abrode in the wastes and mores . after these great and extreme cruelties , he put in practise the heauie penaltie of proscription , which if it had died with sylla , would haue beene a great part of the romane happinesse : by that meanes he brought to passe , that whose names soeuer he writ in the table of proscription , should be vpon their attachemēt presently put to death , their goods also were subiect to sale , euery one taking the benefit to whome sylla would graunt it : neither was he content to rage against them onely which had before opposed themselues to him , but the most quiet and innocent citizens for the greatnesse of their wealth he depriued also of life , and against silly women did he bend his wrath , as not satisfied with the death of men : and , which was a signe of a thracian crueltie , as soone as the heads of the slaine citizens were parted from their trembling corses , breathing as yet , their faces being not wholly depriued of a vitall bloud , he did gaze vpon them , and tosse thē in his hands that he mightfeed on them with his eyes , though he could not crush them with his teeth . vvith what sauagenesse did he behaue himselfe in the killing of m. marius , whose eyes were pluckt out before his death , and euery part of his bodie was sundred and disioynted : and at that instant he enforced his sword through the bowels of m. pletorius , because he seemed to be grieued with the torture of m. marius . o extreme punisher of pittie and compassion , to whome it seemed a crime not to consent to crueltie . neither did he spare the dead , for the ashes of c. marius the elder he caused to be raked out of the graue and throwne into a riuer . sylla whilest he sought the victorie , was to the romanes a scipio , whilst he vsed it a very mithridates . many other bloudsheds he did commit , and more would he haue committed , had not the terrour of a guiltie conscience followed him , with the blazing brand of his vexed soule , which torment some cal an ecstasie , some melancholie , some madnesse , but i denying it to be any one of these , allow it to be all these , doubtlesse it is a thing sooner felt thē known , not to be auoided by medicine but by true felicitie . in this perplexitie he died , and yet ceassed not the ciuill or rather vnciuil and vnbrotherly discord : thus was rome the famous citie of europe , the mother and nurce of worthie senators , the miracle of nations , the epitomie of the world , the kingdome of mars , and the seauenheaded soueraigne of many prouinces exceedingly shaken with these quarrels , stained with these bloudsheds , and grieuously discomforted with the death of her children , her babes were brought foorth for the sword to glut vpon , the bodies of her ancients were made as pauements to walk vpō , her matrons became a pray and prize to euery rauisher , her priests and deuoute sacrificers were slaine before the gates of the temples . syllaes bodie was conueied in sumptuous manner to campus martius , in which place before the buriall the two consuls , namely m. aemilius lepidus , and q. luctatius catulus did earnestly debate about the repealing and cancelling of the acts and decrees of sylla . lepidus vrged that they who were proscribed by sylla , ought incontinent to be reduced to the citie , and there to haue restitution of their goods . catulus together with the senate defended the contrarie , saying that though his motion were good and honest , yet it might be the beginning of some tumult , which would be most daungerous if it were suddenly done , because the common-weale was but newly recomforted , and had as yet enioyed but a short pause of tranquilitie . by this dissention they fell to weapons , cn. pōpeius and q. catulus hauing gathered an armie did proffer battell to lepidus , and in a light skirmish ouercame him . not long before the death of sylla , q. sertorius rising in armes maintained warre in spaine : for when he saw that the faction of marius which he specially fauoured , was vtterly defeated and dissipated by l. sylla , he fled presently into spaine , where before he had bene pretor , & there hauing gathered a great host and contriued an huge nauie , fearing lest sylla , who had put carbo to flight and slaine marius , should send an armie against him , he caused liuius salinator his lieutenant to encampe in the mountaines of pyraeneum , but he was afterward slaine by c. anius the romane proconsul , who was sent thither to abate the courage of sertorius , and after him q. metellus was also sent , but their proceedings were not prosperous . vvherefore cn. pompeius being as yet a priuate man , had charge giuen him of the senate to go into spaine . there came at that time for the aide and assistance of sertorius , m. perperna with a great multitude of souldiers . cn. pompeius made way for himselfe through the alpes , betwixt the famous springs of padus and rhodanus . he immediatly after his coming into spain , did enter into conflict with two of sertorius his captaines , herennius and perperna , and not farre from the citie of talentia ouercame them : herennius was there slaine , perperna escaped by flight . pompey did passe the winter in the pyrenae an mountaines , sertorius in lusitania , and at the beginning of the spring , metellus and pompeius did encounter with seuerall armies sertorius and perperna , in which battell sertorius constrained pompey to fly , and metellus draue perperna to the like extremitie , pōpey was at that time wounded in the thigh , afterward they met againe at seguntia , where sertorius did the second time ouerthrow pompey , and metellus perperna : the third time when sertorius was coming against metellus , pompey meeting him in the way , caused him to retire : sertorius did againe oppose himselfe to pompey . hauing taking segida a noble citie of celtiberia , where sertorius lost a thousand souldiers & pompey as many : then they turned thēselues to the besieging of townes , pompey did besiege palantia , but sertorius did raise the siege , and of them which besieged caliguriū he did slay three thousand . metellus and pōpeius with great stoutnesse & stomacke took many cities that were leagued with sertorius and at ilerda and iliosca the townes of the ilergitanes they put sertorius to a desperate plunge , but caligurium the citie of the vascons he did with much prowesse & puissance defend . sertorius was like to iugurth in his fight , and in his fortune not vnlike to him , the exploits and stratagemes of them both were singular and admirable , but their end and last euent was miserable and mournefull . iugurtha was taken by treacherie : sertorius by the treason of m. antonius and m. perperna his captaines was slaine , as he was sitting at a bāquet , in the eight yeare of his rebellion , his empire was presently transferred to m. perperna , whome pompey ouercame , tooke prisoner , and put to death , and in the tenth yeare after the beginning of this warre , he tooke spaine . the romanes were in these times busied & molested in italie by certaine fencers or sword players , trayned vp in a shadowed fight vnder the gouernment of lentulus , but defying their maister , and stirred with an hellish humor to seate themselues in the highest thrones of honor ( for as fire is to gunpowder , so is ambition to the heart of man , which if it be but touched with selfe-loue mounteth aloft and neuer bēdeth downward till it be turned to ashes ) they raunged themselues , and drew to their ensignes a great multitude offorlorn men . for in processe of time their armie did encrease to fourescore thousand and moe . the leaders were spartacus , enomans , and crixus , who making great spoile and saccage in italie , at length imbattelled themselues vpon the mountaine vesurius . against them were sent clodius glaber , and publius varinius , but their armies were suddenly by these enemies discomfited : therefore the yeare next ensuing c. lentulus and l. gellius consuls , and q. arrius the praetor prepared against them . crixus one of these rebellious captaines , was together with his whole armie vtterly ouerthrowne : but spartacus , in whome was more vigor of sinewes , courage , and counsell , conducting his souldiers from the apennine mountaine to the alpes , and from the alpes into france , was at the first enforced to retire by one of the consuls , by the other to flye . but afterward hauing animated , surueyed , and marshalled his men , he did suddenly turne backe vpon the consuls , gaue them battell , in seuerall places ouercame them : & was marching toward rome there to possesse himself of the capitole , and to erect a monarchie , but that the consuls reuniting their dissipated forces , did hardly with much labour & great slaughter of men restraine and hinder him . but he hauing lost his purpose , yet not loosing his time surprised the goodly citie of the thuririans , where breathing for a while & refreshing his armie , and soone after reencountring the romanes , he obtained a glorious victorie , and a plentifull spoile . this successe did notably enhance the pride of spartacus , who presuming now that he was better then the consuls , thought himselfe therefore fit to be a king . and as athenio not long before , a shepheard and drudge in the fields , hauing slaine his maister in sicilie , and mustred vnder ensigne a great number of vagrant persons , by whose meanes he did spoile , and lay wast many hamlets , castles , and villages , and applauding to himselfe in this succesfull pillage and roguerie , was adorned with a purple garment , strowted and walked along with a staffe of siluer , and enuironed his head with a crowne of gold : so did this rebell of italie assume to himselfe a regall pompe and title , & making fortune his rest , which of all things is most vnlike to it selfe , thought he might as easily continue as beginne a conquest . but the romanes who neuer could suffer victorie to warme her selfe long with the robes of a straunger , committed the whole scope and charge of the warre to m. crassus their praetor , a man ambitious and venturous : he hauing ioyned battell with granicus one of the rebell chieftaines , did slay both the captaine and thirtie fiue thousand of his souldiers , and after fighting with spartacus did slay him , & with him fortie thousand , fiue thousand onely escaped , whom cn. pompeius returning from the spanish warre , did suddenly meete and presently put to the sword . after these times m. cicero being consul , whose nouity and strangenesse in rome , the nobilitie and rarenesse of his good gifts might iustly excuse who for all his excellent qualities was more beholding to nature then education , as for his vertue famous , so for his eloquence most famous , by whom it was that the romanes were not inferiour to them in wit , whom they vanquished in warre , the conspiracie of catiline was detected and determined , and cicero for his constancie , courage , & watchfulnesse , in suppressing the scalefire of that warre to the vtmost cinder , was intitled by the name of pater patriae , the father of his countrey . but before i enter into the discourse of his rebellion , i must make knowne the person of the traytor , and the cause of the treason . l. sergius catilina was in face and feature comely and absolute , in wit prompt and pregnant , in eloquence sweet and delightfull , in pompe and maiestie princely and regall , in courtly behauiour quaint and delicate : and to set vpon this gold a diamond , of a most noble parentage . there were certaine families amongst the romanes , which surmounted & ouerheaded the rest , being most auncient and of a worthie originall , and they are parted into two discents , some of them hauing the aborigines to their auncestours , and some the troianes . the first and principall of the race of the aborigines , was the familie of the vitellij , being discended frō faunus the king of the aborigines , which did inhabite italie before the comming of aeneas , and queene vitellia , which in many places was worshipped as a goddesse : the secōd was the familie of the fabij , whose ofspring is rightly deriued from fabius the son of hercules : the third was the lineage of the antonij , issuing from anton an other of hercules his sonnes : the fourth was the race of the potitij , so named of potitius , who did with great curtesie entertaine hercules , when he was entred italie : the fift was the house of the mamilij , borne of mamilia the daughter of telegonus one of vlysses his sonnes begotten of circe that notorious enchauntresse . the other families which referred their beginning to the troiane roote , were ten in number : first the house of the iulij , who descended frō iulus the sonne of aeneas : the second the aemilij , who tooke their name of aemilius the sonne of ascanius a troiane , & of that house was the matchlesse scipio , sonne to paulus aemilius , who being the romane generall destroyed carthage . the third the nautij of nautes one of aeneas his companions : for when diomedes hauing stolen the image of pallas , did perceiue that it was of no vse to him , after the destruction of troy he offered it as a present to aeneas passing by his kingdome , but as aeneas doing then sacrifice was turning himselfe , nautes did lay hold of the image , & by that meanes did appropriate the vse of it to himselfe , so that the nautij and not the iulij did enioy the mysteries of minerua : the fourth the cloaelij of cloaelius an other of aeneas his companions : the fift the iunij of iunius an other of his associates : the sixt the sergij of sergestus one of the troiane captaines , of which familie was l. sergius catilina , and before him none of that name was euer tainted with any sauour of rebellion . the seuenth the memij of muesteus , an other of the troiane trauellers , the eight the cloantij of cloanthus a bird of the same fether , the ninth the giganij or the gianij of the troiane gias , the tenth the caecilij of saeculus a troiane also who built preneste . catiline being adorned with the nobilitie aboue described , made himselfe through his vices and misdemeanor ignoble and odious : his life was the picture of licentiousnesse : to women he was so lewdly affectionate , that euery curtizane of rome layed claime vnto him . and to marie aurelia orestilla into a vacant house , he committed the shamefull murder of his owne and onely child : for two things he promised her , and performed for her , which were tokens of a mercilesse heart , the balefull death of his son , and the chaunge of the state , in such sort that aurelia orestilla should be the dictatresse of rome . and for the performance he bound himselfe by a cursed circumstance , drinking mans bloud to fill his bloudthirstie humour . in al his actions he was a perfect protean , framing and composing himselfe to all sides and sects : with the grauer sort of men he would be sad and seuere : with the riotous , prodigall & excessiue : with chast matrons modest and buxome : with light huswiues wanton and vaine : with young gentlemen pleasant and actiue : with auncient fathers demure and deliberatiue : to the baser sort curteous and pitifull : to the nobler persons sociable and gratefull : so variable & discoulored he was in his doings , that m. cicero did greatly maruell at his manifold dexteritie . the first sparks of catilines conspiracie began to blaze and appeare , l. tullus , m. lepidus being consuls , sixe hundred eightie & seuen yeres after the building of rome . at that time was catuline greatly indebted , & because he could not discharge the summe within the time appointed and limited by lawe , nor bring in an estimate or valuation of his goods , whereby it might appeare that he was able to defray the debt , he was forbidden to make sute for the consulship , whereupon being stirred by a reuengefull wrath , he sought by all meanes possible to execute his iniurious intent . there was at that time in rome cn. piso , a man of desperate boldnesse , poore and yet presumptuous , catiline did open and impart his meaning to him and pub. antronius , and they three determined to kill the consuls , which were made the next yeare after catilines repulse . the inquisition of this matter was deferred till it came to greater ripenesse . afterward they intended the death of the most part of the senators : the time was appointed when their complices and confederates , abbetters , and assistants should meet in armour : but because catiline perceiued that the number of these rebellious souldiers was not yet sufficient to giue onset to the citie , he withdrew his hand for a time , and dismissed the armie . but a yeare after m. cicero , and c. antonius hauing entred the consulship , catiline being now also disgraced with another repulse , recollected into his seditious braine his auncient plots and former villanies : then he conspired with p. lentulus & c. cethegus praetors to worke the death of the consuls , to slay the senate , to burne the citie , and to alter the state : and for this purpose they did by letters inuite to this horrible massacre many romanes that were employed in forraine seruice . this being apparantly euident , & dangers being now at the doore , and in a readinesse to pierce into the citie , vnlesse some mature aduise were presently taken , a senate was appointed in the temple of iupiter stator , vnto which place shamelesse catiline , imagining that he might bleare their eyes by a pretended purgation resorted also , and with an vnchaunged countenance shrowded vnder the habite of a senator , the heart of a serpent . and because the method of this historie may seeme in this place to require some description of the senatorie state , i will briefly set downe the constant and perpetuall order of the romanes in going to their senate house , though i cannot counteruaile with aequall termes , nor with a perfect discourse the great maiestie and pompe , that in this reuerend solemnitie was obserued . the first place in the proceeding to their senate had the dictator , ( when that office was in esse ) the next the consuls , the third the praetors : the dictator was therefore preferred because his power was supreme , and was not subiect to the controll of any other , the consuls were in the second place , because they were in praeheminence next to the dictator , and all the decrees of the senate were ratified by thē , bearing date according to the dignitie of their persons : their triumphs also were signed with the same marke : such a triumph was said to be done , such an one being the second time consull , and such an one being the third time cōsul , according as their aduancement was . in the third rancke of these greater magistrates were the praetors , because they had authoritie to call a senate as the dictator & the consuls had , which was not permitted to the inferiour magistrates : they had also iurisdiction to examine any matter that was done within the hundred stone , after the vulgar supputation , within an hundred miles of the citie of rome on euery side . before the dictator went twelue lictors or sergeants , who at the bidding of the dictator and consuls did arrest offenders , and commaunded strangers that met them in signe of reuerence to light from their horses , they caried in their hands an ensigne of terror , a double poleaxe enuironed with a bundle of rods . the dictator was caried in a chaire of estate , being clad with a purple gowne , edged with a crimson border , and inuested with a robe triumphall , which were the ornaments of the auncient kings of rome : the same attire had the consuls and praetors , but the praetors did weare a siluer coloured garment , and did alwaies ride vpon milke white horses : after these the next place had the cēsors , if there were any at that time , for they were in the number of principall magistrates , their office being not of perpetuitie , no more then the dictatorship . after these being the more worthie potentates , the inferiour sort of the authorized persons did immediatly follow . the first of that order were the aediles of the chaire , because they were conueyed to the senatehouse in a chaire of yuorie , which monument of honour , as it seemeth was permitted vnto them , because in ancient times they were trusted and adorned with the entire regimēt of the citie : these were created of the bodie of the senate : next to them succeeded the aediles of the people , which were raised to that dignitie from the roote of the people : after the aediles followed they which had borne office , though they were not charged with any office that present yeare . all of them seuerally marshalled according to the worthinesse of their calling , the consulians , the praetorians , the aedilitians , the last place had the senators , which had not yet borne office . the number of them all in such an assemblie did some time amount to the number of sixe hundred all of them , these onely excepted who were borne in chaires of estate , riding on faire pampered horses , and long traind gownes , the skirts of which were circumscribed with these words , senatus , populusque romanus . vvhen the senators were placed , and euery one began to expect what should be spoken against the rebellious confederates , m. cicero aiming at catiline with his eyes , did thus pierce him with his tongue , & with this inuectiue reprooued his maners . vvas there euer seene so great and notorious impudencie , graue fathers and worthie senators , that a dissolute and disorderly rebell , a professor of prodigalitie and vnthriftinesse , a maintainer of theeues , barrettors and seditious slaughterers , a proclaimed enemie to temperance , iustice , chastitie , & the whole synode of the seuerer vertues , a man or rather a monster of men , compacted of vices & vanities , should dare so much as to staine this sacred presence with his prophane person , & though he conspire against vs , yet amongst vs to consult . to consult ( said i ) nay to conceale his trecherie . vvhat should the iay do amongst swans , or the owle amongst nightingales , or the vultur amongst amongst doues , or catiline amōgst catoes : do we not dread the thunderbolt when we see the lightening ? and can we loue the traytor when we loath his treason ? canst thou so dissemble catiline that we may not discerne thy doings ? nay there is no deed of thine , no drift nor deuise , which i haue not heard , nay almost seene , nay almost felt . here , here they be in this our assemblie ( worthie senators ) in this most graue and solemne councell of the world , which muse continually of our death , of the downefall of rome , and the desolation of italie . but thou yet liuest catiline , and yet thou liuest not to abate , but to abet thy pride . vvhat vanitie hath bene at any time absent from thine eyes ? what villanie from thine hands ? what president of vice frō thy person ? what young gentlemā hath there bene along time in this citie , whome , if he were once corrupted by the deceitfull baits of thy false entisements , thou didst not animate and incite either to desperate attempts , by carying the sword before him , or to effeminate examples by bearing the torch before him , and yet thou imaginest that thy doings are not misliked . of thee catiline when the romanes keepe silence they pronounce sentence , when they suffer thy misdeedes they condemne them , when they are at rest with themselues , they are at deadly warre with thee . but why am i so earnest against thee ? is it possible that any thing shold amend thee ? may it be hoped for that thou wilt reforme thy selfe , that thou wilt shake off these faults ? that thou wilt banish these enormities ? thou art not of so good & vertuous inclination , that honestie may reclaime thee from whoredome , feare from vniustice , and reason from outrage : to this madnesse nature hath framed thee , frowardnesse hath exercised thee , and destinie hath reserued thee , and for these deformities of thy nature thou hast bene more feared then trusted , and indeede more wily then we haue heretofore bene watchfull . but at length noble senators , l. catilina enraged with boldnesse , breathing out bloudshed , preparing in most hainous manner a scourge for his countrie , threatning to this citie fire and sword , is sufficiently knowne and abundantly hated . no plague can now be inuented of that monster and horror of men within this citie against this citie , but in that he hath not drawne his bloudie sword out of our naked bodies , in that he hath left vs aliue , in that we haue wrested the weapon from his butcherous hands , in that the citizens be safe , & the citie secure , can ye coniecture with what a bitter agonie and anguish of mind he is vexed : and if he beginne hereafter to renew his furie , take courage my lords , and leade out against his broken and outcast band , the flower and the power of all italie , and consider with what foes we deale , which surfetting in banquets , embracing harlots , stuffed with meat , faint with wine , adorned with garlands , soupled with ointments , weakned by wantons , cast from their contagious mouths the slaunder of the vertuous , ouer whome i do hope there hangeth some heauie destinie : and that the punishment that hath bene long time due to their wicked lust and licentiousnesse , is either now imminent or now approching : whom if my consulship do chaunce to quelle because it cannot cure , it shall not procure a short sun-shine of peace to the common-weale , but whole ages and worlds of tranquilitie : that which may be healed by any meanes i will heale by some meanes , that which must needs be cut off i must needes cut off , therefore let them either leaue the citie , or leaue their tumult , or if they will stay both in this citie and in this mind , let them looke for their desert , and assure themselues of the full measure of reuenge , but if in stewes and tauernes they sought onely beluing and baudrie , they were more to be spared , but yet wholly to be dispaired of : but who can tollerate that cowards should determine trecherie against the couragious , wild braines against them that be wise , sottish drunkards against sober senators and sluggish drones against carefull magistrates ? these men building like gods vpon the earth , as if their houses should be heauens , whilst they take their pleasure in sumptuous coaches , great families , costly banquets , rich attire , and in the lewd companie of lasciuious curtizanes , are fallen into such a gulfe of debt , that if they would be free from it , sylla is to be raised from the dead . but they shall soone perceiue , if they still persist in their naughtinesse , that there are in this citie vigilant consuls , politicke gouernours , a puissant senate , that we haue weapons , that we haue a prison , which our auncestors haue made a reuenger of hainous and manifest faults . and now sith you are deliuered through my care and industrie from a swelling cloud of terrors , without battell , without bloudshed , without armie , without fighting . for this so great benefite noble senators , i require of you no reward of vertue , no ensigne of honour , no monument of praise , but an eternall record of this very time : i desire that all my deserts , all the ornaments of my person , the fruits of my glorie , and the good aestimation of my diligence , should be registred and enrolled in in your memories . no mutenesse , no silence , no secret whispering can delight me , by your remembrance worthie senators mine actes & exploits shall be nourished , by your words they shall grow , by your writings they shall not onely receiue life but aeternitie . catiline hauing all this while itching eares , but a more itching toung , made in disorderly manner this disdainfull reply : i haue a long time maruelled and now with astonishment do wonder ( ye noble lords and ancient progenie of kings ) for as to the rest i will not bēd my selfe to them but against them , that with so patient eare , and minds impassionate , ye can digest the cholericke railings of this rhetoricall parot , whome since we first promoted from the pearch to the pinacle , from the bar to the bench , from the ground whereon we go , to the tribunall whereon we sit , the senate surfetting long ago on his rude and vnmanerly speeches , is now constrained to make a diet of a disease : vpon me as ye haue plainely perceiued , he hath spent the whole chest of his gall , who am as free from the crimes intended , as he is farre from the vertues which he ascribeth to you . he thought perhaps ( what wickednesse i pray you hath he not thought ) to blow me out of the gates of the citie , by the venimous aire of his impoisened lungs , but maugre his malicious throat . i stand before his lowring face , to the abashment of his frozen forehead , and the confusion of his ill speaking eloquence , as one irreproucable , being like a cage of chrystall , vpon which the more poyson is cast , the more cleare it doth seeme . i am not made ( consul marcus ) of so fleeting and brittle mould , that the gnashing of thy teeth should either fray me or fret me : but if i were guiltie of the faults alleadged , why was i not impeached of them before thy consulship , but vnder the triumph of thy tearmes must suffer this intollerable iniurie ? catiline is an epicure forsooth , because cicero is a stoicke , catiline is wanton , because cicero is iealous , catiline is lawlesse , because ciceroes will must be a lawe to him : catiline is prodigall , because he hath not bestowed any bribes vpon cicero : catiline is rebellious , because cicero is fearefull and timerous : catiline is an enemie to the common-weale , because he is not friend to ciceroes priuate pollicie : mightie accusations and vnanswerable ! hath he not drawne bloud ( trow you ) of catilines credit ? it grieueth me worthie senators , and trust me , it grieueth mine heart , that the hope of the romane youth , and the sweet societie of gallant gentlemen your selues attēding , bearing , & forbearing , should by the spawne of a ragge be so hainously disgraced : as for his distempered declamation it is no noueltie with vs my lords , for it is the vsuall methode of his mercenare toung , vpō poore and pitifull presumptions , to hazard the life and soule of his clients cause . but what madnesse is it for one that is lately crept into the citie to talke of antiquities , taking matters in hand which are elder then his memorie , which were forgotten and dead before he was begotten and borne ? thou art not auncient enough cicero to speake of our auncestors , nor worthie enough to talk of our worthies , thou art as a pilgrime in this citie , thou art ignorant of the orders and customes therof , thou seemest to wander in another countrie , and not to beare office in the metrapolis of italie : thou threatnest vs with extremities , and layest on load with imprisonments , as if our bodies should be anuils to thine hatred : but suffer not my sweet , mild and curteous magistrates of rome , that vpon ciceroes suggestion we should endure such reproch : the ignominie of arraignment is miserable , the arresting of guiltlesse men is lamentable , banishment is discomfortable , but the racking , rowling , tearing and tormenting of men far be it not only frō the bodie of a romane , but euen from his thoughts , from his eyes , from his eares . for mine own part i confesse , and professe , and pretend , that catiline liueth not to please , but to displease and displace m. cicero , of whome when i speake , i speake of tyrannie , of villanie , of basenesse , and assure thy selfe cicero , that either the law of rome , or the lawe of reason shall be my warrant in this case , and to them that be discontented in this citie , thy fall will be a generall s ; atisfaction . catiline departed out of the senate house continuing his furie , and because danger was feared , it was thought good that the senate should be dismissed in the night time . catiline went with a slender gard to the tents of manlius . lentulus , cethegus , and diuerse others that were priuie to the conspiracie , and did as yet remaine in the citie , were arrested and imprisoned , and being conuicted by manifest euidence , were presently put to death . the day wherein the punishment of these traitors was decreed , did greatly illustrate & beautifie the worthinesse of m. cato . he discended from m. cato the prince of the portiā familie , after whome this cato in degree of discent was accompted and numbred in the third place . this m. cato was of all the romanes most sincere , and most like to vertue itselfe , and seemed in his iustice and integritie to be nearer to god then to man , who did not liue honestly & orderly because he would seeme to be vertuous , but because it was against the course of his disposition to be dishonest and disorderly , thinking that onely to be reasonable , which was iust and lawfull : he was free from fancies , and had alwaies fortune in his owne power : he was then tribune of the people , young in respect of his yeares , but in wisedome and aduise a father , & a right senator , who ( when others perswaded that the conspirators should be kept aliue in seuerall wards ) being the last of them that sentenced the rebellious , did inueigh with such force of mind and wit against the conspirators , that by the vehemencie of his speech he cancelled their opinions , which perswaded lenitie , and made their softnesse to be suspected : and the greater part of the senate in fauour of catoes gracious seueritie , did accōpanie him to his house . c. caesar did at that time giue some token of a rebellious humor , whereof rome tasted afterward too much , & himselfe in the end was poisoned with the dregs . catiline hearing what was done at rome , gathered an armie , and making a laborious iourney through the steepe and craggie hils , intended a voyage into that part of fraunce , which is beyond the alpes : which q. metellus perceiuing , who was leader of three bands of soldiers in the picē prouince , he remooued his tents and pitched them at the bottome of the pistorian heath , frō which place the armie of c. antonius was not farre . catiline when he saw that he was on euery side embayed with mountaines & armed mē , chose rather to fight with antonius , who cōmitted the vantgard to the conduct of m. petreius . catiline in that battell gaue a sharpe onset , and continued the fight with an vndaunted stomacke , but in the end was slaine , and dying with great indignation , was there trampled to death by the hoofes of horses . thus he that did defend himself in the senate house , was confounded in the field , and that by the iustice of destinie , who with a scourge of steele followeth proud aspirers : this insolent romane perceiued at the time of his death the deceitfull glose of his fawning fancie , & the vaine sophistrie of bewitching ambition . ⸪ lachesis , or the second booke . cn . pompeius for his great valor & magnanimitie iustly intitled magnus , did in course of time grow to an exceeding greatnesse of authoritie , and had purchased through his worthie exploits , the loue , applause and admiration of the whole world , his father was cn. pompeius an approued souldier , and a consularian , his mother was lucilia a senators daughter : he was of a comely personage , not so commendable for beautie , as for a pleasing and constant complection , which continued euen to his last houre , his wisedome was of a wonderfull excellencie , his life in all parts absolute , his eloquence but indifferent , he was desirous to haue honour offred , but was not ambitious to vsurpe it , a fast friend & a religious obseruer of his word , in reconciling mē that were at variance most faithfull , in receiuing satisfaction for offences most easie , neuer vsing his power to impotēcie , nor his wit to vanitie , from his cradle a souldier , in his youth a conqueror triumphant , and in all his warres couragious and dreadfull . for though sertorius did more cōmend metellus , yet he was more afraid of pompey . and of the spaniards he triumphed when he was but a romane knight , not hauing as yet borne any office of estate . to be a knight of rome was so much better then to be a common gentleman , by how much a patritian senator was more honorable then a nouitian , whose auncestours were neuer of the senate . and pompey by degrees did endeuour to aduance his credit , and in the end by the conquest of many & mightie nations , became peereles . mithridates his power was enfeebled by sylla , disiointed by lucullus , & broken in peeces by pompey , after which victorie he subdued the iewes , tooke their citie , and possest the temple of ierusalem , a rare and miraculous monument , which though he filled with his souldiers , yet he restrained thē from the spoile . in that warre he partly recouered , and partly subdued to the romane power , armenia , colchis , cappadocia , cilicia , syria , and all the region of palestine to the riuer of euphrates . he ouercame beside paphlagonia , galatia , phrigia , mysia , lydia , caria , ionia , and all that part of asia which lyeth about pergamus . he committed the regiment of armenia maior to tigranes , the island of bosphorus to pharnaces , cappadocia to arioberzanes , seleucia to antiochus commagenus : to deiotarus and other tetrarkes galatia with armenia minor , to attalus and pylaemenes paphlagonia , to aristarchus colchis , to hircane palestine . and for a triple reward of these his victories , he had the blazon of three triumphs : the first was of affricke , the second of europa , and the third of asia . after these triumphs ensued the consulship of marcus bibulus and c. caesar , issuing from the famous familie of the iulij , and conueying his discent from anchises the troiane father to aeneas : he was of excellent beautie , and in vigor of mind most sharpe and vehement , in his rewards bountifull , in courage farre aboue mans nature , or mans beliefe , in the haughtinesse of his thoughts , in the celeritie of his fight , in the suffering of bitter euents and casualties singular , in all his actions most like to alexander the great , to alexander i meane being sober , and neither surcharged with wine , nor ouercome with wrath , vsing sleepe and meate not for the pampering of his lust , but for the continuing of his life . he was neare in bloud to c. marius , and was cinnaes sonne in lawe , neither during syllaes dictatorship could he by any means be moued to diuorce cinnaes daughter , though m. piso a consularian , did for feare of sylla sunder himselfe from annia cinnaes widow , by which constancie caesar did greatly endaunger himselfe ; for his death was sought for by syllaes officers , sylla himselfe being ignorant of their purpose . caesar being made consul , a league of soueraigne societie was concluded betwixt him and cn. pompeius , & m. crassus . pompey did therefore enter into that league , because he would haue his acts and deedes , which he had made in the prouinces before mentioned , that were conquered by him , fully confirmed and ratified by the senate . caesar by taking that course had a double intent , to increase his owne honour by yeelding to pompeis glory , and to establish his owne authoritie by charging him with the hatred of this treuirall power . crassus had this drift to maintaine & preserue the aestimation which he had alreadie obtained by the power of caesar , and the authoritie of pompey . there was also an affinitie contracted by marriage betwixt caesar and pompey : for pompey tooke to wife iulia caesars daughter . caesar had the regiment of fraunce committed to him by the senate , after whose consulship ended , and before his departure into fraunce , p. clodius tribune of the people began to giue new edge vnto quarrels , and did with maine force bend himselfe against cicero . for what agreement could there be betwixt them , when their maners did so farre disagree ? the head of dissention was cut off when catiline was slaine , the bodie also was mangled when his confederates were put to death , but the serpents taile did as yet mooue : for clodius did seeke by all meanes possible , to take reuenge on cicero for the sharp seueritie vsed against his friends which were of catilines seed-plot , and of that seditious league . but it was to be wondred at , that a man conuicted of so notorious and hainous crimes , durst proceede to such impudencie as to attempt the disgrace of m. cicero , or any way to disturbe his quietnesse . at that time clodius was infamous for his adulterie with pompeya caesars wife , which amiddest the most religious & solemne rites of bona dea , this vnchast tribune committed : and these ceremonies , which it was not lawfull for any man to behold , clodius in womans attire did pollute . but he was the author of greater lewdnesse then this , when with his owne sisters he became incestuous , two of them being his sisters german , and married to two worthie romanes , the one of them to q. metellus , and the other to l. lucullus , the third was his sister by the halfe bloud , the wife of q. martius . for these and other his faults , he was condemned by the seuerall censures of two hundred senators at one session , and this notwithstanding was absolued : so that i do greatly doubt , whether the consuls that did absolue him , or clodius that was absolued , did more deserue punishment : for by that meane such a window of impunitie was then opened , as could not be shut in the space of many yeares ensuing . but clodius because he was tribune , and because he was clodius , did thinke all time lost wherein cicero was safe . he was then in great fauour both with the people and consuls : for when any commoditie was sought for by the consuls , which could not be preiudiciall to the people , he would labour earnestly for the consuls , and when the people would haue had any benefite which did not concerne the consuls , he was wholly for the people : so that by displeasing neither , he pleased them both . vpon this ground he aduentured to make lawes , amōgst which one was enacted against thē who had put a romane citizen to death without the iudgement of the people of rome , which lawe though it ranne in generall termes , yet in sence and meaning it was directly leuelled against cicero , who in his consulship had by senate condemned the confederates of catiline . cicero perceiuing this did clad himselfe with mourning roabes , the senators also were attired with blacke , as the associates of his sorrow , the romane knights did weare his colour , the inconsolate citie did droope and deplore his state , and the forreiners that heard thereof did enlarge the griefe . for the redressing of this maladie meanes were made to crassus , caesar , and pompey . but caesar denyed to stand against clodius , because he feared that the lawes and decrees made by him the yeare next before when he was consul should be disanulled and abrogated by clodius if he maintained hatred against him . m. crassus was monies weathercocke , and an hungrie cormorant of coyne , and therefore refused to meddle in this matter , because they that craued the assistance of his authoritie , came not to him with golden faces : only pōpey did helpe , countenance , & comfort him , and protested openly that himselfe would rather be slaine by clodius , then cicero shold be abused : but the consuls commanding the senators and others to lay aside their mournfull sable , did so firmely lincke themselues to clodius , both against cicero and pompey , that neither could pompey profite him , neither would cicero stay in the citie . for how could he expect any better successe , l. piso & a. gabinius being consuls , men of notorious naughtinesse , and raked out of the scum of senators ? vvherefore cicero left the city , and in the very day of his departure , his house that stoode on mount palatine was burnt by clodius , and the soile was consecrated to libertie : his goods were confiscated , his lordships and farmes bestowed vpon others : there was a lawe also made touching his banishment , wherby it was prohibited that he shold not haue the vse of water and fire within the citie , that none within fiue hundred miles of italie should receiue him into his house , that none should make any motion for him to the senate , that none should deliuer his opinion of cicero , that none should dispute of that which was done , that none should speake of it , that none should go vnto him , that none should write vnto him . but in the end cn. pompeius hauing vndertaken emnitie with clodius , being vrged by the earnest petition of titus annius milo , and moued by the abundant kindnesse of his heroicall nature , did in his mind make speciall election of this care to reduce cicero from banishment . vvherefore the yeare next ensuing , p. lentulus and q. metellus being consuls , cicero by a senatorie decree was recalled from banishmēt with the great desire of the senate , and the great reioycing of italie . the ground whereon his house stoode , was exempted from religious consecration , and his house was not so shamefully throwne downe by clodius , as it was sumptuously reedified by the senate , his possessions were restored vnto him , and all the acts which clodius made in his tribuneship were adiudged to be void . clodius did greatly indignate at the returne of cicero , & hauing aggregated vnto him a rascall route of thriftlesse and vnconscionable ruffians , he partly draue away , and did partly maime and murder the carpenters and workmen , that were busied about the renewing of ciceroes house , he burnt beside the house of q. cicero , he fought with milo many times in the streets : he pursued cicero with stones , clubs , and swords , & arming all his men with brāds of fire in the one hand , and swords in the other led them to the burning of miloes house : but this tempest and trouble of the citie , who did bestow kingdomes and take them away , and deuided the world at his pleasure , which burnt the temple of the nimphes , that he might scorch the rowle in which his shame was enregistred , which with masons , architectes , and measurers of ground did suruey almost euery close and plot that lay neare vnto him , hoping in the end to make it his own purchase , and to dilate and extend his demeasnes from the gate of ianus to the top of the alpes : which threatned death to sanctia a matron , as holy in her manners as in her name , and to apronius a young gentleman , vnlesse they would sell vnto him their inheritance : who told fursonius in plaine termes , that if he would not lend him so much mony as he required , he would carie him dead into his house . this enemie i say to all good men , to his neighbors , to forreyners , to his friends , to his kinsmen , was shortly after slaine by milo , for whose death he did lye in awaite , and his bodie being conueyed to rome was loathed of the beholders , for it was the harbour of a foule ostridge . caesar was now in hot warres against the french , of whose exploits as they did happē in nine yeares space , whilst he was president there by the commission of the senate , i will make a brief rehearsall as the times did yeeld them . in the first yeare the heluetians , when caesar had scarcely set foote in france , burnt their houses , and leauing their countrie dispersed themselues in the fields of the sequani , and so came to the coast of the tolossians . caesar perceiuing that their abode in that place would be dangerous to the citie of tolossa , and being earnestly intreated by the petition of the ambarrians and the allobroges , who did complaine themselues to be greatly vexed and disturbed by the heluetians , remoouing his tents and hauing ouertaken them at the riuer of arraris destroyed in pursuite all the villages of the tigurines . caesars horsemen which were sent before to obserue what waies and pathes the heluetians did take , were by them discomfited . afterward they gaue battell to caesar , and in that battell they were ouercome , and yeelding themselues to caesars mercie , they were enioyned to resort to their owne countrie , and there to repaire their houses . then caesar being mooued by the complaint of certaine frenchmē addrest against ariouista the king of the germaines , whome he did pursue in battell to the riuer of rhenus . in the second yeare he waged battell against the belgians , the most of which were slaine . the like successe had he against the neruians . in the third yeare fighting on the sea against the venetians , he caused thē to yeeld : and p. crassus his lieutenant did subdue almost all the countrie of aquitania . in the fourth yeare the germaines passing with a great multitude ouer the riuer of rhine arriued in fraunce , whom caesar assaulting on the sudden did vtterly destroy : then he made a bridge ouer rhenus , and determined to vexe and exagitate the germaines in their owne countrie , because france was so much disquieted and molested by them , & hauing burnt there many cities and villages of the sicambrians , being also certified that the britanes did minister succour , and gaue encouragement to the conspiracies of the french , he sayled into britaine , and constrained the britanes by sharpe onset to yeeld vnto him . caesars nauie that transported his horse , was shrewdly shaken with a tempest , wherewith the britaines being reuiued betooke themselues againe to weapons , and fighting with caesar were put to flight : at length they sued to caesar for peace , which he taking hostage of them did easily graunt , and returned into fraunce , and the same yeare the morines & menapiās rebelling he reduced to obediēce . in the fifth yeare caesar returning from illyrium , to which place he went for the stopping and beating backe of an incursion made by the pirustae , came to his armie in fraunce , and addressed warre afresh against the britaines hauing broken truce , and enioying there a prosperous fight , a great multitude of the inhabitants being slaine , and a great part of the island brought into the power of the romanes , taking hostages , and imposing tribute he set saile for fraunce . in the sixt yeare the eburons did rebell against caesar , ambiorix being their king and captaine , whō in many places caesar fiercely and feruently pursuing , put to the sword and dispersed the remnāt of that rebellious companie . in the seuenth yeare caesar went into italy , vpon occasion of a mutinie which there did befall . the french thinking that he would be detained by domesticall warre , and that it would be hard for him to returne to his armie during that dissention , began now to take aduise of renewing warre against the romanes . the carnutians professing that they would be leaders to that attempt bound others vnto them by oath , and hauing appointed a day they repaired to genabis , where many of the romanes did negociate , & were earnestly occupied and busied about their trafique & merchandise , all which were slaine by the french , which massacre being certainly reported at aruernum and other parts of fraunce , the pietons , the parisians , the cadurcians , the tureus , the aulerci , the lemonickes , the audians did ioyne in armour and did confederate with the carnutians . caesar hearing of this new enterprise made speedie returne into fraunce , and hauing placed seuerall garrisons in the cities of the volscians , of the artonikes , of the tolossians , & in narbo , which were nearest vnto the enemies , he tooke vellannodunum the citie of the senones , & genabis the chiefe towne of the carnutians , which he spoiled and burnt , and many other townes did he take , and seised vpon many of the rebels , receiuing some of them into his mercie , & punishing very sharply the most notorious offenders . in the eight yeare he pursued the carnutians to their vttermost ouerthrow : the bellofaci conducted by two valiant captaines corbius and comius , were enforced to submit themselues , and corbius was then slaine by caesars horsemen . in the ninth yeare caesar did not enterprise any warlike affaires , but laboured specially to cut off all occasions of reuolting : therfore honorably emparling with the magistrates of the cities : bestowing vpon the gouernors great rewards , and burdening them with no new taxes , he brought fraunce being wearied by many warres , to a perfect and perpetuall peace , and departed thence to italie , but was still garded with an armie of souldiers . in the seuenth yeare of caesars warfare in fraunce , iulia caesars daughter departed this world , and pompeis litle sonne which he had by her , within a short space after died also , which was a great cracke to the concord before continued . pompey had alreadie proroged his praesidētship in the prouince of spain for fiue yeares : but the people of rome did exceedingly grudge , that either caesar or pōpey should in any forraine prouince haue an armie of souldiers at their commaund , sith all warres both forreine and domesticall were ceassed & determined , because they thought by that meane some daunger might grow to the citie : for pompey being now in rome , did rule spaine by affranius and petreius his lieutenants , hauing in seuerall cities seuerall garrisons , and c. caesar had in the bosome of italie an huge hoast , & had then a garrison at rauenna , where he was personally residēt : this did seeme also inconuenient to many of the nobles , and pompey shewed himselfe very partiall : for he did fawne vpon them which would haue had caesars armie dismissed , but was very aduerse to others who would haue measured him by the same compasse , who if he had died in campania two yeares before the ciuill wars , where he was greatly assayed by sicknesse , at which time all italie did make speciall vowes for his health , his glorie which was gained by sea and land he had caried vntouched to the graue . vpon these considerations l. lentulus and c. marcellus being consuls , a decree was made by the senate , that within a time limited caesar should discharge his armie , and if he would not , that he should be accompted an enemie , for caesar wold haue bene made consul in his absence : but m. cato did well answere , that no citizen ought to praescribe lawes to the common-weale : wherefore it was ordained that caesar contenting himselfe with one legion , should beare only the title of the presidēt of france , and that he should come into the citie as a priuate man , & in his suite for the consulship , should wholly relye vpon the voices of the people . c. curio an impudent oratour , a mā wickedly witted , and eloquent for a publike mischiefe , whose mind no riches could satisfie , nor any pleasures sufficiently please , who first stood for pōpey ( as it was then accompted for the common weale , which i do not speake to reprooue , but that i might not be reprooued ) and now was in shew and apparance both against pompey and caesar , but in deed and mind wholly for caesar : this curio tribune of the people , posted in hast to rauenna where caesar was , and signified vnto him the order of the senate , applying his eloquence as a brand to the inflaming of caesars furie . curio came to caesar at the entrance of twilight , when the cloud of vapours and exhalations , is by nature disposed to turn men into melancholie , which tooke so deepe hold on caesar , that making no answer to curio , but casting himselfe on his bed he did in this sort expostulate with the romanes . thus is caesar measured with a scantling , dieted with a paring , and rewarded with nothing . vanish from me thou sad and vgly cōcubine of erebus , thou grimme and duskie night , which with thy blacke circumference doest hood winke our sences , driuing the day from vs before we can flesh our swords , contracting our sinewes when they are but newly stretched , causing vs to lurke in our cabbons when we should cleaue to the throats of our enemies ; vanish i say from me , and delay not with thy lingering minutes my expeditiō against rome . against rome ? ô the eccho of my heart ! nay for rome , against the romanes , amongst whom is cn. pompeius magnus , but not yet maximus , for he lacketh a degree of that , and before he can attaine to it , there will be effusion of bloud by successiō . but what careth he for that , was he not one of syllaes whelpes , whose sword reaking with italian bloud he so greedily licked , that the tast thereof doth as yet relice in his rauenous and polluted lawes ? but learne of sylla , learn of thy sylla pompey , that a tyrant bathing himselfe in goare , shall at length sinke by the weight of his cruelties . vvhat caesar hath done , i referre to the oracle of bellona , what he will do i leaue to the concealed decree of sacred vengeance : what he may do , let the foredoming parcae praedestinate : what he ought to do let warlike iustice pronounce . vvas not pompey made consul without suing , without seeking , without speaking ? and shall i requesting , yea and humbly requesting suffer a repulse ? fortune thou mightie and miraculous goddesse , which in a moment doest procure a world of varieties , whetting with thine anger the points of our launces , shaking crownes and kingdomes with the spurne of thy foote , triumphing ouer our victories with the speckled wheeles of thy voluble chariot , controlling our hope with thy frowning countenance : thou knowest great goddesse , that if rome hath at any time flourished : if it hath at any times tasted the pure and vnmingled extract of sincere happinesse , if it were euer caried on the brode wings of fame , if it did euer swim in a floud of plentie , it was through caesar and his fortune , & yet we are now dispised , and yet we will not be despised , fortune is able to reuenge the iniurie done to caesar , and caesar will alwaies fight for the praeheminence of his fortune . therefore for the honour of aeneas against the defacers of his race , for the credit of mount palatine , against the vniust magistrates of rome , for the glorie of romulus who shineth in the heauens like a giant-starre against the seditious repugnants , i will shoot the sting of my wrath , and they shall well perceiue that caesar aesteemes no better of his enemies , then if a sort of hares should be harnessed , which would trust rather to their feete then to their force : auaunt frō me pitie thou feminine passion , for i will deriue my name of a martiall act , and wil be called à caedendo caesar , possesse therfore my heart thou dreadfull nemesis , ransacke my vaines , rage within me wrath , assist me fiends , furies , and ye deformed ghosts , subiect to the seuere edict of the baser destinie , make your seats and circles in the wast of italie , and neuer forsake that place , till the fierie brightnesse of caesars supremacie do deterre you from thence . caesar in this rage of mind , carried away with the whirlewind of his turbulent spirit , left rauenna and passed ouer rubicon : the senate hearing of his rebellion , decreed that pompey should be generall , & that he shold haue monie out of the common treasurie . there was present choise made of souldiers throughout all italie , warres were proclaimed , and taxes were imposed vpon the confines , suburbes and confederate cities . caesar hauing passed rubicon seized vpon diuerse townes of italie , pisaurum , fanum , ancona , tignium and auximon , and he ran ouer all the picene prouince , with his armie which was forsaken of lentulus spinther the gouernour there , and from thence he went to corfinium , which was held of l. domitius ahenobarbus , which he enioyed hauing domitius also in his power , a most constant friend to pompey , whose standard was at no time aduaunced , but it was worshipped and followed by domitius : whome caesar did in this maner greet : domitius i do franckly pardon thee & all those which belōg to thy charge , & with these words i make a perfect disclaime of anger and emnitie , i giue thee also free choise and election , whether thou wilt be a captaine in caesars campe , or still adhere to pompey . domitius not demurring vpon caesars offer , did incontinent fly to pompey , who was then at brundusium , and there were many at that time which did obserue the like faithfulnesse to pompey , to whom caesar did more plentifully offer the benefite of life , thē they did thankfully receiue it . caesar hasted to brundusium to assault the consuls in that place , but failing of his purpose he addressed toward rome : there was then in the citie great feare and amazednesse , the people calling to memorie the crueltie of marius , the matrons with their rented haire did display their fearefulnesse , the young damsels with salt teares did blemish their faces , their skriking voices & deepe drawne sighs , did moue the heauens to a sympathie . the silly babes flying as it were from the face of caesar , did cleaue to the breasts of their parents , the sturdiest necks did then begin to stoope , and the strongest hearts to melt , and nothing could be seene in rome but signes of sorrow : for as the earth when she is disrobed of her budding and fructifying trees , and of her amiable verdure , which is her onely grace and garment roiall , is like a naked table wherein nothing is painted , so was rome at that instant being bereaued of her young and lustie gentlemen , euen as if the springtide should be taken from the yeare : and a great deformitie did then also arise by the absence of the graue and auncient fathers , who with their spreading shadow did shield and protect the bodie of the citie , and did nourish the rising plants of the generous brasill , gathering strength and soliditie vnder the curtaine of their boughs . caesar hauing entred rome , vsed all sorts of men with great kindnesse and curtesie , and hauing conuocated an assemblie declaring and aggrauating vnto them the iniuries of his enemies , he transferred all the blame vpon pompey , and made a notable pretence , that he was desirous of vnitie , and that peace was the virgin of his heart . but caesars diamond was nothing else but glasse , and his words nothing but wind , which at that present was clearely and euidently perceiued , for he went in great hast to the temple of saturne , where the treasurie of rome was before his ransack inuiolably kept , and at the gates of the temple l. metellus tribune of the people did boldly resist him , and with these words entertained him . caesar the lawes of rome haue made this place sacred , thou shalt not enter into this temple but through the sides of metellus , & no coine shalt thou carrie from hence without bloudshed : vnsheath therefore thy blade , and feare not lest thy wrongs be espied : for alas we are now in a desolate citie , there be so few to condemne thy doings , that there be almost none to see them : thy priuate and rebellious souldiers shall not haue their pay out of the treasurie of rome , and if thou woldest be rich by violence , there be strange wals for thee to batter . caesar in this sort replied vnto him . shamelesse churle as thou art , this right-hand shall not vouchsafe thee so much honor as that thy bloud may shine vpon a souldiers steele . metellus , thou art not worthie of my wrath , and where thou hoissest vp the saile of lawes and customes , assure thy selfe tribune that the lawes of rome had rather be cancelled by caesar , then confirmed by metellus . in the end by the earnest intreatie of his friends , who were addicted to caesar rather for feare then contrarietie of opinion , metellus gaue place to caesar , and he rushing suddenly into the temple , caused the treasurie which in many yeares space was leuied by polles , which was gained in the carthaginian war , and in the victories had against philip perseus , and pirrhus , together with the tribute of asia , of creet , and the wealth which cato brought from cypris , and which pompey purchased by his warres , being caried before him when he triumphed , to be laid on asses backes , and to be caried as the sinew and supporter of his warres . this was thought the fowlest act that euer was committed by caesar , and it was neuer feared that rome shold be poore by caesar . this captaine being as glad for this new bootie as some of his friends were sorie , led his souldiers toward spaine , where afranius and petreius did rule the affaires vnder pompey , but he did so masserate them with famine that he possest the greatest part of spaine , without shedding many drops of bloud : then he went into that part of spaine , which is now called andeluzia , where m. varro captaine to a great number of veteranes , did hold a forcelet , but he being daunted with the presence of caesar , resigned all the prouince into his hands : thē he marched toward dirrachio , taking by the way orichum and apollonia an vniuersitie towne , where his nephew octauius was taught at that time in the liberall artes and sciences , who is said to haue accōpanied his vncle in the warres following , but because it is a tradition of more antiquitie then credit , i do rather note it then affirme it . the fortune that caesar had , and the credite which pompey enioyed in forraine nations , were two enticing lures , that drew to their seueral campes a great multitude of forrainers . to the assistance of pompey from the coast of greece which lyeth about the rockes of cyrrha , and the clouen hill of parnassus , came a great armie of the phocenseans , from thebes and the regions thereabout came the baeotians , the pisaeans , and the sicanians : from the townes that lye vnder maenalus and oete came the dryopes , the threspoti , and the sellians : from creet and gortyna a number of good archers did present themselues to pompey : from dardania , from colchis , and the shore of the adriaticke sea , the athamāts , enchelians and diuerse others : besides these flocked vnto him thousands from babylon , damascus , and phrygia , together with the idumaeans , tyrians , sidonians and phaenicians : there came also from tarsus , from cilicia , from india , persia , armenia , arabia , and aethiopia . for the aide of caesar there came many scythians , hircanians , and from diuerse regions beyond the hill taurus : likewise the lacedaemonians , the sarmatians , the lydians , the essedones , the arimaspians , the massagites , the mores , the gelonians , the marmarians , the memnonians and they that dwell beyond the pillers of hercules were readie in armour and shewed themselues seruiceable to caesars commaund . cn. pompeius partly to welcome the straungers that came to dirrachio , and partly to encourage the romanes which did follow him , and to make the cause of the vndertaken warre manifest to them all , the nobles and senators sitting round about him in harnesse , vsed this speech vnto them . let it not any whit dismay you friendly forreiners , and faithfull harted romanes , that you are now farre from the wals of the taken citie , and if the italian ingenuitie , and the heate of the romane bloud be as yet warme within the romanes , let them not marke vpon what earth they stand , so they stand vpon the ground of a good and lawfull quarrell . it is i trust euident to you all that we are the senate : for if we were in the vtmost climate of the world , aud directly vnder the freezing waine of the northerne beare , yet in our hands should be the administration and regiment of the affaires of italie . vvhen camillus was at veios rome was there also , and the romanes forsaking their houses , did neuer chaunge their lawes . now is rome caesars captiue , and a sort of sorrowfull hearts hath he there in hold , emptie houses , silent lawes , and close courts : we are here as the punishers of caesars faults ▪ and the armor which we now beare , is but onely the wrath of reuengefull rome . caesars warfare is as iust as catilines , and when he should be like to the scipioes , and the marcelli , he falleth into the rebellious faction of c. marius , lepidus , carbo , sertorius : and yet in truth i honour him too much to consort him with these . he maketh accompt of me as of one withered , halfe dead and foredone with yeares : but it is better for you to haue an ancient captaine , then for caesar to leade an armie of spent and outworne veteranes . and though the age which hope doth follow be farre more plausible and acceptable , then that which death doth pursue , yet wisedome and experience proceede from elder times , & the head whose haires resemble the feathers of the swan is a senate house to a good armie . and if i may not be a souldier , yet i will be the example of a souldier vnto you . the aestimation that i haue alwaies had amongst you romanes , by whose meanes i haue bene extolled to that honour , aboue which neuer any romane citizen did ascend , may warrant my warfare . vvith vs also are both the cōsuls , with vs the armies of many forraine kings & potentates . is caesar trow you so venturous , because he warred so lōg against the vnruly french ? why it was but a sporting practise , more fit to traine his souldiers , then to merite triumph : or hath his fortune against the germaines raised his courage , he went not so speedily to the germaines as he departed from them , and rather fearing them then feared of them , he called the germaine sea the whirlepit of hell ? or doth his bloud begin to boile within him , because the fame of his furie did suddēly driue the senators out of their houses and harbours ? vvhen i displayed my blazing ensigne vpon the ponticke sea , the ocean was no more traced with the pirate ships , but they did all crowd into a narrow corner of the earth . mithridates that vntamed prince , who long expected when victorie should flie from rome , i enforced to take his pauillion , in which he died like a fugitiue coward , & therin i was more fortunate then the most fortunate sylla . there is no part of the world without my trophees , and what land soeuer lyeth vnder the sunne , hath either bene vanquished or terrified by pompey : and i haue left no warre for caesar , but this which now he maintaineth , in which though he ouercome , yet he shall neuer triumph . vvherefore the nearer caesar doth approch vnto you , the more let your courage rise , or if words cannot preuaile , imagine that you are now vpon the banckes of tiber , and that the romane matrons standing vpon the wals of the citie , with streaming teares , and dispersed hairelockes , do exhort you and intreate you to fight : imagine that out of the gates of the citie the old and grayheaded fathers , that are notable to weild weapons do prostrate vnto your feete their hoarie heades , requiring succour and defence of you : and thinke that rome herself fearing a tyrant boweth vnto you : thinke that the infants which are alreadie borne , & which hereafter shall be borne , haue mingled their common teares , and that they which as yet neuer saw the light , desire to be borne free , and they which do now liue desire to dy free : and if all this will not serue , then pompey ( if he may so debase the maiestie of a generall ) with his wife and children will fal before your feet . but this is my last behest that i require of you , let not pompey who in his youth hath alwaies honored you , be dishonored through your default in his dying yeares , for your selues , for your kindred , your freedome and good estate . i protest thus much , that i will neuer returne to rome but i will carrie peace in my hand , and the oliue braunch shall be my ensigne . the romanes were greatly emboldened hearing these words , seeing their generall so youthfully minded , & as it were refined in the mould of mars . vvherefore they expected caesar with prepared minds . and caesar hauing now praefected gouernors ouer orichum and apollonia , made great hast to dirrachio , in which place at his first comming pompey gaue him the onset , and made him to flie hauing lost a great part of his armie : and though m. antonius came not long after to caesar with a fresh supply , ready to face and brest the enemie , yet pompey did so plague thē with continuall warring against them , when he saw cōuenient time ; that caesars victuals being almost wasted , he was faine through penurie of corne to flye into thessali , and pompey speedily pursuing him in the champion plaine of pharsalia , pitched his tents directly against caesars . in pompeis campe all things were glorious , magnificent , and glittering in shew : in caesars all things powerfull , actiue , and strong . the romanes being thus deuided both parties were greatly enflamed with desire of fight : pompeis souldiers were readie to depriue him of the ensignes , and to enter the field without a generall : so deliberatiue was that noble captaine of their welfare , and so desperate were they and carelesse what befell vpon them . in pompey there was this desire and thought to ouercome with as little bloudshed as might be . but what fiends and damned spirits diddest thou inuocate caius caesar ? what stygian furies , what infernall hagges , and what nightly terrors didest thou intreat ? to what eumenides diddest thou sacrifice , intending such a generall slaughter ? pompey being earnestly vrged by his souldiers thought good to marshall his men , and to set the armie as might be most conuenient for the soile whereon they were to combate . the left wing of the armie was committed to l. lentulus , the leading of the right wing had l. domitius , the strength and middest of the battell did wholly relie vpon p. scipio : vpon the bankes and sides of the riuers did march the cappadocians & ponticke horsemen : in the brode field were tetrarches , kings , and princes , and all the purpled lords that were tributarie to rome : pompeis squadrons were furnished with many romanes , italians , and spaniards . caesar seeing his enemies to haue discended into the plaine , was heartily glad that so good occasion was offred him , and that the day was come which with a million of wishes he called for : wherefore departing out of his tents and marshalling his souldiers he made toward pompey . in this battell , the fathers face was directly against the sonnes , the brother was preparing himselfe against his brother , the vncle was the first that leuelled at the nephew , and he that did slay most of his kindred was accompted most couragious . vvhen the trūpets denounced the warres , and gaue a signe of fight , the caesarians did fiercely giue assault to the pompeians . the force and vigor of the warre did consist in the launces , speares , and swords , which pompey had well prouided against , by ioyning the targets one with another , so that caesar had much ado to breake the array : but fearing lest his foremen should faint , he caused the transuers legions to follow his ensigne , who as it were with a side-wind aduenturing vpon pōpeis armie , stroke them downe on each side so fast as they went. the barded horse being incensed with the heate of the warre , his heart being boared with the point of the speare , exempted himselfe from the reine . the barbarians being not able to restraine them gaue way to caesar , and the foming steede being now the regent of the field , the fight was confused and disordered : for vpon whom the dart did vncertainly light , leauing their horses perforce they lay groning and groueling on the earth , till the hoofes of the arrearing coursers did crush the veile of their braines . caesar was now come to the heart and center of pompeis armie , but the night drew on which made both sides pause : caesar did thanke his souldiers , and gliding through euery troope and band of them , he did put nourishing oile into their burning wrath . he tooke view of their swords , curiously obseruing whose weapon was ouerflowed with bloud , and whose was dipped at the point , whose hand did trēble and whose was stedfast , who changed the countenance through feare , & who through furie , and casting his eyes on the prostrate carcasses , frowning vpon them with curled forehead , as not yet satisfied he fed his irefull lookes with the desolate aspect of his slaine countriemen , but if he perceiued a gaspe in the flesh of his owne souldiers , he would endeuour to close it vp with his hand , & giuing them words of comfort and encouragement did sooner heale them then indeede they were healed . at the dawning of the day next ensuing , and at the first entrance of that mornings bloudie houres , when the welkin had put aside the vizard of the night , the starres being couered and the earth discouered by the sunne , caesar giuing his souldiers new swords , new darts , speares and launces , and awaking their courage , giuing them also to vnderstand with the point of his launce , in what part of the aduerse armie the forreine kings , the consuls , the senators , and the nobilitie were placed , directed them as it were by aime , to gage the bodies of many excellēt men , who entangling their weapons in the intrals of these noble enemies , did throw to the ground & to extreme ruine many princely potentates : many reuerent persons were buried in go are : many of the lepidi , of the metelli , of the coruini and torquati : but amongst the rest the fortune of domitius was dolorous and despitefull , he as before hath bene said , was once pardoned and dismissed of caesar , but now was singled out by caesar and grieuously wounded , but yet so great was his mind that he would not stoope to begge a second pardon , whome caesar looking vpon like a tyrant , and seeing him rowle his fainting members in the moistned dust , did with this bitternesse insult , giuing him the scornefull gaze : l. domitius now i hope at length you wil forsake your maister pompey , hereafter i trust you will practise no enmitie against caesar . but as good fortune would , he had as yet breath enough to replie in these few words . caesar i dy a free man , and i go to the region of proserpina , not seeing thee as a conquerour , but as yet inferiour to pompey , and euen at my death am i refreshed with this hope , that thou liuest to be subdued by the rigor of destinie , which wil take reuenge both for vs , and for thy sonne in law . hauing spoken these words his life fled from him , and his sight was taken away with a dreadful darknesse , by whose wounds so much bloud was not lost , as there was glorie gained . for he gaue a cleare token of an honorable mind , accompting it a great deale better to haue dignitie without life , then life without dignitie . but caesar thinking nothing to be done if any thing were vndone , ragingly and earnestly did seeke for the person of pompey , & rushing into the thicke of his souldiers , neuer stretched out his arme without deaths warrant , and neuer looked backe but when he saw none to fight withall . pompey standing a farre off on the top of an hill , seeing the fields to swimme with bloud , and the romane senate to be nothing now but an heape of carcasses , and that his owne decay was sought for by the bloud of a multitude , reseruing himselfe to some better fortune , forsooke the field and fled to larissa . caesar perceiuing it , thought it better to giue some rest to his armie , then with a sudden pursuite to make after him : wherefore he retired his souldiers , & came to pompeys tents . vvhen the wandering night was chased frō the inferiour islands by the recoursing day , and the sunne had imparted his brightnesse to our vnder-neighbors , and the dreames were readie to possesse the theater of the fancie , the wearisome creatures of the world declining to their rest : the caesarians hauing ransacked pompeis tents , and refreshed their fainting bodies with the viand there left , betooke themselues to their ease , and reposed their wearied limmes in these plots which the pompeians did before lodge in . but how shall i describe the deformitie of that night , in which hell did breath out the ghosts of them that were slaine , the aire was infected with contagious vapours , and the starres trembled at the beholding of the vncouth stygians ? sleepe did bring no quietnesse vnto them , but flames , murmurs , horrors , and the hideous sounds of the skriking harpies . the ghost of the slaughtered romane did appeare vnto them , and euery mans fancie was a fiend vnto him : some did thinke that they beheld the image of a young man , some of an old man , others did dreame that their brethren were come to take reuēge on them , but in caesars mind were all these terrors : the slaine senate did seeme to encōpasse him on all sides , brandishing their fierie swords , sweating , frying and dropping with rosen and sulpher , and the greatest torment of all was a guiltie conscience . he was now molested with the powers of hell , when his enemies that suruiued slept quietly in larissa . pompey after his mishap in pharsalie made speedie voiage toward egipt where ptolome did raigne : for pompey hauing procured the restitutiō of his father to the throne of egipt , and with many other singuler benefites hauing deserued his fauour , thought that the young prince in a kind regard wold haue entertained him according to his honour and desert : but who doth busie his memorie in recounting benefites ? and who will thinke himselfe beholden to one that is distressed ? and when doth not fortune chaunge friendship ? ptolome , vnthankfull ptolome , disleagued with the senslesse litargie of foule ingratitude , when by certaine report he heard that pompey had approched to the shore , sent out his dire and dreadfull messengers to depriue the aged bodie of the vnuanquished mind . and when achilles that bold butcherer did with his glaiue portend the last end of his daies , pompey whose excellent qualities might encline a massagite to mercie , craued with constant countenance but a word or two of them , and as for life he was content to leaue it : the sauage helhound would scarcely condescend to this request , but at length his tygers heart yeelded , and pompey in few words wishing to the romanes libertie , to his wife comfort , to his sonnes safetie , was beheaded by these mercilesse egyptians , and his head was born as a present to ptolome , which was farre too good a present for so lewde a prince . but how false was this world to pompey , who had not now earth enough for his sepulture , to whom before the earth was too little for his cōquest : but rare is that bird whose feathers do not moult , and happie is that man whose glorie doth not eclipse . caesar made hast after pompey with an hote and earnest pursuite , not knowing that he was praeuented of the prize which he aimed at , and as the beasts which nature hath placed in the wildernesse , when poore pilgrimes walke by their solitarie and vncouth dens , runne all together with one rage , hunting their footsteps , euery one thinking to purchase the pray , the lion , the leopard , the beare , the beuer , the tiger , the luzerne and the vvolfe , making the woods to ring with hollow outcries . so the caesarians did enquire and make after pompey , amazing the seas with sounding trumpets , drums , fifes , and shawmes , and neuer ceassed their pursuite till they were arriued in egipt , where they were roially entertained of cleopatra the egyptian princesse , who with complaint and mournfull melodie , did allure caesar , admiring her singular beautie , to tame and suppresse the pride of ptolome , who had then deforced her from her soueraigne estate . caesar did not deny this faire oratresse , hauing alreadie perswaded him , if her toung had bin silent . mars spent a long time with venus , and before his departure from thence cleopatra was another calphurnia vnto him . but why do i name calphurnia ? for what proportion can there be betwixt a chast matron and a shamelesse curtizan . caesar labouring to restore cleopatra to her former dignitie was suddenly assaulted by the king of egypt with an huge armie , and in that warre he was driuen to many extremities , the conduit pipes were cut a sunder , and he was besieged on euery side being as yet in cleopatraes pallace , but in the end wrastling out of these misfortunes , he gaue battell to the egyptians at pharoes , and conueying himselfe into a gallie for the defence and safegard of his fleete which was grieuously tost , he was so vexed and shaken by his enemies , that he was faine to leaue his gally , and swimming a great way in the riuer of nilus , returned with great difficultie to his armie , but at the last encountring the egyptians at alexandria , he put the king and his whole armie to the sword : and in these warres was burnt the notable librarie of ptolomeus philadelphus , but much against caesars mind , who as he was specially learned so he made speciall accompt of that monument of learning . caesar hauing raised cleopatra to her pristinate roialtie , departed from egypt and hastened toward vtica , but in the way being enformed that pharnaces the son of mithridates , whome pompey when he had finished the warre against mithridates , had made king of bosphorus , had subtracted from the romanes , and atchieued to himself cappadocia , colchis , armenia , and part of pontus : caesar sent against him domitius caluinus , whose armie was discomfited by pharnaces . caesar did then in person make expedition against him , and assaulting him at zelia , caused him at the first ioyning of battell to flye , and hauing entred bosphorus , he was slaine of asander the author of his inuasions . vvhilest caesar was marching toward vtica , m. cato disdaining to receiue life at the hāds of caesar , and greatly perplexed in mind that a man so rebelliously bent should haue so prosperous fortune , did with violent hands determine his daies . caesar hauing taken vtica as he was returning to rome , did encounter p. scipio on the seas , who seeking by all warlike meanes to preserue the slender sparckle of his dying life , was at length slaine . and caesar sayling from thence enshoared in sardinia , and making no long tarriance in that place , came the fiue and twentieth day of that moneth , which beares his name at this day to the citie of rome , where he was welcomed with such applause , such gratulation , with such melodie , with so rare banquets , and with so gorgious shewes , that pompeis death was not bewailed with halfe so many teares , as he was entertained with ioyes , and for the sealing of their good affection towards him , they did grant to him by a fourefold triumph to enlarge his fame . a triumph was a most excellent honour , which the captaine who by battell had ouercome his enemies , returning with his armie into the citie did at the first enioy by the decree of the senate , and afterward by the consent of the people . it was called a triumph because the souldiers did crye along the streete as they went to the capitolle , io triumph . surely the romanes did greatly aduantage themselues by the vsing of these triumphes , for by them men were animated to warlike exploits . but many thinke a common-weale then onely to flourish , whē it hath peace and plentie , but being moued with the present face of things , and not forecasting the sequele , they slip into errour , and foster in their minds fond opinions , for plentie breedeth securitie , securitie warre , warre desolation . the state of a countrey is then to be tearmed prosperous , when it is throughly furnished with men able and sufficient to repulse forreine forces , with the prouentions of the earth , and other treasures of husbandrie . but how canst thou assure thy selfe of free and peaceable inioying of the riches of thy countrey , the space of one moneth without militarie discipline ? for all regions except those which are situate vnder the extremitie of the climates , are enuironed with the circumference of other nations , from which warre may arise as easily , as the winde bloweth from the foure quarters of the world , in which dangerous accident the first and last refuge of humane helpes is the soldiers arme . doubtlesse the romanes were exquisite in all heroicall desert , but in their bountie and beneficence to souldiers incomparably excellent : for they knew , that the prouinces and ilands adiacent could not be wonne by home sitting , or by a treatie of words : but they must gird their armour , confront their enemies , and exchange bloud for bloud , and when these countreyes were conquered , & they had tasted the sweet of the vintage , which the souldiers had gathered , they did not reward them with sower grapes , neither powred they vineger into their wounds , but assigned vnto them pensionarie lands , for their maintenance , and making thē franke allowance of ample rewards , encouraged them with crownes of glorie , triumphs , honors and dignities , so that victorie flourished there where armes were fauoured . surely princes & potentates ought with tender indulgence to respect the infatigable paines of the souldier , lest he murmur and say when he goeth to the fight , i shall either be ouercome , or slaine : and so be wholly subiect to the will and disposall of mine enemie , or else be partaker of the victorie , and returne into my country , as into a pitched field , where i shall fight with penurie , contempt and vnthankfulnesse , the last of which being either in the enemies chaines , or in the number of his dead men , i should neuer haue felt . but if the souldiers industrie be not quickened and stirred vp by bountie and reward , he hath no more will to performe any part of martial seruice , then a dead coarse hath power to arise out of the graue . for what can be more precious to a man then his bloud , being the foūtaine and nurse of his vitall spirits , and the ground of his bodily substance , which no free and ingenuous nature will loose or hazard for nothing . and in truth there is great ods in the euent , for the souldier may either be slaine and so die without receiuing of his salarie , or else be wounded and die vnder the cure , and so receiue his stipend to the halfe part . this account being thus cast , it falleth out that the souldier looseth all or some part , & the prince who is his pay-maister , saueth either all or some part . and whosoeuer shall argument or discourse vpon found reason , and infallible experience , may easily proue and conuince , that these commō-weales haue most prospered , which haue liberally maintained and had in singular regard militarie artes . the mentioning of caesars triumph hath occasioned me to vse this digression . this word triumphus is deriued of the greeke name of bacchus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who hauing subdued india , was the first inuenter of this honor . of triumphs there were two sorts obserued of the romans , one the graund triumph , which by praeheminence was called triumphus , the other was the pettie triumph , and was commonly called ouatio , of these triumphs some were done on land , some on sea , some in the citie , some on mount albane . it was therefore called ouatio , because the victoriate souldiers returning from the fight did showte , and double the letter o. an ouation did much differ frō a triumph , because he which came into the citie by way of ouation , was neither caried in chariot , nor cladde with robe triumphall , nor with any ornament of estate , neither did his armie march before him when he was entred the citie , neither was he crowned with laurel , nor brought in with sound of trumpets , but walked through the citie on foot , his head being adorned with a mirtle crowne , his souldiers following him , and the shawmes onely sounding . how the great triumph was celebrated , may be perceiued by this of caesars which was thus performed . caius caesar sitting in a rich and sumptuous chariot , bordred round about with the crownes of princes , his vpper garment being of purpled tissue , and bespanged with lines of gold , his victorious armie marching before him garnished with the spoiles of europa and affrick , his captiues being boūd with chaines , which were tied to his chariots taile , did represent a wonderfull maiestie to the gazing people : the trumpets and the clarions did sound on each side . his first triumph displaied with a most radiant standerd , the spoiles and conquests which he had in fraunce : the images of rhodanus and rhene were wrought in siluer , the streames were curiously deciphered , and the waues did seeme to rise with a naturall and reall flowing . in the second triumph stood the citie of alexandria , and after it the armes of vanquished ptolome were blazed , the riuer of nilus was painted with a faire caelestiall blew : the azured waues being compacted of costly glasse . in the third triumph was a maske of ponticke mourners , & the coarse of pharnaces was then caried in triumph : vpō the top of the coffin stood a triple plume , on the one part of which was written veni , on the other vidi , on the third vici . in the fourth triumph affrike went as captiue , and the person of iuba king of mauritania , his armes pictured as hauing mannacles of them was then also resembled . for his victorie at pharsalia there was no triumph , because pōpey was a romane . vvhen rome with smiling countenance had beheld these shewes , caesar accompanied with the romane nobilitie entred the capitolle , and there with spiced fires and fragrant odours did sacrifice to iupiter . after his thankes , vowes , and prayers perfourmed , he returned with the great applause and admiration of men , and amiddest other solemnities , crispus salustius did greet him with this oration . i know that it is a difficult and hard matter to giue counsell to a king , or emperour , or to any man that is highly aduaunced , because they haue store of counsellers , & there is none so wise and warie , who can giue certaine aduise of that which is to come . againe , bad counselles are manie times better liked then good , because fortune dallieth in things , and fancy in men according to their pleasure . but i had a great minde in my youth , to handle matters of state , and in knowing of them i bestowed great labour and trauell , not to this end onely , that i might obtaine some place of dignitie in the common-weale , which manie by euill artes and vnlawfull meanes haue cōpassed , but that i might also fully know the estate of the common-weale , as well in peace as in warre , and how much by munition , by men , and by monie it could do . therefore tossing many things in my mind this was my resolution , to praeferre thy dignitie caesar before mine owne fame , and modestie , and to put anything in practise so i might procure glorie to thee . and this i did not rashly or to flatter thee , but because in thee amongst the rest , i find one skill very maruellous , that thy mind hath bene greater in aduersitie , then in prosperitie . but with others it is a matter of more accompt and reckening , that men be sooner wearie with praising thy valor , then thy self art wearied with doing things worthie of praise . surely i hold it for a rule , that nothing can be fet from the depth of inuention , which is not readie to thy thought . and if this purpose should onely raigne in thy brest to deliuer thy selfe from the furie of enimies , and how thou maiest retaine the fauour and good liking of the people , thou should do a thing vnworthie of thy vertue . but if that mind be as yet resident in thee , which from the beginning disturbed the faction of seditious men , which brought the romanes from the heauie yoake of seruitude vnto libertie , which without weapons did confound the armies of thine enemies , whereof haue ensued so many and so glorious actes both at home and abrode , that thy foes cannot complaine of any thing but of thine excellencie , then receiue from me such things , as of the summe or state of the common-weale i shall deliuer : which doubtlesse thou shalt either find to be true , or else certainly not farre from the truth . there is no man brought vp in a free estate , who doth willingly yeeld superioritie to another , and though the mightier man be by nature of a good and mild disposition , yet because when he will he may be wicked and iniurious , he is therefore feared : which hapneth because many great men are peruersly minded , and thinke themselues so much the safer , by how much more they do permit other mē ouer whom they rule , to be wicked & vniust . but surely a contrarie course should be taken , when the prince is good himselfe , to labour and indeuour likewise to make the people good . for euery bad fellow doth most vnwillingly beare a gouernour , but this to thee caesar is of greater difficultie , then to others who haue ruled before thee : thy warre hath bene more mild then the peace of other mē : besides they which did ouercome , do demaund the spoile , they which are ouercome are their fellow citizens . through these difficulties must thou passe . and strengthen the common-weale for succeeding posteritie , not by weapons , nor as against enemies , but which is farre greater and more difficult , by peaceable meanes . therefore to this point the state of things doth call euery man either of great or of meane wisedome , to vtter as much good as he can concerning this matter . for mine owne part this i thinke , that as by thee the victorie shall be qualified and ordered , so shall all things follow . thou diddest wage battell noble caesar with an excellent man , of great power , and desirous of glorie , a man of greater fortune then wisedome , followed by some few , enemies both to thee & to themselues , such as either affinitie did draw vnto him , or some other bond of dutie : for none of them was partaker of his dominatiō , which he could not tollerate . for if he could haue brooked an equall , the world had not bene set on fire with warre : but because thou art desirous to establish peace , and vpon this anuill thou and thy friends do continually beate , consider i pray thee of what nature the thing is whereof you consult . certainly i haue this conceit , that because all things which haue beginning must haue end , when the fate and determined lot of destruction shall fall vpon this citie , that our citizens will contend and make warre against their fellow citizens , and so being wearied and consumed will become a pray to some forraigne king or nation : otherwise , not the whole world , nor all the people vnder the arch of the heauens being mustred or assembled together , shall be able to shake or crush this flourishing common-weale . therefore the good effects of concord are to be maintained , and the euils of discord to be banished and driuen away : that may easily come to passe , if thou abridge the licence of riotous spending , and iniurious extorting , because young gentlemen in these times are inured to such a fashion , that they thinke it a glorious matter vainly to mispend their owne goods and the goods of other mē , denying nothing to their owne lust , nor to the shamelesse request of their leud companions : and their restlesse mind hauing entred into a crooked way , and dissolute course , whē their maintenance faileth them , and wonted supplies are wanting , do conceiue a burning indignation against their fellow citizens , and turne all things out of course . in that commōweale all things are well ordered , where offices and dignities are not sold , and where ambition enioyeth not the rewards of vertue : this and all other euils shall cease when mony shall cease to be honoured , where riches are precious , there all good things are vile : faith , honestie , modestie , chastitie , because there is but one way to vertue , and that is hard and rough , but to mony there be many smooth waies : it is gained as well by euill as by good meanes . couetousnesse is a sauage and deuouring beast , immane , & intollerable : which way so euer it wendeth , it wasteth , & destroyeth townes , fields , temples and houses : it mingleth holy and humane things together : neither armes nor wals can stop the course of it . it spoileth and bereaueth men of fame , children , countrie and parents : but if thou debase the high accompt of monie , the force of couetousnesse by good manners will be abated . i haue by reading found , that all kingdomes , cities , and nations haue so long enioyed a prosperous estate , whilst true aduise did preuaile in them : but whensoeuer fauour , feare , or pleasure was the sterne or motiue of their counsels , then their wealth was first diminished , next their dominion abridged , and lastly , their libertie impeached . vvherefore i beseech and exhort thee renowned caesar , that thou wouldest not suffer such a goodly dominion as this to be tainted with rust , or by discord rented in peeces . if that thing happen , neither night nor day will appease the storms of thy mind , but by dreames being rowzed from thy bed , thou shalt be chased and pursued with continuall cares . i haue dispatched in few such things as i accompted honorable for thee caesar , and necessarie for this common-weale . the most part of men to iudge of others , haue sufficient conceit , at least in their owne conceit , and to reprooue an other mans deeds or words , euery mans mind doth burne with desire . they thinke their throat is not wide enough , nor their toung glib enough to poure out of their breasts their malicious exceptions , to whose censure that i am subiect , doth so little shame me , that it would haue grieued me to haue bene silent : for , whether it shall please thee to follow this course or some better , i shall not be mooued : sith i haue spoken as much as my barrennesse could bring foorth . it remaineth for me and for vs all to wish , that such things as thou shalt in wisedome effect , the gods would prosper . caesar afterward to match his foure triumphs , was made the fourth time consul : his statue also was placed amongst the statues of the auncient kings : in the senat-house there was a throne of iuorie made for him : in the theater his roome was such , as it contained pleasure , pompe , and cost : his image was exquisitly painted in the orchester , a place wherein the romaine gentlemen did vse to daunce and vaut : the moneth of iuly was then also cōsecrated to iulius , as the moneth of march is to mars . caesar did not rest in these honors , but thought still to propagate his fame by warlike exploits . vvherefore hearing that pōpeis sons did raise great tumults & vprores in spaine , he made great hast thitherward , & at the towne of siuill opposed himselfe to cn. pompeius one of the sonnes of pompey the great , who was constrained to flye , but labienus met him at vnawares , and hauing slaine him , brought his head to caesar . sex. pompeius his brother escaped by flight . ⸪ atropos , or the third booke . the warre in spaine being quickly dispatched , caesar returned to rome : and the romanes did redouble his honours , for he was presently made dictator perpetuall , censor perpetuall , consull for ten yeares , and emperour of rome : he was called also the father of his countrie . but caesars fortunes did soone after begin to decline , and these diuerse coloured titles were but as reinebowes , which do glitter gallantly for a time , but are suddenly extinct : his fatall houre was now approching , and enuie stayed in the cloudes expecting his end . but as a mightie and huge oake , being clad with the exuuials and trophes of enemies , fenced with an armie of boughs , garnished with a coate of barke as hard as steele , despiseth the force and power of the windes , as being onely able to dallie with the leaues , and not to weaken the roote ; but the northerne wind that strong champion of the airie region , secretly lurking in the vault of some hollow cloud , doth first murmur at this aspiring oake , and then doth strike his crest with some greater strength , and lastly with the deepest breath of his lungs doth blow vp the roote . so vndoubtedly was it with caesar , who disdained feare , and thought it a great deale better to die then to thinke on misfortune : but destinie is no mans drudge , and death is euery mans conqueror , matching the scepter with the spade , and the crowned king with the praislesse peasant . as none was more noble then caesar , so nothing was more notable , then the death of caesar : for his dearest friēds became his greatest enemies , and their hands plucked him downe , whose shoulders did lift him vp . many causes were pretended of the conspiracie bent against him , the honours which were bestowed vpon him , being both manie and great , did cause him to be enuied of the nobles : and likewise it was a matter of cauill , because sitting before temple of venus genitrix the senate comming to him to consult with him of great affaires , he did sit and welcome them , and did not rise vnto them : another occasion of quarell was , because m. antonius would haue set a diademe vpon his head : the fourth cause was , because he depriued epidius , metellus , and cesetius flauius of the tribuneship : fiftly it was greatly murmured , because it was constantly reported , that l. cotta quindecemuir that is a cōtemplatiue reader of sybillaes prophecies , would pronounce sentence , that because it was contained in the prophecies of sybilla , that the parthians could not be ouercome but by a king , therefore caesar should be highted the king of rome . for these causes a conspiracie being raised against him , in which the chiefe agents of the pompeians , were m. brutus and c. cassius , and of the caesarians d. brutus and c. trebonius , in the ides of march , and in the senate-house , which was called pompeyes court , he was pierced with three and twentie wounds , which because they were many , and most of them were in the belly , and about the midrife , caesar as ashamed of such wounds , did let downe his robe from his shoulders to couer them , and fell as a sacrifice vnder the statue of cn. pompeius magnus . m. antonius and other friends of caesar , were spared by the aduise of m. brutus , lest they might seeme rather to be authors of a faction , then of caesars death . after this bloudie exploit , they by whō he was slaine , held the capitolle . i cannot giue brutus praise for this , but i rather thinke that he deserueth dispraise : for had the cause of quailing him bene iust , yet the course & maner of killing him , doth apparantly seeme vnlawfull : for by that act the law portia was broken , by which it was prouided , that it should not be lawfull for anie to put to death anie citizen of rome indicta causa . the law cornelia de maiestate was also violated , by which it was made high treason , for any man to take anie aduise , or make anie conspiracie , whereby a romane magistrate , or he which had a soueraigne power , without iudiciall proces might suffer death . and that ancient law was also despised , by which it was forbidden , that no senator should enter into the senate-house armed with any warlike weapō , or hauing about him anie edged toole . surely they that will end tumult with tumult , can neuer be seized of good successe or fortunate euēt : for discord may breed , continue & augment contention , but it can neuer end it : and to expect that all differences should be calmely compounded by generall accord , is a thing not much to be hoped for , because it seldome happeneth . m. brutus , the chiefe actor in caesars tragedie , was in counsel deepe , in wit profound , in plot politicke , and one that hated the principality whereof he deuested caesar . but did brutus looke for peace by bloudshed ? did he thinke to auoyd tyrannie by tumult ? was there no way to wound caesar , but by stabbing his own conscience ? & no way to make caesar odious , but by incurring the same obloquie ? vvill anie man speake vnto me of the wisedome of brutus , when he thinketh vpō the field of philippi , wherein brutus was like to the comet , who feeding vpon vapours & vaine opinions , at length consumed and confounded himself : and thus were the two bruti , i meane the first and the last , famous men of that honourable name , both fatall to the estate of the romane common-weale : for the former of them did expell the last king of the romanes , and the later did murder their first emperour . but if caesars death had bene attended , till naturall dissolution , or iust proceeding had caused it , his nephews entrie into the monarchie might well haue bene barred and intercepted : because these honors were annexed and appropriated to caesars person . and if patience might haue managed their wisdomes , though there had bene a caesar , yet should there neuer haue bene an augustus . but by bloudshed to seeke for peace , is by oyle to quench fire . vvhen any innouation or alteration is to be hatched , the state of things must be quiet and secure , that the wheele may be easily turned about , without hearing any noise . for to commit the murder of a soueraigne magistrate , & to defend thy selfe by armes , is as if a man should couer himselfe by water from a showre of raine , or should descend into some hollow of the earth for auoiding of infectious aire : & if the most barbarous and immaine tyrant , should trecherously , that is without warrant of iustice be slaughtered , though at his death he were vtterly destitute of friends , yet his enemies should be sure to finde enemies : for no cōmon-weale can be without men of aspiring humours , and when such a murder is wrought they find present occasiō to tumultuate , knowing that anarchie breedeth confusion , & that it is best fishing in a troubled streame : making a glorious praetence to reuenge the death of a prince , though in heart & in truth , they beare greater affectiō to the monarchie remaining , then to the monarke who is taken away : neither in regard of supreme power and praeheminence , will i put diuersitie betweene the person of a king and a tyrant ; for he which attaineth to an imperiall or regall soueraigntie , by warlike industrie and victorious exploit , is no lesse a monarke , then he which cometh to it by election , succession or descent : & he that is made subiect by sword , is as much subiect as he that by birth is a denison . but was iulius caesar a tyrant ? surely there was more tyrannie in the slaughter then in the man slaine : caesar i graunt was a traitour to the state before the victorie , but after he exchanged that base name , with the best title of dignitie , and of a traitour became an emperour : yet did he not aggrauate to himselfe that type of honor , the people offred it vnto him , he accepted it with thankes : manie had offended him , he pardoned them , yea rewarded them with great boūtie . he was content to haue a fellow consull , he suspected none of them which were the workmen of his death , he did neither depresse the noble man by slaūder , nor aduance them of obscure condition by flatterie and bribes : & which is incōpatible to tyrannie , he shewed self-will in nothing , when he was inuested with supremacie ; but questionlesse the romanes should not haue nourished this lyon in their citie , or being nourished , they should not haue disgraced him . the goared body of caesar was honourably transported to campus martius . afterward m. cicero because he was desirous to restore peace , and to reconcile the states , procured a decree to be made after the example of the athenians , which they called their amnestia , that the killing of caesar shold be forgotten & forgiuen , and this was ratified by senate . but the conspirors would not in anie wise lay aside their armour , vnlesse they might haue certaine assurance and securitie that their persons , lands , and goods should be safe and vntouched . vvherefore for pledges they had the sonnes of m. antonius , & m. lepidus , and then they descended out of the capitolle . c. octauius hearing of the great change that had happened in rome , came as some say from epirus , as others from apollonia , to whom i rather agree : but he was welcome to all sides and sectes . and by the testament of his vncle , who had adopted him to be his heire , he tooke the name of iulius caesar . m. lepidus was at that time made pontifexmaximus in caesars place . the senate did assigne the prouince of syria to dolabella , and macedonia to antonius : but afterward when m. antonius did shew himself too imperious , and would haue resigned his charge in macedonia , and haue bene praesident of france , he suffered a repulse of the senate , wherupon he appealed to the people , which did greatly incense the senate against him , and octauius was also grieuously displeased with him , because crauing his assistāce against the enemies of his vncle , he was in grosse & odious termes abused of antonius : octauius therefore by the assent of the senate , being accompanied with his vncles veteranes , prepared warre against him . d. brutus to whom the prouince of france was committed by caesar , and after his death confirmed to him by the senate , that he might resist antonius , who was then making toward fraunce , came with an armie to mutina , and there suffered himselfe to be besieged . the senat did afterward send messengers to antonius , to treate with him of peace , which were l. piso , l. philippus , and seruius sulpitius . but when they returned without cōcluding any thing , warre was proclaimed , and hirtius being consul went against him , octauius as propraetor , pansa the other consul folowed them within a few dayes after . caesar and hirtius hauing brought bononia into their power , did pitch their tents neare to antonius , who leauing a sufficient armie to beate them from the wals of the towne wherein his forces were , did priuily and closely go from thence to meete with pansa , as he was coming to bononia , with whom he entred battell , and had a prosperous victorie , but as he was retur will not do it . the pompeians were in truth wedded to too much partialitie , for why had brutus the glorie of triumph , vnlesse it were because his life was saued by other mens valour ? and why were the bodies of pansa and hirtius solemnely and honorably enterred , and caesar who was liuing , & partaker of the victorie nothing regarded ? nay they did apparantly despise him . for , sending messengers they enioined them to parle with his soldiers and leaue octauius vnspoken to : but they did with great choler answer , that they would not heare anie thing vnlesse their generall were present . this peruerse and preposterous dealing made octauius to enter the city in warlike maner , and as an enemy vnto them , and there he made himselfe consul , & q. pedius his colleague . m. cicero did then in publike assemblies greatly commend and extoll octauius , but he spake one thing and meant another : for if dangers had bene once past , ciceroes tongue would haue turned another way . vvise and circumspect he was to preuent a mischiefe , but timerous & fearefull to withstand it when it was befallen . afterward affinitie was contracted betwixt antonius and caesar , for caesar tooke to wife clodia the step-daughter of antonius . he was consul before he was of the age of twentie yeares , and in that consulship held nothing in so curious charge , as to take reuenge vpon the enemies of his adoptiue father : wherfore he requested q. pedius his colleague to enquire of them by whose conspiracie he was slaine , and thereupon m. brutus , c. cassius & d. brutus being absent were condemned . d. brutus to whom the senate had committed the dealing with antonius , being forsaken of his armie fled to aquileia & was there slaine . but the estate of the common-weale at that time shall appeare by an epistle of m. brutus written to c. cassius , which i haue here set downe : whereby a man may learne how to moderate and demeane him self in common calamities , whē iustice is turned out of course and the lawes are silent . it was to this effect . m. brutus to c. cassius sendeth commendations ; according to couenant & promise my cassius , i write vnto thee such news as i haue receiued from rome . octauius as i heare , hath maried himselfe to the daughter of fuluia the wife of antonius , for which mariage , i am neither verie glad , nor greatly sorie : manie vse such mariages as pledges of reconciliation , and thinke them of sufficient force to change hatred into loue , but are greatly deceiued . for it is one thing to make alliance , and another to make amity , sith they proceed from seuerall causes , and hauing a different course , must needes produce diuerse effects , for alliāce groweth , by bringing one kindred to the marches of another ; but friendship either by long conuersing together , or by a grounded opinion of good desert , or by likenesse of qualities where there is no inequality of estate : and he that seeketh friendship out of these praecincts , will neuer find it . therfore by such mariage emnitie will not fully cease , nor friendship firmely be setteled : for it is rather a meane betwixt these two extremes , then either a mother to the one , or a stepdame to the other . i receiued letters lately from m. antonius , directed to vs ( whereof i haue sent you here inclosed a copie ) verie contumelious , minatorie , and not worthie to be sent from him , to vs : but his threatnings i do not much regard . for amongst free men the authoritie of him that threatneth , is no more , then the law wil permit : for mine owne part i could wish that he were great in the common-weale , so he were honest . i will not prouoke him to emnitie , but will alway praeferre the libertie of my countrey , before his friendship : he obiecteth to vs often the death of caesar , but he should consider how small a time caesar raigned , not how litle while he liued . and octauius forsooth digesting at length , the hollow conditions of his father in law , seemeth greatly to stomake that we bost so much of the ides of march , when notwithstanding only one man was slaine : yet not so much as he vanteth of the nones of december , at which time he slaughtered more then one . cicero once thought that the commōweale as a naked orphane should be protected by armes , but now he praeferreth an vniust peace before a iust warre : wherein he sheweth how vniust he is : he is fortunes page , and fauoureth them most who haue most fauourors . a wise man , though by oportunitie he do alter his pace , yet still keepeth his way , serueth time for aduantage not for feare , and as the sunne setteth to rise againe , so he changeth his course to continue his purpose : but to an vnconstant man euerie accident is a cōstellation , by which he is diuersified and driuen from the center of his thoughts . though octauius call cicero father , vse him kindly , praise him , thanke him , yet it wil appeare that his words are contrarie to his meaning : for what is more auerse from common sense , thē to call him father whom he will not fuffer to be free ? by these lineamēts i haue shadowed vnto thee my cassius the ficklenesse and lubricitie of ciceroes variable mind , which as it is not certaine to himselfe , so it is not safe to vs : let him liue as he doth adulatoriously and abiectly : to me which am opposed to the thing it selfe , that is , to a kingly regiment , extraordinarie rule , domination and superioritie which would extol it self aboue the lawes , no subiection can be such as that i may brook it . there can be no valiāt nor free mind without constancie , neither can any thing be glorious without the iudgement of reason . in the businesse of the common-weale i would haue nothing done , without the constitution and decree of the senate and people , neither will i arrogantly praeiudicate , or boldly retractate that which they shall hereafter do , or heretofore haue done , but i accompt it more consonant to the good estate of the cōmon-weale , rather with pitie to mollifie the miserable estate of distressed persons , then by graunting euerie thing to the desire of the mightie , to inflame their lust and insolencie . surely the senatours are many times deceiued in their hope , and if a man haue done one thing wel , they presently yeeld and permit all things vnto him , as though a minde corrupted by their largesse , and liberall offers , might not be traduced and caried away to euill purposes and attempts : but they may not bestow any thing which to men euill disposed may be either a praesident or a protection , and i am afraid that octauius by his late consulship , do thinke him selfe to haue ascended higher , then that he will descend : for if antonius by the death of iulius caesar tooke praesent occasion of tyrannising , how much more will octauius vsurpe , when both senate and people do applaud to his affection . neither will i commend the facilitie and prouidence of the senate in this behalfe , before i haueful experience , that octauius will content himselfe , with the ordinarie honors that he hath receiued : but if it otherwise happen , i must needes pronounce the senate guiltie of the fault , which they might well haue praeuented . yet if this yong man do lay aside sinister and affectious humours , and imbarke himselfe into the cōmon cause with impartiall thoughts , i shall then thinke that the common-weale will be able to support it selfe , by her owne strength and sinewes , that is iustice and integritie ; and that thenceforth , no offence , shall either be cruelly reuenged , or dissolutely remitted . of our future affaires this is my determinate resolution , so it may obtaine thy approbation ; if things happen to be in better plight we will returne to rome , if the estate be as now it is , we will liue as now we do , in voluntarie exile : if it decline frō bad to worse , we must flie to armes as our last and worst refuge , wherefore cassius do not faint , nor dispaire , let the hope of good things encourage thee , vertue onely is confident . from smyrna 17. kalend. april . caesar when by no meane he could be reuenged of brutus , who was praesident of macedonia , and cassius who had the regiment of syria ; he sent for m. antonius and m. lepidus who were then in france , and they three meeting at bononia , had conference of ordering and disposing the common affaires , and there they agreed to be treuiri , for the constitution of the common-weale for fiue years space . to the charge of lepidus spaine and gallia narbonensis were alotted , to m. antonius the other parts of fraunce , to caesar libia , sicilia , and sardinia . after these consultations they came to rome , and assigned offices to whom it pleased them , asking no leaue either of people or senate . at that time many excellent lords and gentlemen were proscribed , together with an hundred and thirtie senators , among whom was l. paulus the brother of m. lepidus , l. caesar the vncle of antonius , and he who did so much praise octauius m. cicero . but that was done by the venimous rancor of antonius , by whose meanes he was beheaded , and the head was serued in mease vnto him , which when fuluia the impudent wife of antonius had espied , plucking and renting from the chaps his golden tongue , she distained it with the spittle & fome of her mouth , she pricked it with needles , launced it with her nailes , brayed it with her fist , racked it with her armes , and stamped it with her feete . foolish and senslesse anger , to inflict reuenge vpon a thing that was senslesse , and for the misliking of the man , to hate the dead part of his body . but thou didst nothing antonius ( for the indignation of posteritie will rise against thee ) thou didst nothing by taking away the publike voice of the city and that all-pleasing tongue . thou hast dispoiled cicero of a poore remnant of dayes , thou hast pared away his old age , thou hast caused him to be slaine , when he wished for death , but his fame and the glorie of his vertues and excellent learning , thou art so farre from abridging , that thou hast augmented it : he liueth and shall liue by the memorie of all ages , and whilst the frame of this world shall stand , and this bodie of nature shal continue , which that onely romane did in minde contemplate , by wit vnderstand , & by eloquence describe , the commendation of cicero shall alway accompanie it , the succeding wits shall wonder at his writings , & euery mans doome shall condemne thy cruelty . but the miserie of these times none can sufficiently deplore , so vnpossible it is to expresse it by words . but this is to be noted , that the care of wiues toward their husbands , that were proscribed , was maruellous , & in the highest degree : the fidelitie of their free-men but indifferent , the loyaltie of their bond-men very slender , the loue of their children none at all , so grisly and loathsome is aduersity to a mans owne bowels . cassius hearing of the great tumults of rome , went from syria to smyrna in asia , where m. brutus was , to take aduise of the ordering of the battel against m. antonius , & c. octauius , who they heard did make expedition against them . vvherefore cassius hauing ouercome the rhodians , and ariobarzanes , and brutus hauing subdued the patareans , the lycians , and other nations of asia , which did before molest them , they hasted to macedonia that they might there wage battell . and thither not long after came caesar , and m. antonius with a huge host , and before the citie of philippi they faced their enemies with the tents . that fight was verie fierce and very doubtful , for brutus put caesar to flight , and antonius cassius , and each of their tents was ransacked of the victor . c. cassius when brutus , who he feared was slaine , returned a farre off , with his horsemen , thinking that they were the enemies that pursued him , did worke his owne death by the hand of one of his retinue . vvithin a few dayes after m. brutus being ouercome in another battell , and ouerborne with despaire , enforced strabo that fled with him to slay him with his sword : which act , many noble romanes to the number of fortie did imitate . there were neuer anie to whom fortune did sooner approch , thē to brutus and cassius : and neuer anie from whom she did more suddenly flie : cassius was the better captaine , brutus the better counseller , brutus was more to be loued , cassius to be feared , because the one excelled in vertue , the other in valor . vvho if they had conquered in this fight , it would haue bene more expedient for the romanes to haue bene ruled by brutus then cassius , by how much it was more safe to them in the end to be gouerned by octauius then antonius . the yeare following there grew discord betweene caesar and l. antonius consul , and fuluia wife to m. antonius . they were offended with caesar , because he shared that part of macedonia to his souldiers which m. antonius should haue had . fuluia was the more earnest against octauius , because he had cōceiued a deep displeasure against her daughter , and had thereupon diuorced her . caesar was likewise incensed against antonius , because he would not send to him that supply of souldiers , which he ought to haue . antonius therefore in his brothers quarell , maintained warre , fuluia leagued vnto him held praeneste , and there she behaued her selfe as the other consul , cōtemning p. seruilius who was indeed consul , being like to a woman in nothing but onely in sexe : l. antonius with an hostile inuasion entred the citie of rome , the armie of m. lepidus , who was left there as warden of the citie being discomfited , and afterward departing thence toward fraunce , was intercepted by caesar , who besieged him a long time at perusia , in the countrey of hetruria , and oftentimes making an eruption & suffering a repulse , he was constrained to submit him selfe , whom caesar pardoned , but many of the senators and romane knights were sacrificed vpon the altar of iulius caesar . he destroyed perusia , and hauing brought into his power all the armie of the contrarie side ended that warre , cn. domitius caluinus , and c. asinius pollio being consuls , pollio was a man of notable gifts , who howsoeuer matters befell , was loued of all sortes of men . iulius caesar did make great reckening and accompt of him , after his death the enemies of caesar did greatly fauour him , m. antonius had him in singular aestimation , octauius held him neare vnto his heart , an excellent scholer , and a worthie souldier the onely obiect of the learned , whom both in prose & poemes , they haue condignely commended , so that i need not to proceede in his praises , this is my only doubt , whether he were more to be extolled for his laudable qualities , then admired for his rare and wonderfull fortune ; he was not long before with antonius in aegypt , but seeing him so vainely besotted with the loue of cleopatra , seeing him knight of the cannapee , who was earst lord of the field , being ashamed of him as he was a romane , ashamed of him as a general , ashamed of him as now an vnworthie companion for pollio , he left him in aegypt with his concubine , and came to rome . afterward caesar and lepidus fell at variance , so that lepidus was compelled to surrender all his authority , and to stand to caesars mercie for his life . caesar did then fight with sex. pompeius on the sea . pompey being there ouercome fled to sicilie , and afterward into asia , and as he was preparing warre against antoni , he was takē of m. titius , antonius his lieutenant , by whō he was slaine . the last ciuill warre which was betwixt the romaines was that which was fought by caesar against antoni at actium . the occasion of emnitie betwixt them was thus , antonius did reproue caesar because he had taken to himself the armie of lepidus & that which followed sex. pompeius , which ought to haue bene common to them three . caesar did obiect to antonius , that he did keepe aegypt without lawfull commission , that he caused sex. pompeius to be slaine without his consent , that he cast artauasdes a prince , leagued with the romans , and taken by trecherie , into prison , & dishonored him , with gyues and fetters , to the great infamie of the romanes , that he was more familiar with cleopatra then became an honest man , that he had bestowed too great giftes vpon her , that he had called caesars surmised bastard begotten of cleopatra , caesarion , to the great disgrace of that house . these things priuately by letters and publikely by messengers , were mentioned by mutuall obiection . caesar afterward did reade antonius his testament in the open senate , which came to his hands by this meane . certaine souldiers which did flie frō antonius to him , told him that the authentike will or testament of m. antonius , did remaine in the custodie of the virgins vestall , of whom caesar did obtaine it , the tenor and forme whereof was thus . i m. antonius one of the three states of rome , and the sonne of m. antonius , do by this my last will and testament make and ordaine philadelphus & alexander my sonnes by cleopatra , the heires of all my wealth and substance , which i had by descent from m. antonius my father ; but with this clause , and vpon this condition , that if i die in rome or elsewhere , they shall solemnely conuey my bodie to alexandria in aegypt , and bestow it there in a marble sepulcher , which by this my will shall be made for my selfe and cleopatra the queene of aegypt . but if they faile of this or do otherwise , without lawfull or vrgent cause , then i will that all these things which i leaue vnto my aforesaid sons , be conuerted to the vse & behoofe of the nuns of vesta , & my ghost shal implore the assistāce of the pōtifex-maximus , & the priests of iupiter which are in the capitol , to solicit the spirits of vengeance to punish the vnthankfulnesse of my sons , & then i ordaine & wil , that the pontifex maximus shall cause my bodie to be reposed in a conuenient sepulcher , within the walles of this citie , and i will also that as many bondslaues as be now in my power , shall presently after my death be manumitted & made free by the praetor ; and to euerie of my other seruants i bequeath a sestertian , & a mourning garment . lastly , i do pronounce by this my last will and testament , that caesarion the son of cleopatra , is the true , certaine , and vndoubted sonne of c. iulius caesar . and to the aforesaid cleopatra , i giue all my wealth and treasure , that i haue gained , purchased and atchieued either in warre or in peace . done by me m. antonius vj. kal. iul. ap. claudius , c. norbanus coss . vvhen the people of rome had heard the purport of this testament , they thought that antonius his drift , was to giue rome to cleopatra , for a speciall fauour , for which cause they were maruellously moued against antonius . caesar did behaue him selfe in this matter very wisely and warily , for in wordes he praetended warre against cleopatra only , and caused it to be proclaimed by the heralt , that the aegyptian queene did intend the suppressing of the romanes . that was done by caesar , to the end that he might auoyd the hatred of manie noble men , who did rather affect antonius then him . but whē antonius for the loue of cleopatra wold neither come into the citie to render account of his doings , nor depose his triumuiracie , but was wholly busied in praeparing warre against italie , caesar did furnish himselfe as well for sea as for land : he therefore gathered manie souldiers out of spaine , fraunce , lybia , sardinia and sicilia . antonius likewise did make an armie of asians , thracians , macedonians , graeciās , aegyptians and cyrenians . and in the yeare following c. caesar and m. messalla being consuls , antonius and cleopatra at actium a promontorie of epirus , encountred caesar , who hauing prosperous successe in many battels against them , as well on sea as on land , they being at length ouercome fled to alexandria in aegypt . caesar did sacrifice all the pinasses which he had taken in warre , to apollo , who was worshipped at actium , as a monument of thankfulnesse for his victorie , and did also institute a fiue yeres solemnitie , which was called the solemnitie of actium , besides this he built a faire temple to apollo , and in the place where his tents were pitched he founded a great city called nicopolis , the citie of victorie . asinius pollio did still praeserue the auncient amitie that was betwixt him and m. antonius , for when caesar at his departing from rome , requested him that he would ioyne with him , in his warres against antonius , he made this answer : the benefites of antonius towards me , will not permit me to be an enemie vnto him , and my merites at the hands of antonius be farre otherwise , thē that antonius should be an enemie vnto me , wherefore leauing both and leaning to neither , i wil stay here in italie , and be the spoile of the conqueror . caesar did afterward besiege antonius & cleopatra at alexandria , where antonius being in a most desperate plight , being in no possibilitie to recouer caesars fauour , and hearing by a false rumor , that cleopatra was slaine , did suddenly stab himselfe . caesar tooke alexandria , and with it cleopatra , but because she would not grace octauius so much as to be led in triumph by him , she put aspes to her breasts , and was by them done to death , though her keeper had praecise charge to looke carefully vnto her . aegypt was then brought by caesar into the forme of a prouince , and hauing made cornelius gallus praesident there , he came to rome , where he had a triple triumph , the one of dalmatia , which he brought to conformitie after his warre finished against sex. pompeius , the other of actium , the third of alexandria . vvhen caesar with the great applause and gratulation of the romanes had pacified the whole praecinct of the world , and for that cause had shut the temple of ianus the third time , and an augurie of safetie was celebrated , which two things were neuer done but when the whole empire was in quietnesse , he purposed to depose the empirie , & to bring the common-weale to a good & perfect constitution . to depose the empirie , m. agrippa did perswade him , but maecaenas did disswade him , whose opinion he yeelded vnto . vvherfore endeuoring by law to confirme the empirie , and to win the fauour and good aestimation , as well of the nobles and senators , as of the people , he burnt all the letters which the citizens that were then in rome or out of rome had writtē to antonius , lest any senator who did follow antonius his faction , should thinke himselfe to be hated of caesar for that cause , & so should attempt some mischiefe against him : he releeued the common stocke , which was greatly wasted by ciuill warres , with his owne priuate wealth , & them that were indebted to the common treasurie , the billes of debt being burnt with his owne handes , he did free from the daunger of the rolle . and whereas many things were done , in the tumults and seditions of the citizens , against law and custome by lepidus and antonius , he did repeale them by an edict , and made his sixth consulship , which he then enioyed to be the death-day of these lawes ; by which meanes when he had worthily drawne vnto him the hearts of the people , yet in one thing he pleased them aboue the rest , which was done rather of pollicie thē of plaine meaning : for hauing singled out a great number of senators , whose loue toward him was specially approued , in a very frequent senate , he did offer to surrender the empire into the hands of the senators and people . but some of the senators , because they suspected that his wordes differed from his meaning , some because they did feare greater daunger by a popular estate , others because they feared his displeasure , if they should agree vnto it , they did with one voice refuse the offer , and ioyned in earnest sute and humble petition vnto him , that he would be the sole gouernour and absolute emperour of rome , and for that cause they did decree that the stipēd of those who did guard his person should be doubled , that he might be in more safetie by that meane , both to his friends and to the cōmonweale . vvhen by the franke assent of the senate and people , he had thus , not confirmed the auncient empirie , but in deed created a new monarchie , that he might seeme popular , he was content to charge him selfe with the weightie affaires of the empire : but the authoritie and dignitie thereof he did cōmunicate with the people : and therefore vnto the senate and people he did allot numidia , asia , graecia , epirus , dalmatia , macedonia , sicilia , creta , cyrene , bythinia , pontus , sardinia and hispania betica : which were the more peaceable and quiet countries . to himselfe he tooke the other parts of spaine , and all fraunce , narbonensis , lugdunensis , aquitanica celtica , likewise germania , coelosyria , phoenicia , cyprus and aegypt . and that he might void out of their minds all suspition of monarchie , the supreme authoritie that was assigned to him he did only restraine to ten yeres continuance . the romanes did bestow diuerse honors vpon caesar , planting before the doore of his court a bay tree , on the top whereof they set a wreath of oaken boughs , signifying that he was the man that had both ouercome their enemies , and set their citie in safetie . they decreed also that his court should be called a pallace , so that in what region soeuer the romane emperor did soiourne , his court was called a pallace , and that he should be called augustus . for when many would haue adorned him with some title of excellencie , caesar had a great desire to be called romulus secundus , but because that did resemble too much the title of a king , he was content to be called augustus , that is , maiesticall or diuine . thus had caesar the power of a king the stile only foreprised . in him all the dignities and magistracies did meete , he was sole consul , in determining iudicially of publike affaires , sole pōtifex , for he had that speciall title , sole censor in taxing the romanes by poales , and fining them for faults , sole tribune , in abrogating these lawes & voiding these acts which were made and done by other magistrates : which though in shew they were manie , yet in deed there was now but one magistrate in rome , one emperour , one augustus ; but these honors did not warrant caesars quietnesse , for he was endangered by many trecheries , and being thereby too seuere in punishing both the worthie and vnworthie , vpon suspition & surmise without anie formall proceeding against them , he did indeed minister oile vnto the flame of their malice . amongst the rest cn. cornelius , whose grandfather was cn. pompeius magnus , did with his complices imagine and conspire the death of augustus , whom caesar would not put to death , because he thought by that meane , he should gaine no great securitie , neither would he deliuer them from imprisonment , lest others might take courage & counsell to attempt the like . vvith this doubt & perplexitie he was grieuously troubled , and cares did torment his mind both in the night and in the day time ; wherefore walking alone in his garden , and musing what to do , liuia the empresse came vnto him , and prayed him of all loues to reueale vnto her , what griefe had encroched vpon his heart , and what was the cause of his vnusuall dumpes , to whom caesar made this answer . can any man , liuia , be of a calme and contented mind ; against whom on euery side are layd the snares of treason ? seest thou not how manie doe besiege my quietnesse , whom the punishment of condemned persons doth not only not deterre , but , as if there were some hope of reward , others rush desperatly forward to vnlawfull attempts . liuia when she heard this , did thus reply . it is no maruel , my lord , if you be beset with dāgers , partly because you are a man , and therefore borne to casualtie , partly an emperour , by whose authoritie , because manie are put to death , many that liue do conceiue hatred against you ; for a prince cānot only not please all , but though he gouerne in most orderly and peaceable maner , it cannot be otherwise , but he should haue many foes . for there be not so many iust as iniurious , whose humours can neuer be satisfied , & they which be of the better sort do aime at great matters , which because they can not obtaine , and because they are inferiour to others , are full of male-contentment , and for that cause they are offended with their prince . but the danger vnto which you are subiect by them which do not cōspire against your person , but against your estate , cannot anie way be auoided . for if you were a priuate man , none would offer you iniurie , vnlesse he receiued wrong before at your hands , but an empire , and the reuenues thereof , they which haue power do rather affect , then they which are poore do loath . this though it be a point of vnconscionable men , yet as other faults , so this is the seed of nature , which out of some men neither by rewards nor by threats you shall be able to extirpate : for neither feare nor lawe can do more then nature . vvhich being thoroughly cōsidered , it will seeme a great deale more conuenient to strengthen and stablish your empire with faithfulnesse and loyaltie , then with sharpnesse and rigor . augustus did thus reioyne : i know , liuia , that the highest things be most subiect to hatred , & the greatest emperours haue the greatest enemies : for if our cares , griefes and perils were not greater then the griefes and perturbations of priuate mē , we should be aequal to the gods ; but this doth chiefly molest me , that i cannot deuise anie remedie , which may cure & conquer this mischiefe . all men haue enemies , & many haue bene slaine by enemies , but the estate of princes lieth so open to casualtie , that we are cōstrained to feare our familiar frinds and our daily acquaintance , with whom because we must continually conuerse , we do continually feare , and this maladie is more hardly redressed then emnitie : for against our enemies we may oppose our friends , but if our friends do faile vs , where is thē our helpe ? therfore both solitude and multitude is grieuous vnto vs , & it is dangerous to be without a gard , but to haue an vnfaithful gard is much more dangerous . apparant enemies may be auoided , but false hearted friends we cannot anie way shunne : for we must call thē friends , of whose constant faithfulnesse we can not possibly be assured ; for my selfe i do plainely protest , that my heart abhorreth from the extremitie of punishment , and the necessitie of torture goeth greatly against my mind . then said liuia , you haue spoken well my lord , but if you will be aduised by me , & you ought not to refuse my counsell because it proceedeth from a woman ; i will aduise you of that which none of your friends will impart vnto you , not because they are ignorant of it , but for that they dread your displeasure . vvhich augustus taking hold of , tell it me liuia said he whatsoeuer it is . i will , said liuia , and that as willingly as you would heare it , for i am made partaker of your destinie . caesar being safe i am empresse , and he being dishonored , which misfortune the gods auert , i am also disgraced , and bereaued of glorie . that i may not vse an ambush of words , nor a labyrinth of circumstances : my theame shal be one word , and that is , clemencie . change thy course augustus , and forgiue some of thy foes , manie things may be healed by lenitie , which crueltie can neuer cut off . neither do i speake this , as if disloyall and irregular persons should generally and without difference receiue mercie , nay they that be notoriously stained , and branded with conspiracie , they that trouble the quietnesse of the common-weale , they that are ouerflowed with vices , whose life is nothing else but leudnes , so that they are past hope or helpe , cut them off my augustus , as the putrified parts of a distempered bodie : but they which either through the infirmitie of youth , or the imprudency of mind , or through ignorance or mischaunce haue offended , or which against their willes haue bene drawne into daunger , admonish them , but with minatorie speeches : and let them finde grace but with condition . some thou mayest punish with exile , some with infamie , and some with money : and that none may be vniustly condemned , nor by a fained accusation suffer death , let the truth be tried by such proofes , as may worthilie be approued . for it behooueth thee augustus , not onely to be free from doing wrong , but euen from shew and semblance of iniurie . priuate men haue done enough if they haue not offended , but a prince must endeuor not to be suspected of faults . thou rulest ouer men , not ouer beasts , ouer romanes , and not ouer barbarians , and the onely meane to lincke their hearts vnto thee , is to benefite all and to oppresse none . for though a man may be constrained to feare , yet he cannot be enforced to loue ; for when the subiect clearely discerneth that his prince is bountifull , he is soone perswaded : but when he is once resolued vpon manifest praesumption , that some be vniustly put to death , lest the same thing happen vnto him , he may iustly feare : and whō he so feareth , he hateth with the strength of his heart . but a prince is the priuiledge of his subiects security , that they take no harme , neither of forreiners , nor of their fellow subiects , much lesse of their prince & protector . and it is a great deale more magnificent and glorious to saue then to kill : wherfore lawes , benefites , admonitions must be vsed , that men may become circumspect , & warie , and further they must be so diligently watched and obserued , that though they would be , yet they may not be traiterous ; and they which are greene in conceit , and as it were flexible waxe to the stronger powers , must haue perpetuall conseruatiues lest they be corrupted : and to tollerate the offences of some , is both great wisedome and great manhood : for if euerie mans fault should be his fall , the earth would soone lacke inhabitants . thinke my good augustus , that the sword cannot do all things for thee : it cannot make men wise , it cannot make them faithful : it may constraine them , but it cannot perswade them : it doth pierce the heart of him that is slaine , but it doth alienate the mind of him that doth liue . vvherefore alter thy opinion noble emperour , and by vsing clemencie they will thinke that all that thou hast heretofore done was done by necessitie and against thy will , but if thou perseuerest still in the same minde and purpose , they will impute all that hath bene done to the austeritie and sourenesse of thy nature . vvith these speeches of liuia augustus being moued , pardoned many , and vsed as much lenitie as his owne safetie would beare : whereby he purchased the entire loue of the romanes , and all his life time after there was neuer anie treason attempted against him . thus after ciuill emnities extinguished , forreine warres fully ended , iustice recalled , destiny satisfied , strength was restored to lawes , authoritie to magistrates , dignitie to the nobles , maiestie to the senate , safetie to the people : the fieldes were without hinderance trimmed and tilled , the sacrifices celebrated and solemnized , quietnesse returned to men , and euerie possession to his lawfull owner : good lawes were made , imperfect lawes were amended , bad lawes cancelled : the senators were seuere without currishnesse , the people honest without constraint : and with this harmonie peace pleased the romanes . a table of the principall matters contained in this historie according to the number of the pages . a ancus a great builder . 8 m. antonius the orator put to death by marius & cinna . 65 m. antonius : he helpeth caesar 138. he is spared at the time whē caesar is slain . 169 he fighteth with pansa . 175 he fighteth with hirtius . 176. he fighteth with both the consuls . ibid. octauius becommeth an enemie vnto him . ibid. he writeth contumelious letters to brutus and cassius . 180. the testamēt of m. antonius . 193 b d. brutus suffereth him selfe to be besieged by antonius . 175. he is slaine . 179 c campania : the praise of it . 10 carthage : the beginning of the second corthagiā warre . 12 masinissa quarrelleth with the carthagimans . 45. scipio is sent as vmpier betwixt them and masinissa . 46. the citie of carthage is burnt . 47 q. caepio is slaine . c. iulius caesar : he is inclined to sedition . 103. his originall 107. his death is sought for by sillaes officers . 108. the heluetians sled before caesar . 116. they are ouercome by him . 117. he pursueth battel against ariouista . ibid. he fighteth against the belgians and nerrians . ibid. he ouerthroweth the germanes ibd . he burneth the villages of the sicambrians . 118. he ouercommeth the britaines ibid. he is reconciled to the britaines . ibid. he renueth against them . ibid. the eburons are ouercome by him . 119. his reuenge vpon the french rebels . 120. a decree made by the senate that he should dismisse his armie . 122 he is incensed by curio against the senate . 123. his passionate speech against the senate . ibid. he pardoneth domitius . 127. he seiseth the treasurie . 131. he marcheth toward spaine . ibid. the strangers which were assistant to caesar . 133. the caesarians giue the first assault to pompey . 140. his speech to domitius . 143. the dreames and visions of the caesarians . 145. he is entertained of cleopatra . 148. he is assaulted by the king of aegypt . 149. he swimmeth in the riuer of nilus . ibid. he addresseth against pharnaces . 150. he putteth phanaces to flight . ibid. he encoūtreth p. scipio . ibid. his triumphes are described . 156 salust maketh an oration to him . 157. the great honours bestowed vpon him . 165. he fighteth with cn. pompeius the younger at the citie of siuille . ibid. the causes of the conspiracie bent against him . 167. he is slaine in the senate house . 168. the law portia broken by the killing of him . 169. the law cornelia also broken . ibid . q. catulus : the dissention of lepidus and catulus . 16. 76 q. catulus cause of his owne death . 66 portius cato is slaine . 55 m. portius cato itichusis his lignage . 102. his praise . ibid. he killeth himselfe . 150 catiline : his qualities . 83. his lignage . 85. he killeth his own sonne . 86. he is greatly indebted . 87. he is forbidden to make sute for the consulship . ibid. his impudent answere to ciceroes oration . 98 cincinnatus his speedy warre . 9 l. cinna : he beginneth a new broyle . 62. he is expulsed the citie . ibid. he is made captaine of a seditious armie . ibid. he calleth c. marius from banishment . 63. a great fight betwixt him and cn. pompeius strabo . 64. he entreth the citie . ibid. he is slaine . 69 cicero : he is called paerpatriae . 83. his oration against catiline . 92. he mourneth . 112. he committeth himselfe to voluntarie exile . 113. a sharpe law is made concerning his banishment . ibid. he is recalled from banishment . 114. he is put to death . 185. fuluiaes despitefull dealing with his toung . 186 cleopatra killed by aspworms . 196 clodius : he being tribune of the people becommeth seditious . 109. he seeketh reuenge vpon cicero . 110. he is infamous for adulterie with pompeia caesars wife . ibid. for incest with his sisters . ibid. he is condemned by the senate . ibid. he persisteth to be an enemie to cicero . 114 he burneth the house of q. cicero . ibid. he threatneth death to sanctia . 115. he is slaine by milo. ibid . cornelia : she lamenteth her children . 27 d drusus : his hard fortune . 32 he is slaine . 34. his repulse is the beginning of the italian warre . 38 f ful. flaccus a rebellious senator slaine . 26 g a. gabinius : after a prosperous fight he is slaine . 23 c. gracchus : he is a rebell to the state . 25. his seditious actes . 26. he is beheaded . 27 i italie : the italian warre . 15 l m. lepidus : the dissention of lepidus and catulus . 16 m c. marius : the contention betwixt him and silla . 15. he besiegeth the capitall . 31 he putteth the conspiratours to death . ibid. he destroyeth saturninus his house . ibid. he taketh iugurtha by sillaes meanes . 28. his 3. 4. 5. 6. consulships . 29. his great victorie against the cimbrians . ibid. he is in high reputation . 34. he putteth vettius cato . to flight . 52. he fighteth equally with the marsians . 53. he is disliked by the consul portius . 54. his ambition . 59. his extreame miserie , 60. a captiue slaue is sent to kill him . 61. the minturnians are friends to him . ibid. being recalled from banishment he entreth the citie . 64. octauius is put to death by his crueltie . 65. he dieth . 67 mancinus : his punishment for breaking truce . 20 metellus : he opposeth himselfe against saturninus . 30 he committeth himselfe to voluntarie banishment . ibid . metellus his speech to casar . 130 merula : he cutteth in peeces his owne veine . 65 mithridates an enemie to the romanes . 15. 58 numa n numa religious . 8 numantia : the numantine warre . 20 o octauius his request to the senate . 177. he reconcileth himselfe to m. antonius & m. lepidus . ibid. m. cicero doth greatly commeend him . 178. he taketh clodia to wife . 179. he besiegeth perusia . 190. he fighteth with sex. pompeius . 191. he readeth the testament of m. antonius . 192. he sacrificeth all the pinasses which he hath taken to apollo . 195. he buildeth nicopolis . 196. the romanes plant a bay tree before his doore . 200 opimius his proclamation . 26 p c. perperna discharged c. of his lieuetnancie . 52 asinius pollio : the praise of him . 190 cn. pampeius strabo : his victories . 55. he triumpheth . 56. his dissembling and vnconstancie . 63. a great fight betwixt him and cinna . 64 cn. pompeius magnus : his great dignitie in rome . 16 caesar cannot brooke it . ibid. he & q. catulus fight with lepidus and ouercome him . 77. mithridates is ouerthrowne by pompey . 106. he entreth the temple of ierusalem . ibid. he is honoured with a triple triumph . 107. he matcheth with iulia caesars daughter . 109. his presidentship in spaine proroguid . 121. he is appointed by the senate generall against caesar . 127. domitius flyeth to pompey . 128 the forreiners which were readie in armes for the assitance of him . 132. his oration to his souldiers . 134. he putteth caesar to flight . 138 he marshalleth his armie . 139. he flyeth to larissa . 144 he trauelleth to aegypt . 146. he is slaine by the aegyptians . 147 popedius . silo popedius a naturall enemie to the romans . 40. his oration to the marsians . 41. he is slaine . 55 pyrrhus fighting against the romanes . 10 r rome built . 6 romanes : the romanes made wanton by prosperitie 19. the romane embassadors are despised of hanniball . 44 the athenians faithfull to the romans . 67. the solemnitie which the romanes vsed in their proceeding to the senate . 89. treacherie against the romanes in fraunce . 119. what thing a triumph was amongst the romans , and how performed . 151. they bestow many honors vpon caesar . 166 romulus eagrest in fight . 8 romulus & remus bastards . 42. nourished by a wolfe . ibid. remus is slaine by romulus . 43 p. rutilius is slaine . 52 s saturninus : he causeth c. memmius to be slain . 31. his house is destroyed by marias . ibid. he is a brocher of sedition . 30. q. metellus opposeth himselfe against him . ibid. marius fauoreth saturninus . ibid . saguntines : the miserable famine of the saguntines . 44 sabines : the rape of the sabine virgins . 43 p. scipio affricanus the elder his valor . 18 p. scipio affricanus the younger : his prowesse . 18. he is sent backe into spaine . 24. he surpriseth numantia . ibid. he is found dead in his bed . 25 his body is brought out into the streete . ibid . scipio nasica : his familie . 22 he opposeth himself to gracchus . ibid . seruius taxeth the romanes by poles . 8 seruitins : he is proconsull and is slaine by the commotioners of italy . 38 sertorius : he leuieth armes in spaine . 77. he feareth pompey . 106. liuius salinator the lieutenant of sertorius is slaine . 77. sertorius is slaine . 79 spartacus : he being a fenceplayer doth encounter the army of the consuls . 81. he taketh the citie of the thurians . ibid. m. crassus appointed for the vvarre against him . 82 sulpitius : he bringeth the marrucines to obedience . 55 sulpitius : a seditious tribune altereth the state . 59. murder is committed by him . ibid . l. sylla : his victorie samnites . 55. he killeth cluentius . ibid. he is made consull . 57 his contrarie nature . ibid. his descent . ibid. he besiegeth nola. 58. his reuenge vpon the seditious . 60. his hard conditions of peace concluded with mithridates . 68 the king of parthia sendeth embassadors to him . ibid. he passeth quietly through italy . 69. he dismisseth sertorius without hurt . 70. he fighteth with telesinus a samnite . 71. c. marius the yoonger is slaine by his souldiers . 72. he vsurpeth the dictatorship . ibid. he causeth the souldiers of praeneste to be slaine . 73. he putteth in practise proscription . 73. m. marius is slaine by him . 74. his rage against pletorius . ibid. the ashes of c. marcus throwne into a riuer by sylla . 75. he dieth . ibid . t tarquin banished . 1. his ornaments . 8. proud tarquin occasioner of libertie . 9 treuirate : a treuirate first made in rome . 21 tullus an artificiall captaine . 8 v viriathus an enemie to the romanes . 19 finis . faults . pag. correction . monarchies . pag. 4. monarches . cloaetia . pag. 9. cloaelia . massitus . pag. 10. massicus . couldes . pag. 10. clouds . glancias . pag. 31. glaucias . eguatius . pag. 52. eguatius . staria . pag. 53. stabia . petiani . pag. 55. peligni . talentia . pag. 78. valentia . enomaus . pag 80. enomaus . consulians . pag. 92. consularians . it greeueth my hart . pag. 100. it grateth my hart . the pictons . pag. 119. the pictons . the tureus . pag. 120. the turens . the audians . pag. 120. the andians . achilles . pag. 147. achillas . aggrauate . pag. 173. arrogate . atia was . pag. 176. atia , who was . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a01289-e920 tarquin banished . rome built . romulus eagrest in sight . numa religious . tullus an artificiall captaine . aucus a great builder tarquinius his ornamēts seruius taxeth the romanes by polles . proud tarquine occasioner of libertie . the speedie war of cincinnatus . the praise of cāpania . pyrrhus fighting against the romans . the beginning of the second carthaginiā war. the italian warre . mithridates an enemy to the romans . the contention betwixt marius and sylla . the dissention of lepidus and catulus . catilines rebellion . pompeyes great dignity in rome . caesar cānot brooke it . the valor of the former scipio . the prowesse of the later scipio . the romans made 〈◊〉 by prosperity viriathus an enemy to the romanes . the numantine warre . pompey enforced to strange leagues by the numantines . the punishment of mācinus for breaking truce . the parents of ti. gracchus . the praise of ti. gracchus gracchus swarueth frō vertue . a treuirate first made in rome . the familie of scipio nasica . scipio nasica opposeth himselfe to gracchus . ti. gracchus slaine . scipio is sent into spaine . scipio taketh numantia . scipio found dead in his bed . scipios body is brought out into the streetes . c. gracchus a rebell to the state . the seditious acts of c. gracchus . ful. flaccus a rebellious senatour slaine . opimius his proclamatiō c gracchus beheaded . cornelia lamenteth her children . c. marius taketh iugurtha by sylla his meanes . c. marius his third consulship . his fourth consulship . his fifth cōsulship . marius his great victorie which he had against the cimbrians . c. marius his sixth consulship . saturninus a broacher of sedition . q. metellus opposeth himselfe against saturninus . marius fauoureth the lawe of saturninus . metellus cōmitteth himselfe to voluntarie banishment . saturninus causeth c. memmius to be slaine . c. marius besiegeth the capitol . c. marius putteth the conspirators to death . saturninus his house destroyed by marius . the hard fortune of drusus . drusus is slaine . c. marius in high reputation . the italian warre first attempted by the marsians the repulse of drusus the beginning of the italian warre . seruilius proconsull slaine by the cōmotioners of italie . silo popedius a naturall enemy to the romans . silo popedius his oration to the marsians . romulus & remus bastards . nourished by a wolfe . remus is slaine by romulus . the rape of the sabine virgins . the romane embassadors are despised of hānibal . the miserable famin of the sagūtines . masinissa quarelleth with the carthaginians . scipio sent as vmpier betwixt masinissa & the carthaginiās . the citie of carthage burnt . c. perperna discharged of his lieutenancie . q caepio slaine . p. rutilius slaine . c. marius putteth vettius cato to flight . c. marius fought equally against the marsians . c. marius disliked by the consul portius . syllaes victore against the sānites . cn. pomp. strabo his victories . sylla killeth cluentius . a. gabinius after a prosperous fight is slaine . sulpitius bringeth the marrucini to obedience . popedius is slaine . portius cato slaine . ca. pōpeius strabo triumpheth . sylla is made consul . sylla his cōtrary nature his discent . mithridates an enemy to the romans . sylla besiegeth nola. sulpitius a seditious tribune altereth the state the ambitiō of marius . murder committed by sulpitius . syllaes reuenge vpon the seditious the extreme miserie of c. marius . a captiue slaue sent to kill marius . the minturniās friends to marius . q pompeius slaine . cinna beginneth a new broyle . cinna is expulsed the city . cinna is made captaine of a seditious army . cinna calleth c. marius and his sonne from banishment . cn. pompeius father to pompey the great his dissembling and vnconstancy . a great fight betwixt cinna and cn. pōpeius cinna entreth the city c. marius recalled frō banishment , entreth the citie . octauius put to death by the crueltie of marius merula cutteth in peeces his owne veines . m antonius the oratour put to death by marius & cinna . q. catulus cause of his owne death . c. marius dieth . the athenians faithfull to the romanes . silla his hard conditions of peace cōcluded with mithridates . the king of parthia sendeth ambassadours to sylla . cinna is slaine . sylla passeth quietly thorough italie . sylla dismisseth sertorious without hurt . silla fighteth with telesinus a samnite . c. marius the younger is slaine by syllaes soul diers . sylla vsurpeth the dictatorship . silla causeth the souldiers of preneste to be slaine . proscription put in practise by sylla m. marius slain by silla . sylla his rage against m. pletorius . the ashes of c. marius thrown into a riuer by sylla . sylla dyeth . debate betwixt lepidus and catulus consuls touching the decrees of sylla . cn. pompeius magnus and q. catulus fight with lepidus and ouercame him . sertorius leuieth armies in spaine . liuius salinator the lieutenant of sertorius slaine . sertorius is slaine . spartacus a fence-plaier , doth encounter the army of the consuls . spartacus taketh the citie of the thurians . m. crassus appointed for the warre against spartacus . cicero called pater patriae . catiline his qualities . the linage of catiline . catiline killeth his own sonne . catiline greatly indebted . catiline forbidden to make sure for the consulship . the solemnitie which the romans vsed in their proceeding to the senate cicero his oration against catiline . catiline his impudent answer to cicero . the linage of m. cato . the praise of m. cato . c. caesar inclined to sedition . notes for div a01289-e2650 sertorius feareth pōpey . mithridates ouerthrown by pompey . pompey entred the tēple of ierusalem . pompey honored with a triple triumph . caesar his originall . caesars death sought for by sillaes officers . pompey marrieth with iulia caesars daughter . clodius tribune of the people becommeth seditious . clodius seeketh to reuenge himselfe vpon cicero . clodius infamous for adulterie with pompeia caesars wife . clodius infamous for incest with his sisters . clodius cōdemned by senate . cicero mourneth . cicero committeth himselfe to voluntarie exile . a sharpe law made concerning cicero his banishment . cicero recalled from banishment . clodius persisteth to be an enemie to cicero . clodius burneth , the house of q. cicero . clodius threatneth death to sanctia . clodius is slaine by milo. the heluetians flye before caesar . the heluetians ouercome by caesar . caesar pursueth battell against ariouista . caesar fighteth against the belgians & neruians . caesar ouerthroweth the germaines . caesar burneth the villages of the sicambrians caesar ouer commeth the brittains caesar recōciled to the britaines . caesar renueth his war against the britaines . the eburons ouercome by caesar . treacherie against the romanes in fraunce . caesar his reuenge vpon the rebels . pompey his presidentship in spain proroged . a decree made by the senate , that caesar shold dismisse his armie . caesar is incensed by curio against the senate . the passionate speech of caesar against the senate . pompey is appointed by the senat generall against caesar caesar pardoneth domitius . domitius flyeth to pompey . metellus his speech to caesar . caesar seizeth the treasurie . caesar marcheth toward spaine . the forreiners which were readie in armes for the assistāce of pompey . the straungers which were assistāt to caesar . pompey his oration to his souldiers pompey putteth caesar to flight . m. antonius helpeth caesar . pompey marshalleth his armie . the caesarians giue the first assault . caesar his speech to domitius . pompey flieth to larissa . the dreams and visions of the caesarians . pompey trauelleth to egypt . pompey is beheaded by the egyptiās caesar entertained of cleopatra . caesar is assaulted by the king of egypt . caesar swimmeth in the riuer of nilus caesar addresseth against pharnaces . caesar putteth pharnaces to flight . m. cato killeth himselfe caesar encountreth p. scipio . what thing a triumph was amongst the romans & how performed . caesar his triumphs described . caesars first triumph . caesars second triūph . caesars third triumph . caesars fourth triumph . salustes oration to caesar . pompey could not brooke an equall . the great honors bestowed vpon caesar . caesar fighteth with cn. pōpeius the younger at the citie of siuill . notes for div a01289-e3650 the romans bestow many honors vpon caesar . the causes of the conspiracie bent against caesar . caesar is slaine in the senat-house m ▪ antonius is spared at the time whē caesar is slaine . the law portia broken by the killing of caesar . the law cornelia broken by the killing of caesar . caesar his bodie is transported to cāpus martius . the senate incensed against m. antonius . octauius becommeth an enemie to antonius . d. brutus suffereth himself to be besieged by antonius . m. antonius sighteth with pansa . m. cicero doth greatly commend octauius . caesar taketh clodia to wife . d brutus is slaine . antonius writeth cō tumelious letters to brutus & cassius . cicero is put to death . fuluiaes despiteful dealing with ciceroes tong . caesar besiegeth perusia the praise of asinius pollio . octauius caesar fighteth with sex. pōpeius octauius readeth the testament of m. antonius . the testamēt of m. antonius . octauius caesar sacrifiseth all the pinnases to apollo . octauius buildeth nicopolis . cleopatra killed by aspwormes . the romans plant a bay tree before octauius his doore ▪ herodians of alexandria his imperiall history of twenty roman caesars & emperours of his time / first writ in greek, and now converted into an heroick poem by c.b. staplyton. history. english herodian. 1652 approx. 350 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 97 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-01 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a43431 wing h1583 estc r177960 12005795 ocm 12005795 52306 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a43431) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 52306) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 566:1) herodians of alexandria his imperiall history of twenty roman caesars & emperours of his time / first writ in greek, and now converted into an heroick poem by c.b. staplyton. history. english herodian. stapylton, c. b. [10], 186 p. printed by w. hunt for the author, london : 1652. c.b. staplyton [i.e. stapylton]. cf. bm. advertisement: prelim. p. [3]-[5]. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng rome -history -empire, 30 b.c.-284 a.d. rome -antiquities. 2006-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-04 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2006-04 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion herodians of alexandria his imperiall history of twenty roman caesars & emperours of his time. first writ in greek , and now converted into an heroick poem . by c. b : stapylton . — virtus post funera vivit . london printed by w : hunt , for the author . mdclii . an advertisement . peradventure some will say this labour is superfluous this work is already in prose , what need this verse come limping after ; indeed i confesse all is but one dish of meat severally drest ; yet we oft see one baked and another rost of the same kind ( rightly sauced and seasoned ) is more acceptable then a third of a contrary kind which is not so good in quality : if here be any thing praise-worthy it belongs to herodian that famous greek historian , who was the author ; as touching the translator i suppose he did it for his recreation , and for ought i can perceive doth not much care whether you give him thanks or no , because he hath not told his name : for my part that have put it into rime , if i could , it should have been verse ; for i doe ingenuously confesse my selfe much obliged to the history , seeing so many mighty monarchs and high estates one while at the top of fortunes wheele , and anon turned topsy turvy , or cut off by an untimely death , hath made me the better able to digest my owne misfortunes ; i therefore thought it better thus harmlessly to spend my vacant houres , whether any one give me thanks or no , then to trouble my braines with former losses , when neither they or i was guilty thereof : robd and undone i was by the rebellion in ireland , and i partly know what set them awork , yet leave the revenge to god , ascribing unto him all honour and humble thanks for my present affliction and miraculous preservation , which i have formerly shewed elsewhere : but of one thing i assure you , if i had part of my lands and goods againe , i should imploy my selfe ( by honest industry ) to improve them ( as formerly i did ) and not in making verses ; for i am now too sensible of that old adage , there goes but a paire of sheers betwixt a poet and a begger . to say any thing in excuse of translations i think it needlesse to good and generous natures , and to the other , with courtly sir io : harrington ( to one that said of his excellent poem it was but a translation ) i say i will give one but for another as he did in one of his epigrams : yet of your clemency i desire you to excuse the plainnesse of my rimes , because i have been by profession a piece of a souldier and not a scholler . if the matter be not delivered faithfully , it would be an invention rather then a translation , therefore whoever will please to try one canto , if he hit the sense and keep the words better , the submission is already made : and if any marvell to see some stanza's of eight lines now and then intermixt , the best reason i can give you is , that where a sentence could not well be comprehended in six , i let it run on to eight for the more emphaticall expression as the matter required ; if you will have another reason , i allude to a cardinall that used to say i and my king. so i say it seemed good to me & my muse , as willing to give you some novelty which you and i observe dayly either for better or worse : some nice pallats ( of late ) would not have a verse to end with many syllables , some others say it is to find fault with a fat goose ; it is enough for me to say that sir phillip sidney and sir iohn harrington both used and affected it . some also doe indeavour hands to usher in their poems which i doe not think mine worthy of , neither indeed doe i affect it , or else it is possible it might have been done : if the wine be good it needs no bush , i care not for a gaudy signe-post it often deludes the expectation . lastly , i desire two things of the courteous reader , one is to mend the faults of the presse ; the other , that he will please to remember what is before mentioned touching this authors long and unjust exile out of his country , with great charge of family , through many imminent dangers and grievous sufferings : this if he candidly consider he will lesse marvell why these bookes are not publickly sold , but only presented to such generous hands as are in their goodnesse sensible of this authors misfortune . the approbation of this history , by divers authors of eminent place and esteeme . photius the patriarke , in the 99. chap●er of his greeke bibliothicke . herodian neither swels with superfluity , nor omits ought that is necessary : in a word , he is not inferiour to any , for all historicall perfections . henry stephan in his latine dedicatory epistle to sir phillip sidney ( of glorious memory perfixt before herodians greeke history . the reading of herodians historicall worke , will be a matter of singular profit and pleasure to the courtiers of this age ; for he represents ( as in a glasse ) the emperours of that age and their courts ; with comedies , tragedies , and tragicomedies . it is most certaine , that he was both an eie-witnesse and an eare-witnesse of many things which he writ . no roman history did ever comprise such wonderfull changes hapning in the roman empire , in so small a circle of time. politian in his epistle to pope innocent the 8. having bethought my selfe 〈◊〉 of all the greek historians i should translate ( according to your h. command ) i resolved at last on herodian that excellent writer , who having long continued in the emperours court , and being very aged , undertooke to write the history of his time : which he hath performed , not only eloquently , but withall most frankly and faithfully . your holinesse shall find in him great varietie of persons and actions , many strange things , and frequent examples of fortune , reeling ( as it were ) sometime one way , sometime another : as also wonderfull wise counsels , accompanied with unexpected events ; and sage precepts , delivered in a stile full of maejesty and sweetnesse : lastly , a very magazin of moralitie ; and ( as it were ) a mirrour of humane fate : whence all men may select choice documents conducing to the weale and advancement of a private and a publick estate . m. d. whear , the publike professor of history in the most noble university of oxford , in his booke , de ratione & methodo legendi historias , pag. 34. herodian , a most polite and judicious author , hath with singular eloquence described the acts and lives of many caesars and emperours . the heads of herodians induction . diverse ( he saith that have taken paines to compile histories ) have rather affected learning and coyned language to gild and embosse their discourse , then to mine and search out the truth which is the soul of history . others too much transported with spleen of one hand , and partiality of another , as touching tyrants , princes , cities &c. have not rightly pourtrai'd her image . for his part he hath not writ out of vulgar aires , but out of his owne knowledge and faithfull collections . he doubts not but the rare intelligence of what he writes will be very acceptable , for in two hundred years before the first emperour augustus till marcus aurelius he begins with , there hath not been so many various changes and events , as of civill and forraign warr , pestilence , famine , earthquakes , lives of princes , and tyrants , so strange and uncouth , which former ages could not paralell . rome had in sixty yeers more emperours then was proportionable for the time , some young and dissolute , some of riper years more fit to govern and manage : the disparity of their years and conditions were accomp●nied with diversity of manners and actions ; the particulars exactly observed wee come now to specifie . the names of the roman caesars and emperours , whose acts and lives are recorded by herodian . an. dom. 163 marcus aurelius antonius , l. verus the two first consorts in the roman empire ▪ an. dom. 182 commodus . an. dom. 195 pertinax . an. dom. 195 julian . an. dom. 196 niger , in asia severus , in italy albinus , in britany all at once . antonius , geta , brothers and colleagues . an. dom. 219 macrinus , and diadumenianus caesar , ( his son ) an. dom. 220 antoninus , or rathe● pseud-antoninus . an. dom. 224 alexander . maximinus . quartinus . an. dom. 2●7 gordian the father . gordian his son. an. dom. 239 maximus , albinus , colleagues . an. dom. 241 gordian , nephew to the elder gordian . canto i. the argument . marcus his reigne and life is here related , the breeding of prince commodus his son , and how his daughters he bestow'd and stated ; his clemency the nobles all had won ; yet doth he doubt on commodus his weale , and on his death-bed doth the same reveale . 1. i have not homer's wit , or virgil's skill , to gild the acts that i do now recite ; nor can , with ariosto , frame my quill to rock the reader in such deep delight ; yet take it here as well as i am able , this is a truth , much of the rest a fable . 2. the emperour marcus many daughters had , yet of his sons there were but only twaine , verissimus did dye a little lad , commodus the elder he sought to traine in vertue , learning , and the liberall arts , sending for tutors from all forraigne parts . 3. when as his daughters were to marriage bent , best men that were his senators among , for sons in law to match with them he sent ; regarding not what wealth did them belong , so that they were with excellence endowed , goods of the mind were chiefe by him allowed . 4. with princely vertues he was richly clad ; antiquities both excellent and rare , or greater knowledge no where could be had ; for he with greeke or roman might compare , as witnesse well his writings , wise and sage , which extant are untill this present age. 5. a prince he was so sweet and debonaire , of temper meet , to all men that he saw his hand he gave , and language passing faire , charging his guard to keep no one in awe , an emperour he was both wise and stout just were the words and edicts he set out . 6. so grave he was and continent of life , that famous men for learning great did flourish ; to imitate their princes without strife men do delight when they such vertues nourish . now whatsoe're he did in peace or war , in north or east , or barb'rous countries far ▪ 7. already that in writing is committed by men of learning and of worthy fame : yet those occurrents must not be omitted which i observed as i went and came ; for he deceas'd , * i office had in state , then what i know my taske is to relate . 8. marcus now weakned was with toyle and care , worne out of date with old decrepid age , a grievous sicknesse fell unto his share when in * panonia he did last engage ; but when he saw recovery was past , prince commodus did make him sore agast : 9. for being young and in the heate of youth , perchance puff'd up with high imperial power , might soone be drawn to set aside the truth by delators in some unlucky houre ; to take his swing , and rove abroad at random , good arts and exercise for to abandon . 10. such is intemperance when we do begin to riot once in pastime meate or dri●ke , then shake we off the yoke of discipline , on sensuall * blandishments we only thinke ; good marcus this had often known before , which makes him now his sons estate deplore . 11. he mighty was in wisdome , and profound , calling to mind the princes that were young , such as for vertue were no whit renown'd , or ranged were the middle sort among : denise of syracuse astray did wander , the successors eke of great alexander . 12. * sicilian epicure did give reward to such as novelties could best invent , alexanders captaines had no regard , but honour lost and all good government . infamous was the life of * ptolomy , surpassing bounds of civill modesty . 13. antigonus would bacchus personate with ivy wreath ; and greene boughs on a speare ( instead of macedonian coronate ) he did in place of kingly scepter beare : examples such as these did marcus strike , fearing his son might hap to do the like . 14. that dreadfull * nero came within his mind , vile butcher he so to dissect his mother , a savage act unfitting humane kind ; domitian was much-what such another ; the shapes these monsters wore did oft appeare . as he revolv'd his mind 'twixt hope and feare . 15. the germane nation likewise he did doubt , not being all intire at his devotion , were sometimes newter , often in and out , as they were pleas'd , or as they lik'd the motion ; these barb'rous people do themselves withdraw , save when his noble presence did them awe . 16. he therefore doubts they will despise his son , his youth he thinks cannot this nation quell , though often times they have by me been won , yet now i feare they will againe rebell ; such is their guise , when they occasion see , they 'l scorne his youth , though they were rul'd by me . 17. thus in these moods good marcus is perplext , he cals his trusty friends and doth implore 'em ; i meane his lords and kinsmen that were next , and sets the prince , young commodus before 'em ; lord with what horror his good heart is vext , for feare the young man should not keep decorum ; then raising up himselfe upon his couch , he makes a speech that nearly did them touch . 18. no marvell now if you bemoane my case , for men are led by nature to lament their kinsmen , but things look with such a face , being upon their uttermost extent ; so dolefull are they to consideration , they now excite our due commiseration . 19. 'twixt you and i yet is more speciall band , you know full well how i have lov'd you dearely ; love may like love ( in right ) againe demand , this is the cause that i have call'd you neere me , that i may judge in this most dangerous season if i preferr'd you by the rule of reason . 20. if so i gave to you deserved honour , and did advance you with the best occasion , she is a lady when you looke upon her that will admit no fraudulent evasion : i challenge then that you to me be gratefull , to faile therein i guesse you deeme it hatefull . 21. you see your pupill entring aprill age , my son that now must wade in broken seas ; you pilots are , i know , both grave and sage , i pray you see he take not too much ease , lest he misguide and steere a naughty course , so ship wrack will invade with open force . 22. so many fathers therefore be to him , by counsell good , and your discreet instruction , no worldly treasure can be such a lim him to support , preventing sad destruction : the subjects love is princes surest guard , when worst are downe and best men are preferr'd . 23. best way to reigne well , and to live secure , is not by cruelty to purchase feare ; let mildnesse win , and clemency endure , for then best servants love their soveraign deare : so jealousie and flatt'ry's set apart , severity can gaine no gentle heart . 24. but when they 're led by loving inclinations , they never will withstand his just desire ; yet if opprest by his unruly passions , such misdemeanour sets them all on fire : then what doth he deserve what gold , what gain , that may do what he list , yet will refraine ? 25. wherefore if you by prudent admonitions shall plant in him a care for to do well , and oft inculcate with your repetitions to mind him of this tale that i do tell , a worthy prince he will be of conditions , and you your selves for this shall bear the bell . immortall so my memory you make if you agree this friendly course to take . 26. no sooner did good marcus end his speech , but swooning ripe he backward fell in bed , which made all present there full loudly shreech distracted-like , supposing he was dead ; one day he * lived , then was of paine releas'd , giving this kind farewell he so deceas'd . 27. leaving behind a redolent perfume , a seemly patterne for the future age ; no after monarch can hold fairer roome , for wisdome high , and eke for learning sage , better to none may be applied this doome ; valiant in war , in peace as free from rage ; so soone as known that his deare life did faile , both commons and the army weepe and waile . 28. yea , in the roman empire all throughout this message was receiv'd with weeping teares ; he was deplor'd both neare and far about ; at his decease encreased was their feares . a temp'rate prince he was without all doubt , such ought to be that wieldy scepter steeres ; some call'd him guide , some emperour , some father , then him to lose , their own lives they had rather . 29. nor any was deceiv'd , or did outrun his noble praise and worthy commendation ; but now his funerall obsequies were done : it seemes it was their guise and countrey fashion the counsell should present th' old emp'rours son , to satisfie the armie's expectation ; and largesse money on them to bestow , to presse , as 't were , the service that they owe. 30. then order was that heralds should proclaime by counsell grave , and also from the prince , that they the common benefit did aime , of negligence none should them once convince ; and that the souldiers , altogether met , might heare and see that there should be no let . 31. when commodus had done his sacrifice , in midst of campe ascending up his throne , attended by his kin and councell wise , for fathers losse making most grievous moane : yet that in him there might be no neglect began his speech , and said to this effect . canto ii. the argument . marcus now dead young commodus succeeds , unto the army he a speech doth make ; his courtiers shew their black and evill deeds , which makes the grave pompeianus to quake : stately triumphs , young commod ' posts to rome , whom deare they love , recording marcus tombe . 1. o fickle fate that never steady bides , thou wheel'st about to weave the web of woe , what haste thou mak'st to wound us in our sides , the noble marcus now is laid full low : how we lament , and have done ever since , we set aside to tell what said the prince . 2. that you and i have cause to mourne alike i make no doubt , for both have equall losse , since that my sire the hand of death did strike , it is to both of us a heavy crosse ; you know full well he father was to all , then both alike we ought to moane his fall . 3. he call'd me fellow rather than a son , esteeming that to be a souldiers note ; by nature one , the rest by valour won . how oft he did into your armes promote my tutelage , that you might be my guard , i hope therefore you will his love reward . 4. the elder may repute me foster child , the younger term'd my schoolfellowes in armes ; how oft he hath us taught with counsells mild , whereby we might avoyd ensuing harmes : he brought us up in vertues exercise , the better to resist when dangers rise . 5. now after him hath fortune made me prince , not factiously or yet by usurpation ; for i in court was bred and born long since , you cannot deem me stranger to your nation : when as i came i not in cradle rested , but eftsoon was in princely purple vested . 6. to heaven now my father is translated , ' mongst gods residing as we are resolved ; and that on me the rule of right is stated , all humane care and worldly things devolved : i hope you will not like me as a dative , but truly love me as your emp'rour native . 7. what great effects this true love may produce will be apparent by your good successe ; you will not give these barb'rous people truce , till you have bravely conquer'd more and lesse : to th' ocean you this empire shall extend , and win immortall glory at the end . 8. you 'l crowne the mem'ry of our common father , who as we ought believe heares what we say ; most happy then are we our selves the rather , that he our words and deeds beholds this day : the noble acts you did before this season , were guided by his prudent care and reason . 9. what under me , now prince you doe atchieve , peculiar trophee will be to your name ; if you proceed , cause none i have to grieve , wee purchase shall such everlasting fame , as will innoble this my tender age , and crown your valour with a loyall badge 10. if at the first we these barbarians curbe , they will not then despise our infant raigne ▪ nor dare they once our royall will disturbe , both you and i shall eased be of paine : for when they see their owne harms cost them deare , they afterwards of us will stand in feare . 11. having thus said , the souldiers he assur'd with money , then to palace did returne ; a short time he his fathers friends endur'd , ' gainst their directions was not seen to spurne : they gave him counsell tending unto wealth , permitting recreation for his health . 12. but diverse of his court within a while themselves into his favour sought to wind , and by ill meanes this hopefull prince beguile , with pleasures vaine they did corrupt his mind ; placing their whole delight on belly cheare and brutish * lusts as eftsoone will appeare . 13. the sweet delicies that was us'd in rome , they doe recount what brav'ry was there ; how plenty great from all parts there did come , and wisht him thither for to make repaire : how * ister banks were fruitlesse , barren , cold , and subject to much raine they then unfold . 14. your grace doth drinke the waters muddy frozen , while your inferiours warm baths doe injoy ; sweet air of italy by them is chosen when you live here with care and great annoy : with sweet allectives and such pleasures nam'd these parasites this young prince had inflam'd . 15. he therefore then his councell cal'd together , and told them he had great desire to see his native place , now having wind and weather , to speak the reason then full loath was he : but yet , as if it had not been for solace , he said he fear'd the rich imperiall palace ▪ 16. might seized be into some great lords hands , and this conceit the rather did him feare , because use might be made of trained bands , which could not be if once he came so neare : this made his councellors for feare to shake , and grave pompeianus was first that spake . 17. he eldest was and married had his sister , no man so fit of all the princes kin that was with him upon the banks of ister to shew their case , and thus he did begin : no marvaile if my deare and soveraigne lord dislike this place which is to be abhorr'd ; 18. so all of us possest with equall care , have like desire to see our native home : but yet our businesse bids us to beware wee from this barb'rous people doe not roame , till that we finish'd have this dreadfull war from them ( my liege ) we ought not be so far . 19. this doth import that we should yet refraine , domestick good may after be injoy'd ; time lost will not so soone be had againe , at rome i fear we shall with ease be cloy'd : then good my lord thinke where your grace resides is rome , * with all her ornaments besides . 20. but if abruptly we breake off this warr , wee honour lose and danger doe incurr ; let our advise be to your grace a barr , beseeching you that here you will demurr : for if from these wee doe remove so farr , and be so hot to run upon the spurr , wee animate these thieves and rebels arch , to think that we for feare doe thus dismarch . 21. now if your majesty doe still proceed , extending conquest in this northern part , untill the empire reach in word and deed the ocean sea to make these rebels smart , what triumph then will fall unto your meed , the city greets you with a gladsome heart , when you with chain'd captived kings notorious and barb'rous * princes shall returne victorious . 22. thus ancient roman heroes did attaine and purchase to themselves such high renown ; to feare domestick broyles it is in vaine , prime senators are here with you in gown , and th' armies force to undertake the paine , with treasure eke of the imperiall crown : your fathers noble acts above the rest confirmed hath to you each loyall brest . 23. from person grave this was disswasion strong , it did for present time abate the edge , none could doe more the senators among , so well he plac'd the words he did alledge : the prince not having wherewith to reply , dismist the lords as if he would comply . 24. but soone anon his fawning courtiers came , perswading him no longer now to stay ; with sly deceit they play their after-game , still pressing him with them to ride away : no further then with counsell he advis'd , his wits were craz'd and senses quite disguis'd . 25. then instant he sent letters unto rome , and call'd for such as were with him to goe ; yet order gave that armed troops should come to guard the banks of ister ' gainst the foe : which charge when as the souldiers understood , much of the barbarous people they subdu'd . 26. and many other with rewards they wonn , so well this greedy people loved cash ; therefore the feate was so much sooner done , what cared they to come within the lash , so they their wonted roving course may run , to live by forage , spoyle , and such like trash : this is the cause that makes them not to feare ▪ to sell their truce be market cheap or deare . 27. of this the princes sycophants were sure , and having there of coyne a mighty masse , that all things might be left the more secure , they brought their naughty matter so to passe ; that whatsoe're this people did demand , was sent to them by commodus command . 28. as soone as in the army was proclaim'd that all of them might to their home retire , to quit the barb'rous enemies they aim'd , the city sweets to tast was their desire : nor to this motion were they slack or surly ▪ for in the camp they hast with hurly burly . 29. and when these newes were spread and known in rome , the people all were ravished with joy , to heare young commodus to them ' would come , their hearts were glad and free from all annoy : no marvell ; for this hope they had the rather , that he was son unto so good a father . 30. his present journey then he tooke with speed , and welcome was in every town and place ; more hast he made the lesse he tooke good heed , he posting rid as he would run a race : yet when the people understood the cause , they entertain'd him with their full applause . 31. but when he drew neer to the city rome , there went to meet him all the roman peers , and commons eke to bid him welcome home : for very joy the elder sort shed teares ; some flowers had , and lawrells other some , to gratulate this royall prince of theirs : they love him deare for father that was dead , and that he was amongst them born and bred . canto iii. the argument . young commod's birth and person wee describe , he gladly is received into rome ; the false perennus of a naughty tribe , and lucill also had a rightfull doome : what feast they doe for iupiter provide , and how the roman priests themselves doe guide . 1. how wild is youth when once it gets the head , a lively pattern here we may behold ; you see this prince , now that his father's dead , to take his swing is more then wisely bold ; forsaking counsell of the grave and hoary , as will appeare when you observe the story . 2. full three descents he nobly was descended , extracted from the right imperiall line ; his birth by fathers side is well commended , by mothers eke who named was faustine : from adrian , trajan , and good anthony , this gallant prince deriv'd his pedigree . 3. nor was he only noble for descent , or so remarked for his youthfull prime , but god withall such * lovely feature lent , with constitution good and looke sublime , majestick too , with sparkling eyes and faire , all which was grac'd with yellow curled haire . 4. for whensoe're he walked in the sunn , his locks would glister like to flaming fire , and many did suppose the same was done with powdred gold , or else with golden wire : some said it was divinitie on earth , his head this glitt'ring lustre had from 's birth . 5. besides , his cheeks began with silken down to blossome forth like roses in the spring ; the romans did this brave young emp'rour crown with all the hearty love that they could bring ; acclaiming from their steeples and their towers , strowing his way with garlands & with flowers . 6. thus having made his entry in the city , he first went to the temple * of great iove ; his heart was yet inclining unto pitty , he had respect unto the gods above ; praetorian bands that were both stout and witty , and senate eke he thanked for their love : then after all this rare delight and solace himselfe repos'd in the imperiall palace 7. some few yeers after he gave due regard to fathers friends in matters most of weight ; but yet ere long they from the same were barr'd , perennus an italian did them sleight ; he made him captaine of praetorian bands , all matters then went through perennus hands . 8. this emp'rour young in pleasures he did prompt , and suff'red him most sensually to raign ; in all affaires he tooke the chiefe account , as being for the prince too mickle paine : he scraped still and never was content , but studied more his incoms to augment . 9. by calumny he daily did invent old marcus friends to bring into dispute ; with witnesse false he also did indent , by wrong surmise the prince was often mute : all this was done to further his intent , that he the sooner might obtain his sute ; for by their deaths the goods to him did fall , thus secretly he did this prince inthrall . 10. the thought of father and of counsell grave did for a season temper his respect ; but fortune hard , did so his wits deprave , that suddenly he did us all neglect : the cause 〈◊〉 made this young prince so to feare us , his * sister first did wed with lucius verus . 11. whom marcus tooke in government colleague , and to oblige in strongest bond of love , his daughter gave , to make the firmer league , both worth and prudence did this kindnesse move : and after this her husband was deceased , her state and dignity was not decreased . 12. for to the grave pomp'anus by her fire , she was againe bestow'd to her content ; they also leave from commodus require , who did confirm this match with full consent ; permitting her to use her state and honour , who like an empresse had attendance on her . 13. on theatre her chaire of state erected , and also fire according to the fashion , was borne before to make her more respected as well at home as of each other nation ; but commodus , when married had * crispine , she taking place * lucilla did repine . 14. this honour new shee thought did her disgrace , yet durst not tell her purposed designe to seize the empire ; but forbor● a space , this deed shall not be knowne to husband mine : she knew right well her lord the prince did love , which was the cause she never did him move . 15. quadratus was the man must be imploy'd , with him of lightnesse she was much suspected ; she told him how her pomp was now destroy'd , and wisht her friend to see the same corrected : so he perswaded by this wicked elfe , had neer undone the senate and himselfe . 16. the manner thus ' mongst others that conspire , quintianus a desp'rate youth and bold , he did inveigle unto his desire , presuming that he would be nothing cold to kill the prince with dagger or with knife , for which he promis'd large to save his life . 17. soone after this he stood in corner blind , as to the amphythe'ter came commode ; and when he pass'd according to his mind , he gave a stab proclaiming it aloud ; how that the senate this to him had sent , and once againe to stab was his intent . 18. but instant he was seized by the guard , and guerdon had ( though seeming to relent ) as 't was to him a most condigne reward that on such wicked message would be sent : thus hap'ly was the emp'rours safety wrought by his discovery that so ill was taught . 19. this plotting was the prime and chiefest ground which brought so many nobles to their fall ; it in his mind did print so deep a wound , for enemies he now suspected all : nor could forget the speech the youth did make , when he assayed his life away to take . 20. perennus laying hold on this occasion , did counsell give the gallants out to root ; and nobles eke there must be no evasion , he their estates confiscate did to boot ; great wealth he got by this his lewd perswasion , himselfe as judge not sitting at the foot : all that conspir'd ( with commodus owne sister though lightly , but suspected ) had a glister . 21. then such as commodus had cause to feare , perennus with his skil did thus remove ; though most of them did hold the emp'rour dear , and some affected with paternall love : now he had got him in his owne tuition , he need preferre ( he thinks ) no more petition . 22. the empire he accounteth as his owne , his sonns * must be preferr'd at any rate ; praetorian bands he will not let alone , but largesse gives to fortifie his state ; and when the prince had fetcht his latest groan , a straw they care not for the peoples hate : but how this treason strangely was detected , and prince yet safe is now to you directed . 23. a sacred pageant * doe the romans use , to grace great jupiter capitoline ; to celebrate the people not refuse , but doe repaire and think it very fine : the emp'rours custome to be present there , as chiefe with priests that doe attend each yeare 24. anon the prince on lofty throne is set to veiw the actors ( for their feats renown'd ) the theatre full , spectators all are met , the cornets play and trumpets shrill doe sound ; each one is decent , plac'd in his degree , attending for to heare and eke to see . 25. before that ought was either said or acted , halfe naked one starts out amidst the stage ; you might have thought how it was one distracted , but that his gesture shew'd him to be sage : with staff in hand and scrip upon his shoulder , in this attire no doubt he was the bolder . 26. then standing still he beckned with his hand , and silence crav'd that commodus might heare ; no time quoth he upon these shewes to stand , you rather ought the present danger feare : perennus sword is hanging o're your head , which soon you must avoid or else be dead . 27. this man hath raised up a mighty band of men , with mony , to possesse your roome ; he purposes for to invade your land , illyrian army likewise hither come : this plotted is by him and by his sonn , which instantly prevent or be undone . 28. thus said the fellow , whether thereto mov'd to get a name , or by instinct divine ; he was obscure , and therefore him behov'd to win reward that he might sup and dine : howe're it made prince commodus afraid , it matters not what others thought or said . 29. but woe to him that in this shape he turn'd , perennus bids he shall be apprehended , and as seditious frantick to be burn'd , though what he said , perhaps could not be mended : thus suffered he for being over-bold , untimely truth is better kept then told . 30. howbeit some that lov'd the emp'rours weale , and to perennus bore deserved spleen , did well and wisely in this matter deale , as knowing how corrupt the man had been , and how in th' prince his favour he did steale by practise vile , as ever yet was seen : they so devise , the prince did soone abhorr it , perennus and his children smarted for it . 31. to make the matter full , there * souldiers came unknown unto perennus or his sonn , brought stamped coyne with image and their name , that commodus might see what they had done ; perennus little thought of so much blame , off went his head as fast as it might run : by souldiers thus the traytors were discarded , who for their service richly were rewarded . 32. then for illyria posts went to his sonn , deliv'ring letters in the emp'rours name ; such speed they make he knew not what was done , full little dreaming of his fathers shame ; the posts informe him why they came so fast , both prince and father wils him to make hast . 33. to come to rome was for his high promotion ; the reason why they brought not fathers letter , enough he thought the princes royall motion , and then his owne exceeding much the better ; vnknown to him his father had disaster , he thinkes all true and rides to rome the faster . 34. what though the plot and first designe had mist , his fathers might shall make up all at rome ; but this was a conceipt of had i wist : for to the prince he is no sooner come , but by his mandate he is forthwith slain , this was the life and end of traytors twaine . 35. then two praetorian praefects made the prince , to delegate to one it was not best ; for so the one the other would convince , if he to much did feather his own nest : but while he did about this businesse hammer , another treason broke out in this manner . canto ii. the argument . maternus rebels , his plot detected ; tho mother of the gods , her holy day and story with river strange infected , to make men geld their genitors away : a plague and famine great is now at rome cleander next into the scaeane doth come . 1. o fond ambition ▪ how didst thou transport the mind of those wee late had on our stage ! unhappy they that left so bad report to such as liv'd in their ensuing age : i further might enlarge , but yet this text wee set aside to see what followes next . 2. a souldier one that named was maternus , a rebell stout , and insolent bravado ; he is the next man now that doth concern us , to him resorted many a renegado . unto his motion they themselves do yeeld , committing spoyle in city towne and field . 3. this booty got doth numbers more invite , who promis'd are to share and have reward ; from far and neare they come both day and night , that now he seemes to have a mighty guard : not like a pack of theeves , but armed men , who cities take and break ope every denn . 4. they pris'ners doe let loose and malefactors , who soldiers turn for pillage and for prey ; they range abroad and are become great actors , to gaul and spaine they take their ready way : thus sack and burn doth he and his adherents , while commodus doth send to his vicegerents . 5. with cowardise he chargeth them as base , commanding them an army straight to levy these free booters from thence away to chase ; which when they heard they thought it would be heavy for them to stay upon this hollow ground , so slink away by rotten bogs unsound . 6. in italy they yet make rendezvouz , maternus there began to looke full big , in sterner manner then he wont did use , devising with his mates to find a jigg , that he thereby might make himselfe a king , urging successe his former acts did bring . 7. so gallant he that now he would attempt to hazard life and all upon a chance , then live in vile dishonour and contempt ; he was resolv'd to leade them such a dance as might become a noble heart and bold , this tale to all the rest he queintly told . 8. but well he knew he had not force at hand with commodus to fight it out in battell ; he therefore meant to try praetorian band , to see if he could catch them with a rattle ; then to discern how they approv'd or not , will now appeare when you perceive his plot . 9. the romans make a feast at every spring in honour to the mother of the gods ; their precious stuff the citizens doe bring , with parcimony they are all at odds ; the prince himselfe at this time doth not scorn with jewels choice her image to adorne . 10. then liberty to revell and to maske , all men at pleasure may themselves disguise ; that now it will not be an easie taske to know the dolt from rich men or from wise : maternus thought this time fit for his treason , and how to act he shew'd his fellowes reason . 11. which was himselfe and complices to arme , at all points like unto the princes guard , and so the halberts passe not doubting harme , or care by whom they shall be seen or heard : for being held as part of th' emp'rours traine , they might him kill and so returne againe . 12. the city he approach'd with this intent , and tooke along with him a troop select , though some were villanes , other some relent , and to the emp'rour doe this thief detect ; then he with fellows had deserved hire , some hang'd by th'neck , maternus burnt with fire . 13. the prince then having sacrific'd with thanks , and to the goddesse made his supplication , her holiday was kept with all the pranks that doe belong to such a fond devotion ; for he himselfe did foot it on his shanks , which made the people make another motion : though some perhaps doe reckon this a toy , a second day they kept for him with joy. 14. why then at rome this goddesse did esteem and worship both apparent and in creeks , their owne records must testifie i deem , because it is not known amongst the greeks : but how to them this matter did befall , attentive be then , i begin my tale . 15. they say by ( jove ) her * image was let fall , who made it , or of what , it is unknown ; no humane worke they creed it is at all , but that it was from heaven sent or thrown to pessinus , which is a phrygian field , though such a fall hath heard of been but seeld . 16. some others at a battle make report , which by the phrygian ilus there was fought ; for likely his it might be in such sort , for lydian tantalus he set at naught : the quarrell thus about a way they plead , or for the stealing of young ganimed . 17. but when they had long fought on even score , and how on both sides many men were slain , that name it did assume , and not before this slaughter , which was made upon the plaine ; and some doe tell a tale of ga●imed , how he poore youth on this place was found dead . 18. for so they say that when his brother strove to rescue him from lovers fond embrace , in pieces he was pul'd with ardent love and so left dead upon this very place . to salve this matter some say mighty iove from both did take him by indulgent grace ; and hereupon he honour had divine , bearing the cup when iove carouseth wine . 19. the phrygian orgies in this pessinus of old were celebrate with lasting fame , and on the banks of the river gilus , whence gelded priests of goddesse had their name ; who drinks thereof shall goe a gelded * elfe , come there who list , i mean to save my selfe . 20. now when the roman state began to flourish , if goddesse pessinus they could obtain , apollo told their empire she would cherish to overtop the rest with might and main ; to pgrygia then did they dispatch embassage , who gently entertain'd the roman message . 21. being extracted from aeneas line , there were of kin by right descent of blood ; the image then they sent to them in fine , to blame were they if it had been withstood : to tiberi mouth at length this ship did come , which was the only part then long'd to rome . 22. all suddenly the vessell stuck so fast , as if with-held by some supernall power , in vaine they hal'd and pul'd , till at the last a vestall virgin came in lucky houre , who was accus'd for losing her virginity , wherefore she fervent prai'd to the divinity . 23. that if she were not guilty of the crime , the gods would please to take some pity on her , and send her strength at this most needfull time , to cleare the vessell for to save her honour : then she besought the people not to grudg if goddesse pessinantia were her judg. 24. whom they admit , her girdle then untide , the people heard what orisons she us'd ; the goddesse would command the ship to slide , if she were free of that she was accus'd : when to the ship her girdle she had bound , she pul'd it to the shore both safe and sound . 25. the romans now the goddesse much admire with whom you are acquainted in this story , and eke the virgin chast as they desire , now she is cleare i hope you are not sory : this tale is long whereof i have no more , some it may please that heard it not before . 26. and now to commodus we make repa're , who had good cause to double his life-guard ; for since maternus treason did him scare , he them commanded to keep strickter ward , to suburb-house he went or country farme , leaving the court for feare of further harme . 27. both rome and italy were much infested with pestilence , which did them sore torment , and strangers there that for their traffick rested great cause they had their fortunes to lament : for men and beasts destroi'd by some ill influence , did make the city smart through so much confluence . 28. the prince by his physitians was perswaded , that to laurentum he should make repaire ; for so the plague might better be evaded , there * laurell was with coole and temperate aire : a seate that stands in register for fame , of laurell did laurentum take the name . 29. there fragant sents and pleasant shade of baies , which would availe against the fierce infection , the citizens were also shew'd some waies , how to prepare a praevalent confection ; their eares wherewith and nostrils to anoint , such odours sweet the doctors did appoint . 30. they reason thus if senses praepossesse , no fulsome aire so soon therein can enter ; nor shall they be inforc'd to such distresse , but they abroad to exercise may venter : yet did this plague outragious make them die , that men and beasts on heapes were seen to lye . 31. a grievous dearth was also in the city , procur'd by one that once was sold a slave , cleander phrygian , greater was the pity , that he had meanes to make himself so brave ; by cunning sleight so well he sung his ditty , he had from prince what he could wish or crave : from page to more degrees so well he far'd , at length he made him captaine of his guard . 32. rank of successe he was so puft with pride , for empire now he meant to turn and wind ; great masse of treasure and of corne , beside monopolies he got of every kind , when citizens the greatest want did ' bide , he sought to win them all unto his mind : with donatives he would the souldiers gaine , and commons should have plenty for their paine . 33. a * gimnasse also and a statley bath he did erect the people for to catch ; but yet such grudg to him the vulgar hath , that they his craft and proud designe will watch : their liberties by him was brought in thrall they therefore now detest him great and small . 34. in publike the'ter first they him disgrace , yet are not so content to vent their spleen , but run with open mouth unto the place , whereas they thought their prince was to bee seen , and justice they doe cry for more and more , untill the subburbs all were in uproar . 35. this while to wantonnesse the prince was bent , in inner private roomes did not the tumult mind , for that cleander look'd how to prevent ; who having plac'd the horsemen so behind , they overthrew and wounded whom they list , the city foot unarm'd could not resist . 36. whereon they to the city fled amaine , followed by cornets of cleanders horse , great numbers of the common people slaine , and trampled under foot without remorse ; the lanciers pursued to the city gate , killing outright , such was the woefull state . 37. the citizens at home soone understood the slaughter made of neighbour was and friend ; from off house topps they throw both stones and mudd , tyles and firebrands they from above doe send : the commons now that better understand , dart from aloft , not fighting hand to hand . 38. their doores were shut , themselves were out of reach , they killed some and many put to flight ; others they wound and better manners teach , their heads rung noon though it was almost night ; some were thrown down , some from their horses leaps , and tumbled on the stones that lay on heaps . 39. the bands of foot that in the city sesse , did likewise come the citizens to aid ; they flock together , all make up a messe , which front the troopers terribly afraid ; yet none durst to the emp'rour make addresse , to tell him what was either done or said , till that fadilla commodus his sister tooke heart of grace , and told him of this stirr . 40. to her they could not well deny accesse , with haire dishev'lld and mourning weeds shee run , and plainly told how they were in distresse , without some present help they were undone : this lady sister , faire and seemely maid , fell at his feet , and thus to him she said ▪ 41. your majesty with pleasures here is fill'd , you little know our danger or your own ; wee your flesh and blood like are to be kill'd part of your force and cities overthrown ; such outrage as barbarians would not offer , your servants acted have , and more doe profer . 42. he whom to greatest honour you preferr'd , is now become your deep and deadly foe ; cleander commons hath and souldiers stirr'd , they both of them against you now doe goe : he hated is of one , and lov'd of th' other , both are up in armes killing one another . 43. your royall city now with blood is fill'd , and wee shall smart for this un●uly geere , unlesse you cause this sycophant to be kill'd , nor wee or you can be in safety here : he author is of this most wicked part , if not cut off your majesty will smart . 44. thus having said , her haire and garment rent , her noble speech had put the rest in heart ; the prince afraid and sory to be shent , that he should be the cause of so much smart ; without delay he for cleander sent , and taught him how to play so lewd a part , him he arrests , and doom'd him to be dead , so did this wicked traytor lose his head . 45. which fastned was and sent upon a speare , that all the commons and the rest might see : imagine well you may how glad they were , more welcom unto them could nothing bee : then that which caused had this bloudy broyle was sent to cease their cruell fight and toyle . 46. the souldiers then perceiving he was slain , whose quarrell they so dreadfully had fought , the emp'rours favour they beseech againe ; their lesson new they once more would be taught , he was abused they discerned plaine , though this their knowledge is full dearly bought : yet better late then never is repentance , now they and commons both doe like the sentence . 47. they also their revenge extended further , two sonns was all his children left behind , both them and his adherents they doe murther , left not a man that had to him inclin'd ; in this garboyle they must with him part stakes , their bodies dragg'd and thrown into a jakes . 48. loe how ambition here hath plaid its part , a man puft up beares high and lofty sayle . with all his flies and fautors in that art ; now fortune smil'd and then anon did faile , shee careth for cleander not a f — ) but him despis'd and turn'd her fickle taile , whom shee from low degree of late preferr'd , againe debas'd and all their matter marr'd . canto v. the argument . both credulous and cruell is the prince , rome fired is and prodigies appeare , undecent sports of folly him convince , a goddesse strange and gifts of the new yeare , faire marcia his selected concubine with others doe conspire his death in fine . 1. how practise some to gain their wicked ends , when once the reines into their hands are put ; they post too fast ; outrunning all their friends , so tyrant-like they play the greedy gut : this was the case of covetous cleander , when he so far from loyaltie did wander . 2. now commodus is needlesly afraid lest commons rude new matters should attempt , but counsell wise perswaded him and said , his presence straight would quash the late contempt ; to city then he went to cleare the cause , and there received was with great applause . 3. thus having past such sharp and threatning pikes , a while he did in palace him repose ; yet friend and foe eftsoone he kils and strikes , so jealous was of ev'ry brute that rose ; he credit gave to ev'ry accusation , though ne're so false , such was the alteration . 4. to sensuall pleasures he was whole enslav'd , that took up all his time both day and night ; himself not like a prince he now behav'd , all noble acts he did abandon quite ; all persons good he banish'd as insidious , and kept buffoones debauched and perfidious . 5. he coaches ran and skirmish'd with wild beasts , more then became the splendor of a king , in rioting and all voluptuous feasts ; with fawning parasites his court did ring : strange sights amaz'd the city full of feare , stars did at noon as in the night appeare . 6. with blazing comets of a wondrous length , all creatures , much contrary to their kind , to bring forth monsters had unusuall strength , yet that which most afflicts the peoples mind , and made them fear their mischiefe would come 〈◊〉 was this ensuing hideous disaster . 7. that stately temple dedicate to peace in rome , the like was no where to be found ; storme there was none , and tempests all did cease , quite burned was unto the very ground ; whether by fire above or fire below , or little shake of earth no man did know . 8. this sumptuous temple was both rich and strong , with donaries most curiously adorn'd , of silver-bright and massie gold among ; no marvaile therefore if the wealthy mourn'd , for treasure prime that did to them belong , and herein kept , was melted quite or burn'd : this fatall night , like had not been before . astonish all , and made the rich men poore . 9. here was both private and a publike losse , which sad event all rufully deplore ; yet when this stately fabricke burned was , the flaming fire encreased more and more ; to buildings chiefe it made a further rape , the goodly fane of vosta did not ●scape . 10. palladium image that was secret kept , by romans held in sacred veneration , from troy they say , was either brought or lept , and therefore had the greater estimation ; not seen before , the vestall virgines carry , and through the sacred street to th , palace harry 11. in city perish'd many famous pieces , the fire could not be quench'd in sundry daies , till that the raine from heaven fell in fleeces , then for coelestiall aid they all give praise : in this conceipt among them were no odds , the fire begun and ended by the gods . 12. the temple burnt thus consecrate to jove , some said did shew their future ill successe , and that calamities would still encrease ; some others hop'd it might be but a guesse , yet this conjecture prov'd not only bare , as in succeeding bookes i will declare . 13. these dire mishaps the citizens surround , and fall so thick in one anothers neck ; they sowrely looke , think commodus the ground , his dismall deeds he careth not to check ; the base exploits which doe so publick sound , are pregnant ever at his call and beck : his vaine excesse is known to all notorious , nor doth he vaile it , but is more vain glorious : 14. yea to such drunken dotage he was growne , he now refused flat his fathers name , abjuring marcus , and what was his owne , he hero'les is of jove deriving fame : from roman habit he so oft was in , he thrust himself into a lyons skin . 15. sometimes a massy club in hand he bore , which made him in extremity ridiculous , then purple amazonian robe he wore , with pearl and gold embroydered perspicuous ; one was a garb for females fit to weare , the other more then masculine austere . 16. he daily thus invented new attire , new names he gave to months within the year , leaving the old as fancy did require , such as his surname would more proper beare ; the most whereof to herc'les he referr'd , as heroe chief who ought to be preferr'd . 17. his statues also he would have erected about the city , and at senate dore , an archer like , that he might be suspected , ready to shoot , to terrifie the more ; which at his end , the senate ( to deface ) brought liberty * her image there did place . 18. now commodus no longer could containe , himselfe would act upon the publick stage ; with his own hands fierce wild beasts must be slain , at sharp with sword-men he would like engage ; the newes thus blaz'd , then people far and neare came flocking in as well to see as heare . 19. a marksman sure he was with dart or arrow , numidian darters could not well compare , whatsoe're he aim'd though as little a sparrow , his parthian archers would not misse so rare , when time was come to shew this action bold , the theatre was full as it might hold . 20. a tarras was set up for him to round , so far aloft he need no danger fear , which made some think his valour was not sound , but rather skill in shooting did appeare : of bucks and does and other horned beast great store he kill'd , but yet of buls the least . 21. none scaped him , from tarras he so darted , lyons , panthers and beasts of noble sort , such rare dexterity he there imparted , in mortall wounds they felt but little sport ; he nimbly hit the head or else the hart , when beast was rouz'd aim'd at no other part . 22. noe sooner struck but dead they fell and stark wild beasts were brought from far of every kind ; such as in pictures they before did mark , they all beheld except there were some blind : at once he slew and shew'd ( not in the dark ) beasts strange that came from aethiope and inde , from east or west , from north or yet from sou●h was instant slaine , so well his ●eere he couth . 23. some estrich of moresco once he shat , which spread their wings as sailes to help their running ; the forked arrow tooke the neck so pat , it marvell was to see such * wond'rous cunning ; the blow so fierce that er'e the fowles were dead , they ran a certaine space without a head . 24. a panther likewise brought into the list , with speed and force a simple man did seize , that all men thought of death he had not mist , but him the prince with lucky hand did ease : he had no harme in any limb or joynt , the panthers t●eth were struck with javelin point . 25. a hundred lyons each to one a dart , it was observ'd another time he slew ; their bodies falling right so overthwart , they eas'ly might be numbred in the view ▪ in all of these miscarried not a dart , but struck the stately beast in head or hart. 26. these active feates became not well a prince , yet ' cause they were of valour dextrous proofe , were not unpleasing to the peoples sence ; but when that he in the'ter stood aloofe , and plaid the naked fencing gladiator , this certes was a dire and dismall matter . 27. to see a noble emp'rour so descended , after so many trophees had been won by famous ancestors of right commended , should thus become a base ignoble son ; in stead of fighting with the rude barbarian , had now disguis'd himself like to maide-marian . 28. how far unlike was this a roman prince , to make such sordid and so vile digression : what though he doe his opposites convince , wee all doe know it was a base profession ; to yeeld to him they are not void of sence they know him king not master of defence . 29. he rang'd so far and flatly plaid the foole , his princely palace he would now forsake to take his lodging in a fencing schoole : of herc'les name no more account did make , but of a famous swordman late deceas'd assum'd the name , in that he best was pleas'd . 30. where romans had an image of the sunn , a high colosse , and held in great esteem , the head struck off was by this frantick donn , to place one like his own he fit did deeme , but not subscrib'd with sir name father wonn ; such glorious title nothing fit did seem , but victor of a thousand gladiators was best to him , though griefe to all spectators . 31. but now t is time to leave these foolish pranks , the city will no more endure this yoak ; the day at hand they give to janus thanks , and yearly make his holy altar smoak ; their eldest god who saturn entertain'd ( thrust out by jove ) when he came and complain'd . 32. it latium had to name of his conceale , wherefore it is a custome to this day , that first to saturne they doe make appeale , then to old janus they are wont to pray ; his image with two heads they make appeare of new the first , but last of the old yeare . 33. this ancient feast all italy doe mind , the romans to their friends give little toys , both gold and silver of the neatest kind , ●o enterchange their love and new-come joyes ; with gifts and presents thus begins new yeare , then choicest silkes and purple robes they weare . 34. now commodus intendeth no such solace , or purple weare or robe fit for a prince ; he will not issue forth from out his palace , but from a paltry common schoole of fence ; he must not now be cumbred with such matters , but armed will be seen ' mongst gladiators . 35. when this to marcia he had once imparted , who was his deare and choisest concubine , his lewd devise she purpos'd to have thwarted , before his feet she fell with watry eyne : she empresse like had what she could desire , and honours all excepting that of fire . 36. she prayed his majesty not to prophane the roman empire with so vile a sport , nor let his sacred person to be ta'●e ' mongst ruffins lewd in such a desperate sort : but when she saw he was not of his keeping , nor could prevaile , shee thence departed weeping . 37. he sends for laetus and electus both , generall and chamberlaine he bids take care his hests to keepe , who were exceeding loth , in fencing schoole his lodging to prepare ; next morrow he would sacrifice forsooth , as custome was , for cost he will not spare , and to the romans shew himselfe in arms , he and his fencers giving fresh alarms . 38. these two most humbly prai'd him to desist , and not commit such rude unprincely act ; though they were grave he will doe what he liste and from his presence he in rage them pakt : then in his chamber ( to repose at noon as was his wont ) his plot contrived soon . 39. there did he write down in a table booke the names of those he doom'd to death that night ; electus , laetus , marcia too must looke , with many moe , to tast his irefull spight : old senators his fathers loyall friends must now be brought unto their dismall ends . 40. and this he did lest censuring should mate and countercheck his black and dismall deeds , he meanes to give away their goods and state ; to souldiers and to fencers straight he speeds , that one of them his person might defend , the other would delight his whimsey end . 41. when this was done and booke left on his pallat , his chamber doore he thought none durst to enter , a little boy , as little wit in sallat , could hardly speake , yet had the hap to enter ; such pretty boyes the romans use to have , halfe naked drest , with gold and silver brave . 42. this boy did commodus extreamly love , and very oft he lay with him in bed , call'd philo commodus , as much as dove or darling , he thus of his name was sped ; the boy was full of play and went to clamber ( as commodus did bath ) to his bed chamber . 43. while thus he lav'd and revell'd with his minions , this book the child tooke up and went to play ; by power divine it was in some opinions that marcia chanc'd to meet him by the way ; whom dearely she did love , and late had mist him , now tooke him in her arms all and to kist him . 44. but lest he should with pretty childish toying blot out some matters that might be of waight , taking the booke to free from his annoying , commodus writing shee perceived straight ; and longing now as women oft doe use , she needs must read , yet found but heavy newes . 45. first she , next laetus and electus dies , with such a number of the noble traine , then sighing deep she thus laments and cries , o commodus is all my love in vaine ? have i endur'd your flatterers and flies ? is this the guerdon i have for my paine ? you soon shall know this sober hand of mine shall quickly dash your drunken lewd designe . 46. she forthwith then for lord electus sends , her bosom friend and princes chamberlaine ; the plot that was to make them all amends , see here quoth she this night you must be slaine : he reades as though he somewhat was amaz'd of aegypt he , those are not eas'ly daz'd . 47. in choler he againe seal'd up the booke , to laetus sent it by a trusty friend ; he startled was and with a gastly looke to marcia came , there businesse did pretend , as if he came to dresse the fencing schoole , though commodus his pulse they mean to coole . 48. this was a colour faire for them to treat , which soone begot a sound determination , to save themselves marcia may doe the feat without delay or more procrastination ; with poyson'd cup which she could handle neat , to shew him what was his praedestination : she must present , and neither faint or falter , this was the meanes to keep them from the halter . 49. first cup he drank her custome was to offer , if that he bath or else doe sup or dine , and he accepteth kindly of her proffer ; the which she fils with aromatick wine , and so presents with spice as she had don 't , this off he qua●fs according to his wont . 50. he thirsty was with bath and chasing beast , but now his heavy head is in a slumber ; they must not tell with what they did him feast , but rather how much paines had bred his cumber : these three commands the rest to voyd the court , 't was for his ease now having done his sport. 51. for thus it was with him in drunken fits , when he had either banqueted or bath'd ; no set time had to come within his wits , the severall sort of pleasure had him scath'd : a while thus resting in this sorry plight , his stomack ill , and head grew very light . 52. extreamly unto vomit then he fell with too much drink , or else with over feasting ; if hap'ly so the poyson might expell , with marcia and the rest it was no jesting : or else perhaps some antidote had ta'ne , as princes often use to shun their bane . 53. how e're it was the vomit did not cease , conspirators began to be afread ; if that his strength his poyson should release , and he come to himselfe , they were but dead : while thus about this matter they doe wrangle , they all agree narcissus shall him strangle . 54. narcissus was a bold and desp'rate youth , on their reward and promises he beares ; this was the end of commodus in sooth , since fathers death he raigned thirteen yeares : of high descent he noble was and prime , and was the goodliest person of his time. 55. for dextr'ous darting second unto none , but yet his life ignoble was and foul ; wherefore you heare they make but little mone , nor at his end the people doe condo●● : now of this theame no longer we must dwell , repose a while , and i the rest will tell . the end of the first book . the second book . canto vi. the argument . describe wee pertinax his high degree , with laetus speach and emperour proclaim'd ; the senate in his choise doe all agree , informers quell'd , good government is aimd , train'd bands rebell , strangers extol the state , he murth'red is , though some repent too late . 1. lo here the fatall end of prodigality , when men delight in riot and excesse , more wholsome doctrine is the mean frugality that checks the will when once it doth digresse : the greater he that doth himselfe inthrall , the more his shame and greater is his fall . 2. commodus slaine , conspirators devise from souldiers how the matter to conceale ; they know 't is time to put on some disguise , two trusty friends must now the matter heale : the manner how while they in briefe discusse , in fardel course his corps they roundly trusse . 3. and carry forth in stead of houshold stuff , which straight they doe convey away in post ; the drunken guards say not so much as muff , regarding not what did concerne them most ; with ready coach before that any mist ' um in dead of night they hurry to * aristum . 4. the chiefe conspirers fall into debate what way was best to save their triple necks ; and cause they would avoyd the peoples hate , they gave it out he died of apoplex ; for he so oft did sleep with drunken pate , they well might creed no treason did him vex : thus tyrant dead that peace might take effect , they first conclude some grave man to elect . 5. consulting then they pertimax resolve most fit to undertake this weighty charge ; on him it was that marcus did divolve his chiefest trust , and he who did enlarge his conquest from the north unto the east , and brought the barb'rous people to his hest . 6. him commodus both spared and rever'd , for gravity and poverty his praise was ground sufficient that he was not fear'd , by wealth he never sought himself to raise : in silent night when doores were shut and pent , to him electus , laetus , also went. 7. the ope the doores they doe the porter call , who upon summons peeped soone without , and seeing souldiers with their generall , to master ran amaz'd with feare and doubt ; who him commands they should not be rejected , for now the mischiefe came he long expected . 8. they say he wav'd the terror of the night , and never changed hue or bed forsooke , but with undaunted and a manly sprite , a courage bold , and unappaled looke , said here i am , you need to seeke no further , i am the man that you are sent to murther . 9. this end indeed i look'd for every tide , i marvaile commodus hath been so ●lack ; of fathers friends i last of all abide , and now expect to follow on the track : perform your errand that you come about , and me discharge of further feare and doubt . 10. then laetus thus , o noble sir remove these scruples which doe now your mind infest ; distrust not those that doe you dearely love , we come with diadem you to invest ; the tyrant dead , you chosen are above all others , as the man accepted best : electus , i , and marcia doe signifie , that you above the rest we meane to dignifie . 11. to whom againe good pertinax reply'd , i am ( to be deluded in this sort ) too old ; forbeare and doe not thus deride , or think that with a coward you make sport ; then said electus , since you will not ' bide by that whereof we make so true report , or deem , we gladly crave not your command , peruse this booke , you know commodus hand . 12. good friends they were to pertinax of old , he plaine perceives the businesse how it goes : thus much disclos'd againe he waxed bold , and yeelds himself to be at their dispose ; yet that the souldiers might not be too cold , they thought it best with them to make a close ; and that from power they might the matter take , laetus the generall did it for his sake . 13. the night grew on , it being almost spent , next day a feast in honour of new yeare ; for trusty messengers in hast they sent , commodus death that they might make appeare ; how pertinax now prince would ease their bands , when once this was divulg'd , they clap their hands . 14. excesse of joy was spread all or'e the city , in every corner and in every street ; the people run and sing a pleasant ditty , glad tydings tell to every one they meet ; the men renown'd for wealth and eke for worth , that were in danger , now come peeping forth . 15. such men of tyrants stand in greatest doubt , to temples then and altars doe they trudge ; some tyrant cried , fencer some other flout , nor any one hereat was known to grudg : such as before durst not appeare in unity , dare now proclaime assured of impunity . 16. but some for feare doe to the army post , lest souldiers rude should not this prince admit ; for under tyrants they doe ravin most , but this perhaps will not their spoile remit : yet to perswade they meane to undertake , and laetus to the army gently spake . 17. our prince while're is dead of apoplex , doe what we could to keep him safe and quiet ; the drunken fits his braines did so much vex , his night disports and gormandizing diet ; all which together did him so perplex , they death procur'd by vaine excesse and riot : in stead of whom , wee and the romans bring , a man approv'd most fit to be your king. 18. to you which vet'rans are his worth is known , he also was a guide unto the city ; not only prince but parent to each one , fortune hath sent us as it were in pity ; whose government if you doe now promote , will glad your fellowes that are far remote . 19. such as the marches of the empire guard , his * noble acts and how he was inclin'd , remember yet , and how by him they far'd the barb'rous people now will change their mind : nor shall wee need with mony them to win , his only name will awe and keep them in . 20. when laetus once this pithy speech had made , the souldiers 'gan to pause and to demurr ; yet were the common people all so glad , they soone appeas'd the tumult and the sturr ; 't was holiday , unarm'd the souldiers came , so all agreed the emp'rour to proclaime . 21. they lesse in number were and intermixt , to give consent they therefore thought it best ; no further diff'rence then was them betwixt , nor did they seem as if they had been prest : but all with lawrels made great joy and solace , conducting him to the imperiall palace . 22. now he good man himself was somewhat pensive , not that he wanted courage or was faint ; but yet he tooke this act as reprehensive , and fear'd it might his former prudence ●aint ; then that it might in him be lesse offensive , he thought it best the senate to acquaint , how after such a sudden change of tyranny , the crown was fal'n into a meaner family . 23. no symbole yet of state he would admit with fire before , according to the kind , till that he knew if they approved it , or else he was obedient to their mind ; whom when they saw , they all with one accord , augustus call , and eke their soveraigne lord. 24. this title was of envy as he thought , and studies to avoid it all he might : full well i know quoth he , this honour ought to be preferr'd where there is greater right ; amongst you many are of higher race , to whom compar'd i count my selfe but base . 25. my yeares have also worne me out of date ; set me aside and chuse some noble peere ; loe there a man ordained is by fate , how right it is that he be placed here ; glabro is he must ease me of this moane , whom streight he handed to the regall throne . 26. he was descended of aeneas race , and twice he had the consular degree , yet back againe he did resigne the place , o pertinax this seate belongs to thee : when now no longer he could shun their sute , he made this speech , concluding the dispute : 27. my lords , your fervent zeal and good affection in this debate most manifest appeares ▪ for that you please of me to make election before so many great and noble peeres : your faith and worth that herein is so large , serves as a prop the burden to discharge . 28. these favours yet so rare and so sublime , intimidates even at the very sight , for benefits so great at such a time will not so easie be for to requite : then how i may deserve what you conferr , is task too great , and doth me much deterr . 29. the lasting glory of a soveraigne prince consists not meerely in a chaire of state , but in those royall acts which may convince such as maligne , or doe repine thereat : the evils past which they before endur'd , must by his prudent care be salv'd and cur'd . 30. our grifes remaine , good turns are oft forgot , no sooner done but shortly fade and perish : who is 't that injuries remembers not ; but him that seekes the cure they seldome cherish , though he secure their goods with all his might , no thanks say they , it is our proper right . 31. best change that happens for the publike good , is little worth to private men undone , and such as liv'd profuse when tyrants stood , if once reduc'd a desp'rate course they run , accusing all of sparing innovation , though they reform with prudent moderation . 32. yet since excesse of gifts as heretofore can not be done , except we doe oppresse and put the people in the like uproare , as erst they were when want did them distresse ; nor that our selves doe covet any more then what is just , and all of them confesse ; you will i hope with counsell me assist , that each may have his owne , not what he list . 33. this speech convai'd such meeknesse and such love , with cheerfull hearts they doe him all revere ; then brought him to the temple of great jove , and other gods of whom they stand in feare : when he had done the wonted sacrifice , he to the palace went in princely wise . 34. when it was voic'd how graciously he spoke , and commons had receiv'd what he had writ , all men were pleas'd remembring well the yoke that on their necks so heavy erst did sit ; the souldiers spoile he also ●ought to choake , by making edicts for the purpose fit : thus did he plant good order and civility , with spirit meeke and garb of affability . 35. although their prince he govern'd as a father , were he at home or else in judgment sate , good marcus steps did imitate the rather , ' cause he reproved quarrell and debate : all men affect this rule ( without severity ) reduc'd to welcome peace with great security . 36. his princely vertues gained had such fame , the nations and confederates round about , did all agree to deifie his name ; the barb'rous people whom he oft did rout , doe now come in to fortifie the same , though late revolters , rebels fierce and stout ; embassadors declare from ev'●y part , the romans had promoted true desart . 37. now of this change the commons were full glad , unto this civill rule to be recal'd ; but yet the guard of souldiers were as mad to see their rape and insolence forestall'd ; which they resent and are no long time idle , but doe resolve not to endure the bridle . 38. yet for a while they doe but grudg and grumble , two months there was for all men to appeale , then fortune blind did topsy turvy tumble , what he design'd for good and common weale ; and that the commons might no more be scanted , he first decreed the wast lands should be planted . 39. yea though what was the princes owne demeane , to husbandmen he gave it to manure , with promise likewise during all his reign from ten yeares tax their farms should be secure ; the emp'rours goods he also did disdeign ; to stamp his own name he would not endure , nor take unto himself at any rate , but said they did belong unto the state. 40. since tyrants death all tolls and impost ceast , at river banks , highwayes and city ports , an optimacy now their harm releast informers false that daringly resorts ; he strict commands they forthwith shall be banish'd , and for their former faults severely punish'd . 41. both rich and poore were safe and free from strife , a fellow then a prince he seemed rather ; his son not at the court , led private life , to schooles of learning often went the father , and publike exercise did eke frequent , in pomp or state he seldome came or went. 42. his rule so just inflam'd the souldiers rude , their insolence and rapine now decreast o savage minds ! they in a frantick moode his death complotted at a dreadfull feast ; then in their fury to the court they pranc'd ▪ in warlike march , with swords and pikes advanc'd . 43. the courtiers had no care themselves to arme , within the verge each left his sev'rall place ; for being frighted with this sharp alarm , they eftsoones fell before the emp'rours face , and praied that he would save himself by slight , the people ( they were sure ) would aid his right . 44. although he knew their counsell well advis'd , yet did not think it was a fit decorum his former glory should be so disguis'd , to be afraid and run away before'um ; then unamaz'd a princely stand he made , and reason'd thus their malice to disswade : 45. the life you seeke to you is little gaine , or losse to me , arrived at this age ; all humane things we ought to count as vaine , yet honour doe i weare as chiefest badge : you are by oath my person safe to guard , whom if you kill , small will be your reward . 46. my conscience tels me i have wrong'd you never , and if at commod's death you doe repine , no man that breaths is born to live for ever ; yet well you know it was no fault of mine , my innocence pleads for me altogether , of least suspect in me there is no signe : though he be dead , if you forbeare this hate , you shall have largesse fit for your estate . 47. this speech concluded , diverse did retreate , such awe * they had and reverence of the prince yet others kill'd him in a furious heate , worse deed was never done before or since : but now the people all was in a sweat ; and lest they should of madnesse them convince , to ' th camp they get immured in their wals , this end renowned pertinax befals . 48. great cries were made for him and lamentations in every coast , and throughout every city ; now fresh in mind they beare their old vexations , their father dead , who is that will them pity ; full well they know they must have new taxations , thus frantick like they sing a wofull ditty ; the nobles and the rich to shun their harmes , doe all retire unto their country farms . canto vii . the argument . praetorians put the empire unto sale , and julian buye● it with the commons curse , niger is prais'd who tels a subtle tale , playes and revels of idlenesse , the nurse ; he makes a speech and emp'rour is elected , yet too secure , of error is detected . 1. though life we lose , yet must wee not give o●'e , our study how the common-weale to save ; example late we shew'd you heretofore , whose vertues live though he be laid in grave : this is the hope we have in doing well , good fame we get , which after ages tell . 2. when all was husht , the souldiers from their wals , proclaime aloud the empire to be sold , and all the people round about them cals to know the man that will depart with gold ; avouching , that he need not feare to scorce , for him they would invest with armed force . 3. of all the nobles that were left behind , none would appear , this offer they did scorn ; yet julian he was of another mind ; he thought with honour to exalt his horne , and in his tipsy cups when he was jolly , his wife and daughters doe promote his folly. 4. then up he gets and hies him from his pallat , * with parasites that could his humour tell , when wine was got into his drunken sallat , he aptest was for gaine to buy and sell ; aloud he cals and to the souldiers told , his chests were full of silver and of gold. 5. another copes-mate came , sulpitian hight , that proffer'd ready mony at their call ; but him refus'd , the lot on julian light , whom yet they keep in pledg upon the wall , till they receiv'd the sum which he did offer , then let him down accepting of his prof●er . 6. commodus lawes he promis'd to restore , and statutes eke which senators pull'd downe , with liberty , such as they had before ; the souldiers also should have many a crowne , more then he promis'd , or they could demand ; for why , he had it ready at command . 7. the souldiers straight allured with this hope , proclaim him prince by commodus sirname , with ensigns spread ( who rather ●arn'd a rope ) and pictures gay he to the city came , when first in court according to the guise , he finish'd had the wonted sacrifice . 8. yet stronger then accustom'd was his guard , for that by bribes the empire he did seize , or else perhaps the people had him scar'd , his shamelesse dealing nothing did them please ; and lest they should affront him in the way , the souldiers put themselves in battel ray . 9. being thus prepar'd they ready were to fight , amidst their troopes they placed him among , and or'e their heads they bore * their targets right , the better to avoid the peoples throng , or tiles from houses might not on them light , to th' palace they conducted him along : the commons on this matter fell to scanning , and stood aloof with cursing and with banning . 10. the souldiers now doe ravine in extream , the world appear'd as if it were in dotage ; both high and low were slumbring in a dream , not any sought to catechise this brocage : the princes death and many moe beside , ( with soveraign rule ) the mutineers deride . 11. thus julian the empire having ravish'd , did state affaires and princely garbe neglect , in riot and disorder foule he lavish'd , for which the souldiers roundly him detect ; and now at length they jeered him and taunted , his coine fell short whereof so much he vaunted . 12. th' exchequer commod's vaine disports exhausted , and souldiers falling short were much offended ; the commons knew their minds , and to them posted , whereby his matter was not much amended ; they raile and scoff when er'e he comes abroad , and of his lewd behaviour laies on load . 13. in publick * cirque they julian cry downe and niger call'd to rectifie the state ; they will no more be rul'd by such a clowne , allready are their wrong to vindicate : this niger was of syria president , a place of all the rest most eminent . 14. as far as euphrates is his command of fame renown'd and held in high esteeme ; in all assemblies they for him doe stand , another pertinax he now doth seem ; they julian brand with shamefull defamations , and niger cry with royall acclamations . 15. when niger heard the other so contemn'd , and that they cri'd up him in every meeting , julian for falshood standing thus condemn'd , himselfe he knew should have the fairer greeting ; the better to promote these high affaires , he sends his captus to divulge these aires . 16. this silent course did carry least suspect ; for when they saw he sought not to invade , with votes they woe him , as he did expect ; from all parts come acceptance to perswade ; the syrian nation also are as prone him to invest in the imperiall throne . 17. the syrians * much to niger were devoted , for that his rule so gentle was and mild ; on plaies and pastimes over much they doted , by suff'rage his they sooner are beguil'd : at antioch he bals and maskes promoted , to which the people run as they were wild ; to take the soveraign rule they him beseech , then up his seat he mounts and makes a speech . 18. how i have rul'd you with a gentle hand , * and punctuall been in all my undertaking , is known i think to all men of this land , nor is the tale i tell of my owne making ; the romans cry as erst to you was told , the empire late is basely bought and sold . 19. to undertake so great an enterprise , presumption were without good grounds before : so might it be imputed cowardise , friends to forsake when they our help implore ; for this cause i conven'd you that are wise , to give advise in this so great uproar : and if by counsell rightly you designe , it will be to your praise as well as mine . 20. nor is our hopes contemptible or vaine , the romans of themselves are so resolv'd , usurping julian shall no longer reign ; on them the worldly rule is sole devolv'd , praetorian bands , besides of cash defeated , doe now complain how they by him are cheated . 21. and nothing surer is then our design , so forward are they that our succour crave , of opposites there is no manner signe , the souldiers know full well he is a knave ; his credit 's crackt , he is of breach detected , then shew your freedom how you stand affected . 22. the army thus ; o emp'rour our augustus , with purple robes your grace we thus invest ; and that you may have better cause to trust us , this title we confer above the rest : then fire before they in his mansion place him , with all the regall titles that may grace him . 23. niger was glad at heart of this successe , he now had little doubt of soveraigne state ; the romans and the rest both more and lesse , european nations doe congratulate ; embassadors from all parts make approach , and emp'rour him salute at antioch . 24. from tygris and euphrates princes send , rejoycing much and promising their aid ; both men and mony they will to him lend , with thanks and gifts he to this message said : of quiet rule he had assurance good , and hop'd to weild the scepter without blood . 25. he in this confidence too long repos'd , with antioch'ans and the neighbours round , to theaters and sports himself dispos'd , by which appear●d his judgment was not sound ; to rome he should have gone , not staid in syria , or yet neglect the souldiers in illyria . 26. but these he hop'd would side with easterne forces , while thus demean'd be on the shallowes anchor'd ▪ for ister banks and rhine observ'd his courses , full little thought he they would prove so cankred : but in this story if you take some pleasure , i will receite the rest at further leasure . canto viii . the argument . severus we describe his dreame and policy , a speech he makes and emp'rour is elected , he expedites to rome surpriseth italy , julian is slaine , of bribery detected , train bands are catch'd , which could not be evaded , a speech to them whereby they are degraded . 1. the world you see is like unto a stage , where ev'ry actor playes a sev'rall part ; some king , some lord , some servant is or page , and some think jugling is a pretty art : so julian here for empire late durst barter , and souldiers for his mony seal'd his charter . 2. some garrisons were kept as erst i told on ister banks , and on the river rhoyne , the roman empire to defend and hold against the barb'rous people that adjoyne ; severus was of africk by descent , and 〈◊〉 whole pannonia president . 3. this was a gallan , brave , and active man , yet in * his moode of spirit somewhat furious ; austere of life , his visage pale and wan , of labour great , in travaile nothing curious ; of quick resolve and nimble apprehension , to execute what er'e was his intention . 4. the roman empire hovering in the aire , and meteor like uncertaine where to fall ; catch that catch may , he see 't was open faire , then in this market he set up his stall : usurping julian was too much pragmatick , and niger dull so muddy braine flegmatick . 5. he also had presages by his dreams , which credit best obtaine by their event , although to some they prove uncertain theams , that cannot guesse what good or harme is meant , and often faile , for surely they are gleams if one could rightly hit of their intent ; then one of his i must not here omit , because i find it in the booke he writ . 6. when sovereigne rule on pertinax did light , and he is leigeman sworne in word and deed , then went he home and dreamed that same night he saw him mounted on a gallant steed , adorn'd with princely trappers as was meet , which carri'd him along the sacred street . 7. but when he should into the forum enter , where democratick * people make their meeting , the prince to ground the beast threw at adventure , which seemed to the rest a homely greeting ; yet to himselfe he came with faire decorum , on whom he mounts and gallops through the forum . 8. severus then was lifted up between the people there , and him they all adore , a brazen image standeth to be seen , this to record which never was before ; by this his dreame he cogitates alone , he was divinely called to the throne . 9. his captus straight about him he convenes , resolv'd to try how they his rule affected , and plainely told by what unworthy meanes the sacred empire is so much neglected ; then to his purpose all the souldiers leanes , train'd bands of treason foully is detected : thus of this matter they debate no further , but will revenge good pertinax his murther . 10. full well he wist that pertinax his name in their illyrian army shined glorious ; for there in marcus time he gained fame , and or'e the german nation was victorious : a man of prudence and of moderation none might compare in all the roman nation . 11. a soul of sweet and ●genious disposition , th' assinats ( he knew ) they songht to have , and he with them will make due inquisition , if they consent 't is all that he will crave ; with this his faire and winning proposition this easie people like to sheep he drave ; and linckt them all in chaine of perfect unity , whereon he grounds his further opportunity . 12. they * in this region are a race of men of mighty limb , and body somewhat full , tall souldiers too if once their foe they ken , but yet of slender wits and temper dull ; such subtle drifts they meet but now and then , when therefore this did penetrate the skull : they him believe , then doe themselves submit , and in his stile the soveraigne title writ . 13. the dull pannonians thus he set in order , with promise large to ev'ry northern president , great hopes he gave the regions that did border , of right pertaining to the roman regiment ; a deep dissembler and a subtle plotter , a crafty fox and cunning as an otter . 14. to falsifie his oath to serve his turne , to cogg and feigne he queintly knew his part ; * against his letters that they might not spurne , his pen oft told what was not in his heart : their burdens he avouch'd should not be heavy , whereby great store of souldiers he did leavy . 15. and pertinax sirname he did assume , for that he knew was worthy of esteem ; both currant in illyria and at rome , ●o like an humble saint he then did seeme : yet you shall see he was no tardy drone , but first this speech from his exalted throne . 16. the zealous love to gods that you revere , by whom you swore your emp'rours true devotion , in this contest doth singular appe're ; for me i never thought of such promotion , but still obey'd my soveraignes just commands , and will with you correct praetorian bands . 17. what you require i purpose to pursue , the sacred empire now doth suffer much , which you and i will rectifie anew ; yet commod's slips we will but lightly touch : his youthfull strain deserves commiseration , for fathers sake let 's use some mitigation . 18. his fault you know ought rather be imputed to sycophants , which did his youth mislead ; but pertinax of noble fame reputed , by wicked hands so direfully struck dead , and julian eke that in his seate did mount , these dismall deeds we call unto account . 19. of commons he and souldiers is detested , they now perceive his purpose to delude , by craft and bribes he got himselfe invested , thus shamefully did in the throne intrude ; yet if defend this wretched act they durst , your skill in arms will put them to the worst . 20. you often skirmish with the rude barbarians , with toyle and travell , scorning heate and cold ; train'd bands are pamp'red like unto maidmarians , in martiall feates who ever knew them bold ; you * hunting use , they live like lazy carrions ; your shout and shock , they dare not once behold ; you water drinke and wade through rivers frozen , they stall fedd are , and wanton ease have chosen . 21. if any doe the syrian force misdoubt , withall they may their cowardise collect ; they from the country never marched out , or had to rome intention or respect : these silken syrians are no souldiers martiall , but are to disports and pastimes o're partiall . 22. though they of antioch doe on niger dote , since none yet like an emp'rour doth appear , the townes and cities that are more remote , of you and me doe stand in double feare ; they think you will advance to pay their cote , and me they know since i did govern there : our fury they will shun and their owne harmes , they must subscribe to us in feates of arms. 23. then let us instant march and seize on rome , the princely palace we shall soone obtaine ; for so to us an easie rise will come , and due revenge on julian we shall gaine : divine presages praedicts us good event if your victorious arms crosse their intent . 24. this speech he ended thus and nothing lacks , the souldiers leap and shout with acclamation , augustus they him call , and pertinax , with cheerfull votes they make this proclamation ; then lightly arm'd , their geere they trusse in packs , without delay or more procrastination : he gives them largesse fit for such a journey , himselfe in person needeth no atturney . 25. scarce suffring once his weary troopes to rest , he march'd with courage bold and nimble speed ; they post away as some doe to a feast , yet cates have none but what they barely need : he fellow-like no pomp would have at all , which made the souldiers ready at his call. 26. then through the great pannonia was his race , where eftsoons seen a prince preventing fame , and up th' italian hils he climbes apace , before they knowledg had from whence he came ; such quick approach the people heard of never , which puts the cities in a shaking fever . 27. they arms had left , and tooke them to manure their country farms , living a quiet life ; the former armies made them so secure , with barb'rous folke they have no fear of strife : forsooth ( say they ) our troubles have an end , our roman power to all parts doth extend . 28. indeed when first augustus seiz'd the monarchy , so quiet and pacifick was his rule , the people fell to lasie kind of lethargy , their wits grew dull as either horse or mule : because that none should interrupt the hierarchy , his souldiers guard ev'n to the utmost * thule ; some parts had ditches , rivers deep and fountaines , some deserts had , some rocks and craggy mountaines . 29. no marvaile then if they were sore agast , to see such mighty troopes of armed men , not knowing where the frontiers they had brast , to march so fiercely thus within their ken ; severus yet they heard it was at last , which partly put them in their wits agen : no help at hand , they thought it best to greet him , with laurels in their hands they run to meet him . 30. yet where he came he made but little stay , except it were to doe his sacrifice , or to salute the people in the way , his head of other matters did devise ; the first designe was quick to post to rome , to bring usurping julian to his doome . 31. who now from commons had but little hope , and lesse from souldiers that do him detest , he thought the time was come to stretch a rope , his guilty conscience did him so molest ; he labors friends and scrapes beyond all measure , defacing temples to engrosse the treasure . 32. this wicked deed was for the souldiers hire , who ne'r the more will ease him of his moane , by former breach he known is for a lyar : assistance now train'd bands will give him none , his friends advise he shall the alpes preclude , yet nought could stop the vengeance that ensude . 33. to italy these mountaines are a wall , this nature added to that happy soile ; yet julian dastard durst not budge at all , but with the souldiers doth himselfe turmoile ; he them intreats the elephants to traine , that riders might command with bit & raine . 34. the northern army thus he thought to daze , as being unacquainted with this beast ; but shortly he himselfe was in amaze , severus straight did interupt the jest : his men the city entred sev'rall wayes , and th' other taken tardy in delayes . 35. ( disguis'd ) by night they enterprise the towne , in julians bosome er'e he was aware ; some wore a frock , some habit of a clowne , and now the common people doe not spare : julian from dastardy , niger of sloth , severus , he must carri 't from them both . 36. how glad would julian be to share a part of soveraigne rule , or utterly resigne ; but senators that knew his fainting heart , to cut him off doe thus resolve in fine : a tribune was at hand , to him they leave him , who of his wretched life doth soon bereave him . 37. then noble lords from senate had commission , to grace severus with imperiall crowne ; thus had he what he sought by their permission , and was invested in the regall throne : when all things came so fitly to his hands , he layes a plot to catch praetorian bands . 38. the tribunes and centurions he pursues , with promise faire they shall have due reward , to bring their men as in the solemne shewes , for they quoth he ( once sworne ) shall be my guard ; the souldiers then not doubting further harms , doe soone consent to lay aside their arms. 39. so issue forth with laurell branch in hand , and equipage as to a solemne feast ; severus this was made to understand , for he their welcome had demurely drest : while they before him doe their presents bring , he casts his troopes about him in a ring . 40. this was a martiall feate to catch a dolt , yet he commands they shall not wound or strike ; you may perceive he was a crafty colt , for his was arm'd with javelin and with pike ; praetorians then when he had thus surrounded , with lofty voyce this speech to them propounded : 41. you see how much our skill doth yours surmount , you now are caught and stand at my devotion ; for black and ugly deeds you must account , his blood you spilt by whom you had promotion : good pertinax the prince that none offended , whom you ( his guard ) should rather have defended . 42. you next for coyne the roman empire truct , as if it did belong to you direct ; yet when you had the princely marrow suckt , you durst not once your marchant man protect : but when he came in quest'on , you eftsoones betrai'd , like villanes false and base poultroones . 43. a thousand deaths for your enormous crime too little were if i your due should render ; pollute my hands i will not at this time , or learne of you , my wit is not so slender : yet since the royall blood you have not spar'd , you shall no more be of the emp'rours guard . 44. of noblenesse i give more then i owe , my souldiers first ungirdling your attire , your soules and bodies on you i bestow ; then pack away far off , you i require . for neer this city if you dare be found , i here decree you shall be hang'd or drown'd . 45. th' illyrian souldiers ready at their duty , praetorian swords with gold and silver wrought , they quick ungirt , full glad of such a booty , these knacks for feasts and solemne shewes were brought , for scarfs and feathers yet they further raked ; train'd bands they stript , and left them all stark naked . 46. these novices thus taken with a wile ( though glad of life ) depart with heavy cheare ; full sore they rue they did themselves beguile , to leave their arms that they were wont to beare : thus to be cast they count a shamefull doome , and others grac'd that must supply their roome . 47. a further plot this prince had to secure their camp , lest they to that returne againe ; some troops of horse he sent to make it sure , and seize the arms , for that must them constrain : thus these assassinats were justly banish'd , and for their breach of oath condignly punish'd . the end of the second book . the third book . canto ix . the argument . severe at rome ' gainst niger now prepares , he of the brittaines hath some kind of doubt , albinus ( caesar ) forthwith he declares , herodian writes of seventy yeares throwghout ; nigers intends to fortifie mount taurus , his generall is defeated by sevarus . 1. how carefull ought we be our lives to spend , for sure we shall be recompenc'd at last , i● ill we live we must expect such end , so julian sped that now is gone and past ; yet on this text i must no longer dwell , but let you know what to the next befell . 2. severus enters rome in battell range , the people at the first were sore afraid , his daring and his enterprise was strange , yet blood was none to make them ill apaid ; then peers and commons glad were of the change , with laurels in their hands they to him said : for wit , for judgment , and heroicke deeds , they now perceive all other he exceeds . 3. great welcome there was made this prince to greet , the nobles and the commons him salute , due thanks he doth return as then was meet , yet car'd not much with them to hold dispute ; but to the temples of the gods he rode , then at the palace makes his first abode . 4. next day into the senate house he went , his hand he gave and pleasant speech addrest : for princes death revenge was his intent , and this to all he solemnly profest ; for optimacy he will frame a plot , all bribes and tyranny shall be forgot . 5. except by law none life or goods should loose , so marcus rule and pertinax his mind , informers should not catch them in a noose , thus stroaked he the senators in kind : some credit gave , some said they were but mocks , the elders said he was a wily fox . 6. howe're the souldiers tasted of his bounty , and commons eke had donative of corne , his fame was spread in ev'ry county , though late you heard they thought themselves forlorne ; then quick he march'd with souldiers good and trusty , ' gainst nigers men , who yet were dull and rusty . 7. he joyned to his men italian youth , the flower ( i meane ) for dignity and place ; when souldiers in illyria heard the truth , they speed away to meet his troopes in thrace : of gallies and of ships he prest a fleet , with mariners and necessaries meet . 8. a mighty magazine he soone had got , provision now must not be with the least ; for well he knew though niger was a sot , he did command the nations of the east ; and then in brittane he had not forgot , with valiant men it was no time to jest : we must quoth he beware of those behind us , as souldiers good whose generall is albinus . 9. this man of honor was and high descent , severus then that well could play his prise , lest that he should be crosse to his intent , did lay a baite to catch him in this wise ; by sugred letters and congratulations he makes to him most loving protestations . 10. and thus in courtly phrase doth caesar stile him , desiring him the empire to protect : this glorious title quickly did beguile him , no stratagem herein he doth suspect ; severus said i gouty am and old , you noble , young , a gallant brave and bold . 11. albinus rashly swallow'd downe this gudgion , severus then to give the better glosse desir'd the senate not to tak 't in dudgion , for he their wisdomes had no will to crosse ; yet now he prayes they gently will incline , all which was done to blanch his owne designe . 12. then coyn he stampt , and statues did advance to albine caesar as he had projected ; his subtle wit had lull'd him in a trance , and niger now he meanes to see corrected : illyrian force he gathers in a body , then roundly march'd against this dullard nody . 13. what stations by the way , what speech or prodigie , what conflicts and what number there were slain of such before as writ his acts or elogie , some records doe unto this day remain ; yet these aside herodian never feares , to tell the truth observ'd in seventy yeares . 14. now rome was seiz'd severus is proclaim'd , niger starts and calls in his vicegerents , by sea and land expecteth to be maim'd , yet ports he stops and sends to his adhaerents ; from parthia aide he craves , and from armenia , with other bord'ring nations to atrenia . 15. some neutrals speake and will themselves defend , some answer they with councell will conferre , a band of archers those of atra send , the grosse was made with souldiers he had there ; some youth of antioch were more bold then wise , for niger they will help to play his prise . 16. of taurus then the precipice and mount he fortified with straits that doe belong ; impassable this place by his account , with walls he did munite exceeding strong : this was unto the east a barricado , and serv'd him as a block to make bravado . 17. for taurus lifting up a lately ridge 'twixt cappadoce and country of cilicia ; doth part the east and north as with a bridg ; in bizance * too he plac'd a strong militia , ( the chiefe and mighty city then of thrace ) for strength and wealth none like unto this place . 18. propontick straights this city did inclose , like benefit by water and by land , from impost , fish , from corn , and fruit it rose , large fertile soyle was also neer at hand ; this city he preoccupates before severus foot could reach the asian shore . 19. of milstones squar'd the wall was made compendious , so cemented in whole and every part , you might have thought the ( frame was so stupendious , ) it nature was , not done by workemans art ; the ruins yet that lie on heaps so ample , declare the force of them that did dismantle . 20. and thus did niger order his affaires , with skill he thought ; and on the other side severus was not slack , but quick repaires with souldiers stout , incounters all to ' bide ; yet ' cause they did byzantium fortifie , to cyzicum he wheeles his fate to try . 21. aemylian leivtenant was to niger , who well observ'd his enemies intent , because he was the gen'rall of this warr ; at cyzicum to meet the foe he went , and both sides for encounter doe prepare to fight it out with sword and pike they meant ; in bloudy conflict nigers force was routed , illyrian souldiers clapt their hands and shouted . 22. some said this hapned through aemylians fraud , ( who envied niger as to him superior ) some said his children that at rome abode was ground hereof , not that he was inferior : they by their letters humbly him besought , by suffrage his their freedome might be wrought . 23. as co●mod . erst , severus tooke a care their children to secure that had command ; and these among the rest he will not spare , if parents doe his enterprise withstand ; for such with guards along with him doe fare in all his journeys both by sea and land : then if their fathers niger will assist , he can revenge and kill them when he list . 24. now nigers force at cyzicum o'rethrown , through mountaines of armenia fled amain , and hast to take mount taurus as their owne , some others back through asia went againe ; but when severus fame was understeud , the cities next fell into deadly feud . 25. perhaps not much for love or hate to either , but through a deadly rancor of their owne ; and though they doe intend good will to neither , yet when intestine broyles with them are growne , the men most eminent for worth and place , they oft extirpat , or at least disgrace . 26. this strife with them so formerly did lurk , it slav'd them unto macedon and rome ; and as you see at this day to the turk , that greece hereby endures a fatall do'me : so they at cyzicum and nicomede niger reject , and for severus plead . 27. the citizens of nicaea then in spight for niger stood , and souldiers entertain'd , that thither or bythinia tooke their flight ; such umpirage malignity had gaind ; from cities then they issue out amaine , as from their camps and fight it out againe . 28. but after battell terrible and hot , and that severus victory had gain'd , to taurus streights him niger quickly got , with such his scatt'red forces as remain'd ; where having left enow for that designe , he went to antioch for more men and coyne . canto x. the argument . mount taut's assault , of moores , and bloudy fight is now my task the story you to tell ; and what a blow on nigers neck did light , whereby his head from off his shoulders fell : severus winters march we doe unfold against albinus and the brittaines bold . 1. wise men conclude the golden meane is best , and once my selfe injoyed that happy state ; but now the wheele is turn'd i am distrest , by powerfull hand of over-ruling fate : so these that strive about unweildy crowne , one mounts aloft another sinketh downe . 2. mount taurus fort severians doe assayle , a passage craggy , rough and hard to win ; on both sides now they fight with tooth and naile , neglecting quite the danger they are in : on such as climbe to scale the guarded tower , they from the top doe stones and rubbage power . 3. defendants well secur'd most bravely fought , here few men serve great numbers to repell ; and what they got by pain was dearely bought , the walls were high , great cataracts there fell , from mountain tops , there also was a fort to barr the entrance from desired port. 4. while this assault , newes came from cappadoce , as from the cities mentioned late before ; through ancient grudge new mutinies arose , which put them all into a fresh uproar : in syria the men of laodicea antioch defied and tyrus in phaenicia . 5. of last discomfiture quick tidings came , which made them thus revolt from nigers part ; severus therefore emp'rour they proclaime , whom fortune served now as well as art ; and niger erst of gentle disposition , in rage he fell to bloudy inquisition . 6. forthwith he sends unto the barb'rous * moores ( who were by nature savage fierce and cruell ) to turne the laodiceans out of doores , that to the fire had added so much fuell ; their city then they enter in a throng , put all to sword that were both old and yong . 7. in franticke moode then marching unto tyre , they pillage , kill , none meets them but he dies ; then set their city on a flaming fire , and niger leavies up his new supplies : meane while severus men doe still persist , yet at mount taurus of their purpose mist . 8. nor had they hope to carry such a worke , impregnable with praecipice and mount ; in bulwarks safe their enemies doe lurk , of them without they make but small account : but see the chance , from off the mountaines rapt a sudden flood , which strong foundation sapt . 9. here may you see how nature vanquish'd art , the deluge thus with massy building stopt bare all afore , at least so great a part , the rest away by piecemeale quickly dropt ; to them within this seemed something tart , lest by the legs they should be shorter lopt : the water downe , each one to save his head , in dark of night did quit the place and fled . 10. this accident severians greatly cheare , as if it hapt by providence divine ; guard of the mount thus being fled for feare , they eas'ly scale and entred in the line : when niger heard these tidings , he in hast doth congregate an army huge and vast . 11. with num'rus troopes he marched then amaine , his antioch youth alacrity exprest ; at * issus bay there was a goodly plaine with hils inviron'd for this purpose best : yet nigers men undisciplin'd and wilfull , severians were both exercis'd and skilfull . 12. now in this plaine along the coast they wander , a place for battell not unlike a stage ; some say where macedonian alexander with asian darius did engage , and then as ancient stories make it forth , the east was likewise vanquisht by the north. 13. as victors trophie still the city stands aloft , with brazen image of his fame : it so fell out that these two mighty bands not only met , but fortune had the same ; both sides to fight or'e night they ready were , not daring once to sleep for care and feare . 14. next morn the gen'rals by the rising sun alike encourage souldiers to assayle , accounting that who e're the battell won , must emp'rour be and beare the loftest saile ; great slaughter then and mighty deeds were done , where darts and arrowes flew as thick as haile : spectators there report a wondrous matter , the river issus ran more bloud then water . 15. at length the orientals turned back , some tooke the woods and some the higher ground ; illyrians to pursue them were not slack , but gave them many a deep and deadly wound ; then niger mounted on a gallant horse , to antioch fled bereft of all his force . 16. full little comfort there he had to rest , for sons and brothers people mourn and waile ; he maketh hast so much he was distrest , to suburb-house , when all things else did faile , to hide himself ; but e're he went to bed , the horsemen that pursu'd struck off his head . 17. thus niger ends in businesse too remisse , though otherwaies of temper mild and sweet ; severus then that was no friend of his , did him and his adhaerents homely greet : he bearing spleen with hard and cruell heart , put all his friends to death that tooke his part . 18. though some perhaps unwilling were compell'd , he therefore did to them the harder measure ; yet souldiers that in battell late were quell'd , he did forgive and call them home at leasure : in this no doubt he had a subtle drift , experience taught him how to wind and shift . 19. for some among the barb'rous folk remain'd , and taught the use of sword and lance to boot ; wherewith to fight with romans skill they gain'd , who er'st did backwards from their horses shoot : and armorers did also there betake 'um , that shew'd the use of arms and how to take 'um 20. severus thus the o'recame orient , the kings of parthia and armenia next , nigers confederates to invade he meant , but that albinus much his thoughts perplext ; him therefore first he meanes to undermine , as chiefe that stood 'twixt him and his designe . 21. he heard caesarian title did him puff , and senate peeres invited him to rome ; this web he thought was made of homely stuff , worse newes to him in absence could not come : and ' cause no gracefull part albinus wanted , he greatly fear'd by him to be supplanted . 22. yet at the first resolv'd no open warr , but rather to dispatch him by a traine , for that as yet there seem'd no cause of jarr ; his posts he meant should put him out of paine , when from his guards they see him once apart , he gave them charge to stab him to the h'art . 23. to them he also many poisons gave , that might infused be into his cup ; but that his friends intending him to save , bids him beware when he doth dine or ●up : severus er'st ( say they ) hath been perfidious , a branded person , noted as insidious . 24. for nigers captaines had him foully blasted ; their children eke whom since he put to death , his turne once serv'd then oath no longer lasted , but most unkindly stopt their vitall breath : by these his actions they were so much scar'd albinus streight did double his life-guard . 25. into his presence no man was admitted , severus sent till first he had been rackt ; and those his posts so ill themselves aquitted , their masters credit now withim was crackt : severus then perceiving how it went , a speech he makes his army to content . 26. on me let no ingratitude reflect , you know in league i did albinus take ; when me alone you grac'd with all respect , a part i gave to him for friendships sake : yet now as open foe he doth protest against us both that plac'd him 'fore the rest . 27. our noble deeds of arms he doth despise , and all the gods by whom he oft did sweare ; he up in arms against us eke doth rise , when all of us he rather should revere : to him i honour gave before all other , what could i more have done unto a brother . 28. ill offices to doe i count a crime , so most unmanly to endure a wrong : we question'd niger in convenient time , to which of us the empire should belong ; litigious then , ambition both did guide , but this of albine we may not abide . 29. he sole of grace admitted was compe●r , when to imperiall stems it ' long'd of right ; how dare he then once put us in this fear , that vanquisht have the orient with our might ? since to affront us he is so unwise , by arms i meane his rashnesse to chastise . 30. here gallant men at arms and roman force are come as friends and entred in our list , who ' i st that can approve his witlesse course ? are iland brittaines able to resist our prowesse , that so many fields have won ? assure your selves his glasse is almost run . 31. he wallowes deep in riot and excesse , not like a souldier but a brutish swine ; then let 's advance with wonted cheerfulnesse , our guides before us are the gods divine ; whom to dishonour he so false hath sworn , and our erected trophies holds in scorn . 32. thus having said , the souldiers doe proclaime albinus traytor with full demonstration ; he gives rewards now having hit his aime which they receive with shouts and acclamations ; and then advanc'd , concluding with the rest to send some troopes byzantium to invest . 33. this city nigers souldiers held that fled , * a famous place , by famine after taken , and quite defac'd when they had lost their head ; most of the dwellers now had it forsaken , vassals the rest to perinth doe approach , so they of la●dice had antioch . 34. but cities he repair'd that niger spoyl'd , then hasts away with souldiers blithe and jolly , through thick and thin by winters march they moyl'd , not resting on the workday or the holy ; sometimes bare headed through the snow he toyl'd though some perhaps might think it was a folly : yet souldiers this did imitate in briefe , and tooke example from their royall chiefe . 35. the streights alpine he sendeth force to seize , and passage into italy to barr ; albinus ' bides secure ( he thought ) in peace , till rouzed with the noise of present warr ; then of his fate to try the doubtfull chance , disbarkt an army on the coast of france . 36. his mandates straight in ev'ry province there he sends about to call him to his aide ; severus name the most part kept in fere , yet other some unluckily obay'd : but what event , and which of them did best , the canto next ensuing will digest . canto xi . the argument . albinus and severus fight it out , the brittaines win by albine bravely led ; yet next encounter they are put to rout and albine caesar shorter by the head : severe turns greedy , fierce as wildest beast , and makes his expedition to the east . 1. vvee never think enough wee doe acquire , such is the nature of ambition blind ▪ the more we have the more we doe desire , a vice too incident to human kind ; example store we have in ev'ry age , so of these two that now are on the stage . 2. severus now was entred into gall , with skirmish light at first they did begin ; yet soone they fight a bloudy field withall , on both sides to assayle they never lin : of victory as yet there was no signe , 't was hard to say to whom it would incline . 3. the brittaines bold in arms were not inferior , they stoutly fight and kill without remorse ; the wing severus charged was superior , whereby he was dismounted from his horse : so being cumbred sore with dust and smoak , was forc'd at length to quit's imperiall * cloak , 4. and hide himselfe , till tydings some might bring , meane while the brittaines follow on the chase with merry glee , and doe their * paeans sing ; but laetus came with fresh supplies in place , then at them once againe he had a fling , and staid their rage , though to his owne disgrace : some said his men at first he did restraine , severus dead , that empire he might gaine . 5. and this conceit was prov'd by the event ; for when severus got his former state , he unbethought him , and for laetus sent , to take his head for what he did of late : yet first this set the illyrians so afloat , severus mounts againe in purple coat . 6. the brittaines thought them masters of the field , presuming so the sooner to * disband ; but now their harvest little fruit doth yield , they charged were with fresh supplies at hand : lugdanum * walls that they might not be kill'd , they strive to reach , but could not long withstand ; then city sackt , the souldiers that were sent , albinus head severus did present . 7. two stately trophies thus in east and north he rais'd , and other deeds without compare by him were done as stories make it forth ; examples such with us are seen but rare : not caesar , pompey , scylla , or great marius for speedy march excell'd , or battels furious . 8. one man to kill three emperours elect , and trained bands surprise by cast of wit ; to keep his souldiers in such due respect , to make them for his drifts and purpose fit ; for conquest great and skill'd in ev'ry kind , search where you will the like you shall not find . 9. though fatall honour of albinus ceast , yet now severus deeds were intermixt with indignation , fierce as any beast ; he caus'd his head to be on gallowes fixt , to rome his conquest he inscribed hath , to albiu's friend a postscript of his wrath . 10. th' affaires in brittaine he with heed inclos'd , two presidents he leaves with equall part , the gallick matters likewise he compos'd , then strikes albinus friends unto the h'art ; and now to rome ( with speed ) he is dispos'd , where many moe are like to feele the smart : him commons meet with l●urell acclamation , and senate greet with fain'd congratulation . 11. full well they knew his nature to oppresse , if he contrive there will be no evasion ; yet first unto the gods he makes addresse , next to the palace taking no occasion , then largesse gives , as he no grudg had borne ; to souldiers coyne , unto the commons corne. 12. great priviledge he to the souldier gave , augmenting wheat , then with their wives to dwell , and rings to weare , with other jewels brave ; to change their manly diet was not well , what care they now their betters to deprave , and when they 'l mend their manners who can tell : who would have thought a man of his severity could so decline the militar austerity . 13. when fancy thus had led him to enact , in senate he ascends his princely throne , albinus friends he chargeth with compact , unhappy they , that thus have cause to moan ; of letters sent by some he doth produce , and other some he blames for holding truce . 14. with them that did resist him in the east : thus quarrels picks with all albinus friends , of peeres and nobles not of them the least , he put to death for avaricious ends ; though candid words he gave as sweet as hony , they now perceive too well he loved mony . 15. if he pretends his enemies to quell , 't is gold and pelfe that doth his rancor spur ; though he in wit and valour doth excell , yet avarice doth here his honour blur : great slaughter this his covetise did move , his government was more of feare then love. 16. yet popular applause he seeks to gaine , exhibiting rare shewes of ev'ry kind ; a hundred wild beasts often times are slaine , that came from farr , to please the peoples mind : he largesse gives to catch them in a train , with active sports their votes that he may wind , and vigils some like ceres have i * seen , with balls and masks and interludes between . 17. these shewes at this time secular they name , because three ages us'd to intervene , and bedles went about to spread the fame through italy the people to convene ; for that their years would let them know no more , or were they born to see the like before . 18. at rome he staied a while his sons to state in soveraigne rule , that after him must rest ; yet ' cause with romans he had held debate , he triumph'd not but marched to the east : his quarrell was the barb'rous folke to spoyle , that had with n●●●r bred him such turmoyle . 19. armenians thought it best to make their peace ; they hostage gave and store of mony sent , desiring him their trespasse to release , for unto him no further harm they meant : augarus king would likewise doe no domage , but archers sent assuring him of homage . 20. full blithe was he thus to secure armenia , away he marcheth making short abode , then passing by the country of albania into arabia foelix made a rode ; whence o'drate herbs and many fragrant spices are brought to us , as rare and choise delices . 21. when he had wasted many a towne and village , none being able to resist his will , to atrae came with store of coine and pillage : this city standeth mounted on a hill , well fortified with bullwark and with wall , and mann'd with excellent archers stout and tall . 22. severus then incamped it before , and gave to them within a fierce assault , of rams and warlike engins he had store ; yet brave resistance made his men to halt , great vollies they receiv'd of shot and stones , some kill'd outright , some making grievous mo'nes . 23. then pots they fill'd with little venom'd beasts , and o're the wall upon severians flung ; some crawled on the souldiers face and breasts , which bite and hisse and privily them stung ; nor could they well the stifling aire endure , the clime was hot and bred the calenture . 24. of that they rather dye then by the foe , the souldiers droop , this was a lucklesse leaguer ; severus thus without effect did goe , in all his life he never look'd so meaguer ; he victor was when e're he struck a blow , but failing here he counts himselfe a begger : and now he thinks himselfe was overcome , because he fought and did not overcome . 25. yet fortune soone againe did on him smile , he was the man she will not long neglect ▪ though late his hopes she seemed to beguile , it hapned better then he could expect : his men inbarqu'd , and he himselfe full sory , yet fell not on the roman territory . 26. as was ( no doubt ) the scope of his intent , both men and ships by violence so harried neere ctesiphan , to parthian banks were sent , for stormy winds them back againe had carried : the king whereof so little did discern , he thought atraenians did not him concern . 27. much lesse he look'd for any such disaster , for romans ' gainst their wills were thither driven , which made them strive to get a shore the faster ; then all the plaines of cattell soone were shriven , and townes were burnt with ravaging and spoile , when artaban expected no such broile . 28. the barb'rous folke at unawares they slay , and city sackt , committing spoile and rape , both female sex and children led away , the king with horse had much adoe to ' scape ; then back againe they goe unto their ships , but first his house of gold and jewels strips . 29. this victory not got by choice but chance , obtained when he had so little hope ; to roman peeres his letters did advance , which signifie how he with them did cope : he tables sent with laurels trimly dight , to represent his conquests got in fight . 30. and hereupon the senate doe decree the sirname of the nations he had wonn , and all the rest with them doe well agree , triumphant honors unto him be done ; but how he came , and what was his pretext , read if you please the booke that followes next . canto xii . the argument . severe in triumph enters into rome , his sons dissent , he newes from brittaine heares ; the traytor plautian had a rightfull doome , severus dies opprest with griefe and feares : his reliques kept when he of life did fayle , antonine and gete out of brittaine sayle . 1. must vertue needs corrupted be with vice , some say indeed as handmaid that attends ; and here we see severus was not nice to kill and plunder all albinus friends : though this for ancient adage seem to make , let us beware and better counsell take . 2. affaires in th' east severus had compos'd , his sons ( bigg youths ) along with him he took ; with sound advice good orders he dispos'd in ev'ry province and in ev'ry nook ; triumphant wise the romans him inclos'd , with presents rich much more then he did looke : then he againe with pageants , sports and feasts . and largesse great , doth grace his welcome guests . 3. this overpast , he mindeth state affaires for many yeares at rome , he liv'd in quiet , and sought to traine his sons that were his heires ; but they corrupted by the roman diet , with playes and revells fall into excesse , and through debate , from vertue doe digresse . 4. they first dissent 'bout fighting cocks and quailes , and wrastling boyes , they adverse parts suborn , when e're they met they us'd to turne their tailes , and at the length each other flatly scorne : inveterate spleen no longer is prorogu'd , thus whetted on by servants that collogu'd . 5. severus yet these delators did quell , and said to bassian , eldest son of mine , in this contest ( my child ) you doe not well , thou mar●●s sirname hast my antonine ; then learn of him to shun debate and strife , i 'le chuse for thee a faire and pleasant wife . 6. the daughter unto plautian this he meant , whom he esteemed as his chiefest guard , his kinsman , and of africk by descent , so he himselfe as formerly you heard ; this man he captaine made of trained bands , who at the first had neither house or lands . 7. so insolent he grew from low degree , in rich'd with goods of such as were condemn'd ; beyond the rest most impudent was he , both peeres and nobles were by him contemn'd ; to gaine his ends as false as false might bee , and tide of masters will he so much ' steem'd : his daughter wedded was to elder prince , though antonine could never love her since . 8. nay more , he did the lady so despise , that oft he threats her dearest life to spill ; this loathed match did so much him disguise , it made him vow her father eke to kill : who knowing well he was a desp'rate youth , began to feare it might be so insooth . 9. resenting this he will not ' bide the check , severus now diseased was and old , and martiall men the rather at his beck , excessive wealth withall to make him bold ; the roman senate highly him reveres , and to the commons gracious he appe'res . 10. a stately garb in senatorian robe , a sword was borne before him where he went , with scepter also and a princely globe he doth the emp'rours person represent ; majestick walke to make the people feare him , some might behold , but very few come neer him . 11. his ushers doe proclaime how all that meet him shall turn aside , or downeward they must looke ; not once presume to be so bold as greet him : severus this in great derision tooke , and him commands to be of better carriage , though he was paranymph and made the marriage . 12. this mandate seem'd to him a plaine affront , the tribune * saturninus he doth call ; for this rebuke did make him think upon 't , how he with them might raise a suddaine bra'll : the tribune come , he instantly doth woe him , and with a looke compos'd thus speaketh to him : 13. now is the time for you to consummate the love to me you often have profest ; and for your merit i le not be ingrate , of noble honour you shall be possest : to be as i am take it to your choyce , or else be dead obeying nor my voyce . 14. the enterprise though great should not affright , or emp'rours name amate a gallant mind ; your turne is to relieve the watch this night , and in their beds you eas'ly will them find : you may from me contrive a message right , then kill them both and serve them in their kind ; for man or boy what need you care a doit , your honour will be great in this exploit . 15. the tribune first a little doth demurr , a syrian born of wise and nimble sent , yet soone resolv'd to make but little slurr against his rage , but on his journey went ; yet first that he no danger might incurr , his warrant he beseech'd for this intent , then he would kill them both that stood before him , liking the plot as emp'rour did adore him . 16. this was the course when tyrants did command , to kill without judiciall forme of law : so plautian boldly yeelds to his demand , what others think he cared not a straw ; yet gave in charge when this was done withall , he might have word the palace to forestall . 17. or else perhaps when it was nois'd abroad , some others might his grand designe prevent ; the tribune therefore made but short aboad , but with commission on his errand went : there ( as his custome was ) he walks the round , yet still he thinks the project was not sound . 18. two men at once in sev'rall place to kill , he could not once conceive within his brest ; this wicked deed to doe he had no will , but to disclose it thought for him was best : when at the doore to talke he doth begin , severus bids the guard to call him in ; 19. who said your deaths man as he makes account , that sent me hither with this ready knife , i come , he thinks , into your seat to mount ; but i my selfe resolve to save your life , 't is traytor plautian seeke into 't no further , he me commands you and your son to murther . 20. this scedule bids you may believe inditing , you cannot long delay without your danger ; i undertooke to bring this present writing , lest you perhaps might suffer by a stranger : then that you may no further be annoy'd , bestir your selfe this traytor to avoyd . 21. on plautians trust severus much rely'd , this matter is said he by fraud devis'd ; he thinks his son , that could not him abide , had fram'd it thus to make him more despis'd : he cals the prince and taxeth his delusion , for sure quoth he this is a meer illusion . 22. but antonine profoundly doth deny it , the tribune eke produceth plautians warrant ; then swore the prince that he should deare abid't , and thanks the tribune for his loyall errant ; who also knew he must make good his charge , then to them both he doth himselfe enlarge . 23. what further proofe then this doe you require , except himself should evidence the same ; which if you please i humbly doe desire some trusty friend may call him in my name : then you shall know if it be true or not , so all be husht and none descry the plot. 24. they thus agreed , there goes a trusty friend bids plautian come , for princes both were slain , the palace he might seize and throne ascend , him to resist there 's none will take the paine : to this advise he willing eare doth lend , the empire now he doubteth not to gaine ; some few attendants wait him to the court , and he a curaice weares to mend the sport . 25. as soone as come he past the corps de guard , not knowing yet what was to him intended ; the tribune met him without watch or ward , as all were well and nothing could be mended ; and seemed then as if he would him lead where he had throwne the bodies that were dead . 26. him emp'rour he saluteth for the nonce , severus bids the traytor vile to take , the warders then fall on him all at once , and now he sees his head was at the stake ; he humbly prayes they will not him misdeeme , or let this plot so work his disesteeme . 27. sir , this is but a gull and cunning trick , severus yet upbraids him as ingrate , and he againe doth touch him to the quick , recording still his service done of late : in prince his heart some pity did remaine , till that his armour was discerned plaine . 28. then antonine in choler soon reply'd , for simple guls it seems you doe us take ; he bare him grudg and could not him abide , answer quoth he to questions that i make : why come you thus e're we for you have sent , your curace shewes your traiterous intent . 29. with that the tribune he commands to kill this traytor base , as ever yet was born ; both he and all the rest obey his will , then throw his carkase out of doores in scorn : to pride and lucre all his life did tend , which cut him short and caus'd this shamefull end . 30. severus now in suburbs spent his time , or on the coast * intending state affaires ; his purpose and his actions were sublime , to breed his sons that were to be his heires ; who in their sports had different successe , by parasites inflamed more or lesse . 31. but antonine ( now plautian dead ) in chiefe to wife , and all the rest was formidable , needs dye shee must or else have no reliefe , thus in his garbe became intolerable : severus though , to her and hers was bounteous , augustus * like to sons of mark antonius 32. and now he sought his sons to reconcile , acquainting them with stories new and old ; how brothers jarr'd and did themselves begi'le ; he also shew'd them temples full of gold , which soone would wast and fortune leave to smile , if they observe not what to them he told : his men of arms and all that he had wrought , ( if they dissent ) he said would come to nought . 33. sometimes he smiles , sometimes he reprehends , but yet his sons persever worse and worse ; their sycophants for base , unworthy ends , in quarrells , lusts , and idlenesse them nurse : though some had hire according to their merit , severus yet had anguish great of spirit ; 34. which to augment there newes from brittane came , by letters sent to him from his viceroy , how that the barb'rous people play their game , and pillage planters to their sore annoy : this to prevent he wils him send more forces , or come himselfe with armed men and horses . 35. though newes were sharp severus was not sad , inclining still to honour and to action , but of this opportunity was glad to weane his sons from riot and from faction ; for rome delights and sports with them in ure , he meant a souldiers life they should endure . 36. for journey then , now he is old and gouty , he straight prepares , though carried in a litter ; the younger sort were not more quick or doughty , though some might think him for a pallat fitter : yet with his sons the businesse so contriv'd , he ( ere they look't ) on brittish shore arriv'd . 37. the brittanes started doe their agents send , but found delay and went without dispatch : their former faults they gladly would amend , no will they have to meet with such a match : but he from them a sirname meanes to carry , and to that end he and his souldiers tarry . 38. it seems this soyle was full of boggy pens , the souldiers bridges make for want of ground , and thence they think to chase them from their dens , or else by fighting give them many a wound : these brittaines were a people rude and naked , and eat raw flesh as oft as rost or baked . 39. about their necks they rings of iron weare , as easterne barb'rous people doe of gold ; their pounc'd and painted bodies doe appeare more furious when their foes doe them behold ; for caske or curaee they nor care or feare , yet are with * pike and target fierce and bold : from pooles and fens the foggy vapours fly , which alwayes makes a dark and cloudy sky . 40. severus now had all things he desir'd , to further his , and barb'rous folke annoy ; at york to guide he geta then requir'd , he was a stripling and his yongest boy ; yet councell grave he did to him assigne , and tooke with him his eldest antonine . 41. when they had past the bounds and river banks , they skirmish light and often got the better ; but when the woods and bogs their men disranks , the barb'rous people were not much their debter : their safe retreits serv'd them the warr to spin , the romans lose as oft as they did win . 42. severus being sick with age and faint , left antonine to prosecute the warr ; but he fond youth his honour foul did taint , and through neglect doth all the matter marr : his brother he despis'd , and sick of father , to get the soveraigne rule aspired rather . 43. physitians he accus'd of much delay , his fathers death to heare he would be faine ; and dealt with them to make him soon away , the place he said doth sole to me pertaine : this brave old man as stories tell in briefe , expired not so much with age as griefe 44. a famous man , and victor over more , in civill broyles and countryes far abroad , then any emp'rour that was him before ; he left his sons of treasure many a load , with souldiers eke most skilfull in their trade , but antonine ( now chiefe ) great havock made . 45. he first began to bath his hands in blood ; physitians and his foster father eke , that had his frenzy formerly withstood , of goods and lives they soone were both to seeke : that he might raigne alone without another , he brib'd the souldiers to depose his brother . 46. but herein they deserved great applause , that hands upon this bargaine would not strike ; for in the fathers will there was a clause that both of them should honour have alike : then peace he made when words were light as corke , his mother and his brother were at york . 47. to them he goes , and being altogether , the empresse and the lords for state affaires endevoured discontent should hap to neither of these two brothers , now the fathers heires ; no remedy i see , quoth antonine , but to accord , thus crost in my designe . 48. then both the brothers , equall now in power , for rome prepare , and carry fathers bones ; where they arrived in a lucky hower , to place in sacred sepulchre of stones : as victors first they marched thorow gall , severus life and death you see withall . the end of the third book . canto xiii . the argument . two emp'rours next doe enter rome in state , severus deified , and funerall shew , parting the empire through a deadly hate , th' empresse forbids , antonine geta slew ; he cruell is , both prodigall and savadge , and of the german souldiers learns to ravadge . 1. vvhat was thy fall o lucifer but pride ; was 't not enough that thou thy selfe transgrest , but both the sire and brothers to divide , and murther too a crime by thee profest ; thus puft with pride to kill about a crowne , much better lost or spurned up and downe . 2. the princes and their mother goe to rome with jarrs and fresh debate , what ere she said , to eat together once they will not come , of poyson'd cups were both alike afraid : the palace ( once at rome ) is wide and vast , there to divide they make the greater hast . 3. they thither come then , as the custome was , with laurels , people welcome them and peeres ; the emp'rours formost of them all doe passe in purple robes , and seem'd to shed some teares ; next after them , according to their turne , the consuls march bearing severus urne . 4. in pompous state they doe this urn in-shrine , with marcus deare amongst the emp'rours best , and in the temple did their rites divine , then to the palace princes went to rest ; yet severall guards and severall lodgings ●●ose , and all the doores betwixt securely close . 5. they shew'd themselves but to content the people , and then their meeting at the common gate ; they both were stiffe as any wall or steeple , which now the romans greatly wonder at : their semblance yet each other did but threat , till fathers name was deifi'd compleat . 6. in that the brothers were no whit at odds , this solemne rite inviting them to pity , the romans call it placing with the gods , which first begins with mourning o're the city ; the corps in sumptuous manner once interr'd , the stately shew no longer is deferr'd . 7. an ivory * bed o're spread with cloth of gold in palace porch erected is on high , which mournefully spectators doe behold , a waxen image of the prince doth lie : on one side sit the noble lords in black , and o're against faire ladies doe not lack . 8. but they in white according to the guise , thus for a weeke they cherish him and nurse ; and often come physitians that are wise , who doe conclude the patient worse and worse : but when he seemeth dead to all beholders , young knights and gallants take him on their shoulders . 9. and carry him along the sacred street , unto the place where stands the ancient forum , the magistrates and senators him meet , on scaffolds built the people all deplore him ; then quire of boys and ladies sighing welody , with hymns and paeans making dolefull melody . 10. this done , the bed they take to mars his field , and there a structure make quadrangle-wise , then many lesser circ'led roomes they build , dry wood within , without it is their guise ; rich tapestry and pictures seene , but seil'd with ivory statues of a comely sise : to that you may this building well compare , which ships to harbot guide is call'd a phare . 11. the bed brought in they throw in heaps of spice and odours sweet the best the earth affords , herbs , fragrant fruits , gums , arabicke and * nice , the provinces and cities search their hoards ; which persons great ambitious are to send , as presents choyce to dignifie his end . 12. when they had rais'd this aromatick pile , the knightly orders mount on gallant steeds , then prance and wheele about this princely i le , performing many brave and active deeds : and farther yet to grace this masse of treasures , they joyn in fides to dance the pyrrhick * measure . 13. and charioters 'bout the frame doe ride , bearing the roman worthies represents ; then fire with torch is set on every side by him that for the empire next indents ; an eagle eke from turret top doth slide , when herbs and spices burn with fragrant sents : the romans think she carries up his soule , whom they adore , and ' mongst the gods enroule . 14. this done , the brothers home againe returne , but eftsoons fall into their deadly feud ; worse flame then erst within their bosoms burne , and utterly their better part subdu'd : the things that either side would have in action , to such as lov'd them both were great distraction . 15. most part to geta , gentle youth inclin'd , because he learning lov'd and manly art ; but antonine they knew of stubborn mind , and would because of many broken hart : their mother seeing them at such discord , assay'd in vaine to bring them to accord . 16. they now resolve the empire to divide , lest one by th' other might be circumvented ; this was debated by their mothers side , their counsellors and kinsmen eke convented : then they to geta asia doe assigne , and europe fell in share to antonine . 17. their camps at chalcedon and * bizance should each other face , and both the frontiers keep ; the passage so they may defend and hold , that neither into others part doe creep : alexand'r or antioch for counsell one , in rome the others shall recide alone . 18. numidian moores that lie upon the south , to anton ' fell , geta in the orient . while thus , their mother came with open mouth , and said , my sons i am not so content ; if you so soone can part both sea and land , divide me too and kill me out of hand , 19. each take a part of me and glut his will. this said , with many teares she claspt them both , who now began to think they had done ill , and to offend her seemed very loth ; their counsell then was presently dismist , and both content at this time to desist . 20. yet hope of reconcilement there was none , in all elections diff'rent sides preferr'd ; and such as for redresse did make their mone , more partially then justly were deferr'd : yea at their sports they contraries maintain , and sought their cooks and cupbearers to traine , 21. with promise large to poyson sauce or cup. yet howsoe're this bargaine they respect , such care is had when they doe dine and sup , this drift of theirs not yet could take effect ; when antonine thus mist by plots and charms , he kill'd his brother in his mothers arms. 22. when this was done he runs and cri'd amaine , as if himselfe were likely to be kill'd ; with help of guard the camp he did obtaine , the souldiers knew not yet what bloud was spill'd : there images were kept of veneration , 'fore whom he fals with thanks for preservation . 23. the souldiers all amaz'd unto him flock , some spake their minde , and some upon him gaped ; but then to let them know he did not mock , discover'd plaine how narrowly he ' scaped : in sad conflict some tooke their latest groane , prais'd be his fate he emp'rour was alone . 24. this speech of his a little was distracted , to stop their mouths he double largesse gave , whereby they weigh not much what he had acted , but mony tooke such store as they would have ; by this exploit he all in pieces tears the treasure father got in eighteen years . 25. a traytor now young geta must be thought , in temple thus this night he him secur'd , the coine the souldiers had their lesson taught , of double guards they antonine assur'd ; through city then to th' senate he makes way , desiring them to heare what he could say : 26. i know domestick murther hath a brute whereby the most such actors doe maligne , though he that 's vanquish'd doe receive the fruite which must of force be done to him condigne ; and such as are not partiall and self-will'd , doe know 't is better kill then to be kill'd . 27. besides , if one to cowardise be bent , and seeke by poyson to effect his mind , the other brave as proves by the event , what else doth he but serve him in his kind ; that he against me hath such practise wrought , for you to know i have his servants brought . 28. their owne confessions will the matter cleare , and when in mothers sight could not refraine , but he with more did put my life in feare , 't is not deni'd i have him justly slaine : how others did like mischiefe thus prevent , i can recite you many a president . 29. first founder of our city romulus his brother quell'd , who his endeavours jeer'd : nero omit brother to germanicus , domitian eke who brother titus fear'd ; phylosophick marcus of deare accounpt dispatched son * lucius for his late affront . 30. so i my selfe by juster vindication prevented poyson from a deadly foe , thank you the gods then for my preservation ; examine these if this be true or no , to govern so is my determination , that quietly you may both come and goe : as jupiter doth other gods exceed , so emp'rour one ' mongst men is like decreed . 31. this said in rage on fathers friends he frown'd , then senate left with pale and ghastly looke ; to court he hurries , where he threw to ground , and brothers servants kill'd in ev'ry nooke : for officers , yea infants he inquir'd , who out of doors were thrown on heaps and fir'd . 32. unhappy they that knew of get's affaires , for all of them were put unto the sword ; wrastlers , char'oters , and all the players that him delighted by their deed or word , and wealthy senators he also slew , that brothers friends were either old or new . 33. an aged woman commodus his sister , was honour'd much as she was marcus daughter : because she with his mother wept and kist her , 't was crime enough to bring her to the slaughter : his wife he kill'd that little harme had done , with severus and pertinax his son. 34. lucilla's * son and all the royall bloud , with presidents , he kill'd , and procurators , and all that erst for brother geta stood , or any waies his favorites or fautors ; whole nights to kill and slay he did not stick , and buried eke the vestall virgins quick . 35. at last , to make his cruelty the more , at * circen sports where he himselfe was set , a deed was done like never was before , his souldiers kill'd spectators that were met : a chari'ter some silently did scoff , this was pretence enough to cut them off . 36. thus having plai'd these mad and div'lish prancks , perhaps some guilt of concience might him sting , upstarts as one expecting little thanks , and to the north he now will have a fling ; e're long he did arrive on ister banks , that better in a rope deserv'd to swing : sometimes at race , sometime in chasing beast ; sometime in judgment sate , but that the least . 37. this people he accounts his fellow souldiers , and for his guard the strongest of them chose ; off cast the roman habit from his shoulders , and cassocks wore with silver trim'd like those ; then yellow perwig of the german fashion , which made him deare to them in estimation . 38. nor did the roman army this disgust , because he was in gifts ( to them ) profuse , and often labour'd with them in the dust , and digg'd and delv'd in trenches for their use ; then bridges built and stones and morter carry , as if he were a workman manuary . 39. he junkets left and sparing was of diet , contenting him with woodden cups and platters , and fellow souldier was to him more quiet then princely state , he thought of no suc● matters : a little wheat he tooke to knead in cakes one to suffice , that in the embers bakes . 40. thus for a while he quiet as a loach disdained not with them to goe on foot ; he rarely rid on horsback or in coach , his arms he bore most willingly to boot : th' imperiall standard also he would carry , which made the strongest bearer often weary . 41. then of a souldier good , and brave commander , with barb'rous people thus he got a name ; and marvell much it was to a by-stander , how such a timbred man should doe the same : but of the rest if you delight to heare , the canto next will make it soone appear . canto xiv . the argument . anton ' of achilles and alexander will act the part , and offer at their shrine ; to quarrell , massacre and woe doth wander , great parthia's daughter serves him to combine more murther yet , he conjures and is slain , macrinus chose , great fight , and peace again . 1. malitious pride why dost thou still outrage , by thy suggest was abel kill'd of cain ; some doe commit the like in ev'ry age , so geta here by bloudy brother slain : though we forget what formerly hath past , yet blood for blood will vengeance have at last . 2. now antonine from ister bank departs , and takes his journey downe along by thrace ; great alexanders statues he imparts to them at rome , and ev'ry other place : pictures intire ridiculous were set , that you might see how both their faces met . 3. his habit chang'd from that of ister banks , with macedonian turban now hee 's drest ; his sould'ers also stiled the phalanx , and captaines call'd as alexanders erst : then spartan youths he sent for neere at hand , them term'd laconick and * pitanite band. 4. securing townes to pergum next he went some physick there to take , for health , his will is ; to illium * then his second march be bent , to grace the tomb of fame , renown'd achillis , the which he deckt with garlands trim and flowers , patr'clus lackt , for whom he poutes and lowers . 5. yet that he might this heroe seem to act , this part he plaid amongst his other pranks ; his faestus dy'd , some said it was his fact , for which his friends did give him little thanks : howe're the corps to feed his fond desire , was brought to fun'rall pile and set on fire . 6. then beasts he kill'd , a violl to the same effusing wines , and praying to the winds ; but people laugh when haire is thrown in flame , bush naturall was so thin he little finds : gen'rals he scilla and haniball affected , whose images and statues he erected . 7. through asia thus he minded these affaires , and then in state from illium he departs ; yet in his way to antioch he repaires , whom they receive perhaps not with their hearts : to alexandria next he makes his rhodes their heroe to revere , but more their gods . 8. there sacrifices of whole * hecatombs he order gave for him should be prepar'd ; this hit the alexandrians o're the thumbs , whose cockbraines wist not how the blow toward : yet joy they make and entertainment such , for any prince was never made so much . 9. sweet musick , aromaticks and perfumes , light torches , gelsoms , odours and musk roses , arabian spices , and the richest gums ; the emp'rour and his army round incloses , who first to sacrifice in temple went , then incense makes and hundreds oxen brent . 10. next offer'd he at alexanders shrine his purple robe , and rings with parrag stones , his belt , his scarfe , and choisest jewels fine , then laid them all upon the tombed bones : the people overjoy'd feast day and night , but little dreame what feast for them is dight . 11. this was but colour and his plausibility , for them to massacre was his intent ; at rome he heard this peoples incivility , how they for brothers death to scoff were bent ; and so their cutting quips and wonted jeering of him and his , came often to his hearing . 12. the jests of open truth most keenely bite , and men resent them ever at the worst ; this turn'd his fury into such despite , they now have cause to think themselves accurst : while they with plaies and sports doe squib and flash , through dire revenge must ay endure the lash . 13. the manner thus , when festivall was over , as he had trained some in phalanx order , their gallant youths he wils them to discover both of their owne and regions that doe border ; he macedon and spartan had before , now alexandrian should make one more . 14. regarding late the honour he had done unto their city , and their heroes tombe , they to this project were the sooner won , so bring themselves unto a fatall doome ; submitting thus to be at his dispose , them all unarm'd , his souldiers doe inclose . 15. these dullards then were taken in a toile , the watch-word once dispers'd amongst the rout , with havock great the souldiers kill and spoile , some cut off heads , some scatter limbs about : to murther young and old they doe not stick , some thrown in pits , and some they bury quick . 16. some souldiers eke receive deserved hire ; for grapled once with them of equall strength , they hale and pull and wallow in the mire , then in one grave together lie at length ; the slaughter ended , round about the shore , and nilus mouth was dy'd in purple gore . 17. the sirname parthicas he next affects , a conquest much he covets in th' orient ; embassadors he sends with his respects , who tutor'd well upon this errand went : our prince , say they , had rather then his life , the daughter of your king to make his wife . 18. an emp'rour he and eke an emp'rours son , none therefore fit for him but such a queen ; if once this royall intermatch were done , and of the barb'rous people known and seen , impediment no more would then remain , the world might govern'd be betwixt them twain . 19. the roman foot excell'd in sword and pike , for number parthian archers , and for skill in discipline , the world had not the like , with necessaries ready at their will ; there may by this affinity and truce both parts into one monarchy reduce . 20. your cities odours yeeld , fine silkes and spice , the roman countries minerals and trades ; in this division merchants are not nice , but traffick oft by stealth , and vessels lades : if we conclude their practise will not reach , but intercourse be had without impeach . 21. at first the parthians like not this dispatch , or can conceive it tendeth to their quiet , for romans with barbarians to match , who language differ , habit , and in diet ; the roman prince may match among his peers , and so was pleas'd this noble king of theirs . 22. but antonine his suit doth re-inforce with ample gifts and solemne protestation ; then some perswade it was the wisest cource to give consent to this solemnization : whereat from shouts the people did not cease , in hope to have a sure and lasting peace . 23. antonine rivers past , and makes ingresse as free as if the country was his owne ; who entertainment had of more and lesse , which eke to king artabanus was knowne : and he prepar'd as eagerly againe , to meet the bridegrome in an open plain . 24. crown'd altars sacrifice with odours sweet , and floury chaplets , vestures wrought with gold , with pipe and flute they doe this gallant greet , then musick , dance , and all the mirth they could : to this their sport he seem'd so much affected , his treachery was not by them suspected . 25. but now they were together in a rout , both faith and oath he sticks not to infringe ; for when his souldiers compast them about , fall on , quoth he , we have them in a spring ▪ the tipled parthians run as in a maze , then romans kill and follow on a chase . 26. king artaban was rescued by his guard , some few with him had much adoe to fly , the rest of them were put unto the sward , their armes were off and horses were not nigh : the bride might think this was ill-favour'd bedding , yet who doe weapons bring unto a wedding ? 27. when as this mighty massacre was made , the souldiers rest from killing and from toile ; yet cruell still according to their trade , they cities burnt and bare away the spoile : thus antonine departs from parthian grounds , and march'd along into the roman bounds . 28. to senate then , at rome , he message sent ( who heard before of all the pranks he plaid . ) how he to them had vanquish'd th' orient , this to agnise they seemed well apaid ; and though they knew him false in word and deed , triumphant honours ne'r the leste decreed . 29. in mesopotamia he kept his court , where for a while himselfe he did devote , to combat beasts with races and like sport , and there he meant to pay macrinus co'te : two gen'rals then , audentius for the war , marcrinus law , and pleading at the bar. 30. this prince macrinus , us'd to taunt and check , averse to him in diet and attire , as coward faint he threats to break his neck , for service done this was ingratefull hire : but loe what hapt , magicians he consults , and longs to know his end by their results . 31. maternian eke who govern'd then at rome , had word to call the wizards far and near , to know of them what death should him become , or who it was he needed most to fear ; if spirits told or he did so combine , he writes back word to looke unto macrine . 32. the letters seal'd and sent away in post , at court arive in their convenient tide , where antonine was making mickle boast of chariot race how gayly he could ride ; and being thus so earnest in his sport , he bids macrinus see what they import . 33. macrinus with the letters did retire , and lights on that which might him sore molest , you need not bid him throw it in the fire , yet he acquaints the emp'rour with the rest ; and doubting now he must not long respire , before maternian sent he thought it best to call a friend , to wit ▪ * centurion martiall , who had good cause to be a little partiall . 34. for brothers losse whom anton ' caus'd to die without due form or processe in the law , these two together plotted by and by the prince to kill , then doe themselves withdraw ; that of the crime they might not be suspected till it was done , which shortly was effected . 35. at carrae antonine from palace went , to visit once the temple of the moone ; in hast was martiall by macrinus sent , who thought it long till he this deed had done , for that no harm ( at church ) the prince did looke , he private went and small attendance tooke . 36. and by the way he went aside to ease , for manners sake his servants stood aloof ; but martiall beck'ned , hoe sir , if you please , i something have to say for your behoof : then ran so fast e're antonine could mind , he with his dagger stab'd him in behind . 37. though martiall fled , he shortly had his hire , the german horse , that was the princes guard , pursu'd so fast they trod him in the mire , their javelin points he had no skill to ward ; this murder nois'd each one was of his keeping , macrinus was the first that fell a weeping . 38. and time it was lest he should be suspected , this prince to souldier fellow was and friend , none else as yet but martiall was detected , they thought he tooke revenge for brothers end ; macrinus sent his ashes , to be buried , unto his mother that at antioch tarried . 39. and there for childrens losse her selfe she slew , if not compell'd , as some would have it thought ; thus antonine this end upon him drew , for brothers death and murders that he wrought : he once defunct , the souldiers ( in a muse ) bethink themselves whom emp'rour they should chuse . 40. for artaban was marching hitherward to seeke revenge for breach of peace and murther , audentius therefore safely shall them guard , if he be pleas'd they meane to seeke no further ; but he replies ( with modesty ) i cannot , you see , quoth he , my time is super-ann'ate . 41. the * tribunes then perswade to chuse macrinus , who after , you shall heare , with him combin'd ; the souldiers say the parthians neer behind us , wee will not now be obstinat inclin'd : king artaban approch'd with mighty band , macrinus counsels thus him to withstand ; 42. for publike losse no marvell if we mourn , he was our prince , yet fellow did appeare ; though all of us to dust at length shall turne , yet while wee live his name to us is deare : but now we have perform'd the funerall rite , the present danger doth our care incite . 43. the barb'rous king is here with eastern power , who have a quarrell good in their conceipt ; they say we did their people all devoure , when they unarm'd did think of no deceipt ; and kill'd his kinsmen in unlucky houre , when entertainment they had made us neat : to skirmish light no leisure time will yield , but you must fight it out in open field . 44. this breach of oath , if true , is somewhat biting , our prince , not we , ought answer for the fact , which is already done by fatall smiting ; we romans are , like romans let us act , then keep your ranks to barr them of their ends , the roman empire now on you depends . 45. the barb'rous are unmarshall'd , wanting art , and like enough themselves to overthrow ; you disciplin'd in whole and ev'ry part , and by your order have the skill to know : the foot their ranks , the horsmen sure in seat , whereby you shall your enemies defeat . 46. like romans charge as often you have done , the barb'rous people once again to quell , that men may know your conquest was not won through fraud or breach of faith , as they doe tell ; what matter is 't how they excuse their harms , so you prevaile by skill and force of arms. 47. the souldiers * ( in a streight ) this speech allow'd , and instant put themselves in battell ray ; the barb'rous folke with mighty host and proud advancing , were next morne by break of day : as was their guise , they invocate the sun , and then with shouts upon the romans run . 48. the skilfull romans did their battels range , with horse and darts moresco flank'd each side ; their * maniples with intervals doe change , to flat the charge and ' bate th' assaylants pride ; though they with lance and shot of arrowes gall , yet hand to hand they by the romans fall . 49. but yet e're long , with numbers overprest , the romans make as if they would retreit ; withall , they sharp and pointed engins wrest , and hide in sand the barb'rous folk to cheat ; which made their horses halt with grievous paine , great store of men and camels eke were slain . 50. the first and second day they fiercely fought , as victors both they to their camps retire , the third , barbarians to inclose them sought , as if they would them catch in net of wire ; which romans to prevent their front dilate , so skilfull are they both in this debate . 51. yet at the best to both was slaughter sore , and heads of carkasses were seen to lie ; macrinus thinks their rage was so much more , to take revenge that antonine might die : he saw to fight it out was their intent , debating thus , with heralds letters sent . 52. which doe inform that antonine was dead , for breach of oath and league he had his hire ▪ macrinus chosen emp'rour in his stead , to be at peace with them was his desire ; and that they may be friends as heretofore , their spoile and captives he will all restore . 53. the parthian lords doe each one take his seat , to heare the message that the romans sent , and in the midst king artaban the great , whom with the rest these tydings doe content ; the truth of anton's murther cool'd his heate , to take his spoyle and captives now is bent : then towards home he makes his next approach , macrinus likewise went to antioch . the end of the fourth book . canto xv. the argument . macrinus writes the senate him confirms , he afterwards commits a s●ttish errour , then maesa subtle lady stands on terms , bassian called antonine made emp'rour ; macrinus flies , pursu'd by antonine , and shortly after headlesse is macrine . 1. nothing but black designes to murther still , wee know we have a dire and ghastly foe ; the serpent old that wrought our former ill , doth yet persist to work our thrall and woe : then let us pray to keep us from the power of lyon fierce , that will his prey devoure . 2. you heard how former antonine had end , another of the name will soone appeare ; still sad revenge on murther doth attend , but to macrinus lend a while your eare : how he to roman senate did direct his letters seal'd , which spake to this effect : 3. i count it needlesse many words to use ; you know if i my office did neglect , or else in conversation was profuse , when i was chose praetorian * praefect ; to me and such the prince himself commits , and for your sakes i bare his frantick fits. 4. when he through flatt'rers did you tyrannise , and me of lenity did often tax , resist i would not him in any wise , lest he in ferall choller worse should wax ; the parthick warr that like was to undoe us , by perfect league i have confirmed to us . 5. my government shall cause no bloudy strife , then of my rise i hope you will approve ; you ought to prise a good and vertuous life ●fore nobles that to help you never move : what 's got by commodus or antonine , or such as wholly to their lusts incline ? 6. from fathers they derive their rule and right , but those on whom the empire you conferr will not abuse their splendor or their might , or scornfully the meaner sort deterr : such as the rule doe gain by mod'rate actions , most carefull are in all their great transactions . 7. your counsell and assistance i will crave in all affaires that may concern the state , good marcus rule and pertinax in grave shall you restore in what you lost of late ; more praise hath he that raiseth first his fame , then he that boasts the race from whence he came . 8. this letter read each one bestow'd his vote , imperiall honours they to him decreed ; yet not so glad macrinus was aflote , as antonine had got deserved meed : for full account they make now he is dead , to scape the danger hanging o're their head . 9. accusers false and such as were unjust ; if servants or informers so invent , were all of them upon the gallowes trust , macrinus for a year was so intent : but souldiers all disbanded or sent home he should have caus'd , and then have gone to rome . 10. upon macrinus there they call and cry , but he at ant'och staid to trim his beard ; his garb and speech he used sparingly as marcus wont , which formerly you heard : yet in his manners he was nothing like him , which made both souldiers and the rest dislike him 11. austere the one and of a temp'rate diet , but he to masques and revels was inclin'd , with jewels dect of vaine excesse and riot , effaeminate , much like to women kind : of paralell in him there is no signe with marcus sage , or warlike antonine . 12. the souldiers eke were pinch'd with courser fare , while he in silks and cates did much abound ; now for his rule they doe no longer care , his fate is neer and fortune turneth round : to leave his charge there can be no evasion , and maesa subtle lady gives occasion . 13. from country of * phaenitia came this cone , that long in roman court had led her life , to empresse julia ( sister she alone ) antonin's mother , and severus wife ; one dead , the other kill'd , she went from rome , with all her goods macrinus sent her home . 14. in flourishing estate she got much wealth , and now in age doth back againe return ; two sons there were as she sayes , got by stealth . which to her daughters twain were also born : they striplings were as yet , not able men , bassian fourteen and alexander ten . 15. phaenitians built an altar to the sun , adorn'd with silver , gold and precious stones , to worship which they oft devoutly run , these two young men were priestlings both at once ; this god no image had but massie stone . at bottom round , at top sharp like a * cone . 16. this stone of coleur black had shining spots , and figures some , not made by humane art , but fell from heaven , it seems they are such sots ; in priestly office bassian plaid his part , his upper coats imbroid'red were with gold , a crowne upon his head you might behold . 17. his under coats were also tissued over , a comely youth withall , of rare aspect , howe're a priest he seemed like a lover , his garb and beauty all of them affect ; with pipe and flute full often here he vapors , and round about the altar frisks and capers . 18. the souldiers lay the city then before , to guard the frontiers of phaenitian bounds , and they this temple visit more and more , to see this stripling dance his priestly rounds ; devotion part , but more his gesture call'd 'em , then to his mother masa they extoll'd him . 19. if that be true she told to them or not , uncertaine is to some and in dispute ; she said how antonine this youth begot , although another father bore repute , that to her daughters he did oft resort when with her sister she liv'd long at court. 20. and more she said , that she had treasure great , which she would give the army , for consent to place her nephewes in the princely seat ; this brute was nois'd and ' mongst their fellowes went , who say , if she will feather so their nests , both she and hers shall be their welcome guests . 21. to th' camp away she hies in dark of night , her children , friends , her goods , with bag and baggage , before the towne was privy to her flight , some vagrant troops conducted had her carr'age ; young bassian was proclaim'd at easie rate , and him they cloath in purple robe of state. 22. with these their gods they brought provision store , lest they perhaps be straightned with a siege , macrine at antioch , as you heard before , will not be pleas'd they have another liege ; yet hope they have his souldiers will combine , when as they know the sons of antonine . 23. for they indeed are weary of the lash , the grudge they bare macrinus is not new , and now they hope to have good store of cash , they soone perswade themselves that all is true ; macrinus scorns the boys , the souldiers blame , and captaines sends these rebels new to tame . 24. when julian that commanded his in chiefe came neer the camp approaching to the wals , they mount aloft ( to shew their mind in briefe ) on turret tops , and boldly to him cals : loe here the youth that is our emp'rours son , come joyn with us or else you are undon . 25. they shew withall their purses full of chink , a bait no doubt macrinus to betray , howe're it causeth them without to think that all was true they heard their fellowes say ; the youth they sweare is like their emp'rour dead , so all agree and cut off julians head , 26. the which they send for token to macrinus : the gates are ope their fellowes let them in , and now they cry , he shall no longer blind us , for all his threats we care not once a pin ; we all together can withstand a siege , and fight a battell for our soveraigne liege . 27. macrinus then intends to force their camp , which they prevent by marching to the field ; there furiously they 'gan to rage and stamp , resolv'd to fight , and rather die then yield , but all was well , for fortune leaves macrine , his souldiers fly and go to antonine . 28. and now he finds himselfe in desp'rate case , yet while his middle battell firmly stood , his purple coat he 'gins for to unlace , and flies himselfe with such as he thought good ; disguised thus away by stealth he went and hid himselfe , misfortune to prevent . 29. before they knew of this his sudden flight , his guard that was the old praetorian band , did stand awhile and bravely for him fight , supposing he himselfe was neer at hand : but when no further newes of him they heare , they all were struck into a panick feare . 30. but yet a●on of hope they better sped , the renegades that came to antonine assurance gave how that macrinus fled , then he proclaimes the souldiers all are mine ; but chiefe to these he sendeth present word , they shall repaire to be of his own guard. 31. they to the heralds credit gave and yeild , forthwith he sends macrinus to pursue , at * chalcedon he thought his nest to build , but him the souldiers overtooke and slew ; some said in hast he meant to go to rome , the winds were crosse and brought him to his dome . 32. for there at first he should have rendevoz'd , so having neither fortune or forecast , the souldiers thus his lenity abus'd , and brought him to this fearfull end at last ; with him his son young caesar diadumeine was taken there , and with his father slaine . canto xvi . the argument . young anton's freakes and cruelty we tell , he freedome takes to violate a nun , yet frames excuse as if he had done well , then marriage makes between the moon and sun ; his god inthrones then plaies and revels vaine , next he himself is by his souldiers slain . 1. macrinus here of whom we late did treat , not bloudy was or caus'd the peoples te'res ; his fault was that he kept himself too neat , consulting not among the roman peeres : a crime much short to that of antonine , what caus'd like fate we leave to power divine . 2. antonine emp'rour th' army doe salute , his friends and grandam guide the east affaires ; his years unripe such matters to dispute , then straight for rome his journey he prepares : old maesa thinks at rome to spend her yeares , though commons are not glad nor yet the peeres . 3. at nicomede he winters by the way , and fals to worshipping his country deity , whose priest he was attir'd in rich array , then antique dance which shew'd but little piety ▪ gold , purple , tissue embroid'red on his gown , he crownets weares much like a persian crown . 4. phoenician garb , or like the m●des he us'd , the greek and roman habit was too meane , but maesa thinks his honour he abus'd , and by perswasion seeks him oft to weane ; but he of shalms and flutes provides a noise , delights in gambols and his priestly toyes . 5. these prancks she said were barb'rous and exotick , the senate would not like this garish dresse , you dote quoth he , your eyes are in your pocket , i am their prince and will be n'er the lesse ; then such fantasticks as himself devise , to try how romans would approve their guise . 6. his picture large and of his god the image , bedeckt in pontificials goes to rome , and such he bids as are of noble linage , with all their superficials thither come : then uppermost o're victory to place it , that sacrificers and the rest may grace it . 7. this god by him was termed heliogabulus , and when he entred rome with all his , train , report which some before esteemed fabulous , was to spectators now discerned plaine ; he largesse gives as was the emp'rours guise ▪ exhibits shewes , and fencers play their prize . 8. a stately temple to his god he builds , with altars store for sacrifices meet , then hundreds sheep and oxen of the fields he kils , and burning heapes of odours sweet , with rundlets of the daintiest wine betwixt , the bloud ran through the temple intermixt . 9. then round about the altars fals a skipping , to instruments consorted in their kind , with many of his country women tripping ; some * side , some leap before , and some behind , the noble knightly orders stand at gaze , while entrailes and the aromaticks blaze . 10. not persons meane but by the captaines chiefe , on golden plates these spiceries are borne , and officers of state wore to their griefe phaenician hanging sleevs which they doe scorne , like syrian * seers , with linnen shooes in briefe , yet all this harvest yeelds but little corne : though such as in these mysteries he placed , he counts with chiefest honour to have graced . 11. amongst this geere he plaies a tragick prize , for at this mirth he heares how some doe scoff ; so puts to death some noble rich and wise , which made the rest to get them further off : augusta princely lady takes to wife , of honours strips , then turns to private life . 12. and after this to be in love pretending , a vestall virgin tooke from sacred cell against the law , to marry her intending , the people thought he counsell had from hell ; when senate blam'd this sacrilegious act , he letters writ and answer'd thus the fact : 13. this is i think , qu●th he , no mortall sin , i was inthrall'd by magick of her beauty ; a priest that hath no haire upon his chin , to wed a priestesse is no more then duty : this he will have to be a sacred match , yet soone he gave this second wife dispatch . 14. a third he tooke of commodus alliance , such pranks as these were plaid by our young anton● ; but yet to give these holy rites defiance , he shew'd himselfe more then a common vvanton and now these matches were with him so rife , his country god must also have a vvife . 15. they pallas image then produce with joy , which romans kept in secret veneration , and never seen since it was brought from troy , till temple burnt with fiery exhalation : this goddesse to his chamber brought with solace . he marries to his god within the palace . 16. yet shortly after he forbids the banes , for that she was too martiall clad in arms ; urania next with in his mind rema'nes , to worship her we now must goe in swarms : ador'd she was amongst the carthaginians , quen dido chiefe that came of the phoenicians . 17. this image at such time she did erect , when carthage built by cutting of * oxe hide : a name she had by africans select of hers ; the * moone she called was , beside quoth he , that we may have the fairer weather , the sun and moone we marry will together . 18. a braver match was never till this hower , from temple then they gold and silver bring with her to give unto his god for dower , who said it was a very seemely thing ; together then they brought them at his bidding , with feasts and joy prepared for the wedding . 19. he did in suburbs mighty temple reare , had shewes by night , with stage-plaies feasts and races , there brought his god from city once a year , and in caroch with gems adorn'd him places ; six steeds in rich caparisons doth fetter , and backward goes himselfe to guide the better . 20. the way was strew'd with filings thick of gold , his guard supporting him on every side , the people run with torches to behold ; presenting flowers and garlands to the bride ; his god was shrin'd with all the pomp he could , though such devices men may well deride : the images of all the gods were carried , with sumptuous gifts the couple thus were married ; 21. by gifts , i meane , the temples rich donaries , imperiall robes , with plate and jewels eke ; the nobles , gentry , souldiers in quandaries , yet at these sports they must not be to seeke ; to turret tops he fetches more vagaries , thence largesse throwes , such never was the leeke : apparell * rich , gold , silver , linnen fine , all sorts of tame beasts gave , excepting swine , 22. which he and all phoenicians doe abhorr . the throng was such that some to death were trod , some kill'd with pikes , more then they looked for , such fatall feast befell his new-come god ; vvith many more of these unprincely pranks , though grandam maesa gave him little thanks . 23. she fear'd e're long the souldiers would disgust , and if his folly brought him to his end , she home againe to pack commanded must in private life her latter daies to spend ; she praies that he ( which thus astray did wander ) vvould caesar make his couzen alexander . 24. he was her grandchild by her youngest daughter , then this into him finely she instills ; that since he was a priest and serv'd the a●'tar , the gods require him to performe their vvils , their offices and orgies to prepare , and viceroy make to free from humane care . 25. but yet no stranger he should substitute , his couzen german fit , so neer ally'd , then neither office would be destitute , but both the governments might be supply'd : if this he granted through his princely favour , both he and she would doe their best endeavour . 26. this will appease the ghost of antonine , to see that you his sons so well agree , he got you both on daughters * two of mine , this is a course as fit as fit may be ; thus did this beldam giddy anton ' flatter , and of her daughters lightnesse makes no matter . 27. for this she did the souldiers to allure , then caesar was he made by antonine , and consull eke which senate doe assure , but here their vvits did certainly decline ; no more but foure years 'twixt their ages run , yet t'one must father be , and t'other son. 28. vvhom he in all his rites did seeke to traine , mammaea mother was of other mind ; these whimsey frenzies she doth much disdaine , and sends for tutors of the liberall kind : such care she tooke to weane him from this antick , that he might sober prove and not a frantick . 29. yet * wrastling sometime as an active sport , she will permit him for his recreation , but most unto his tutors must resort , to antonine a mere pedantick fashion ; vvho now repents what he before hath done , because he sees they meane to spoile his son. 30. for which some of his tutors roundly trust , and in their roomes he revellers promoted ; unprincely sports he us'd to serve his lust , all men perceive that now he plainly doted , chiefe offices of state disposed must to such as for their lewdnesse were denoted ; fidlers , dancers , jesters , charret-drivers , debauched ruffins were his state contrivers . 31. this was a mad and drunken distribution , besides his gewgawes and his garish dresses , vvhich made the souldiers set their resolution , not to regard his garbe or silken tresses ; in alexander there was lesse privation , to whom his mother gave good education . 32. and now 't was time to see how matters went , his mother heeds , and to his businesse looks , she would not let him eat what anton ' sent , but duely minds his butlers and his cooks ; for that disease she undertooke the cure , and money gave the souldiers to assure . 33. now antonine intends to kill them both , the mother and his new adopted son , vvhich grandam * maesa would be very loth , too blame am i , quoth she , if this be done ; she knew of all his plots as well as may be , and was withall a very subtle lady . 34. because his projects still she did prevent , his son no longer caesar is saluted ; but when the souldiers heard of his intent , no force say they that we will have disputed : with bitter threats they 'gin to fret and stamp , restraine his guards and lockt them in the camp. 35. young caesar they demand and him will see , this startles anton ' , makes him take caroch , adorn'd with gems as rich as rich might be , then to the camp his son and he approach ; their gates they ope with seming merry cheer , conducting them unto the temple there . 36. that night they had their lodgings both prepar'd , prince caesar yet the army best applaudes ; when antonine saw how this matter far'd , hie time it was to lay aside his gaudes : the chiefe of them he had in most suspition , he executes as authors of sedition . 37. the souldiers meane to take this just occasion to help their fellowes in this dangerous case ; now anton's fautors die without evasion , his rimers , dancers , and his juglers base ; not so content , their fury so extreme is , they kill himselfe and eke his mother saemis . 38. their carkasses the people hale and rakes , enough to make a kind heart shake and shiver , and them they threw into the publicke jakes , which voided are into the tyber river ; then that their young prince might not rove at random , they him commit to 's mother and his grandam . the end of the fifth book . i have thought good to give you here the character or elogy of this last antonine , taken out of the best authors . his apparell was extreame brave and gorgeous : yet he never wore one garment twice . his shooes were embellisht with diamonds , and orientall pearles of the most caracts . his seats were strewed with muske and amber . his beds were covered with cloth of gold tissued on purple , and embossed with gems of inestimable value . his way was strewed with filings of gold and silver . his vessels , even of basest use , were of obryze gold. his lamps burned with pretious balmes and gums of india and arabia . his fish-ponds were filled with rose-water . his ships in his theatricall sea fights , floated in rivers of wine . his bathes most magnificently built , when he had once used them , were still pluckt downe , and new built . his plate , of refined massie gold ; but never served twice to his table . his rings and jewels infinitely rich ; yet never worne twice . his concubines numberlesse , but never laine with twice . every supper in his court cost 1000 pounds sterling . when he lay neere to the sea , he would eat no fish : when he was farthest in the continent , he would eat no flesh . whole meales were furnisht with tongues of singing birds , and braines of rarest creatures . all europe , asia , and africk , with the ilands adjacent ; in a word , the globe of earth and sea ( whereof he was lord paramovnt ) was not able to fill this gvlph . in his progresse , he was attended by 600 charrets fraught with concubines , catamites , and pandars : for whom , he built a seraglio in his court ; where himselfe ( in the habit of a curtez●n ) used to make solemne speeches to them , terming them , his brave fellow-souldiers and companions in arms : [ what gallant instructions he gave them i forbeare to mention ] he caused to be gathered in rome * ten thousand weight of spiders , ten thousand mice , and a thousand polcats ; which he exhibited to the roman peeres and people , in a publike shew and solemnity , professing , that now he perfectly understood how mighty a city rome was . lastly , [ to omit other more stronge prankes ] he summoned a * parliament of women , to consult about tires , fashions , dresses , tinctures , and the like weighty and important affaires . the sixth book . canto xvii . the argument . prince alexander next reforms the state , maesa deified , persians them invade , the roman letters they despise and hate . a muster over italy is made ; alexander against the persian goes , and sends embassage to his sturdy foes . 1. you see the end of luxury and riot , what meanes this flesh and blood so to rebell ? how happy is the poore mans rest and quiet , that doth within his homely cottage dwell ! far better be a beast or brutish swine , then live and die the death of antonine . 2. this end had antonine and his adhaerents , then were ( for managing of state-affaires ) maesa and mammaea created regents , who straight the common-wealth amisse repaires ; sixteen were chosen of the ancient peers , remarkable for wisdome and for yeares . 3. this government was pleasing unto all , their gods remov'd of late they reinvest , for antonines they make accompt but small , * though he and they so garishly were drest ; his scounderels were all of them disgrac'd , and men of honour in their roomes were plac'd . 4. the empire stated thus , old masa died , all solemne rites unto her hearse were done ; for like an empresse she was * deified , mammaea left sole guardian to her son : and now for rule he was of decent age , she sought unruly passions to asswage ; 5. which happens oft to natures that are best when parasites have got the upper hands : to stirr her selfe she therefore did not rest , till she from court did all of them disband ; she pray'd him in debates to end the strife , which he observ'd and led a princely life . 6. in fourteen yeares his empire had no staine , none di'd without due processe in the law ; since marcus time there was not such a raigne , for love they him revered more then awe : his mother though heap'd coine , as she pretended to give his souldiers , which he not commended . 7. their goods she spoyl'd he thought on him reflected ; and when he had obtain'd a noble wife , the lady was by her too much neglected , and forc'd from court to lead a quiet life : as empresse she alone will take upon her , maligning much at this her daughters honour . 8. her sire she kill'd o're come with passion blind , because he spake what did not her content : the lady into africk was confin'd , all which was done without the sons consent ; though duty binds , yet herein was his error , he gave her too much sway to others terror . 9. excepting this he rul'd without offence ; now posts in hast from syria hither ran , and brought such newes as quickly call'd him hence , the persian king had kill'd great artaban ; * and worser newes they added to the story , his troops he march'd in roman territory . 10. in mesopotamia he his standard reares , and on he comes as greedy as a wolfe , by all his gods he most devoutly sweares the country's his to the propontick gulfe ; the persians right which they derive from cyrus , till alexander overthrew darius . 11. whosoever saith against he counts a toy , the countries of jonia and cary was govern'd by a persian viceroy , which he will have or else himselfe will die : what heretofore was under their command , he counts his honour , and will that demand . 12. this dismall newes when alexander heard , because in peace his youth was ever train'd , no marvell if they made him much afraid , he counsell craves how this might be restain'd ; who soone resolves , they will without neglect embassage send , which spake to this effect . 13. you ought , say they , to keep within your bounds , and not to stirr new tumults , or this warr ; for if you doe approach the roman grounds , our souldiers will your enterprise debarr ; when you perceive what praise to them , redounds , you then will wish you had not come so farr : he minds them oft what those before him wan , augustus , lucius , severe , and trajan . 14. they thought that this would be a cooling card ; but when this bri●●e was to the persians born , they make return as yet they were not scarr'd , and flatly doe their message hold in scorn : they mean to fight and not contest in words , and so assaile the guards upon the fords . 15. with spoile of booty r●●k of their successe , their empire now they doubt not to enlarge ; and artaxerxes thought himself no lesse , who was the first that durst the parthians charge , to get again what formerly was lost , when alexander foyl'd darius host . 16. these countries of the east were dealt in shares by those that next the conquerour succeed , till that they spoyl'd themselues by civill warrs , then parth'an arsace did sub'ly proceed : revolt he plotted by the macedonians , who crown'd him king , and eke the next barbarians . 17. these countries got he left unto his heires , with other moe , he next to parthia wan , where he and his did flourish many yeares , till artaxerxes kill'd great artaban ; who now will them unite to persian crown , and eke advance to pull the romans down . 18. with this to stirr begins the roman prince , his captaines and his honour doth invite ; best men he musters now in each province , that these insulting persians he may smite : and since these barb'rous ●olk will not attone , his souldiers cals and speaks thus from his throne : 19. brave fellow souldiers now i wish i could speak my applause and likewise your content , i know sweet peace is better bought then sold ; but since our foes to prejudice are bent , and us to harm doe shew themselves despitefull , what we perform we ought to count delightfull . 20. who doth the wrong deserveth little grace , nor who repels deserveth to be hated ; the persian king stept in his soveraigns place , and traiterously the kingdome hath translated : so in despite of our majestick power , our coasts and countries he presumes to scower . 21. by gentle letters first we faire intreat , from claiming others right he would desist ; but he to fight and challenge growes in heat , insatiate is and will doe what he list : to break the peace it was not your desires , yet let him know you 'l fight when need requires . 22. you vet'rans that such famous battels won by conduct of severus and my sire , still let them see your courage is not done ; you younger sort that honour doe aspire , let former quiet breed no alteration , but of your valour make full demonstration . 23. the barb'rous folk are fierce to them that shrink , but will not stand when battell once is set ; when you doe throughly charge , away they slink , and think it well when they some booty get : if we our order keep ( with little pain ) wee shall them quell , and safe return again . 24. this said , with shouts the souldiers joy expresse , to th' senate eke he spake to like effect , and then commands for journey to addresse that they the persians sooner may correct ; the rites perform'd according to their guise , both he and romans part with wa●'ry eyes . 25. his rule so gentle was they love him deare , as also that amongst them he was bred ; to illyrian nations straight he doth appear , great forces rais'd he thence to antioch led ; once there , he makes all warlike preparation , his souldiers training in a martiall fashion . 26. by treaty once againe he offers peace , he thinks his presence may perswade or fear , the barb'rous prince will not his claim surcease , but sends four hundred of the tallest there : like heralds clad in rich and brave attire , his men to daunt and cause them back retire . 27. they message had , how that king artaxerx commands them * asia and syria to refrain , or else be sure he will them sore perplex , till jonia and caria he regaine : for what divides aegean and pontick gulf , there 's none shall rule except it be himself . 28. this errand crosse to roman princes mind , he bids these men shall seized be and stript ; their dwellings into phrygia were assignd , and narrowly they scap'd from being whipt : yet banishment from home enough he thought , their fault no more then soveraign message brought . 29. this done he meanes t' invade the barb'rous foe , though some of aegypt syria did embroyle ; yet that with skill he salv'd without a blow , and tooke a course the rest might not recoile : his army now is equall to barbarians , which he divideth into three battalians . 30. one northward march'd through confines of armenia , who seem'd to be the romans steddy friends , that way he purposeth to enter media , the next where * rivers meet , yet of their ends your expectation must a while prorogue , till we can tell you where they disem●ogue . 31. the third and best he tooke himselfe to lead ; thus severall wayes the persians they invade , not feed men ( as the romans ) but in stead they goe to warrs with men of every trade , and women oft are must'red on the plaine , who booty get , then to their house againe . 32. not us'd to camps or train'd in martiall skill , so romans meane to take them unprovided , and alexander thinks to work his will on them that have his embassage derided ; but what event befell to either state , the canto next ensuing will relate . canto xviii . the argument . of archery high hils and romans foyle , alexander 〈◊〉 and comes to rhine , german rebels , and heralds keep a ●oile , describe wee then the emp'rour maximine , this journey puts the romans to much paine , prince alexander is by souldiers slaine . 1. if true or no mammae● was unchast , uncertain is , but so it was proclaim'd ; to make her son a king she was in hast , too many have at such ambition aim'd : our gain by fraud doth alwaies turn to losse , so wee as they come home by weeping-crosse . 2. the persians are esteem'd as archers good in warr , or when they stay at home to feast ; if so it is a meanes to get their food , with bow and shaft they seldome misse wild beast : though alexanders plots were deep and wise , yet fortune favour'd not his enterprise . 3. the formost army through armenia went , so clambring o're each mountaine craggy top , to burn and pillage media they are sent , and persian king their passage seekes to stop ; the steepy hils secure the roman foot , on persian horse to serve it was no boot . 4. in parthia the second army enters , which to the persian king was uncouth newes , if this be got for persia next he venters , another purpose therefore he pursues : some force he left lest media should be lost , then into th' east he goes with mighty host . 5. first roman army doe their march retard , for that the barb'rous folk did not proceed ; they thought their prince advanced with the third it 'h mdidle part as erst it was agreed : there also was a rendezvouz assign'd to keep the prey and pris'ners that they find . 6. but loe a hard disaster here befell , he neither goes himself or army sent ; whether it were he lov'd himself too well , or that his mother fond , crost his intent , to keep him still at home her wit she bends ▪ which brought them both unto their dismall ends . 7. the army that the barb'rous country entred , through want of his reserve were all defeated ; but for the hope of that they had not ventred , by too much confidence thus being cheated : the persians run upon them unaware , and they like birds were taken in a snare . 8. they were too few so many to repell , to stand upon their guard they now contrive , and think they have themselves acquitted well , if so they may but keep themselves alive ; their targets joyn'd while cloud of arrowes fell , but compast round like bees within a hive , receiving grievous wounds and deadly paine , with brave resistance , every man was slain . 9. this to the romans was a heavy crosse , of better men remaineth no record , young alexander much laments the losse , and souldiers tax him deep for breach of word ; the persian puft doth beare aloft his crest , but * he with griefe and sicknesse is opprest . 10. heat of the clime he could no longer brook , nor yet illyrians bred in moister aire , them and the rest along with him he tooke , then unto antioch maketh his repaire ; for better fortune now he must not looke , both he and those remain'd were in despaire : his army perish'd thus that was three fold , with sword and sicknesse or the mountaines cold . 11. to antioch come fresh fountaines , cooler aire , in better state of health did him restore , his credit lost he labour'd to repaire , to souldiers left of coyne he gave great store ; this was he knew the way to get him praise , and chiefest help an army new to raise ; 12. for so he must if persians them pursue , but newes he heares their king his men dismist , though his were slain it also was as true , the barb'rous folk to follow had no list : of multitudes their number did abate , for romans sold their lives at dearest rate . 13. their number not their valour overcame , as now was plain by keeping home in quiet , yet alexander followes on his game at antioch with frolicking and riot ; the persians eke are tender of their lives , ay ▪ loving home their children and their wives . 14. while thus he staid illyrian posts came hether , and message brought how germans past the rhine : this suddaine newes perplext him more then ever , to heare the northern rebels lewd designe ; he all must lose , or make hast , chuse him whether , and bring his force e're more of them combine : they havock make , great cities burne and villages , and round about the country sacks and pillages . 15. this tale him vext and eke illyrians griev'd , their fellowes late in persia put to slaughter , ( he staid behind that should have them relieved ) and now their friends by germans shortly after ; they were at him exceedingly enraged , that them betrai'd when they for him engaged . 16. now alexander italy doth feare , ill●ria was for that the only ba●r ; the eastern nations seldome of it heate . disjoyned both by sea and land so farr ; to make new warr the time doth him constraine , though he had rather stay then take the pain . 17. yet now ( though loth ) he makes an expedition , his forts and sconces fortifies at home . then northward goes to make due inquisition ; and when his souldiers all a●e to him come , encampeth on the river banks of rhyne , then bridge of ships and barges doth assigne . 18. o're rhyne and ister men in summer sayle , the channels of them both are deep and broad , but in the winter froze with snow and haile , and ice so thick they beare a mighty load ; to carry water , pitchers they have none , but hewes out ice , and beares it like a stone . 19. this army had some regiments of moores and goodly band of archers from the east , with parthian fugitives run from their doores , all these the german people much infest ; the nimble * moores at distance cast their darts , and archers hit their naked heads or harts . 20. but when it came to blowes the germans were not much inferior to the roman foot , which alexander put in grievous feare , who offred peace with store of coin to boot ; the germans alwaies greedy are of ghelt , well known to him that thus their pulses felt . 21. and he himselfe was weary of the warr , which made him thus assay to buy his peace ; the souldiers from this bargaine were as farr they sought for gallant service more then ease : his mind ( say they ) is more of masques and revels then to correct the barb'rous german rebels . 22. now in this army was one maximine , borne at a village neer the inmost thrace , in younger yeares he was a shepherds swaine , but afterwards became of comely grace ; he chosen was to serve in troope of horse , where he improved well in skill and force . 23. command of townes and armies he obtain'd , and now by alexander so imploy'd , nought wanting from the noble youth remain'd , to learn of him they all were overjoy'd ; by sleight and gifts he doth their favour gain , they all were linkt to him as in a chain . 24. panonians most were those of younger sort for prowesse that doe maximine regard , they shew the matter now was not in sport ; yet alexander still his mothers ward , how he inclin'd to revell and to feast , and lost his expedition in the east . 25. nor ought materiall ' gainst the germans done ▪ these things they often had in repetition , upon an other point they also run , none for the empire stood in competition ▪ or fitter then their fellow maximine to end the work upon the river rhyne . 26. resorting thus into the field in arms , when maximine to traine them was addrest , they emp'rour him 〈◊〉 with fresh alarms , and then with purple robe doe him invest , which he threw off ; my friends , quoth he , forbeare , till hi●● to kill he heard them vow and sweare . 27. if he refuse : now if this were a plot , uncertain is , and resteth still in doubt ; yet they resolve , though it were so or not the soveraigne rule he must not be without : then faineth he , this oracle's foretold , so doth submit and will the empire hold . 28. and since the army needs will have it so , before the rumour shall abroad be spred , or that alexander may come to know , they shall surprise him though it be in bed ; his guard that knowes not what is done in field must give consent or be compell'd to yield . 29. with donatives he doth the souldiers cheer , and promis'd them a double share of corn , then forth to alexander much in feare he leads them on as ' gainst a man forlorne ; who manly leapt out of his royall tent , yet wept and trembl'd all the way he went ; 30. accusing maximine as most ungrate for honours done him , perjur'd and disloyall ; the souldiers rage he strives to mittigate , of his amends they shall have open triall : the guards that was about him sweare devoutly they will assist him and defend him stoutly . 31. when night was past and maximine at hand , alexander came back into the plain ; but when he saw of foes a mighty band ▪ he minds the romans of his gentle raigne , and prayes them arm to vindicate his right ; some griev'd , some pitti'd him , but none would fight : 32. some wish'd the praefect and his courtiers might receive the meed of their deserved blame ; some said this blow should on his mother light , that souldiers scanted , and debas'd his fame ; while thus they parlie , what was wrong or right , maximines army to perswade them came : they wish'd them leave this puny prince and mother , for skill in arms they now had chose another . 33. then as they vote for emp'rour maximine , back alexander went unto his tent , reproving sore his mothers lewd designe ; but now it seems too late he did repent . his deaths man he expecteth out of hand , for maximine the tribunes doth command 34. to put them both unto a sudden death , with all their friends and such as did resist ; they rusht into his tent and stopt the breath of all save few that by escape they mist : yet they were apprehended shortly auter , and added to the former bloudy slaughter . 35. this end had both the mother and the son , a gentle prince of mild and temp'rate raigne ; his edict was , none should to death be done except the law did first inflict the paine : his rule and he much longer might have lasted , had not his mother thus his honour blasted . the end of the sixth book . the seventh book . canto xix . the argument . magnus quartinus prince against his will , a trick the traytor macedon to coole , romans and germans are at battell still , they fight like mad men in a durty poole ; maximine cruell by informing dolts . at rome they are devout , africk revolts . 1. you see the fatall end of these two brothers , how pride and lucre taught them to aspire ; which also brought confusion to their mothers , who for that purpose did with them conspire : yet time nor death we see of foe or frend instructs our lives or manners to amend . 2. the fourteen years of former gentle raign receiv'd a strange and sudden alteration , for maximine that caus'd them to be slain , was low of birth and barb'rous education ; by bloud he meant the scepter to maintaine , no whit asham'd of his assassination : he knew the senate lik'd not his proceeding , but would despise the basenesse of his breeding . 3. right well they knew he was a shepherd bred , then for his active strength a souldier prest ; so fortune meerly by the hand him led thus in the roman empire to invest : his spleen and cunning shortly he disclos'd , and all the ancient senate discompos'd , 4. with other officers , upon pretence they knew not how to govern in their places ; to rome they must , he quickly packt the ●mence , and alexanders servants eke disgraces : the nobles gone he set afoot his tyranny with souldiers aid , and plotted further villany . 5. a chance there hapt which made him much more keen , some captaines and the senat did conspire : a noble man there was that hight * quartine , and consull once , him most of them desire ; he to this emp'rour was accus'd in briefe , how with his friends he dealt to make him chiefe . 6. when maximine the soveraignty had got , by deeds of arms the souldiers to confirm , he built a bridge , and thus was laid the plot , or at the least some so much did affirme ; that from the germans he might not returne , magnus devis'd they should it cut or burne . 7. * he chosen was for skill in those affaires , which alexander did too much neglect ; but he his army trained to the warrs , and they for action him doe most affect : the river was so broad and deep of mire when this was done , he could not back retire . 8. but to the barb'rous folk must be betrai'd , now if this rumour feigned was or true , it was enough for him it so was said , and such as was suspected soon did rue ; for without processe they were forthwith slain , or other plea that did thereto pertaine . 9. the osroen archers first this work began , magnas was one of alexanders frends , for whom they griev'd , to him therefore they ran of late dismist , whom they will make amends ; they give him fatall robe and carry fire , and him to be their emp'rour they desire . 10. of this before he neither thought or knew , then shortly after sleeping in his tent his friend macedon most unmanly slew , he captaine was , and first that did assent ; yet now as he to maximine was true , quartinus head he forthwith did present , and he as glad to see him made away , but macedon must for the reck'oing pay . 11. instead of thanks he as the author chiefe , was put to death , and had deserved end , who now appear'd a murth'rer and a thiefe , that first rebell'd , then kill'd his dearest friend : these matters to the fire added fuell , though maximine himselfe was fierce and cruell . 12. a mighty bulke he had and visage grim , nor greek or barb'rous might with him compare ; he leads his army o're the bridge with him , and on the germans makes a cruell warr , with darters , archers , roman● and armenians , parthian fugitives and captiv'd attrenians . 13. this masse confus'd by alexander raked , was now encreas'd and trained well to fight ; moresco darters little more then naked , and archers shew the germans cunning slight : they nimbly start to work their vvarrlike feats , then back into the grosse as quick retreats . 14. though corne and harvest ready was for sickle , the barb'rous people fled and none resisted ; their buildings apt to fire are dwellings fickle , he burnt and pillag'd whatsoe're he listed : the germans rarely build with stone or bricks , but little sheds laid o're with boards and sticks . 15. thus ravadg'd he and burnt the fields amaine , and gave the souldiers cattell for their prey ; the barb'rous left the champaigne and the plaine , then to the boggs and vvoods they hast away ; there skulk and vvatch advantage meet to take , and when they see their time eruptions make . 16. here trees will break the arrowes force and darts , and boggs unknown the romans dare not venter ; but these more skilfull in those wilder parts , and swimmers good doe make no bones to enter ▪ the fight begins which turned to their smarts , more boggy poole was not above the center ; the souldiers wish for open field and large , yet maximine most bravely gives the charge . 17. he plung'd amongst them to the horses belly , the barb'rous folk resist and stoutly fight ▪ but some he kils and some he treads to jelly ; his men asham'd he was so fouly dight , leapt after him into this durty meare , then both sides slash and limbs in pieces teare . 18. the roman prince in person bravely fought , barbarians most were kill'd in mud and sand : the purpled fenns with bloud so interwrought , it seem'd a ghastly sea-fight on the land ; yet afterwards his honours came to nought , though troops he led and grapled hand to hand : this battell roman senate had by letter , and eke by pourtrait to discern it better . 19. soone after that this brave exploit had end , then did this champion stout without comparison his boot and pris'ners ( in panonia ) send to sirmion where he kept his vvinter garison , and there prepar'd his force against the spring , at his dispose the barb'rous folk to bring . 20. a vvarriour brave and likely to subdue , and at the utmost ocean set his rest vvith glory great , but for the bloudy crew that did the roman people so molest : vvhat better he the barb'rous folk to kill , vvhen they at rome the bloud of subjects spill ? 21. informers base not only were permitted , but whetted on good men to circumvent , and crimes ript up ( perhaps not true ) committed , vvhen former princes had the government : so hard their ●ap convicted by this egging , some lost their lives , some rich men went a begging . 22. this he pretends was for his souldiers pay , his eares were ope to ev'ry false surmise , both consuls and commanders hal'd away . vicegeren●s eke , with rich men and the vvise ; informers had admittance night and day , o're east , vvest , north and south they doe revise ; some stript of their estates some others baff'ld , some banisht were , some did upon a scaffold . 23. so long as this to private men extends , and doth not trench upon a gen'rall nation , the commons seldome mourne the great mens ends , deprav'd through envy , tax or molestation ; therefore they stir not , but the matter slighted , and are withall exceeding much delighted . 24. but maximine with this was not content , to take the nobles goods and lives withall , he from the common stock will force a rent , and treasure seize laid up in their guild hall ; the city store , when deare the market growes , to buy them corne or grace their solemn showes . 25. he sacred donaries from temples took , with statues of the gods and ancient * heroes to melt for coyne he rifled every nook , with horrid facts as ill or worse then neroes ; this caus'd their sores to rancle and to fester , they now in earnest saw he was no jester . 26. all o're the city was a mournfull cry to see things pillag'd , * sacred and prophane ; no forraign force to rob or make them die , and yet their holy altars brought to bane : this sacriledg ingendred so much hate , whole countries now began to execrate . 27. the souldiers also doe not take it well , for that their friends and kinsfolks them upbraid , though all might take occasion to rebell ; from gods above they yet implored aid , desiring them to make their grievance lesse , as being loth to force their own redresse . 28. for three yeares space he us'd this bloudy traffick , but tyrants raigne is fickle and unstable , revolt and tumult now began in africk ▪ of false promoters thither got a rabble ; at carthage one exceeds in his opinion , for that he was become the emp'rours minion . 29. indulgent most he to his checquer friends , if any just they leane against their will , lesse honest they more fit to serve his ends , their neighbours goods and lives withall to spill : young gentlemen and citizens not rare , this african had got within his snare . 30. some at their sentence are extremely griev'd , yet promise large their forfeit to redeem , meane while contrive how they may be reliev'd , and to the procurator friendly seem ; the country clownes they gaine into their plot , who come and hide the weapons they have got . 31. together come they make a mighty troop , for africa was populous of * boors ; when day was come they did no songer droop , but cheerfully advancing out of doores , the gentlemen command not yet to act , lest souldiers hinder their intended fact. 32. the gallants in their bosoms hide their daggers , to pay the promis'd money they pretend ; but instantly the procurator staggers , for him they slew and brought to sudden end : as souldiers draw their swords to rescue knaves the country men resist with clubs and staves . 33. they laid about and put them all to flight , which done the gentlemen resolve in fine to stand it out if it were wrong or right : and thus they pitch upon a high design ; the governour must now be of their faction , they purpose to imbark him in this action . 34. the commons eke they stirr up to rebell , and apt they are save fear of maximine ; they march whereas the governour did dwell , proconsull he at age of seventy nine , one gordian well seen in state affa'res , the fittest man to ease them of their cares . 35. they have good hope of roman peers assent this to conferr , his other acts to crowne ; he noble was by birth , of high descent , and best deserv'd the place of chiefe renown : while thus of weighty matters they dispose , he kept at home intending his repose . 36. these gallants with this traine and naked swords , came where this good old man on couch did rest , they him salute by faire and gentle words , and so with purple robe anon they him invest ; he stirrs about as then the time affords , beseeching them they will not him molest , but give unto their soveraigne what was due , and spare his life that no extortion knew . 37. but gordian they doe the more importune , who all this while was in a fearfull maze ; they will him to accept this present fortune , as he upon this tumult stood at gaze : the chiefe of them stept out with sword in hand , as in the canto next you 'l understand . canto xx. the argument . gordian chose , then followes private slaughter , capellian gives to africans defeate prince gordian and his father dies soon after , joves temple romans chuse their lawes to treat , two consuls rule the senate doe desire , commotion rais'd and rome is set on fire . 1. let me not have the vulgar for my judge , though maximine deserv'd what they intend , yet oft we see when they begin to grudg , good rulers chance upon as fatall end ; of late i told you gordian was afraid , next heare the speech that unto him was made : 2. good sir , quoth one , two dangers you inclose , the first at hand as wee the case doe put , the latter time hereafter may disclose , chuse now if you in pieces will be cut , or rather to our motion straight incline , to quell that hideous traytor maximine . 3. this all your former noble acts will crown , more honour gaine you from the roman nation ; but if denied , we kill and strike you downe , you may believe our solemn protestation : the procurator hath his due reward , and wee shall smart if we doe once retard . 4. wee for his barb'rous sharking have him slain , no hope of pardon therefore we expect , you shall th' imperiall dignity attaine , if you consent to what we did project ; so you and we shall both escape the blame , and purchase to our selves immortall fame . 5. this said , the rest impatient of delay , proclaime him prince without procrastination ; though coy at first ( with age ) as worne away , yet soon they see a little reluctation : he cals them friends , and bids them not to feare , at their request the scepter he will weare . 6. and hereupon the africans rebell , put gordians statues up , maximines down ; from thystrum he at carthage went to dwell , was there invested with imperiall crown : this city had fit scite with buildings rare , and next to rome with any might compare . 7. with gallant youths he bravely was attended , and laurell rods with fire before him borne , that rome could not the matter well have mended , all africa held maximine in scorne : now gordian writes to private friends and peers , whom they accept , and gladly him reveres . 8. to souldiers and to commons he was kind , both mild and just he thus began his raign ; informers run or smart that stay behind , then he commands vitalian shall be slain ; a bloudy monster that remain'd at rome , to maximine a base officious gro'me . 9. vitalian was praetorian praefect ; and lest he should be crosse to his design , some daring youths he sent to this effect , with letters seal'd as if from maximine : when he in closet was these letters reading , they should him stab , not once the matter pleading . 10. the chance was right , they found him all alone , to shew their writs , and as he view'd the seales , they gave the stab which made him sigh and groan , then made escape , for none the fact reveales ; those that attended neither stop nor strike , for maximine did use to doe the like . 11. such tokens oft he sent to dearest friends , the youths now hast unto the sacred way to tell the message gordian to them sends , then aid from consuls and the people pray : they give it out that maximine is slaine , which newes is lik'd , for all detest his raigne . 12. distracted like men ran upon these aires ; maximnies honor'd statues were defaced ; the people to the senate now repaires , and gordian with his son as emp'rours graced : ' mongst base informers these great havock makes , their agents trail'd and thrown into the jakes . 13. some guiltlesse perish'd in these civill bro●les , some houses rifle , and their neighbours plunder , some freedome cry , yet stirr up new garboiles , in time of peace this bred the greater wonder ; sabinus them to quiet took great pains , yet they with clubs dasht out his aged brains . 14. while commons rage the senate looke about , newes came how maximine was yet alive ; they send unto the provinces throughout , and for their safety doe with them contrive , perswading that they will to them adheare him to depose who kept them all in feare . 15. their embassage was welcome unto most , then all the catchpole officers were slain , whole provinces revolt through every coast , except some few that maximine did gain to kill the posts that first the newes ●omented , or send them to him to be worse tormented . 16. though first the newes did nettle to the quick , he seem'd not yet the matter to regard ; some daies he studied to devise a trick with counsell how the plot might be debarr'd : this accident some said fell in the nick , yet of his spies they kept good watch and ward ; with speech compos'd as pen could well direct , he to his * army spake to this effect : 17. newes somewhat strange i shall to you relate , yet not so strange as moving unto laughter , warrs raised are against you out of hate ; not germans who you oft have put to slaughter , or yet the nations bord'ring on the east , but carthage will promote a doting beast . 18. to act a king they have advanc'd a cripple , what discipline , but dances , jiggs and quips ; what weathercocks eke the roman people , appeareth by their failings and their slips ; though traiterously they have vitalian slain , when we approach their projects are in vain . 19. no marvell if my continence displease , and valiant acts reputed are as cruell ; debauched deeds suits better with their ease , and he for this accounted is a jewell : the man of whom they make so great bravado , is gordian that puft-past titulado . 20. ' gainst such as these we are to make defence , the name of warr is epithete unmeet ; for if we once doe march away from hence , with olive branch they fall down at our feet , or run away to shun the fatall blow , that i their goods upon you may bestow . 21. this said with many thundring execrations , with stern disdaine full looks and tragick action , for italy he makes his proclamations to quell the city , senate and their faction ; then gives unto the souldiers double pay , and forward march'd upon the second day . 22. romans , germans , confed'rates and allies , with engins eke ' gainst barb'rous folke prepar'd he took with him , recruiting his supplies ; yet slowly march'd through passage rough and hard , upon panonians chiefly he relies , who him proclaim'd and was his trusty guard : his title to secure and their own ease , he them commands on italy to seize . 23. newes unexpected now from carthage came , which in this journey maximine o'retook ; capellian meant to free himselfe from blame , numidian * charge he had to overlook , which he attain'd by maximines good grace , but gordian late discharg'd him of his place . 24. an ancient grudg betwixt them long had been , he therefore relisht this affront in scorne , more expert souldiers no where to be seen , who long against barbarians arms had borne ; to carthage wals he brought them well arraid , which made old gordian piteously afraid . 25. the citizens send out tumultuous crew , and chose the yonger gordian for their chiefe , bred up in sports , their discipline was new , yet what they could they got for their reliefe : this sudden fright great hurly burly makes , some daggers wore , some clubs , and some had stakes . 26. numidians good horsemen were and darters , the carthages were quickly put to rout ; they make such hast outrunning all their quarters , that treading one another under foot , such numbers fell in heapes upon the ground , some nobles and the prince could not be found . 27. the women cry and make a grievous moan , numidians there children kill and mangle , both old and young were heard to sigh and groan , old gordian ( in bed ) himselfe did strangle , who honour had till now and many a friend , thus he and eke his son came to their end . 28. capellian temples robb'd and nobles slew , as if it were in maximines defence ; yet secretly he souldiers to him drew , lest maximine miscarry farr from thence : when as these dismall newes in rome was told , both day and night they consultation hold . 29. joves temple was the seat where they consult , in sacred place they doe his aid implore , then after counsell this was their result : two famous men must still this great uprore , as to and fro the senate reason thus , they albine chuse with colleague maximus . 30. but yet the commons mean to make a broile , and seek this new election how to choke ; with stones and staves and clubs they keep a coile , nor will submit unto this double yoke : the gordian line they will not have secluded , though with a wile the senate them deluded . 31. old gordians daughter had a little boy , which some lift up and carry through the croud ; his name once known the people shout for joy , and him young caesar they proclaim aloud : the storm thus past they fall to mirth and solace , meane while the two elect march'd to the palace . 32. another mischiefe follow'd on the neck , some souldiers that belong'd to maximine , at senate prest , and had unlook'd for check , by list'ning how the senate did incline : those that unarmed plaid this simple part , two senators * did stabb unto the h'art , 33. the rest that were of this combined band to save their lives betook themselves to flight , then gallican came forth with bloudy hand , pursue , quoth he , let vengeance on them light ; some people kill with clubs , some stare and stamp , some pelt with stones and cha●e them to the camp. 34. the souldiers now prepare to man their wals , and gallican in rome doth raise commotion ; on publike armories the people fals , there 's none of them but relish well the motion : some come with swords , some speares and battleaxes , and now or never think to quit their taxes . 35. the souldiers skilfull drive the commons back , and wounding some the rest seek to retreat , which soone perceiv'd they mean to hold them tack , so ope their gates and give them whole defeat ; they actors kill'd and some that were spectators , and ' mongst the rest were slain the gladiators . 36. this did the roman senate much enrage , they councell call , then arm a gallant crew , and maximus with them doth first engage , yet souldiers of his men great numbers slew : albinus sends an edict forth in hast to make them friends , and pardon what is past . 37. both parties scorne to yield to this decree , the commons chokt the springs that serv'd the camp , a worse devise then this there could not be ; but now the souldiers angry cuds doe champ , then forth they rush and fight till all retire , and in pursuit they set great rome on fire . 38. to stop the flame both rich and poor turmoile , some carry hooks , some water conduits turne , but yet the souldiers load themselves with spoile , though innocents within the houses burne ; thus did this raging fire without all pity , more houses burn then would have made a city . 39. while thus at rome these fatall broiles arise , in italy doth maximine arive ; at altars oft he did his sacrifice , and hopes his presence there shall make him thrive : how he and his adhaerents came to fare , the canto next ensuing will declare . the end of the seventh book . the eighth book . canto xxi . the argument . scouts and maximines souldiers good aray , of ema , alps , aquileia wee define , crispinus next then message wee display unto aquileia sent by maximine , crispinus speech , god bell , assault in vain , the romans prudence , maximine is slain . 1. vvhen grace doth want , no strength can along availe , no confidence in charrets or in horses ; now maximines great boasts begin to faile , though he was mighty both in bulk and forces : our projects and our plots grow out of season , when once the will prevailes above our reason . 2. yet gins he sets in ev'ry nook and angle , and pries in bottomes for the ambuscadoes ; he casts his legions into form quadrangle , to circumvent his enemies bravadoes : himself and guard doe follow in the rear , his horse compleatly arm'd with shield and spear . 3. moresco darters , archers of the east , his german horse he marshall'd in the front ; the shock at first to undergoe at least , both grim and fierce they were to ' bide the b●unt : by this you see it was his drift and scope , to place barbarians in the forlorn hope . 4. in battell-ray they marched o're the plaine , and at the city ema did arrive ; but all the dwellers thence to fly were fain , as having little hope therein to thrive : they temples burnt with gates and all the rest , and no provision left for man or beast . 5. full glad was bulky maximine of this , he thought the rest for fear would make him way ; the souldiers pincht with want yet did not misse , but marched to the * alps by break of day : then feare of ambush made them slack their pace , and cause they had to doubt that steepy place . 6. but when they past the alpes without●en stop . they paeans sing * with joy and merry cheare , for maximine discerned from the top th' italians fled , possest with panick feare ; successe , quoth he , must needs to us redound , now they forsake the vantage of the ground . 7. aquileia * yet against them shut her gates , to which panonians gave a fierce assault ; but they ( by speares and stones ) with broken pates ( and arrow shot ) give back and make a halt : when maximine his stoutest men forsake it , himselfe makes hast to try if he could take it . 8. this city was both populous and great , to all the coasts a famous towne of mart , who thither brought commodities and meat , from sea and land by industry or art ; provision thus arriving at their shore , besides their own invited strangers store . 9. the villagers for safetie thither fled , some to their friends , and some to get reward , of multitudes thus was the city sped , their gates they close and wals doe bravely guard ; two noble consuls * were in stead of liege , that made provision for a lasting siege . 10. both springs they had and river by their wall instead of which , which serv'd for great defence ; a court of warr now maximine doth call , and message did propound to send from thence ; these men , quoth he , are souldiers good and tall , wee therefore must infatuate their sence : he captaines had whose children were within , these men he sends and they their speech begin ; 11. how maximine their soveraigne liege and lord doth will them lay down arms to live in peace , he as a friend is ready to accord , will former faults remit and give release ; them to destroy by him is much abhorr'd , from countries ruine if they yet will cease : he knowes withall your loving inclination , and doth believe 't is others instigation . 12. this neer the wals was told by his commity , and they above doe give attentive ear ; crispinus doubting they within the city might ope their gates , surpriz'd with sudden fear , he runs about and doth them all adjure , beseeching them with patience to endure , 13. and bravely for your countrey fight in barr , ' gainst tyrants pride and his alluring words ; far better is the fortune of the warr freedome to gain by your victorious swords : although they seem the stronger in your view , great numbers oft are vanquished by few . 14. men fight in others quarrell with lesse h'art , no glory get yet undergoes the danger : but each of you in this have equall part to save your own not injuring a stranger : resist them bravely on these certaine grounds , for to your selves this victory redounds . 15. crispinus thus ( of reverend aspect ) with eloquence the burgers to perswade , that they might seem the agents to neglect , and arm themselves the tyrant to degrade ; the entrailes promise faire as say their * sages , much credit give italians to presages . 16. of oracles besides they make report , their patriall god some * bel , some call apollo ; the * souldiers said they saw him oft resort , and fighting in the sky their troops to follow : if this they said that they might not be * shent , once foil'd the brute was clear'd by the event . 17. the agents thus come back without successe , and maximine in choler maketh speed , a river broad and deep was in excesse , the bridges broke his cumber more to breed ; this river like their own some germans dream that made attempt , but perish'd in the stream . 18. his army he intrench'd to shun surprise , for want of barge another course is taken ; to build a bridg his engineers devise , with empty casks they found in townes forsaken : and these to fetch away his horsemen gallops , which being bound together float like shallops . 19. this work to see himselfe took great delight , so past his army over neer the city , out-vines and orchards made a gallant sight , which souldiers burnt devoid of shame or pity ; encamping them from danger of their borders , he frames his squadrons into severall orders . 20. assault was given after one daies rest , they shoot and sling and barter camisadoes ; both parts endeavour now to doe their best , on every side the wall they make scaladoes ; aquileians also brave resistance make , for city , lives , and all are at the stake . 21. the suburb buildings all were haled downe , and engins framed on the timber work ; now maximine begins to rage and frown , such deadly feud doth in his bosome lurk : to rome ( because this city him withstood ) he will not goe but thorow streams of blood . 22. he and his son young caesar ride about , and promises the souldiers great reward , whom from the towne with stones they pelt and clout , nor doe their numbers any thing regard : on those that scale the wall and passe the ditch they from above poure down hot scalding pitch . 23. their bodies scorch'd , their armour off they strip , the liquor scalded so without remorse , despoyled so they tasted of the whip , by nimble wit more then by open force ; they also fir'd their engins and their carts with brands of pitch and rosin sharp as darts . 24. both sides with equall terror fought awhile , but soone the souldiers to assault are slack ; unequall number did them first beguile , till thus the town had beat them bravely back ; and maximine that lately made such vaunts , he and his son are scoff'd with bitter taunts . 25. but when he saw he could not have his will , in rage he waxt and bristled like a bore , some of his captaines he commands to kill , the rest ere long doe mean to quit the score ; the bloudy deeds which he hath done of late , from both sides now engender equall hate . 26. aquileians stored were for man and beast . but maximines were pinched sore with want : they spoil'd the fruits which now would be a feast , for all provision grew exceeding scant : the romans also had so blockt the way , that famine much encreased every day . 27. some nobles eke were by the senate sent port-townes to guard , and every neighbour coast , that maximine could know how nothing went at rom● , where he intends to rule the roast ; encumb●red thus he doth his choller vent , but this was it which him perplexed most , he could not take the town with all his art , nor get to rome for want of barg and cart. 28. in italy the people all conspire , barbarians eke in east and in the south ; the souldiers too provoked are to ire , and all on him exclaim with open mouth ; their drink was such as came from durt and mire they water want to satisfie their drouth : dead carkasses polluted had the river , for they that lost their lives were thrown in thither . 29. the army now in this extream distresse , and maximine reposing in his tent , because they saw no hope to have redresse , some souldiers of the camp unto him went ; for famine had them brought so lean and meaguer , that they resolve to quit this pinching leaguer . 30. and this to doe , no better way they find then maximine to kill , and eke his son , his guard was also privie to their mind , thus all agreed this happy deed was done ; their carkasses exposed were to scorn , and both their heads forthwith to rome were born . 31. their government deserved had no lesse , his pictures now and ensigns they doe teare ; those being dead that did them sore oppresse , both italy and they were void of feare : thus came this bloudy tyrant to his end , that did the roman state in pieces rend . 32. the army thowas struck into amaze , all were not pleas'd at this their sudden action , pannonians and the thracians came apace ; yet when they see the most were of this faction , to say the plot was right they thought it best , and made a shew of joy with all the rest . canto xxii . the argument . newes came that caus'd a jubile at rome , triumphant embassage comes next in play , maximus and albinus dreadfull doome , who first are stript and beaten by the way ▪ praetorian souldiers did this wicked deed , and gordian caesar placed in their steed . 1. if good men fall we pity them at least , not so when tyrants have deserved end ; good conscience maketh up a daily feast , but horror to the guilty god doth send : as maximine so all that run his race , must die detested , infamous and base . 2. the souldiers laying now aside their arms , like men of peace goe boldly to the city ▪ the tyrant dead they doubt no more alarms , as friends , say they , accept of us for pity ; the captaines yet this motion doe reject , and shew them pictures of the three elect , 3. adorn'd with laurell crownes in open view , whom they revere with joyfull acclamations , and wish'd the souldiers to ag●ize their due , so roman senate make their proclamations : if you expect to have our free accords , you must receive them for your soveraigne lords . 4. this said , they gave them market on the wals , which they embrace with glad and willing h'arts , of wine and bread and sustenance not small ; aquileia stored was from severall parts , apparell , shooes , of nothing they were scant , this souldiers wan regarding their own want . 5. they saw there was no hope to bide the siege , but famine rather likely to befall ; well satisfied they were with their new liege ▪ and pa●ly friendly neer the city wall : thus peace and warr appeared both at once , the gates yet shut they lodg in camp and sconce . 6. thus at * aquileia while these matters past , some posts to rome were sent with tyrants head , with laurels in their hands the people hast , shouting for joy that maximine is dead ; and by the way the emp'rours new elect were raising force the outrage to correct . 7. some aid of ancient love the germans sent , thus they a mighty host did then prepare ; but both their heads the messengers present , and tell them how this labour they may spare ; take part with romans now the army me'nt , and honour those whom senate did declare : at this good newes they make the altars smoak for vict'ry got not striking once a stroak . 8. when maximus had done his sacrifice , two knights on lances both the head● doe beare once come to rome , the gladsome people rise , and jubile proclaime for that whole yeare ▪ none can expresse their 〈◊〉 of joy ▪ for tyrants death that did their 〈◊〉 annoy . 9. they cluster thick into the publike * cirque , whole * hecatombs albinus sacrific'd , the magistrates and nobles went to kirke , they now appeare that were before disguis'd ; for feare to lose their beads they cease to moan ; the axe that threatned theirs had lost its own . 10. thus posts and heralds sent with laurell brance to every coast and province round about , with holiday at rome they leap and dance ; then marcheth maximus the marshes out ravenia * from , the aquileians he greets , and past the place where seven channels * meets . 11. the aquileians ope their gates discharg'd of bands , prime agents come from all the cities round , with vestures * white , and laurels in their hands ; their guardian gods with massie gold were crown'd , these images were bought with goods and lands , and now amongst the donaries were found . thus maximus they doe congratulate , and green leaves on him heap a sign * of state . 12. the souldiers also met like men of peace , but their submit was through accommodation , their spoile and plunder being like to cease , he being dead that serv'd their inclination ; when maximus had done his sacrifice , he to the army spake as was the guise : 13. to joyn with romans now the sweet you find , a joyfull peace instead of warr and hate ; besides you save the oath that did you bind , the mist'ry sacred of the roman state ; long may you keep these benefits in mind , and not be mov'd to stirr up new debate : but give to them and us all due content , whom they have chose for worth and high descent . 14. to empire none hath patrimoniall right , but you and wee are joynt administrators ; the city is indeed an empresse bright , both peers and commons ought to weigh these matters : if you your selves as liege men doe contain , we shall to you return our care againe . 15. you flourish shall and have a happy peace , the provinces about you will have truce , all hazard of your lives and goods shall cease , by your example all of these conduce ; wee being two that undergoe the load , shall quiet all domestick and abroad . 16. wee shall assistance give to one another , nor think revenge against you will be sought , both rome and we will love you as a brother , perdy you did but what commanders taught : let all that 's past betwixt us be forgotten , and live in league when tyrant's dead and rotten . 17. thus said , he promis'd them a large amends then at aquilea makes a short repose , from thence he went to rome to meet his friend , part of his army to their station goes ; the pikemen of his guard attend him must , and german aids in whom he most did trust . 18. he nobly govern'd when he had that place ; now when he made his entry into rome , albinus and young caesar came apace , both peers and commons bid him welcome home ; some give him gifts with due congratulations , him all receive with joyfull acclamations . 19. thus for a while they govern'd well and right , and all the common people were content ; but souldiers cankred hearts were full of spight at their appla●●e that were of high descent : the germans in their office were not idle , kept as they thought their insolence to bridle . 20. their * outrages confronted thus , they feare lest some such traine severus erst invented might quite degrade them and their bands cashiere , or the germans for that place indented ; wherefore at solemne feasts * capitoline , where sports & shewes were grac'd with cates & wine , 21. they to the palace run in bedlam rage , and will the good old emperours surprise , though they in all the rest were grave and sage , 'bout soveraign rule to strive they were not wise : albinus double consull least despaires , and maximus for skill in state-affaires . 22. for birth and worth 't was hard to find a best , and each to yeeld to other were as loth ; but yet their strife in this unwise contest was ruine and destruction to them both : maximus heard praetorians were the jury , and sends for german guards to stop their fury . 23. although they both in danger were of murther , and that these troops the traytors might have match'd , albinus wils they shall proceed no further , lest he alone should be the man dispatch'd ; for well he knew they maximus adore , ' cause he their province rul'd so well before . 24. praetorians therefore he would not represse , so uncontrouled is the hand of fate , but said the germans would himselfe suppresse , and maximus invest in soveraign state : while this impa●iance kept them at a bay , the souldiers come and doore keepers give way . 25. the good old men they hale out of the court , and raging mad doe barb'rously intreat 'em ; they teare their cloths in most unseemly sort , then pull their beards and by the way doe beate 'em : if of these crimes us any one convinces , these are ( say they ) but senatorian princes . 26. to th' camp they hurried them through mid'st of city , intending not to kill them in the palace , but torture them alive without all pity , for greater paine , and more to shew their malice ; but fearing now the guards would pay their coats , who came amaine , they cut the emp'rours throats . 27. whom baffled thus with all kind of despite , their corps into the open way they threw , then held * up gordian caesar in their sight , and said to him the princely throne is due ; wee kill'd but those whom commons so rejected , and in their stead young gordian have elected . 28. he nephew is to elder gordian , whom they and nobles forc'd to be our prince , you cannot say there was a better man that rul'd us long before or ever since ; so taking him to th' camp to lodg and diet , they lockt their gates and after this were quiet . 29. the germans find the massacre is ended , and think it best to make a faire retreat , since what is done and past cannot be mended , they being dead for whom they were in heat ; these emp'rours both were gloriously descended , the which praetorians thus did kill and beat : and now young gordian aged thirteen year , began his raign and rul'd the roman sphear . 30. the fate of twenty caesars here at full presented is , the rest may have the chance to wake some other pen , for mine growes dull , nor can my ruder lines their fame advance ; i told you at the first i had no skill , yet hope you may accept of my good will. 31. with care they got a crown upon their head , and here you see how dismall were their ends sacrce three of them did die upon their beds , a warning good to me and all my friends : if you be pleas'd , for more i doe not look , in love to you this taske i undertooke . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a43431-e900 * herodian an officer of state. * now austria , and hungarie . * seneca cals sensuality the soveraigne good of beasts * dionysius . * see justin . lib. 24. marcus speech * marcus dies april 17. anno dom. 181. commod's speech . * in venere & ventre . * the greatest river next to nilus . pompeianus speech . * vbi imperator ibi roma . * the captives went before the triumphant chariot ▪ * his description . * built on mount palatine . * lucill● ▪ * the empresse . * his sister ▪ * to command illyria , after called dalmatia , now slavonia . * or agon . * brittish souldiers some say . * their chiefe goddesse . * plin. l. 5. c. 32. * antidote against the plague . * an activity court 〈…〉 speech . proverb . * to a god●esse amongst the romans . * see the l. of s. albans , bisto . centur. 4. proverb . notes for div a43431-e20500 proverb . * a city . electus , laetus , marcia . laetus speech . * sirnamed britanicus for service there . p●rtina● speech . * the like effect of majeste in q. olym. see justin . l. 14. bravery of a roman spirit . * the r●m●n ▪ sate not at tables . * in form of a cestudo . vid. l●●psius de mibit rom. * horse-race of ovall form able to contain 100000 spectators . * their character . * nigers speech . his dreame . a street in rome . * popular rule * their description . quaere gu●d●mar bishop spoletto . * a darke subtle prince . severus speech to the army . * a military exercise . * the furthest northward . the alps. elephants train'd . stratagem . no receipt against feare . his subtlety . severus speech to the praetorians . notes for div a43431-e32960 h's elogy . his censure . he had some feare of the brittaines . herodian writes of 70 years of his own knowledge . his preparation . mount taurus fortified . * now constantinople . his policy . proverb . fessae morocco , formerly mauritania . * called by alexander n●copolis for his victory there . the northern regions most martiall . his plot against albinus . severus speech touching albinus . caesar implye● heire apparant . * this fate had rochel . his watch-word , labore mus . * military mantle . * lauds . * this lost the english to the normans . * lyons in france . severus the greatest conqueror of the world. * herod secular games . in honour of apollo and diana sun and moon . 〈◊〉 securus 〈◊〉 time secu●itatem , s● . ber. he visited mysian and panonian armies ; mysia , now servia and bulgaria . some say his catamite in yonger years . see the 〈…〉 of friendship . forced marriage . plautian the greatest favourite of the world . * had the command of 1000 souldiers . plautians speech . in warm climate people are wise . saturninus to severus . * campania betwixt rome and naples . * augustus dealt so with antonius his sons when he became his enemy . severus sent these into sicily . their elogy . * sword & pike , king & queen of weapons . lost 50000 men in this service . severus dyes of griefe . notes for div a43431-e48620 * deification of an emperour . * a city . * the funerall dance . * constantinople propontick gulph divides both continents . antonine to the senat. * the report was marcus. poyson'd him , but victor says none but lewd persons bele●ved it . they had not the honour of decent funerall . * commodus nephew . * circen sports in honour of neptune . * of the cities * troy. vid. hom ili . l. 23. an ancient kind of funerall . * a hundred oxen . embassage . two generals audentius and macrinus . conjuring . * captaine of 100 men . de luna . see mr selden de diis syris . * collonels . * they feared the parthian more then any nation . * the frame of their battell . notes for div a43431-e58540 macrinus letter . * or generall of the army . quid gens sine mente ? his error . * born in the city emesa . see m. sands description journal , p. 207 * spire . see m. selden de dis syric . sint . c. 1. emesa . * a sea-town in view of constantinople . * by these dances the gentiles intimate that every par● of their body must be imployed to serve their gods . * prophets . * cut into thongs , compast as much ground as contain'd the city . * queen of stars , vid. s●ld . * this was done by ticquets for the receipt . maesa to antonine . * saemis and mammaea . * princely exercise . * a politike lady . notes for div a43431-e65870 * vid. lipsium de magnitudine roman●● . * s●natum . notes for div a43431-e66130 * skilfull in both parts of war , tactick and stratagematick . * at which they used a peacock for a woman , as an eagle for a man. see the fourth book of this history . his elogy . * wore a double diadem . alexanders speech . * euphrates and tygris . sentence . * alexander . pilulae aur●ae best physick for souldiers . * nimble footed . extreme calamities confound the spirit . notes for div a43431-e73400 * magnus quart●nus . * maximine . * or semigods * romans devout . * country people . maximus and albinus . a speech to gordian . maximines speech . * this speech was at s●●mion pen'd by some of his counsell . himselfe ●●literate . * the most southerly province of the roman empire . albinus maximus . * in this combustion they wore private daggers which at other times was not usuall . notes for div a43431-e81410 * seeme to be above the clouds , reach over all italy from tirrhen sea to the ionia bay , now the gulph of veni●● . * lauds and hymns . * the greatest city then of italy , now algar . * crispinus , meniphilus . thence called aq●ilcia . message to the aquiscians . crispinus speech . * diviners . * god bell , vid. selden de dis syr●● . * maximines . * to save their credit being repulst . * of aquileia see plin. lib. 3. c. 18. victoria impulverea . * horse-race yard would contain above 200000. * hundred of beeves . * a sea town belonging to venice . * eridanus and other rivers . see pl● . l. 3. c. 16. * triumphant embassy . * a roman ceremony . maximus speech . * the praetorians . * this feast kept yearly to jove for preserving the capitoll . * of this ceremony vid. pet. pithae adversar . l. 2. c. 6 velleius paterculus his romane historie in two bookes. exactly translated out of the latine edition supervised by ianus gruterus. according to the reformations in such parts of him, in which the latin hath suffered either by time, or negligence in the transcribers of the ablest commenters upon him. and rendred english by sr. robert le grys knt. historiae romanae libri ii. english velleius paterculus, ca. 19 b.c.-ca. 30 a.d. 1632 approx. 340 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 223 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a14316 stc 24633 estc s119054 99854261 99854261 19670 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a14316) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 19670) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 944:1) velleius paterculus his romane historie in two bookes. exactly translated out of the latine edition supervised by ianus gruterus. according to the reformations in such parts of him, in which the latin hath suffered either by time, or negligence in the transcribers of the ablest commenters upon him. and rendred english by sr. robert le grys knt. historiae romanae libri ii. english velleius paterculus, ca. 19 b.c.-ca. 30 a.d. gruterus, janus, 1560-1627. le grys, robert, sir, d. 1635. [16], 430, [2] p. printed by m[iles] f[lesher] for r. swaine, in britaines-burse at the signe of the bible, london : mdcxxxii. [1632] a translation of: historiae romanae. printer's name from colophon. the first leaf bears "the names of the commenters" on verso. running title reads: velleius paterculus his roman history. a7 is a cancel. with a final errata leaf. the title page verso is found in three settings: (1) imprimatur line 2 has "evelleius"; (2) imprimatur line 2 has "[velleius"; (3) title page verso is blank. reproduction of the original in yale university. library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng rome -history -early works to 1800. 2007-12 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-02 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the names of the commenters . beatus rhenanus . albertus ruberius . aldus manurius . fulvius vrsinus . iustus lipsius . raphelengius . iacobus schegkius . valentinus acidelius . ianus gruterus . velleius paterculus his romane historie : in two bookes . exactly translated out of the latine edition supervised by ianus gruterus . according to the reformations in such parts of him , in which the latin hath suffered either by time , or negligence in the transcribers of the ablest commenters upon him . and rendred english by sr. robert le grys k nt . london , printed by m. f. for r. swaine , in britaines-burse at the signe of the bible . mdcxxxii . recensui hunc librum , cui titulus est , [ velleivs patercvlvs his roman history , exactly translated out of the latine , and rendred english : &c. ] unâ cum epistolâ nuncupatoria ad honoratissimum virum , d num thomam iermyn , et praefatione ad lectorem : qui quidem liber continet folia nonaginta & septem , in quibus omnibus nihil reperio quod non cum publica utilitate imprimatur , modo intra septem menses proxime sequentes typis mandetur . exaed 〈◊〉 londinensibus , maij. 8. 1632. guillelmus ●ray episcopo londinensi capellanus domesticus . to the right honourable sr thomas iermyn knight , vice-chamberlaine of his majesties houshold , governor of the i le of iarsey , and one of his majesties most honorable privie councell . sir , when i had finished the last ( and the same the first ) work of this kinde , that i ever tooke in hand , i did not beleeve there had beene any power , besides that transcendent authoritie , which imposed that task upō me , of force to make me a second time expose my selfe to the view of the world , and under-lye the censure of this criticall age : for i did not apprehend that your selfe , who as wel by the rights of nature , as also ( but infinitely beyond them ) by your so many merits , may with justice claime in me what interest you please , would ever have required at my hāds , any thing of that nature , which your owne abilities standing in no need of , cannot in your particular be usefull to you . but you were pleased , which w th mee shall ever have the force of a law , to cōmand it : in obedience whereunto i here present you with your grave and sententious velleius paterculus , drest after my fashion in english robes . the benefit that such , as making their acquaintance with him , now that after so many ages he is taught to speak our ilanders language , they shall reape by the familiarity with him , which before they wanted ; they must ( if friends to equity ) wholly and freely acknowledge themselves to have received from you . since without your injunction , i had never adventured upon a piece of such difficulty , as i , now it is done , do make a question , whether my desire to observe you in all , did not more enable mee to goe through with it , then any faculty of mine owne . nor , when i had brought it to an end , had suffered it to be published : but that i would not permit you to want the honour of a good work , wherof you were the immediate author , i dare with cōfidence give it that epithete , for that among so many histories as i have read , i have met with none ( and in this i beleeve every judicious reader will be of my opinion ) that doth in so few , and yet those so elegant words , involve so much strength of wit and understanding . by that which remaines of him so full of excellencie , i am taught to deplore the losse , which all lovers of knowledge do suffer in the mutilation of so daintie a piece in many places : but especially by that vast hiatus in the first booke , in which all the glorious actions of the romans from the foundation of the city till the ruine of the macedonian kingdome by emilius , during the space of five hundred yeares , or more , are swallowed up : what is now extant of him , though much short of his native beautie , and the lustre of his originall language : i humbly , desire you will accept as an eternall testimony of the respect and devotion of him , who is only sory that he hath neither occasion nor meanes in sort more suteable to your worth , to expresse how much he is your faithfull , and perpetually vowed servant ro. le grys . to the understanding reader . i heere once againe ( if the prefixed epithets do properly belong to thee do ●ith the ingenuity of a hear● friend salute thee . if thou ●est not such , follow my counsel , ●●d lose no more time upon ●elleius paterculus , then will ●ve for reading the title : for ●leeve mee , if as the french ●ech is , thou hast not thy ( en●dment bien ferre ) thou wilt profit but little by him . if the prefixed title be duely thine , let me entreate thee not to censure mee upon the first view of the originall , before thou have perused the observations of lipsius , manutius , schegkius , acidelius , rhenanus , and those others who have commented upon him , and if thou there finde that i have beene guided by their opinions in the understanding the meaning of my author who was in so many parts ma●gled , in so many mistaken : t●● worst thou canst say , is , that ● i have erred , i have erred wi●● learned company : if thou find ● the sixty eight chapter of the ●●cond book , that i have passed ov●● these words ( neque enim persona umbram actae rei capit ) make i pray thee sense of it thy selse if thou canst , and that is more then i am able to doe with the helpe of lipsius ; if thou observest that in some places i ingeminate a word of the same sense with the author that is not found in the latine , know that as i once said in my translation of argenis , i never was a grammar schoole boy , and therefore thought not my selfe obliged to a literall and grammaticall construction . and that as i do not allow either to my selfe , or any other translator the liberty of a paraphraster , so i thinke it not onely lawfull , but also necessary for him , retaining the sense of the author to fit it the best hee can possibly to the idiome of the language in which hee is to render it . to cōclude , that i may not make my port bigger then my towne , now thou hast it , if thou be pleased i am cōtēted ; if not , i shall not like a mercenary play wright stand , with a panting heart behinde the curtaine harkening how loud the plaudit rattles . for i am not like a horse ignorant of my owne strength , but know that where one of those that may disapprove of it , can mend it , there would be ten that would be puzzeled with it . so judge as thou findest reason and farewell . velleius paterculus his romane historie . lib . i. chap. i. the founding of divers cities , by the returners from troy , with the murther of agamemnon revenged by his sonne orestes . **** being by tempest separated from his commander nestor , he founded metapont . teucer not admitted to the presence of his father telamon , for his negligence or lazines , shewen in not revenging his brothers injurie , falling with cyprus , did build , and by the name of his countrie styled it , salamina , pirrh●s the sonne of achilles possest himselfe of epyrus : philippus of ephyra in thesprotia . but the king of kings agamemnon being drivē by foule weather into the i le of crete , did there build three cities : two of which hee called by his owne countrie names ; the third , to keep his victorie in memorie , micenae , tegea , and pergamus ; and not long after falling under the trechery of his wives sonne aegistus ( who bare him an hereditarie hate ) and the villanie of his wife , was slaine : aegistus held the kingdome seven yeares . him orestes , together with his mother having his sister electra a woman of a masculine spirit the partner of all his designes , did put to the sword : that this his fact was by the gods approved of , did appeare both by his long life and the happinesse of his state ; for he lived nintie yeares raigned seventie . he also by his bravery did quit himselfe of pirrhus the sonne of achilles , whom for that he had seised upon the marriage of hermione the daughter of menelaus , and hellene who was contracted to him , he slew at delphos . in these times , when lydus and tirrhenus brethren raigned in lydia , being straightned with famine , they cast lotts whether of them should with part of the multitude quitte the land . the lott fell upon tirrhenus ; he being come into italie did both to the place , to the inhabitants , and to the sea give a noble and perpetuall name derived from his owne . after the death of orestes , his sons , penthelus and tisamenus raigned three yeares . chap. 2. the race of pelops dispossest of peloponesus by the heraclidae . the glorious death of codrus the athenian king. then about the eightieth year after the taking of tro● and the hundreth and twentieth from hercules his being received among the gods , the off-spring of pelops ( who all thi● time having expelled the descendants of hercules , had held the dominion of peloponesus ) by those of hercules his race wer● deprived of it . the commaunders in this recoverie of thei● estate , were teminus , ctesiphontes , and pristodemas , to whom h● was the great great grādfathe● almost in the same time . athe● ●eased to be any longer governed by kings : the last of whom was codrus the sonne of melan●hus , a man not slightly to be pas●ed over . for when the lacede●onians did with a sharpe warre ●resse upon attica , and the pythi●n god had by his oracle let thē●now [ that the army whose generall should happen to bee ●ain by the enemy , should be the ●onqueror ] he devesting him●●lfe of his royall acoutrements ●●d cloathed like a peasant , put ●●mself into the enemies campe ; ●here , as if by acident , raising a ●ntention , hee was by those ●hich knew him not slaine . ●●drus with his death was fol●●wed by an eternall glorie , the ●thenians with the ensuing vi●●rie . who would not admire 〈◊〉 that with such cunning did ●●ke his death as cowards use to practise for the saving o● their lives . his sonne medon wa● the first governor of athens ( which office they stiled archon . ) his posteritie were by the attiques called medontidae , bu● they and their successors t●● char●pe , did still hold that honour in their hands . the peloponesians also quitting the countrie of attica , did build mega● in the middle way between corinth and athens . about tha● time the navie of tyre whic● then was most powerfull at se● did upon the uttermost point o● spaine in the farthest end of ou● world possesse themselves of a● island divided from the cont●nent with a very narrow inlet o● the sea and therein built th● towne of gades . and within ● few yeares by the same men w● vticu in africa founded , the d●scendents from orestes being by those of hercules thrust out , and vexed long aswell with various misfortunes , as with foule weather at sea , at the end of fifteene yeares did seate themselves upō the i le of lesbos . chap. 3. combustions in greece : planting in thessaly , and the founding of corinth by haletes . then was all greece shaken with most bitter contentions . the achaians being driven out of laconia did possesse thē●selves of the lād they now hold . the pelasgi marched up to athens and a brave young souldier by name thessalus , by his nation ● thesprotian , with a great army of his countrymen did seaze upon the countrie , which to this day from him is named thessalia : the citie before that time being called of the mirmidons . concerning which name we may with reason wonder at those who writing of the times of the troyan warre doe mention that countrie by the title of thessaly : which as others doe fault in , the tragedians doe most commonly . to whom that libertie is not to be granted , for that the poets have not spoken any thing in their owne person , but all under their names that lived in those times . and if any of them will maintain that they were named thessalians from thessalus the sonne of hercules ; it were fit he should shew some reason why before the time of this later thessalus they never were so styled . a little before this haletes the sixth from hercules and sonne of hippotes , founded corinth , which before was called ephyra in the isthmus , making it the enclosure of peloponnesus ; nor is there any cause why we should wonder that homer doth mention corinth , for in the person of a poet , hee both doth name this citie , and certaine other colonies of the ionians , as in his dayes long after the taking of troy they were called . chap. 4. chalcide in euboea founded by the athenians , and cumae in italy with naples some while after , & magnesia in asia by the spartans , with many other colonies of greeks , both in the continent and in the ilands . the athenians in euboea chalcida dispossest the inhabitants of the colony of erethria ; the lacedemonians in asia seised upon that of magnesia . not long after the chalcidians being as is before related , descended from the attickes did under the conduct of hipocles and megasthenes their leaders found the cittie of cumae in italie . the course of that their way was directed as some report , by a dove siying before them as others by a tin●kling found of brasen pannes , such as in the night-sacrifices of ceres , is usually heard . a part of these men did a long time after build naples . both these cities their excellent and perpetuall faithfullnes to the romans , doth render much worthy of the repute they hold , and the delicacie of their scituation . but some others have with more diligent care preserved their countrie ceremonies : the neighbourhood of osca , wrought a change in those of cumae . what power those cities have beene of in times long since past , the extent and strength of their walles doth even at this day demonstrate . in the age following a great multitude of grecian youth whose mightie power emboldened them to seeke where they might settle , powred themselues upon asia ; for both the ionians under the leading of iones going from athens , planted themselves upon a most noble part of the sea coast which to this day is called ionia , and built there these cities , ephesus , miletum , colophone , priene , lebedua , myūta , erythra clazomenae and phocaea : & also possessed many ilands in the aegean and icarian seas , as samos , chios , andrus , tenus , pharus , delus , besides others of lesse account , and presently the eolians setting saile from the same greece , after they had bin vexed with extream long wandring , did fasten upon places of no meane account , and built famous cities , smyrna , cymen , larissa , myrina , and mitylene , with other cities , which are in the isle of lesbos . chap. 5. the time of homers flourishing . then also in his full brightnesse , shined the most noble , and without comparison , the matchlesse wit of homer ; who both for the greatnesse of his works , & the clearnes of his verses , did alone deserve to be called a poet. in whom this is most glorious , that neither was there before him any one for him to imitate , nor after him any found that could imitate him . nor shal we finde any other besides homer and archilochus , who was the first author of his owne worke , that did therein reach to an absolute perfection . he was longer after the trojan warre , of which he wrote , than some suppose : for hee flourished almost nine hundred and fiftie yeares since , was borne within these thousand yeares , for which cause it is not to bee wondred at that hee often useth that *** , for by this is discerned the difference of times , as well as of men , whom if any man doe beleeve to bee borne blinde , hee is himselfe deprived of all his senses . chap. 6. the assyrian empire of 1700. yeares standing from sardanapalus translated to the medes by pharnaces , in the time of lycurgus the law maker of sparta . in the succeding times the empire of asia was from the assyrians , who had held the same for the space of seventeene hundred yeares , translated to the medes about seven hundred and seventy yeares after these things last related : for pharnaces the mede , deprived sardanapalus their king , melted with ease full delicacies ▪ and to his owne misfortune over-happie ( who was the three and thirtieth in descent from ninus and semiramis the founders of babylon , so as still the sonne had succeeded to the father ) both of his empire and life . in that age the most illustrious of the greekes , lycurgus the lacedemonian descended from the kings , was the author of most strict , and withall of the justest lawes ; of which so long as sparta was a diligent observer , it did flourish with all felicitie . about this time , and sixtie five yeares before the building of rome , was carthage founded by eliza the tyrian lady , whom some have also called did● , neere to the same time caranus , a mā royally borne , and the sixteenth in descent from hercules , invested himselfe in the kingdome of macedonia , from whom alexander the great , being the seventeenth of his race , and in his mothers right extracted from achilles , made it one of his glories that hee was also by his father derived from hercules . aemilius sura , in his annalls of the people of rome , sheweth that first the assyrians being lords of all nations , held the empire of the world ; then the medes ; after them the persians , from whom the macedonians got it , and last of all , not long after carthage was mastered , philip and intiochus , two kings extracted from the macedons , being overthrowne and conquered , the supreame command did devolve to the romans . chap. 7. hesiodus 120 yeares after homer . a controversie cleared about the time of the building of capua . betweene these times , and that of nine● , who was the first great monarch , did passe nineteene hundred ninetie and five yeares . hesiodus was of this age , and about one hundred and twentie yeares after homer . a man both for the cleerenesse of his wit , and daintie smoothnesse of his verse , worthie of memorie infinitely desirous of rest and quiet . and as hee was in time , so also was he in esteeme the next to a man of so high repute as homer was : who avoyded falling upon that error which homer had lighted upon and avowded both his country and parents : but his countrey , because hee had beene evill used by it , most scornefully , while i am employed about forraigne matters , i have lighted upon a domestique busines , & that very erroneous and farre from agreeing with the opinions of the most approved authors . for some there are that affirme that about these times capua and nola were founded by the tuscans , almost eight hundred and thirty yeares since . to whose opinion i should indeed subscribe : but how farre doth marcus cato differ from them ? who affirmeth that capua was founded by the tuscans and after that nola. that capua stood entire about two hundred and thirtie yeares before it was taken by the romans : which if it bee so it being since the taking of capua two hundred and fortie yeares : since it was founded , must bee onely about five hundred yeares . my selfe ( with pardon of catos diligence ) would say that i can hardly beleeve that so great a citie did grow to that height , flourish , was ruined and raised againe , and all in so short a space of time . chap. 8. the instituting the olympick games by iphitus the elean , 904. yeares before the consulship of vinicius . in the sixt olympade rome fonnded by romulus . after this the noblest tryal● of mastery in sports , and the most effectuall for the exercising the faculties of the minde and the body , the olympicke games were begun : having for their author iphitus the elean . hee is reported to have first instituted those games , and a fayre with them , nine hundred and foure yeares before thou marcus vinicius didst enter upon thy consulship ; almost one thousand two hundred & fiftie yeres before that , when atreus did celebrate the funeralls of his father pelops , hercules at the trialls of exercises which were there presented , was in every one of them the conquerour . at that time the archōtes of athens did cease to hold their places perpetually , of which the last was alcmaeon , and began to bee created every tenth yeare : which order did last about seventie yeares , and then the affaires of the common wealth were committed to magistrates chosen every yeare . of those which were created every tenth yeare , the first was charops , the last eryx . of the yearely officers , the first was called creon . in the sixth olympiad , two and twentie yeares after the first that was instituted . romulus the sonne of mars having taken revenge of the wrongs done to his grandfather , did found the citie of rome upon mount palatine ▪ in the dayes of the feast , held in honour of the goddesse palles : from whence to the times of your consulships , it is seven hundred seventy and two yeares . romulus effected this , being aided by the legions of his grandfather latinus ( for i very willingly doe subscribe to the opinion of those which have in that sort delivered ) whereas otherwise with an unwarlike company of shepherds , hee would scarce have beene able to settle his new citie , the veians being so neare , and other etruscans and sabines ; although hee had now enlarged it with a sanctuary betweene the two groves : he held about him an hundred elected & called fathers instead of a counecll , and this was the originall of the name of patricians . the rape of the sabine virgins , which *************** chap. 9. the ruine of perseus king of macedon , by paulus emilius . his truimph and those of octavius victorious by sea , and amicius over gentius the illyrian king. here is a vast breach in the history . hee reached what the enemie most feared : for by the space of two yeares , he had fought with the consulls , with so variable fortune , as for the most part he had the better of them , and had drawne a great part of greece to allye themselves with him . nay , even the rhodians also , who were before that , most faithfull to the romans , expecting the event , did then seeme , with a faithfulnesse to be doubted , more enclinable to the kings part . and king eumenes stood in that warre as a newtrall , neither answering his brothers beginnings , nor the fashion which himselfe had formerly carried . the senate then , and the people of rome , did create lucius emilius paulas consull , who had before triumphed both as praetor and consull . a man to be praysed as farre as virtue can bee understood and valued ; the sonne of that paulus , who at canna did as unwillingly fight that battaile , so ruinous to the common wealth , as bravely lose his life in it . hee in a great battaile neere cydna , a city of macedonia , overthrew perseus , and having chased him and turned him out of his campe , with the ruine of all his army , compelled him , quitting all his hopes to flie out of macedonia ; which hee forsaking , fled into the island of samothracia , and there as suppliant , betooke himselfe to the sanctuary of the temple . to him cneius octavius the praetor who commanded the fleete , did come , and more with reason than force perswaded him to entrust himselfe to the fidelitie of the romans . so did paulus lead in triumph one of the greatest and noblest kings of that time , the same yeare in which the triūphes of octavius , the praetor of the navie , and of anicius carrying gentius , king of the illyrians before his chariot , were so conspicuous . how perpetuall a companion of a high and eminent fortune envie is , out of this may bee collected , that where no man off●ed to oppose the triumphs of octavius , and anicius , there wanted not some that laboured hard , to hinder that of paulus , whose glory did so farre outgo the others as well by the greatnesse of king perseus , by the shew of images , and statues , as by the quantity of money , that he brought into the treasury two hundred millions of sesterces , and in the magnificence of it , did farre outstrippe all triumphs whatsoever had gone before him . chap. 10. the proud commanding of antiochus to have egypt in quiet by popilius laenas the romane embassadour . emilius his losse of both his sonnes about the time of his triumph . at the same time when antiochus epiphanes , who had at athens begunne to set up the olympick games , being king of syria did besige in alexandria the infant king ptolome , marcus popilius laena was sent ambassador to him to command him to desist from his attempt , who delivering his message , and the king answering that he would thinke of it , made a circle with his staffe in the sand about th● king , and charged him to giv● him an answere before he wen● out of the same : so did the romane constancy put an end to the kings consultations , and the command was obeyed . but lucius paulus who had gotten a great and glorious victory , was father of foure sonnes : two of them , being the eldest , he had given to be adopted , the one to publius scipio , sonne to publius the africane , who of his fathers greatnesse and bravery held nothing but the glory of the name , & a forcible eloquence ; the other to fabius maximus . the other two being the younger , who had not yet put on the habit accustomed to be worne by mé , at the time that he obtayned the ●oremétioned victory , he reteined to himselfe . when according to the auncient custome , before he entred the citie , he made a relation , before his triumph of his carriage in his affaires ( he besought the immortall gods that if any of them did maligne his actions , and envy his fortune , that they rather would shew their spleene upon him then upon the common wealth , which words as delivered by an oracle , did ere long draw a great deale of his blood from him . for one of his two sons whom he had retained in his house , with him , he lost a few dayes before his triumph , and the other within fewer dayes after it . about this time there was a sharpe censure pronounced by fulvius flaccus & posthumus albinus for cnaeus fulvius brother to th● censor fulvius , and also his partner in all things was by the sam● censors put out of the senate . chap. 11. a counterfeit philip in macedonia overthrowne by metellus macedonicus . metellus his fortunate life and death . after the defeate and takeing of perseus , who at the end of foure yeares , deceased in a free restraint at alba , a counterfeit philip , so termed , by reason of his fiction , in pretending a fabulous discent , when he gave out himselfe to be philip , and of the royall blood , being full of extreamest boldnesse , & having with armed hand seized upon macedon , and usurped the ensignes of majesty : within a short time received for the same his due payment . for the pretor quintus metellus , who for his valour was surnamed the macedonian gaining a noble victory , overthrew him and the whole nation : and also defeated the achaians who were beginning to rebell , in a great and bloody battaile . this is that metellus the macedonian that built the galleries which did compasse about the two temples , which were founded without any title of dedication , and are now surrounded with the galleries of octavia : and who brought out of macedon that troupe of horsemens statues , which stand in the front of the temples , and are at this day the principall ornament of that place . the cause of the making that company of statues is reported to be , that alexander the great did desire of lysippus a principall arts-master in those workes , that he would make th● statues of those horsemen o● his which were slaine , out of his owne troupe at the river of granicke , to the life , and place his owne among them . he also was the first , who building an house at rome of the marble taken out of auncient monuments , did give a beginning there , either to their magnificence or excesse . hardly canst thou find a man of any nation , age , or qualitie , whose felicitie thou mayest compare with the fortune of metellus : for besides his glorious triumphs , his honors of the highest degrees , and his eminent place in the common wealth , his life prolonged to old age , his sharpe yet guiltlesse contentions with his enemies for the common-wealths cause : he had foure sonnes , saw them all men grown , left them all behinde him alive and full of honours ; when he was dead , his foure sonnes tooke up his bed with his body before the rostra ; one of them a man of consular degree , and that had bin censor ; the second that had also beene consull ; the next at the same time consull ; and the last then stood canditate for the consulship , which honour he also obtained . this is indeede rather happily to depart this life then to dye . chap. 12. corinth rebelling , raced by mummius , and carthage by scipio emilianus . the death of cato , the perpetuall urger of the racing of carthage . after this , as we have before related , when all achaia was bent to warres , whereof a great part was by the armes and valour of metelius macedonicus reduced , the corinthians furiously and with foule indignities against the romans , flying to armes , mummius the consull was appointed to command in that war. and about the same time , ( rather for that the romans were willing to beleeve whatsoever was reported of the carthaginians , then for that the reports that were brought them were worthy credit ) the senate resolved , utterly to demolish carthage . and then it was that publius scipio emilianus , a man wholy resembling in his vertues his grandfather publius africanus , and his father lucius paulus and in all endowments , both of warre and peace , and as well for his iudgement , as knowledge , the most eminent of his time , who in his life , did never either doe , or speake , or thinke , any thing , but what was praise-worthy , whom we have before delivered to be the sonne of paulus , but adopted by scipio the sonne of africanus , when he sought for the ediles place , was created consull . that warre against carthage , which had bin by other consulls managed two yeares before , he followed with greater eagernes . having before that , in spaine , beene honoured with a murall crowne , and in africa , with one given to him , that by seige had mastered any place : and had also in spaine , being challenged , slaine an enemie , of a vast both strength and body , himselfe being but of ordinary abilitie and forces . so that citie more disliked by the romanes , for the competition of command , then for any fault it had committed in those times , he rased to the foundations : and rendred that a monument of his valour , which it was before of his grandfathers clemency . carthage was destroyed about one hundred seventy seven yeares since , after it had stood sixe hundred sixtie seven yeares , in the consulship of cnaeus cornelius lentulus and lucius mummius . this end befell to carthage the emulator of the romās greatnes and command , with whom our auncestors beganne the warre , when claudius and fuluius were consulls , two hundred nintie and sixe yeares , before thou marcus vinicius didst enter the consulship . so that for the space of one hundred & fifteene yeares , there was betweene these two nations , either warres , or preparations for it or any uncertaine peace : & not to be trusted . neither did rome who now had mastered the whole world , esteeme her selfe and hope to be in securitie , if the name of carthage still resting on foote were in any place extant . so doth the hate growne out of contention , out-live the feare of the concurrent , nor is it at an end when he is conquered : neither yet doth he cease to be maligned , till he cease to have a being . chap. 13. the difference in disposition , betweene scipio and mummius , the first neate and gentle , the second , ignorant and rude , yet the one called from his victory the african , the other achaian . three yeares before carthage was ruined , marcus cato , the perpetuall urger of the destruction thereof , when lucius censerinus and marcus manlius were consulls , ended his life . in the same yeare that carthage fell , lucius mummius , eight hundred fiftie two yeares , after it was founded by haletes the sonne of hippotes , did race corinth to the ground . both the commanders were honoured with a s●●name from that of the nation conquered by them , the one being called the african the other the acha●an . neither was any man of those of the first head entituled to a name before mummius that was acquired by his vertue . the disposition of these commanders , was much different : their studies also were nothing like . for scipio was so curious , both an arts-man and an admirer of the liberall arts and all kinde of learning , as he kept both in the warres and at home , polibius and panetius men of excellent knowledge , perpetually about him . for never did any man more daintily put away the vacations that he had from businesse , then this scipio when he was at leysure , and continually was he employed either in the art of warre , or that of peace , being alwayes in armes , or at his studies , he either enured his body to labour & dangers , or his mind with profitable studies . mummius was so clownish , as after the taking of corinth , when he hired certaine men to carrie some pictures and , statues the choisest and perfectest workes of the greatest artists , into italy , he commanded them that had the charge of them , to be told that if they spoyled thé , they should make thé new . but i doe not thinke ( vinicius ) that thou art in doubt whether it had beene better for the common wealth that this art of the corinthians had still remained in the first rudenesse rather then to have binne so perfectly understood : or whether this wisdome or that ignorance would have beene a more convenient ornament for the republique . chap. 14. a catalogue of all the roman colonies , that were planted any where before the comming of hannibal into italy . now since the presentment of divers things contracted into one , doth more easily make an impression into our eies and mindes than that which is divided into several times ; i have determined to distinguish the first part of this worke from the last , with no unusefull delivery of things done , compendiously drawn together : and to insert in this place what colonies , and in what time by decree of the senate , were after the taking of rome by the gaules , carried and planted abroad : for of those which were setled by occasion of the warres , both the causes , and the authors , and the names of the places themselves , are very glorious . to this end wee shall not seeme unseasonably to weave in our discourse , the times wherein cities had their beginning , and the romane name an increase by the communication of their priviledges . seven yeares after rome was taken by the gaules , a colonie was planted at satrium , and the yeare following , another at setina . after nine yeares more , one at nepe , and then at the end of thirtie two yeares , the aricynes were received into , and made free of the citie . but about sixe hundred and fiftie yeares since spurius posthumius , and veturius calvinus being consulls , the freedome of the citie was granted to the campanians , and part of the samnites , without power of giving their voyces , and the same yeare a colonie was led to cales ; within three yeares after , were the fundanes and formians received into the citie , in the same yeare that alexandria was founded . in the next consulls time , was the freedome of the citie granted by spurius posthumius , and philo publius then censors , to the acerranes . three yeares after that was a colonie carried to taracina , and foure yeares more being past , one to luceria , and the third yeare after that to suessa , aurunca , and saticula , then within two yeares , one to interamnis : from thence for ten yeares space , nothing of this nature was done : then were two colonies placed at sura and alba , and two yeares after , one at confinium : but when quintus fa●ius was consull the fifth time , and decius mus the fourth time , in which yeare pirrhus began his reigne , colonies were sent to sinuessa and minternae ; and foure yeares after to venusia , within two yeares after which without libertie of giving their voyces , when marcus curius and rufinus corneli●s were consulls , the sabines were made free of the citie . this was about three hundred and twentie years since , but the cossan and pestum were received almo●t three hundred yeares past . in the consulship of ●abius dor●● , and claudi●s car●●u● : five yeares being elapsed , semp●●●ius so●●●us , & app●●s the sonne of the blind man being consulls , colonies were sent to ariminum , and beneventum , and also the freedome of voice in election , was granted to the sabines . but in the beginning of the first punique warres , firmum and catum were planted with colonies a yeare after , so was aesernia , and two and twentie yeares after that aesulum , alfium , and fregellae ; then two yeares after , and the yeare following , torquatus and sempre●ius consulls , brundusium ; and at the end of three yeares more , spoletum . in which yeare was the beginning of the celebration of the playes in honour of the goddesie flora. after two yeares valentia was made a colony , and upon the comming of hanibal into italy , cremona , and placentia . chap. 15. another register of such as were planted after that , till the time of caius marius his sixth consulship . from that time while hannibal remained in italy , the romans were not at leisure to thinke of founding colonies . the next ensuing yeares after his quitting it , when as during the warres ▪ souldiers were rather to be provided than discharged ; and after the end of it , their forces had need of being cherished , and held united together , more than of being scattered and dispersed . but when cneius m●●lius volso & marcus fulvius nobilior were consulls , a colony was planted at bononia , almost two hundred and seventeene yeares since ; and foure yeares after , two others at pisaurum and potentia ; then three yeares being past at aquileia and gravisca ; and after foure yeares more , one at ●uca . in the same times ( although some there are that doubt thereof ) there were colonies sent to puteoli , salernum ▪ and buxentum ; but to auxinum in the picene countrey almost one hundred eightie seven yeares since ; three yeares before that cassius the censor at the turning from the iupercall to mount palatine , erected a theater , in the demolishing whereof the strict severitie of the citie , and the consuil capio , did most nobly appeare , which their act i should willingly reckon among the bravest arguments of the publique inclination in those dayes . when cassius longinus and sextius calvinus ( who overthrew the salves by the waters which of his name are called sextian ) almost a hundred fiftie and seven yeares since was one carried to fabrateria , and a yeare after these , other were planted at scylacium , minervium , tarentum , neptunia , and carthage in aff●ica , the first ( as we have have said before ) that was setled by them out of italy . of derto●a there is some doubt . but when marcus porcius , and quintus marius were consulls , a colony was planted in narbo marcius in gallia , about a hundred and fiftie yeares since ; and thirtie three yeares after , when marius was the sixth time consull , and valerius flaccus , another was setled at ephoredia in the countrey of vagienna . nor can i commit to memory after that time any colony that was planted , but of souldiers . chap. 16. a kinde of master roll of excellent men in severall professions that flourished about one age : in the tragicke comicke veines ; in philosophy , oratory , and the like , among the graecians . though this parcell of my worke hath in a sort out-gone the proportion that i had designed for it : and that i understand that in this so over speedy a poasting , which , like a wheele , an overfall of water , or a downe right precipice , doth not give mee leave to rest any where ; more necessary ones are almost rather to be permitted , than superfluous ones to bee entertained : i cannot yet containe my selfe , but i must observe and marke out a matter which i have often had in agitation in my minde , and whereof the reason hath not h●therto beene sufficiently cleared . for who can too much wonder , that the most remarkable spirits in every kinde of profession , in the same manner , the same confined space of a little , and strengthened time , and as creatures of a different kinde , out of a closed cage or a severall division , are never the lesse distinguished from those of another fort , though kept together in one body . so those wits that were capable of any worthy worke to have varied from one another in all resemblances as if they had beene of other times and abilities in proficiencie . for one age , and that not consisting of many yeares , did enoble the tragicke bu●kin by the meanes of the divinely spirited men aeschylus , sophocles , and euripides . one age and within a very few yeares did the same honour to the first and antient comicke veine under cratinus , arislophanes , and eupolis ; and inventing the newer straine of menander , and those that were rather his equalls in time than in his workes . philemon and d●philus left behinde them peeces not to be imitated . as for the philosophers excellencies deduced from the instructions of socrates ( of all whom wee have a little before made mention ) how small a time did they flourish after the death of aristotle and plato ? what was there worth regard among the orators before isocrates ? what after his auditors and their disciples ? so were they shut up within a little compasse of time , that there was none of them worth the remembring , who might not have seene one another . chap. 17. the like and about the same time among the romans . neither did this befall the greekes more then the romans ; for except thou wilt remember things harsh and unpolished , the invention of roman tragedies is to be ascribed , and commended in attius with the times about his dayes , and the dainty witty conceit of the latine about the same age , were by caecilius , terence , and afranius rendred worthy of an high esteeme . the historians ( if thou wilt adde to the number of those before him , l●vius ) besides cato and some others as ancient as obscure : were included within the compasse of eightie yeares : so neyther did the plenty of poets eyther shew it selfe before that time , or much come after it . but for the art of oratorie and the abilitie of pleading in open court with the perfection of eloquence in prose , excepting the fore-named cato , ( let mee speake with favour of publius crassus , scopio , laelius , the gracchi , fannius and sergius galba ) did so totally glitter under the prince thereof tully , that thou canst not observe more then a very few to have beene taken with it before him : but none to have admired it who either was not knowne to him or had the good fortune to know him . whosoever shall be curious in the searching the times past , shall finde , that the same hath been the fate of grammarians , potters , painters , and carvers . the eminence of all manner of sciences i finde to bee circumscribed within the compasse of a very short time . but when i seeke for the cause that wrought both for curiositie and profit , such a similitude betweene the wits of that age , and that which preceded it ; i finde none of the truth of which i may be confident : yet perhaps i have met with some that are probable . among which these are the principall . emulation doth nourish the wit , and one while envie , another while admiration doth heate the contention , as also nature doth climbe to the top of that which is with extreamest ardencie desired and hardly can he stop that strives to reach to perfection . againe , in nature that which cannot goe forward , retires backe : and as at first wee are on fire to reach them that we esteeme before us ; so when as we despaire of out-going and over-taking them , our desire together with our hope , doth grow faint and old , and what cannot be compassed , ceaseth to be followed , and the pursuer , as a place already possest , quits it and seekes a new one : and letting that passe , in which we ca● be of no high esteeme , we seek● some other subject , to which to bend our endeavors : from whence it follows that a frequent & changing passing from one studie to another is the greatest hindrance to the arriving at perfection in any thing . chap. 18. of athens , the sole city of greece , famous for arts , thebes excepted by breeding of pindarus . my admiration now passeth to consider of the times & cities . one only citie of attica did flourish longer in eloquence , & those kinde of workes than all greece besides . so that thou wouldest thinke , that the bodies of that nation were divided into other cities , their wits shut up within the wals of athens alone . nor doe i more wonder at this than that there was no orator among the argives , the thebans or the lacedemonians thought worthie of authoritie whiles he lived , or of memorie after his death ; which cities were barren of those knowledges , except that the eloquence of pindarus did give a lustre to thebes : for alcmon , the lacedemonians doe with no just title challenge to be theirs . velleius paterculus his romane historie . the second booke . chap. i. the declining of the roman vertue after the ruine of carthage , the warre with viriatus ended by the cunning of caepio : & the base conditions made first by pompeius , & then by mancinus with the numantines . the former scipio laid open the way to the roman power ; the later to their excesse and riot : for the feare of carthage being removed , and the competitor of the empire taken out of the way , not by degrees , but by a precipitate course wee fell from vertue , and gave our selves to vices . our old discipline was quitted , a new one brought in ; the citie turned from watching to sleepe ; from armes to pleasure ; from businesse to idlenesse . then did scipio nasica build in the capitoll his galleries ; then metellus his that we before have mentioned : then in the circus did cnaus octavius build his , farre the more beautifull . and this publicke magnificence was followed with private riot . an unlucky & shamefull warre then ensued in spaine , viriatus commanding & leading the theeves , which was managed with so various fortune , as it was oftnest unfortunate to the romans . but viriatus being brought to his end , more by the devices of servilius , caepio , than by his valour : the warre of numantia much more troublesome was kindled . this citie could never arme above ten thousand of her owne youth , but either by the fierce bravery of the people , or by the ignorance of our commanders , or by the favour of fortune : shee forced both other leaders , & pompey himselfe also , a man of a high repute , to accept of most basely dishonourable conditions ( this man was of the pompeian family , the first consull . ) nor lesse foule and detestable were those they extorted from mancinus hostilius the consull . but pompey escaped unpunished by the favour that was borne him . mancinus by his humble shamefastnesse for not refusing it , hee brought it to this , that with his hands bound behinde him , he was delivered by our heralds to the enemy , who denied to receive him , as sometimes the samnites at caudium did , affirming that the violation of the publicke faith was not to bee expiated with the bloud of one man. chap. 2. the sedition raised upon the deliverie up of mancinus to the enemy by tiberius gracchus : his character and his intendments . the rendring up of mancinus did raise a most dangerous sedition in the citie : for tiberius gracchus the sonne of tiberius gracchus ( a man most noble and of highest esteeme ) grandchild by his daughter to publius africanus , who for the time being questor , when that agreement was made , and besides the author and contriver of it ; one while taking it in the worst part , that any act of his should be disvalewed , another while doubting the hazard of the like censure or punishment , being created tribune of the people , a man otherwise of a life most unblameable , for his judgement most excellent , in his intentions most just ; finally , adorned with as great vertues as both nature and industrie being in their perfection , the condition of mortall man is capeable of : when publius mutius scaevola and lucius calphurnius were consulls , about one hundred sixtie two yeares since , fell off from the best and honestest sort of the citie , and promising freedome of the citie to all italy , and withall publishing certaine lawes for the distributing of lands , while all men coveted to have power in the state , hee confounded all things , and brought the common wealth into a craggie and redoubtable danger , and octavius his fellow in office , for that hee stood for the common wealth , he deprived of his command . hee created triumvirs for the division of lands , and the leading out of colonies ; himselfe , his father in law appius who had beene consull , and his brother gracchus , who then was but a very youth . chap. 3. the ruine of gracchus by scipio nasica : the death of gracchus which was the first bloud drawne in rome in civile contentions . then publius scipio nasica , grandchild to him that by the senate was judged the best man in the citie , sonne to him that being censor built the galleries in the capitoll , and great grandchild to cnaeus scipio , a man most honourable , uncle to publius the african , being both a private man , and of the gowne , though hee were a neere kinsman of tiberius gracchus , yet preferring his countrie before his kinred , and thinking whatsoever was not for the welfare of the publike in his owne particular , was a stranger to him ; for these his vertues , in his absence hee was first of all men created chiefe and soveraigne bishop . when wrapping the skirt of his gowne about his left arme from the highest part of the capitoll , standing at the top of the staires , hee exhorted as many as desired the preservation of the state to follow him . then the noblemen , the senate , and both the better part and greater of the knights , together with so many of the plebeians as were untainted with these pernicious devices , charged upon gracchus , standing with his troupes , and labouring to draw almost all italy to a head together : he flying and running downe the cliffe of the capitoll , was strucken with the frame of a forme , and so with an untimely death ended his life , which hee might have passed with all glorie and honour . this was the beginning of shedding bloud in civill contentions in the citie of rome , and of swords used without punishment ; from thence grew all right to bee troden under foot by force ; and the more powerfull and former custome , with the differences betweene the citizens , which before were wont to be cured by treaties and conditions , were after decided by the sword . neither were warres taken in hand for just causes and reasons , but as it were their way of trafficke and merchandizing , which to speake truth , is no wonder , for examples doe not rest upon the grounds from which they had their first beginning : but having made their way thorow any narrow and streight passage , they afterwards take to themselves a course of free and open libertie , and when once men have swarved from that which is right , they runne headlong to all injustice . nor doth any man thinke that base and dishonourable to him , which another hath found beneficiall . chap. 4. aristonicus pretending falsely to the bloud royall of asia , which left by attalus his will to the romans , as after bithynia was by nicomedes , he had seized upon , overthrowne by mar. perperna . and numantia rased by the same emilianus who before had done as much for carthage : his death much suspected , but never questioned . in the meane time , while these passages are on foot in italy . aristonicus after the death of king attalus , by whom asia was bequeathed as an inheritance to the people of rome ( as inlike sort afterward bithynia was also left by nicomedes ) false●y pretending himselfe to bee of the blood royall , possest himselfe therof by force . he by marcus perperna , was overthrowne & led in triumph : but manius with the losse of his head , did from aquilius receive his payment , for that in the beginning of the warre he had slaine crassus muciarus , a man most learned in the lawes , as he was in qualitie of proconsull upon his departure out of asia . and publius scipio the african , sonne of emilius , who had rased carthage : after so many disasters about numantia , being created consull the second time , and sent into spaine , did there make good the fortune and valour of which hee had before given proofe in africa ; and within a yeare and three months after his comming thither , having compassed numantia round about with his workes , did level it with the ground . neither did any man of what nation soever before his time leave his name recommended to perpetuall memorie , by a more glorious destruction of any places : for by the rasing of carthage , and numantia , he freed us of feare from the one , and of scorne and reproach from the other . he when the tribune carbo enquired of him what he thought of the killing of tiberius gracchus , answered ; that if he had in his thoughts to possesse himselfe of the state , he was worthily punished . and when all the assembly cryed out , i ( said he ) that have so often remained unterrified , with the shouts of the armed enemie , how can i be moved with yours , to whom italy is a step-mother . being re●urned to the citie , within a while after when mareus aquilius and caius sempronius were consulls , an hundred and fiftie yeares since ; after his two consulships , and two triumphs , when he twise had quitted the common wealth of her feares , he was in the morning foūd dead in his bed ; so that certain markes of his being strangled , were found upon his necke . neither was there ever any enquirie made of the cause of a mans death , of so great eminence : and his body was caried out to funerall with his head covered , by whose meanes the citie of rome had lifted up her head aboue all the inhabited world . so dyed he either a naturall , as the most part supposed , or a death procured by practise , as many have delivered . how ever , he certainly past his course of life most nobly , and was in glory inferiour to no man that before that time had beene , except his grandfather . he departed this life , almost at the end of his sixe and fiftieth yeare : whereof if any man make a question let him looke backe to his former consulship , to which he was elected in his six and thirtieth yeare , & he will cease to doubt . chap. 5. anlus brutus , his severity of command in spaine , cause of his victorie at controbia . before the destruction of numantia , the command of aulus brutus in spain was very glorious : who making his way through al the nations of spaine , having taken an infinite number of men and cities , & reached to those people , which were scarce knowne , by heare-say , did worthily obtaine the sirname of the gallician . and before him but a few yeares , the government of that quintus termed the maudonian was so severe , that when he assaulted a citie called contrabia , five legionarie cohorts being beaten downe from a clifty place , he immediately commanded them to give upon the same againe . and all his souldiers making their wills as they stood in their ranks , as if they were to runne upon certaine death : the constancy of the cōmander , not frighted from his purpose , received the souldiers backe with victory , whom he had sent to die . such was the effect of feare mingled with shame , and a hope sprung out of despaire . this man by the valour and severity of his action : but paulus emilianus , following the example of the former paulus , by his discipline in spaine , did grow very famous . chap. 6. the stirres raised by caius gracchus , brother to tiberius , intending the same or worse then his brother had attempted : his character and overthrow by opimius . ten yeares then being elapsed , the same fury which had possessed tiberius gracchus , did also seaze upon his brother caius , who did aswell resemble him in all his vertues , as in this error , but in his wit and eloquence far more excellent . who when with all tranquillitie of mind , he might have been a principall man in the citie , either for revenge of his brothers death or to invest himselfe in a regall power , taking him for his patterne , and entred upon the tribuneship , attempting things far greater and more insupportable : granted the freedome of the citie to all italians , did extend it almost to the alps , divided lands , forbad any citizen to possesse above five hundred acres ( which was also provided fo● by the law licinia ) imposed new customes upon merchandize , filled the provinces wit● new colonies , transferred th● power of hearing and determ●ning from the senate to the o●der of knights , purposed to d●stribute corne to the commo● people ; left nothing unstirred , nothing at peace , finally , not any thing that was at quiet in the same estate . and further prorogued his tribuneship for another yeare . him lucius opimius then consul , who when he was praetor , had rased fregelae , pursued with force , and together with fuluius flaccus a man of consular qualitie , and that had triumphed , whom as badly affected as himselfe , caius gracchus had made triumvir in the roome of his brother tiberius , & his consort in his royall power , deprived of his life . that alone is reported to have beene wickedly done by opimius ; that he set a price and proclaimed that hee would in ready gold pay it upon the head ( that i may not say of gracchus ) of a citizē of rome . flaccus when upon mount aventine he drew on and encouraged his armed troupes to fight was with his eldest sonne there slaine . gracchus as he was flying when now he was at the point of being apprehended by those that opimius for that purpose had sent , presented his necke to his servant euporus : who no more faintly slew himselfe , after he had done , then he did assist and free his lord . that day the faithfulnesse of pomponius a romane knight to gracchus , was very notable ; who like coeles making a stand upon the bridge against all the force of the enemy at the last fell upon his sword ; as before the body of tiberius gracchus , so now also that of caius with a strange cruelty of the conqueror , was throwne into the tiber. chap. 7. the cruelty of opimius to a delicate youth , sonne to flaccus one of gracchus his associates , and others of that faction , detested by the romanes who were of his side . this was both in life and death , the fortune of the sonnes of tiberius gracchus , and the grandchildren of publius scipio the affrican , in the life time of their mother cornelia daughter to the affrican . men ●hat made ill use of most excel●ent abilities of spirit , who if ●hey had desired any proportion of honours within the compasse of a civill estate , whatsoever ●hey in a tumultuous manner ●ought to reach the common-wealth to them if quiet would have presented . to this sharpnesse was added a transcending villany : for a youth of excellent beauty not as yet full eighteene yeeres old , and not guilty of his fathers faults , the sonne of fulvius flaccus , whō his father had sent as a messenger to propound a treatie , was by opimius put to death . whom when a tuscan sooth-sayer his friend observed to be drag'd weeping to prison , why dost thou not rather ( said he ) thus : and withall running his head against the stone bridge , at the prison gate , with his braines beaten out , fell downe dead . presently were there cruel inquisitions set on foote against the friends and followers of the gracchi . but for opimius a man in other things upright and grave , when he was afterward condemned by the iudgement of all the people : the memory of that his cruelty would not suffer him to be with any humanitie pittied . the same spight also of a publique censure did not unadvisedly ruine within a while after rutilius and popilius who when they were consulls had beene most bittterly eager upon the friends of the gracchi . let me intermingle with affaires of so great consequence , a thing scarce worth the being known . this is that opimius from whose consullship , the wine called opimian , tooke its name , and was most highly esteemed , which that it is not now to bee met with , the distance of time it self will declare it , being from him to the consular of thee marcus vinicius one hundred fiftie and one yeares . an authoritie of lesse power did succeed this act of opimius , because they sought to satisfie their particular spleenes , and the revenge was rather ascribed to private hate thē to the vindicating of the publique right . in the next ensuing yeare porcius and marcius being consuls , a colony was planted at narbo marcius . chap. 8. caius cato condemned of extortion for a petty summe . the two metelli neare kinsmen , triumph in one day , as also the two brothers of the flacci . and minutius upon the scordisci . let now the severitie of the citties censures be recommended to memory : for caius cato a man of consular qualitie , grandchild of marcus cato , and sonne to the sister of the affrican , was condemned upon information out of macedonia of extortion , when the question was but of foure thousand sesterces . thus did they rather bend their eyes upon the disposition to offend , then the measure of the crime , squaring the fact by the rule of the intention , and weigh what , not how farre men did offend . about the same time , the brothers of marcus metellus did triumph in one day . now was the fortune lesse remarkeable , as hitherto the sole one of that kinde of the sonnes of fulvius flaccus ( his i meane , who had taken capua ) in the colledge of consulls , whereof the one was given in adoption , and he so received into the family of acidianus manlius . for the censureship of the metelli , was of cozen-germans , not of brothers , which happinesse had onely befallen to the two scipios . then did the cimbri & the teutones passe over the rhine who presently aswell by our many losses as by their owne became famous . at the same time that minutius who built the galleries , which even to this day are highly esteemed , did bravely triumph over the scordisci . chap. 9. a register of romanes in that time famous for poesie , history , and other arts of the like kinde . in the the same age were scipio emilianus , and laelius , sergius galba , the two gracchi , caius fannius , and cerbo papirius , famous for eloquence . neither is metellus numidicus , or severus to be forgotten , but above all lucius crassus and marcus antonius ▪ to whom both in time and abilities succeeded caius caesar , strabo and publius sulpicius . for mucius was more famous for his skill in the law then for any eloquence that he was owner of . about the same time were highly prized the ingeniousnesse for comedyes of afranius , for tragedies , of pacuvius & attius , who were honoured even to the being paralleld with the grecian witts , who did not refuse to their workes prime ranke among themselves . so as indeed it seemed there was in these more daintines ; in them more substantiall bloud . the name also of lucilius , was at that time of high esteeme , who served on horsebacke under publius the african in the warre of numantia ; when lugurth also being a young man , and merius serving under the command of the same generall , did in the same army learne what they afterward should execute in armes of an opposite quallite . the historiographer sisenna was then young : but his worke of silla's civill warre , he wrote some yeares after , when he was old . caelius was more auncient then sisenna , but rutilius , claudius , quadrigarius and valerius anti●s , were in the same age with him . yet let us not be ignorant , that in that age was pompouius notable for his conceipt of a harsh stile , and for the new invention of his worke praise worthy . chap. 10. lepidus aelius censured for hiring a house at 6●0 . sesterces●a meane rate in succeeding times . domitius victorious over the arverni , and fabius , for his , surnamed allobrogian . the sate of the domitian family to have but one sonne of a father , yet all arive at the highest honours . and here let us observe the famous severity of the cēsors , cassius , longinus and caepio who one hundred fiftie and seven yeares since , did call in question , lepidus aelius the augur , for that he had hired a house of six thousand assis rent . if now any man should dwell in one of that value , he should scarce be acknowledged for a senator . so easily do men fall from what i● fit , to errors , from errors to crimes , and from crimes to the bottome of all wickednesse . in the same tract of time , the victory of domitius over the arverni and that of fabius , of the allobroges were glorious . to fabius the grandchild of paulus , for that his victory , the surname of the allobrogian was added ; where is to be observed , that in the domitian family there was a peculiar , and as it was most noble , so was it a felicitie bounded within the number of a very few men . as before this cneus domitius a young man of a most worthy and cleere roundnesse : there were of the same house but all the sole sons of their fathers : yet all of them attained consullships and priesthoods , and allmost all of them the honour of triumphs . chap. 11. the warre of iugurth managed first by metellus , ended by caius marius : his character : 12 metelli or more , within twelve yeares , of the caecilian family either consulls or triumph . then followed the warre with iugurth , managed by quintus metellus a man inferiour to no one of his time : his lieutenant was caius marius , of whom wee spake before : borne of a family of knights , rugged and sterne , of a course life , as the fittest for the warrs , so the worst for peace , knowing no meane , insatiably greedy of glory , in his passions ungoverned , and alwaies unquiet . he by the customers and others that traded in africa , accusing metelius of slowenesse , as who had drawne the warres out into a length of three yeares , and the innate pride of the nobilitie , with their greedy desire of prolonging their command : did bring to passe , that when having gotten leave , he was come to rome , and created consull : the whole charge of the warre , now almost brought to an end by metellus , as who had twise overthrowne iugurth in open fielde , was committed to him . yet notwithstanding was the triumph of metellus , as glorious as well deserved , and for his worth and valour , the sirname of numidian bestowed upon him . as before wee remembred the noblenesse of the domitian , so heere wee must observe that of the cecilian family , in which almost within the compasse of twelve yeares , at this time there were above twelve metelli that either were consulls or censors , or did triumph . so that it appeares , that as the fortune of cities and states , so also that of races or families doth now flourish , now grow old , now perish and come to an end . chap. 12. marius by silla his questor , had iugurth delivered up from bocchus : overthrowes the te●tones with slaughter in two daies of 150000 men . and after with his colleague , catulus , the cimbres , with the losse of above 10000 s●aine or taken . bvt caius marius had associated to him for his treasurer lucius silla , the destinies as it were making way for him : and by him whom hee had sent to king bochus , neere one hund●ed and thirtie yeares since received king iugurth delivered to him : and being againe chosen consull at his returne to the city , in the calends of ianuary , and the beginning of his second consulship , ●ed him in truimph then a● before we have related when a vast multitude of the german nations , who were called the cymbres and teutones , had powred themselves out upon us , & had overthrowne capio & m●●lius the consull , and before that in gallia , carbo and ●elan●s , and turned them out of their army , and slaine scaurus aurelius the consull , with others of principall marke & qualitie : the people of rome to repell so potent an enemie ▪ did thinke no man more fit to cōmand in chiefe than marius . the third yeare then of his redoubled consulship was spent in the preparation for the warre ; in which yeare cnaeus domitius , tribune of the people , did preferre a law , that the priests , whom before that their fellowes in office did institute , should bee created by the people . in his fourth consulship , he fought with the teutones beyond the alpes , neere the sextian waters : and having put to the sword in that day and the next , above one hundred and fiftie thousand men , he did extirpate the whole nation . in his fifth on this side the alpes in the fields which are called raudij , himselfe being consull and quintus luctatius catulus proconsull , in a most fortunate encoūter , there were of the enemies slain or taken prisoners , more than one hundred thousand men . with this victory marius did seeme to have deserved of the common wealth that it should not be sorrie that he was borne in it , and with his good service to have made amends for the ills that hee was author of : his sixth consulship was conferred upon him as a reward of his merits : yet notwithstanding let him not be unjustly deprived of the glory of this consulship , in which he being consull , did with force of armes , tame the madnesse of servilius glaucia , and saturni●us apulcius , whom borne and bent onely to doe mischiefe , with their unintermitted honors ▪ tearing the common-wealth in pe●ces , and with the sword and slaughter , disordering , and scattering the assemblies of the people : in the hostilian court hee punished with death . chap. 13. marcus livius drusus intending well to the senate , but mistaken by them . after this a few yeares being interposed , marcus livius drusus entred his tribuneship , a man most noble and excelling both in eloquence and goodnesse : who with farre better intentions than fortune undertooke the affaires that presented themselves , who when hee endeavoured to restore to the senate their antiently former honour , and to draw to that order from the knights the power of judging and determining : for the knights having by the power of the gracchian l●●es gotten that authoritie , when they had raged against many of most eminent marke , and those also most innocent , and also had condemned with the infinite lamentation of the whole citie publius rutilius of extortion ; ( a man not of that age alone , but of any whatsoever equall to the most vertuous ) did euen in those things , which for their behoofe hee contrived finde the senate opposite to him . they not understanding t●●● if hee proposed any thing for the advantage or benefit of the plebeians , that it was done to the end as with a baite to draw the multitude to his favour , that having obtained pettie things and trifles , they might give way to matters of greater import . finally , such was the fortune of drusus , that the senate did better approve the miscariage of his fellow tribunes , than his excellent intendments and scorning the honors which were by him presented to them , did with an equall temper brooke the injuries of others , envying him that height of glory , and enduring the poore and meane repute of the rest . chap. 14. the same man by some of their precurement● , murthered with ● knife , in a crowd at his owne house . the minde of drusus then ( since his faire intentions succeeded ill ) being turned to granting freedome of the citie to all italy , which when he had beene labouring for , and returned out of the market place , attended with the vast and innumerable multitude , which did alwayes follow him , being in the court of his owne house , strucken with a knife , which was left sticking in his side , within a few houres breathed his last . but being at the last gaspe , looking upon a number that stood about him , and lamented for him , hee let fall one word most sutable to the integritie of his conscience , will ever ( sa●d he ) [ my kinsmen and friends ] our common wealth finde a citizen affected to her good , like my selfe . this was the end of that most noble young man ▪ of whose disposition it should be amisse to forbeare giving one argument . when he built his house upon mount palatine , in that place , which once was cicero's , after that censorinus his , and now belongs to statilius sisenna , and the architect promised him that hee would so order it , that having an open prospect abroad , it should bee free from all view of any man without , nor should any looke into , or supervise it : nay , rather ( said he ) if thou hast any skill at all , so frame my house , as whatsoever i doe in it may be seene by all the world . chap. 15. carthage the first colonie planted out of italy : that plantations out of the native continent , have bin pernicious . the death of drusus cause of the italian warre . metellus numidicus banished by saturninus the tribune , and recalled by the meanes of his son . i would reckon among the ● most pernicious points of the lawes of gracchus that he planted colonies in other countries beyond the bounds of italy . that error our auncestors had so carefully avoyded ( when they observed carthage to be growne so much more powerfull than tyre , massilia , then phocaea , si●acusa , then corinth , cizicum , ●nd bizantium , then miletum , which were their originall and mother countries ) that out of the provinces , they still recalled the citizens to rome to bee taxed . the death of drusius raised the warre of italy , which already and before his death was boyling : for when lucius cesar and publius rutilius were consulls , now one hundred and twentie yeares since when that disease being as by contagio● spread from the aesculans over all italy ( for they had slaine the praetor servius , and fonteius the legate ) and having infused it selfe among the marsians , was runne thorow the whole countrie , had armed them against the romans , whose fortune as i● was bitter , so was their caus● most just ; for they required t● be members of that citie , who●● empire and command they d●● maintaine with their swords . that at all times , and in all warres , they did furnish double the number , both of horse and foote , that the romans themselves brought to the field : and yet might not be admitted to the priviledges of that citie , which by their meanes and valour was arrived at that heighth that ●he should loath and scorne men of both the same bloud and na●ion , as forrainers and aliens . that warre consumed more ●han three hundred thousand of the youth of italy . the prin●pall commanders of the roman side in that warre , were cnaeus pompeius , father to cnaeus pompeius , the great , cai●s marius of whom wee spake ●efore , lucius sylla , who the ●eare last past had beene prae●or , and quintus metellus , sonne to him that was sirnamed numidian , who deservedly purchased the sirname of pious for by his pietie to his parent , by the authoritie of the senate , and with the consent of the whole common wealth hee restored his father to his countrie , being expelled by lucius saturninus the tribune of the people , because he alone refused to sweare the observation of the lawes propounded by him . nor was that metellus the numidian more enobled by his triumphes , or the honors which hee had attained , than hee was by the cause of his banishment the exile it selfe , or his returne from it . chap. 16. the italian captaines in that warre , the fortune various , the end advantagious for the romans . of the italian partie , the most remarkeable captaines were , silo poppedius , herius asinius , iusterus cato , caius pontidius , telusius pontius , marius egnatius , & papius mutilius . nor will i by my bashfulnesse lessen at all the glory of my owne bloud and family , so long as i but relate the truth : for not a little honour is due to the memorie of minutius magius my great grandfather , who being nephew to docius magius the noblest of all the campanians , and a man of most unspotted fidelitie , did serve the romans in this warre , with so much loyaltie , that with a legion which himselfe had raised among the hirpines , hee tooke herculaneum , and in it titus didius , and consorted with lucius silla , besieged the pompeies , and forced cosa . of whose worth both divers other , and especially , as well as most clearly quintus hortensius in his annalls , hath made relation : and whose deservings the people of rome did afterward amply , and fully remunerate , both in endowing him ( and that not among others , but ) singly and by himselfe with the priviledges of the citie ; and in creating his two sonnes praetors , when the old man was not yet past begetting of other children , but had some borne to him after that time . so variable and mischievous was the fortune of that warre , that in two yeares , one after the other , two roman consulls were slaine by the enemie , rutilius first , and then cato porcius : the armies of the romans in sundry places were defeated , and they compelled to weare onely their cassocks , and remaine a long time in that habite : they chose for the seat of their empire corfinium , and called it italicum . after that by degrees , and incorporating into the city , such as had either not taken armes at all , or quickly laid them downe , and made their peace , our forces were repaired , and the common wealth sinking and ready to perish , was restored by pompey , sylla and marius . chap. 17. the italians made free of the city , the refusall whereof before was cause of the warre : sylla made consull . the italian warre being for the greatest part ended except onely those reliques thereof which remained about nola , ( which setled , the romans having sheathed their swords , did rather choose to graunt the libertie of the city to those which were conquered and deprest , then before when they were sound and entire ) quintus pompeius entred his consulship , together with lucius cornelius sylla , a man that neither can bee sutably to his merit commended for his carriage before his victory , nor yet in the same proportion dispraised for his actions , after hee was conquerour . hee being descended of a noble family , as the sixth from cornelius rufinus , who in the warre of pyrrhus was reckoned one of the most eminent captaines of that time , when the honours of his family had beene intermitted , did so carry himselfe for a long time , as it seemed hee had no thought of standing for the consulship . afterward growing to reputation in the italian warre , and before that in his lievetenancie under marius in france , where hee had routed some of the enemies most esteemed captaines ; hee tooke heart from his good fortune , and requiring the consulship , was so declared by almost all the voyces of the citie . yet was hee in the nine and fortieth yeare of his age , when he attained to that honour . chap. 18. warre with mithridates committed to sylla : mithridates his character and acts : the fidelity of the rhodians , and perfidiousnesse of the muylenians : sulpitius his character with the charges in his carriage . at that time , mithridates king of pontus , a man ( of whom wee may neither bee silent nor yet speake slightly ) in warre most eagerly fierce , of notable valour , sometimes in his fortune , alwaies in his courage of the highest ranke , in direction a great captaine , in execution a brave souldier , in his hatred to the romans another hanibal , having possest himselfe of asia , and out the throats of all the romans that were in it , whom in one day and houre , by his letters to the cities , with infinite promises of rewards , he had procured to bee massacred . at that time there was not any who either in faithfulnesse toward the romans , or in valour against mithridates did parallell the rhodians . their fidelitie was by the perfidiousnesse of them of mytelene , rendred the more illustrious , who delivered to mithridates bound and captive marcus aquilius , and other romans with him : although afterwards they were by pompey restored to their liberty , onely in favour of theophanes . when mithridates did seeme in a fearefull manner to threaten italy : asia by the lots fell to sylla for his province . hee being gone out of the citie when hee staied before nola , ( for that citie did most obstinately continue in armes , & was then beleagured with the roman forces , as if it had beene sorry for the faithfulnesse which above all other ( subjects or confederates ) it had most religiously observed in the punique warre ) publius sulpitius tribune of the people , a man eloquent , eager , by his wealth , favour , friendships , and the vigour of his wits and spirit , made most eminent , having with all secresie of his intentions procured himselfe a vaste authoritie with the common people : as if he were growne to be weary of his vertues , and that his well laid designes were unsuccessefull to him : upon a suddaine becomming ill disposed & headily rash , decreed all commands , all provinces to caius marius , who greedily affected them after hee was seventy yeares old : and preferred a law to the people , by which the command of sylla should be abrogated , the warre of mithridates decreed to marius , with other pernicious and balefull lawes not to be endured in a free common wealth . and besides , by certaine assasines of his owne faction , he caused to bee murthered , the son of quintus pompeius , then consull ; who also was sonne in law to sylla . chap. 19. sylla his returne to rome from nola , and expelling the opposite faction : marius his danger at mintura , and sulpitius his death . sylla then drawing his army together returned to the citie , and by force possessed himselfe thereof , threw out of it the twelve authors of those mischievous novelties , in which number were comprehended marius with his sonne , and publius sulpitius , and by a law which then was passed , did condemne them to banishment . as for sulpitius the horsemen that overtooke him in the fennes of laurentum slew him , and his head being set up to shew over the pleading place , was as a presaging omen of the proscription that ensued . marius also after his sixth consulship , and in the seventieth yeare of his age , was with a leather thong cast about his necke , dragged naked , and covered all over with myre out of a plot of reeds about the marsh of murica , in which , flying from sylla his cavallery which pursued him , he had hidden himself , by the command of the decemvirs to the common prison of minturna : to make an end of whom , when a common slave of the towne , by birth a german , who by chance was taken in the cymbrian warre where marius commanded in chiefe , was sent with a sword : he as soone as hee knew marius , with a hideous out-cry , discovering his indignatiō at the hard fortune of so great a personage , casting away his sword , runne out of the prison . the townesmen then being by an enemie taught to have compassion upon one that but a little before was a man of highest eminence , having furnisht him with provision , put him aboard a ship , and dismist him in safetie . but hee having met with his son about aenaria , stood for africa : and in a shed among the ruines of carthage , passed for a time a life full of necessitie : while marius beholding carthage , and it on the other side holding him , one of them might in a sort serve for a comfort to the other . chap. 20. pompey the consull slaine by the souldiers . cinna for his sedititious devices , deposed from his consulls place , his recalling marius out of exile . this yeare was the first that ever the roman souldiers embrewed their hand in the bloud of a consull : for pompey syllas colleague was by the army of cnaeus pompeius , slaine in a mutinie , but whereof the commander himselfe was the author . neither was cinna of better temper than marius or snipitius , so that whereas the freedome of the city was so granted to the italians , that the newly incorporate citizens should bee distributed into eight tribes , left by their power and multitude , the dignitie of the antient citizens should bee abased , and they to whom the courtesie was done , have more authoritie than the conferrers thereof . cinna promised that he would divide them among all the tribes , with the fame of which benefit he drew a mightie number of them into the citie . out of which being forced by the power of his fellow in office , and of the chiefe citizens , when hee bent himselfe for campania by the authoritie of senate , hee was deprived of his consulship , and in his place was subrogated lucius cornelius merula , the high priest of iupiter . this injurie was better suted to the person of the man , than fit to serve for a president . cinna then having first corrupted the chiefe centurions and tribunes , and within a while the souldiers also with hope of a donative , was received by the army which lay about nola. and when they had all sworne obedience to him , hee retaining the markes and ensignes of the consulship , declared warre against his countrie : relying upon the multitude of the new citizens , of whom he had enrolled more than three hundred cohorts , and had filled up about thirtie legions . yet did that side stand in need of authoritie and favour : to give it that addition , he recalled out of banishment caius marius with his sonne , and those which were driven into exile with them . chap. 21. the battaile fought neere rome , betweene cinna and pompey , father to the great pompey , who after dyed of the plague . bvt while cinna makes war upon his countrie cnaeus pompeius , father to pompey the great ( of whose noble endevours as wee have before delivered , the republique had made good use in the marsian warre , and especially about the countrey of picenum , and who had taken asculum , about which towne , when the armies were dispersed in diverse other countries , seventie and five thousand roman citizens , and more then threescore thousand italians fought in one day ) being hopelesse of holding the consullship any longer , did so doubtfully and indifferently cary himselfe betweene the factions , that he seemed to direct all his actions to his owne ends , and to lye in wait for the time , wavering to and fro , as ready when the fairer hope of power and greatnesse , presented it selfe , to render both himselfe and his army . yet at the last , in a greate and a sharpe battaile he encountred with cinna . the issue whereof being fought and determined under the very walles , and the allyes of the romans both fighting in it , and being also spectators thereof : how mischievously balefull it was , can scarce be expressed in words . after this when the pestilence raged in both the armies as if the ●word had not sufficiently wa●ted thē , cnaeus pompeius depar●ed this life . the reioycing for whose death was almost a counterpoize for the losse of so many citizens as either the sword or sickenesse had deprived of life , and the people of rome upon his dead body vented the ill will which they ought him in his life . whether there were two or three families of the pompeies or no , certaine it is that the first of that name quintus pompeius was consull with cnaeus servilius , about one hundred sixtie eight yeares since . cinna and marius not without bloudy skirmishes on both sides , recovered the citie . but cinna entring first , passed a law for the recalling of marius from exile . chap. 22. marius his returne to rome : the first proscription . presently marius also to the common plague of his coūtrie men came into the towne . nothing could have beene more bloudy then that victory : if that of sylla had not followed it . neither did they rage with an unrestrained licentiousnesse , but the noblest and most eminent men of the citie , were with sundrey kindes of death removed out of the way . amongst them the consul octavius , a man of a most harmelesse dis●osition by the command of cinna was put to the sword . but merula who upon the comming of cinna had disclamed the consulship , cutting his veines , and sprinkling the alter with his blood , did call upon the same gods whom hee oft had , as high priest to iupiter , invoked for the welfare of the republique , with curses for cinna and his faction , and in that sort rendred up his spirit , which had so superabundantly deserved well of the common wealth marcus antonius a man most eminent , both for his ranke in the citie , and for eloquence , was by the swords of the souldiers whom for a time he had with the daintinesse of his oratory caused to pause upon the command of marius and cinna , cruelly slaughtered . quintus catolus who both for his other virtues and by the glory of th● cymbrian warre , wherein he wa● an equall sharer with marius was of highest repute ; when h● was hunted for to bee put t● death , shut himselfe up in a place ●ately pergetted with lime and ●and ; & causing fire to be brought ●nto if to give the more force to ●he savour of drawing an aire ●ernicious and deadly , and with●ll suffocating his owne breath , ●ied rather as his enemies wi●hed , then as they intended . thus ●ll things in the republique , ran ● headlong course of mischiefe : ●nd yet did not any man declare ●imselfe that he had the daring ● give away the goods of a ●ittizen of rome to another , ●or any that was so affronted as ● demand them . that also after●ard was added , that avarice ●ecame the motive of cruelty : ●●d the proportion of the fault ●as rated according to the ●orth of the estate : so as he that ●as rich was held a guilty per●●n , and every man was made the price of his owne danger . neither did any thing seem● base , so as it were gainefull . chap. 23 marius his seaventh consulship and death , sylla his acts against mithridates : his resolution against the marians , but after the forraine enemeis nayle● were pared . cinna then entred his secon● consulship , and marius hi● seventh , to the disgrace of hi● former ones ; in the beginnin● whereof , falling into a fickr●● he deceased : a man in the warre● as superlatively bitter to the enemie , as in peace to his cou●trey men , and of quiet most impatient . in his roome was su●rogated valerius flaccus , the au●hor of a most base and unjust ●aw : that creditors should be ●aied but the fourth part of their ●ebt . of which his fact within ●wo yeares hee received ●he reward which hee had ●o well deserved . white cinna●id ●id thus dominiere in italy . ●he greater part of the nobili●●e fled to sylla in achaia , and ●rom thence into asia . in the ●ean time , sylla did in such sort ●ncounter with the generall im●loied by mithridates against ●im about athens in baeotia ●nd macedonia , as he both re●overed athens , and having be●●owed much labour about the ●everall fortifications , which ●hey had made upon the port of ●iraeus , he put to the sword about ●wo hundred thousand men , and ●●oke prisoners not many fewer ● any man shall impute this time of rebellion to the athenians he is certainely ignorant both of the truth and all antiquitie . for the fidelitie of the athenians to the state of rome was still so inviolate , that alwaies and in every occasion whatsoever was performed with all sincerity and integrity , they used to say it was done with an atticke faithfulnesse . but at that time being oppressed with the force of mithridates his armes , they in a most wretched estate being subject to their enemies , held under with their garrisons , and beseiged by their friends , had their hearts without the rampires , and their bodies within the walles , obeying the necessitie which they could not avoid . from thence sylla passing over into asia , found mithridates an humble suppliant and obedient to all hi● commands . vpon whom imposing a fine of money , and part of his ships , he constrained him to quit asia , and those provinces which by force he had seized upon : he received backe from him all those which were prisoners , did justice upon fugitives and offenders , and enjoyned him to be content with his estate descended to him from his fathers , that is , with the kingdome of pontus . chap. 24. fimbria his boldnesse , and end : laenas the tribune executes lucilius the last yeares tribune , & banisheth the rest of sylla his party . caius flavius fimbria who being generall of the horse before sylla his comming , had staine valevius flascus a man of consular qualitie , and possessing himselfe of his army , and saluted by the title of generall , had as it hapned in a battaile routed mithridates : vpon sylla his passing over , slew himselfe . a young man he was who what he most unlawfully durst attempt did with courage put in execution . the same yeare , publius lanas , tribune of the people , did throw downe from the tarpeyan rocke sexius lucilius who had beene tribune of the people , the yeare before : and when his fellowes in office , whom he had cited and appointed a day for their tryall , did for feare flie to sylla : he by proclamation declared them rebels , forbidding them the use of fire and water . sylla , then having setled the affaires beyond the sea , when to him first of any roman , the embassadors of the parthians had presented themselves : and among them certaine of their soothsayers , had upon observation of some markes in his body , foretold that he should passe a most glorious life , and that the memorie of him should be long lived , returning into italy , he at brundusium landed with only thirtie thousand men against forces of his enimies , consisting of above two hundred thousand . hardly can i esteeme any action of syllaes more noble then that when the faction of cinna and marius tyrannized over al italy , he neither forbare to declare , that he would make warre upon them , nor yet quitted the businesse that he had in hand : and thought that the publique enemie of the state was first to bee represt , before he thought of private revenge : and that when the feare of a forraigne force was removed , and he had mastered his enemie abroad , hee would also take order with those at home . before comming of lucius sylla in a mutiny of the army , cinna was by them slaine ; a man better meriting to have beene executed at the pleasure of the conqueror , then slaughtered by the rage of the souldier , of whom it may be truly said : that he dared give attempt upon those things which no honest man ever durst thinke ; and effected that which was not to be done by any , but those that were of the most dauntlesse courage : and that in consultation and advice , he was headily rash ; in execution , a gallant man. carbo having no colleague subrogated in cinna's place , was , for the rest of the whole yeare the sole consull . chap. 25. sylla his returne into italy : the overthrow of scipio and norbanus neare capua , sylla after the victory , not like sylla before it . thou wouldest have thought that sylla had not come into italy to make a part in the war : but to negotiate for and procure a peace . with such quietnesse and so great care of the provisions and fruits of the earth , of the countrey , the people , and the townes , did he lead his army through all calabria and apulia , into campania : and did seeke to end the warre with just , and equall conditions . but they whose greedy desires were both extreamly wicked and unbounded , could not away with peace . in the meane time sylla his army did dayly increase , every one that was of the honestest ●ort , and the most discreet flocking to him . after that not farre from capua he prosperously defeated scipio and norbanus the consuls , of whom norbanus was overthrowne in fight . scipio forsaken by his army and betrayed by them , was by sylla dismist untoucht . so unlike was sylla the souldier to sylla the conqueror , that while he overcomes he was more mild then the gentlest spirit : after the victory , more cruell then can bee spoken . for both when hee was consull , as wee have already told , he dismist in safety quintus sertorius , onely disarming him ; a firebrand soone after , ( of oh how great a warre ) with many others whom he had in his power : i think that in the same man there might be seene an instance of a mind double , and most different from it selfe . after the victory , in the descent from the mountaine tifata , where sylla had encountered with caius norbanus , he rendred thankes to diana , to whose deity all that country is consecrated : & also dedicated to the goddess , the bathes for their virtue in curing diseases very famous , with all the fieldes about them : of which his gratefull devotion the brazen table fixed upon a post of the temple , with the inscriptiō therof doth to this day beare witnesse and keep the memory in being . chap. 26. carbo , and marius the sonne , consulls : marius beaten at sacriportum by sylla , and besieged in preneste , murders in rome , & the brave death of calphurnia . in the meane while , the consuls for the time being , carbo the third time , and caius marius sonne to him that was seven times consul , who then was six and twenty yeares old , and one rather of his fathers courage , then fitted for that age , having , & that bravely made many attempts , being at last beaten by sylla about sacriportum , retyred with his army to preneste , which being by nature fortified , he had before strengthned with a garrison . when , lest there should be any thing wanting to the publique calamities ; in that citie where the emulation was alwayes wont to be about vertuous actions , the contention was now only for the height of mischiefe : & he thought himself the best man , who did most transcend in villany . for while they were in armes , and disputing the fortune of the warres at sacriportum , damasippus the praetor in the market place of hostillius did cause to be murthered , as favorers of sylla his faction , domitius scaevola , who also was the soveraigne bishop , and a most famous sage of all lawes both devine and humane : together with caius carbo of the praetorian ranke , and brother to the consull , and antistius who had binne aedile . nor let calpurnia the daughter of bactia and wife of antistius , lose the glory of her most noble resolution ; who when her husband , as wee have related , was slaine with a sword , ranne her selfe thorow : how great an addition to her fame and glory ; her vertue makes her eminent , her countrey is unknowne . chap. 27. pontius telesinus the samnite , his braverie and endangering sylla in fight at the gates of rome a menius seeking to escape under ground from preneste , surprized and slaine . bvt pontius telesinus , captaine of the samnites , one both at home and in the warres of an invincible spirit , and of the roman name , a most irreconcileable enemy : having gathered together about fortie thousand of the bravest and the most eager of warres , that were to be found among the youth of his nation . when carbo and marius were consults about fortie yeares since , upon the kallends of november , did so rudely encounter with sylla before the gate collina , as hee brought both him and the common wealth into the extremitie of danger : which was not in greater hazard when hannibal his tents were pitched within three miles of the walles , than that day when telesinus flying about the ranks of his army , & proclaiming that the romans last day was come ; cried out that the citie must bee destroyed and rased ; adding thereunto that those wolves , the ruiners of the libertie of italy , would never faile to bee troublesome , except the wood in which they used to harbour , were stubbed up by the roots . at length above an houre within night , both the romans army gat some time to breath , and the enemie fell off ; telesinus was found the next day halfe a live , and with a speech rather of a conquering , than a dying man , whose head being cut from his shoulders , sylla commanded to be carried about the walles of preneste . then at length the younger caius marius despairing of the successe of his affaires , attempting to escape by certaine mines which with wonderfull art being cut under ground , did opē themselves into severall fields , when now he had gotten out of the earth , was by some that were set there for that worke , deprived of life . there are some that report , hee dyed by his owne hand : some that say , that he and his younger brother telesinus beleagured , and attemting to escape with him , finding themselves past all hope , engaged ranne together , and with interchanged woundes , dispatched one another . how ever hee dyed , and that to this day , his memory is nothing obscured by so great glory of his father : in what repute sy●●a did hold that young man , it is easily to bee discerned in this ; that when he was slaine , he assumed the name of fortunate , which indeed hee should have withall justice taken upon him , if his victory and his life had ended together . offella lucretius commanded in chiefe at the siege of marius and praneste , who having beene before of the marian faction when hee was praetor , fled over to sylla . the fortune of that day in which the army of the samnites , and telesinus was mated , sylla did honour with a perpetuall memoriall of plaie , in the circus , in which without naming it , the victory of sylla is glorified . chap. 28. divers battailes fought and worne by sylla his captaines , the servilij , metellus and lucullus : the secona proscription . a little before that sylla fought at sacriportum , divers commanders of his partie had in brave and important encounters , routed severall armies of the enemies . as the two servilij at clusium , metellus pius at faventia , and marcus lucullus at fidentia . the miseries of the civill warre did seeme to be ended , when by the crueltie of sylla , they were both renewed and augmented : for hee being created dictator ( the assuming of which honor by any man had now by the space of one hundred and twentie yeares beene intermitted , ever since the next yeare after hannibal his quitting of italy , so as it seemed the people of rome did not so much desire to make use of the dictatorship , as they stood in feare of the power of so absolute a command which their ancestors had employed to relieve and settle the state in the greatest exigent ) did abuse it with a licentious and unbounded crueltie . he was the first ( and would to god he had beene the last ) that invented and raised a president for proscriptions . that in that citie , in which an overworne stage-player was censured for sawcie abusing of others , in the same there should bee an authorising from the state of the massacring of a subject , and hee thrive best , who had slaine most men , nor the reward for killing an enemy be more full and bounteous , than for murthering a citizen , and every man bee made the pay-master of his owne hangman . neither was this rage bent onely against those who had borne armes against him : but many innocent men also fell under it . to which was added , that the goods of those that were proscribed , were set to sale , and their children being disinherited , were also barr'd and excluded from standing for any honors or offices in the state : and withall , which was of all the most unworthie peece , the sonnes of senators , must beare the burthens of that order , and yet lose the rights thereof . chap. 29. cnaeus pompeius his bringing an army to sylla : his character and the esteeme be held with his enemy . vpon the comming of lucius sylla into italy , cnaus pompeius , the sonne of that pompey , of whose most glorious exploits in his consulship in the marsian warre , wee have before made relation , being three and twentie yeares old , about one hundred yeares since , undertaking with the meanes of a private fortune , great matters , and gallantly putting in action what hee had so projected ; to vindicate and restore the honour of his countrey , did raise a full and just armie in the picene territorie , which was in every place stuffed with the followers and dependants of his father , whose greatnesse would , to describe it fully , require many volumes , but the proportion of the work i have in hand compells mee to deliver it in few words . his mother was called lucilia , descended of a race of the degree of the senate , for his shape it was of the best , not such as inlovely youths is counted for dainty , but for the gracefulnesse and majestie suted to such a height of greatnesse which did so attend upon his fortunes to the last period of his life . of authority and power ( that it might for his honour be tendred to him , not seised upon by him ) hee was most eagerly desirous . in warre a most able captaine , in peace a citizen , ( except where hee stood in feare of a concurrent equall ) full of all modesty , of his friends a most constant observer ; oftended , hee was not hard to bee entreated ; once reconciled , hee most faithfully kept his word ; in receiving satisfaction , no man so easie . his power he never or seldome abused , to commit any insolence : hee scarce was discerned to wish any thing , except it should be counted among the highest of his aimes , that hee thought scorne in a free citie , and lady of so many nations , where by right all men were of his owne ranke , to see any one his equall in honour . hee from the time that hee came to mans estate , being trained up in service under his father , a most able captaine , did so enforme his judgement , which of it selfe was cleere & capable of knowledge , with an excellent understanding of the arts of warre , that by sertorius , metellus was indeed more commended , but pompey more cordially redoubted . chap. 30. sertorius betrayed at supper by perperna and slaine : metellus and pompeius their triumph , before pompeius was a senator . the warres with the staves , and spartacus their captaine . in the end marcus perperna , a man of praetorian qualitie , and of the proscribed , by his race and descent more noble than his disposition , at exosca murthered sertorius , when they were at supper , and by that his basest treachery , procured to the rest of the people of rome an assured victory , to his owne partie ruinous destruction , and to himselfe a most ignominious death . metellus then and pompey triumphed for their conquest of both the spaines . but pompey in this same triumph being as yet but a knight of rome , before the time that he was , or might bee elected consull , entred the city in a triumphall chariot : who can forbeare to wonder at this man ? that being by extraordinarie commands , raised to the highest type of honour , did yet with impatience brooke the senate and people of rome their shewing that they tooke into their consideration , and had regard to caius caesar when hee pretended to a second consul●hip . so familiar it is with men ●o allow any thing to themselves , but excuse nothing in o●hers , and to bend their envie ●red by occasions , not as the ●ause , but as their humour and ●he persons direct them . in his consulship did pompey re●tore the power of the tri●unes , whereof sylla had onely left the shadow or image in use . while the warre of sertorius was on foote , sixtie foure fugitive slaves breaking out of a fencing schoole , where they were kept at capua , led by spartacus , and getting swords in the citie , at the first withdrew themselves to mount vesuvius , and presently their multitude daily increasing , with various and grievous calamities they afflicted all italy , whose number did grow to such an excesse , a● in the last battaile that they fought , they opposed the roman army with forty thousand armed men . the glory of ending this warre , was due to marcus crassus , who was ere long a principall man among all the romans . chap. 31. the piraeticall warre with amplest authoritie committed to pompey , though against the will of the nobility . now had the quality of pompey turned the eyes of the world upon him , and hee was in every place and respect , the more fixedly regarded , when being consull , he had solemnely sworne that his time being expired , hee would not accept of , or seeke the government of any province , and had kept his oath . two yeares after , a●lus gabinius the tribune preferred a law that since the pirates did now in the manner of a just warre , not of the everie and surprizing attempts , with whole navies affright the world , and had also sacked certaine cities in italy : that , i say , cnaeus pompey should be employed to represse them : and that his command should extend thorow all the provinces of equall power with the proconsulls , and every way fiftie miles from the sea side ; by which decree of the senate , the empire of almost the whole world was conferr'd upon one man. yet was the same also decreed two yeares before in the praetorship of marke anthony . but sometimes the consideration of the person , as by president it doth mischiefe , so it either augments or lessens the envie that i● borne them : for seldome are th● honours envied of such men whose power is not redoubted ; and on the contrary , men doe stand in feare of extraordinarie greatnesse in those whom they suppose likely either to quit or retaine them at their pleasures , and to have no limits or termes set them but by heir owne will. this determination was opposed by the prime of the nobilitie : but their prudent advice was over-ruled and mastered by the violence of others . the esteeme of quintus catulus , and this modestie also are worthie of memorie , who when , in opposing of this law , hee had said in the assemblie , that cnaeus pompeius was indeed a very excellent man , but yet in a free republique , neither all , nor yet too much was to be committed to the hand of any one man , & then added ; but if any thing disasterous betide him : whom have you to substitute in his roome ? the whole assemblie cried out , thy selfe quintus catulus : he then vanquished by the uniforme consent of them all , and so honourable a testification of the whole citie concerning himselfe , departed out of the assemblie . let mee heere admire both the honestie of the man , and the equitie of the people . him , that hee would not any further contend , and of their part , that though disswading and declaring himselfe adverse to their desires , they yet would not defraud him of the attestation iustly due to him . chap. 32. that warre in short time ended , and the seas cleared of pyrates , who were planted in a colonie within land . about the same time cotta did equally divide the power of judging betweene the two orders of the senate and knights ; which caius gracchus having bereft the senate of , had transferred to the knights , and sylla had after restored to them . and otho roscius also by a law of his propounding , rendred againe to the knights their places in the theater . but cnaeus pompeius having taken with him to assist him in that warre , many and worthie men , and appointed guards of ships for all the bayes and sea coasts , in a short time with an invincible power did free the world of feare . and having in many encounters and divers places beaten the pyrates : at length falling upon them about cilicia with his whole fleet , and totally routing them , that hee might with the more celeritie make an end of the warre , so dilated over the earth , hee recollecting the remnants of them , setled them in cities , apart remoted from the sea uppon certaine habitations . there are that carpe at this act of his : but though such an author bee reason enough for the fact , yet reason it selfe doth make any author of great authoritie . for giving them meanes to live without rapine , hee shut them up farre from sea , so barring them from that way of spoyling others . chap. 33. manlius tribune of the people , preferres a law to commit the warre of mithridates to pompey , taking it from lucullus , who had done great things in it : lucullus his character , comparative with the disposition of pompey . vvhen the pyraticall warre was upon the point of concluding , and lutius lucullus ( who seven yeares before in his consulship , had by lot asia asigned unto him as his province , and had there performed both great and memorable services , had often in many places routed mithridates , had with a glorious victorie freed cizicū from siege , and had overthrowne in armenia tigranes the greatest king of those pyrates , and rather would not , then was unable to give the last blow to that warre , hee ( who in all other respects was worthie of praise , and in warre invincible ) was yet vanquished with the love of mony ) did still command in that warre . manilius then tribune of the people , a man alwaies mercenarie , and a busie advancer of the power of another , preferred a law , that the warre with mithridates should bee committed to cnaeus pompeius . the bill did passe , and thereupon was there great and bitter brawling betweene the generalls , while pompey objected to lucullus his base love of gaine , and lucullus to him his unlimited desire of command , and neither of them in that which hee imputed to the other , could bee charged with belying him : for neither did pompey after hee once had put his hand to the affaires of state in his minde , ever brooke any equall , and in those things in which by due right , he should have beene the prime , he desired to bee the sole man. nor did ever any man lesse covet all other things , or more greedily glory than he . in seeking honors without moderation , in injoying and using them most modest : as who whereas hee most desirously entred them , did yet with an equall temper lay them downe , and what hee desired to assume at his owne pleasure , was content to devest himselfe of it at the wil of another . lucullus on the other side , a man in all other regard of highest excellencies , was the first beginner of the excessive riot of our times in building , feasts and furniture of houses : whom for his forcing out the sea in some places , by masses of earth throwne into it , and letting it into other by undermining of mountaines , pompey the great did not without a smartnesse of wit , use to call the gowned xerxes . chap. 34. creet conquered and made a province by metellus : the temple of ianus shut the secona time , which was done but thrice in all the time of rome : first by the king , secondly by metellus , thirdly by augustus . cicero his suppressing of catiline , his conspiracie . about the same time the isle of creet was by quintus metellus brought under the command of the people of rome , which by the leading of panares and lasthenes , with twentie foure thousand young men of incredible swiftnesse , unweariable with their armes & travaile , and most excellent archers , had for three whole yeares vexed the romane armies . neither from encroaching upon the glory of this man also , did cnaeus pompeius restraine his desires , but endeavoured to claime a part of his victorie . but for the triumphs of lucullus and metellus both their owne singular vertue and the envie of pompey did with all the best sort of men render them the more favoured . in these times it was , that marcus cicero , who was indebted onely to himselfe for all his additions , a man of a most illustrious newnesse , and as hee was noble in his life , so for his understanding of the greatest : whose worke it was that wee should not be inferiour to them in wit , whom with armes we had mastered : being consull , with his singular virtue , constancie , vigilancie , and carefulnesse overthrew the conspiracie of sergius catiline , lentulus , cethegus , & divers others of both the degrees of senators & knights . catiline by feare of the consulls command was forced out of the citie , lentulus of consular qualitie , and that had beene twice praetor , and cethegus with others of noble families , by authoritie of the senate , and direction from the consull , were put to death in prison . chap. 35. cicero his character : the execution of the conspirators and the death of catiline in fight . that day of the senates sitting , in which these things were acted , did render most gloriously glistering , the virtue of marcus cato , which was before in other things conspicuous and clearely shining . he being the greate grand child of marcus cato , the head of the portian family , was a man most like to virtue it selfe , and every way more neerely aproaching in his disposition to the gods then man : who never did just things that he might appeare so , but because he could do no other , and to whō that onely did seem reasonable which had equitie in it , and being clearely free of all humaine maine vices had alwaies fortune in his owne power . he being chosen ( as yet a very youth ) tribune of the people , when others did opine that lentulus and the rest of the conspirators should be held under guard in the free townes , when , almost one of the last , his suffrage was called for , did with such power both of spirit , and wit , inveigh against the conspiracie , that with his ardencie he rendred the opinions of those who had perswaded the way of lenitie , suspected of being privie to the plot : so laid open the dangers hanging over their heads , of the ruine and firing of the citie and altering of the state , so magnified the vertue of the consull , that the whole body of the senate sided with his opinion , censured them to die whom we spak of before , and the major part of the order of senators accompanied cato by way of honour home to his house . but catiline did no more faintly put in execution his designes of mischiefe when they were discovered , then he had before undertaken them ; for fighting with infinite valour he paied the life to the sword of the souldier , which was due to that of iustice . chap. 36. the birth of august . caesar , in cicero his consulship : an enumeration men , in that age famous for learning . no meane addition of honor to the yeare of cicero his consulship , was the birth of sacred augustus , who then was borne now eighty two yeares since with his greatnesse to obscure all men of what nation soever . it may almost seeme superfluous to reckon up the ages of the men of eminency for their wits of those dayes : for who knowes not that about that time though somewhat differing in yeares did flourish , cicero , hortensius , and indeed crassus , also cato sulpitius & within a while brutus , calidius , coelius , calvus , and in the next ranke to cicero casar , and as a fosterchild of theirs corvinus with asinius polio , and the emulator of thucidides salust , and the poets varro , lucretius and catullus second to none in verifying of the worke which he tooke in hand . the tallying up of the names of these able wits , who are in a sort still in our eyes , is a kinde of folly , among whom in our age are most eminent the prince of poets virgilius and rabirius & livie who succeeded to salust , with tibullus and naso most excellent in the manner of their worke . for of men of eminency as the admiration is great so is the censure full of difficulty . chap. 27. pompey his acts against mithridates and tigranes . tigranes his yeelding himselfe and estate . vvhile these affaires are on foot in the cittie and in italy , cnaeus pompeius did manage the warre of a remarke●ble nature against mithridates : who after the departure of lu●ullus , had raised a brave body of ● new army . but that king being overthrowne , routed and stript out of al his meanes , retired himselfe to armenia , and tigranes ( his father in law ) a king in that time , but that he had before bi● shaken by lucullus , of all othe● the most puissant . pompey therefore pursuing thē joyntly , entred armenia , and first tigranes hi● sonne , but at odds with his father , presented himselfe to pompey , and ere long he himselfe also in person , and as suppliant rendred himselfe and his estate , to his disposure , professing tha● there was no other , either roman , or of any other nation , besides cnaeus pompeius , to whos● consortship he would adjoyn●● himselfe . and therefore that any fortune either prosperous or adverse which he should alot him he should repute easie to be su●fered . that it was not dishon●● to be conquered by him whom it were a crime to overcome . neither was it inglorious to pompey that he submitted himselfe to him whom fortune had raised above all other men . the royall estate was by him reserved for the king , but for him fined in a mighty summe of money , which pompey , as he alwaies ased to do , did deliver into the power of the questor , and so was it accounted for , to the pub●ique treasurie . syria and other provinces which he had seized upon , being rerest him , were part ●estored to the people of rome , part then appropriated to them , as syria , which was then first made ●ributary to rome . armenia was ●ppointed for the boundes of the kings empire . chap. 38 , 39. a catalogue of all the romane provinces : when and by whom they were made so . it doth not seeme to hold any great discrepance from th● rule of my intended worke , i● few words to deliver cursorily what countryes and by what commanders mastered , hav● beene reduced into the forme o● provinces , and submitted to th● payment of tribute , which we have noted , that the more easil● of the whole together there ma● be a view taken in the severa● parts . claudius being consu●● did first passe an army over into sicilie , and almost fiftie two yeares after claudius marcell● having taken siracusa made it ●rovince . regulus first entred a●rica about the ninth yeare of the ●●rst punicke warre , but two ●undred and foure yeares after ●●ipso emilianus racing of car●●age , about one hundred eightie ●●d two yeares since reduced it ●●to a province : vpon sardinia ●etweene the first and second ●●●ique warre , by the conduct ● titus manlius the yoke of ●●r command was setled . a vast ●roofe of a warlike cittie it is , ●at once onely under the kings , ●e second time in the consul●●ip of this titus manlius , and ●●e third in the principalitie of ●ugustus , the temple of the bi●onted , ianus being shut up did ●ure us of an universall peace . ● spaine about the beginning of ●●e second punicke warre , cnaeus●●d ●●d publius scipio led our armies ●●out two hundred and fiftie yeares since . after that it bein● with various fortune possessed and often by parcels lost , by th● command of augustus it wa● made tributarie . macedonia b● paulus , achaia by mummiu● aetolia by fulvius nobilior we●● subdued , asia by publius scip●● brother to the african , was take● from antiochus , but by favo●● of the senate and people o● rome , being a while enioyed b● the kings of the family of att●lus , in the end marcus perpern● having taken aristonicus prisoner , made it subject to tribut● the glory of having conquer● cyprus is not to be ascribed ● any . for by a decree of the s●nate , the administration of ca●● and the kings death which ● by the impulsion of a guilt● conscience did procure to hi●selfe , it became a tributarie p●●●ince . creta by the direction of metellus was amerced at the ex●iration of her most auncient li●ertie . syria and pontus remain ●●e monuments of cnaeus pompe● his valour . chap. 39. the gaules ( first entred with an army by fabius●●e ●●e nephew paulus , who was ●●lled the allobrogian , ) with our ●reat losse we often both cove●●d and lost . but the most clear●● glorious workemanship of ●●ius caesar is to be now view●● in them : by whose command ●●d fortune they utterly broken ●●e brought to almost the same ●●at the whole world is , to con●●●bute a dul and servile pension . ● the same manner servilius ●●●uricus subjugated cilicia , and ●●●lso manlius gasto-gracia when it had revolted after the warre● with antio●hus bithynia , as we● have already said , was by the las● testament of nicomedes left a●● inheritance to the people o● rome . sacred augustus , beside● all the spaines and other nation● with the titles of whom hi● market-place is adorned , rendring in almost the same fashion egypt tributary , did bring to the exchequer as large a revenew as his father had done from gallia . but tiberius caesar whe● had inforced out of spaine , a direct confession of their subjection did also wring the like o●● of the illyrians and dalmatian● he also did ad new provinces t● our empire rhaetia the vindilicians & the noricians with pa●nonia and the scordisci . but le● us returne unto our forme● course . chap. 40. pompey his conquests in asia , his civill returne to rome , and his triumph . in the next place succeeded the warre that cn. pomp. managed , wherein whether the glory or the labour were the greater , doth rest uncertaine . media , albanis , and hiberia were victoriously passed through , & from thence winding in his course , he turned upon those nations which inhabit on the right hand , and the innermost part of pontus , the colchians , heniochians with the achaeans . and by the fortune of pompey , and the traynes of his son pharnaches , in the end mi●hridates himselfe was ruined , ●he last of all the kings , of such power and absolutenesse besides the parthians . and now pompey conqueror of all nations that hee had reached , and greater then either himselfe or any of his countreymen did wish , and in every respect praysed beyond the condition of a mortall man , returnes into italy : whose comming back opinion did render very gracious . for many did affirme that he would not come home , but with his army , & by that means to determine at his owne pleasure what proportion the publique libertie should hold . the more men had apprehended this feare , so much the more with honor , was the faire and civill returne of so great a commander . for cashiering his army at brundusium and retaining nothing but the name of generall with his private followers , whom it was alwaies his custome to converse withall ( when out of businesse ) he returned into the cittie : and there in most magnificent manner did two whole dayes together tryumph of so many kings , bringing into the treasury a farre greater masse of money of his spoyles , then any had done before him , but one paulus . in the absence of cnaeus pompeius , titus ampius and titus labienus , tribunes of the people , preferred and past a law , that in the games in the circus he should weare a crown of gold , and al his triumphall ornaments , and at the stage-playes onely the ordinary young mens gowne and a golden crowne : that yet onely once ( and so much indeed was more then enough ) he made use o. this mans greatnesse fortune did raise with so vast additions , as he first triumphed of africa , the second time of europe , and the third of asia : and of how many parts the world doth consist , so many monuments did she make them of his glory . never did the highest eminencies want envic . both lucullus therefore ( but yet remembring the wrong done him ) and metellus the cretan , not complayning without cause , ( for pompey had drawne from him the ornaments of his triumph , his captived captaines ) and with them part of the noblemen did oppose , and would not give way that the rewards promised by pompey either to the cities or to well deservers , should be paied by his direction . chap. 41. caius caesar his consulship : his character . then followed the consullship of caius caesar , who , as i am writing , layes his hand upon me , & whatsoever haste i have , constraines me to pause upon him . he being extracted of the most noble iulian family , and ( which with all of greatest antiquity is held for certaine ) deriving his discent from aluchises and venus : of person the most lovely of all the citizens of rome ; in vivacitie of spirit , most sharpe ; in bounty most profusely liberall ; of courage above either the nature or the beliefe of any man ; in greatnes of his designes , celerity in execution , patience in dāgers , most neerely resembling that great alexander ( but him sober and not transported withanger ) finally a man that used both sleepe and meat to live , and not for voluptuousnesse , when he was in bloud most neerely tyed to caius marius and also sonne in law to cinna , whose daughter he could by no meanes be compelled to repudiate , at that time that marcus piso a man of consular qualitie , had , to gaine sylla his favour put away annia who once had beene cinna's wife , and to whom himselfe had benne married eighteene yeares , when sylla was master of all : the instruments of sylla and the upholders of the faction rather then he himselfe seekking for his life , changing his garments , and disguising himselfe in a habit not suted to his fortune , by night slipped out of the city . and when afterward he being yet a very youth was taken by the pirates , he so carried himselfe all the time that he was detayned by them , that he was of them both respected and feared ; neither did he ever in all that time , either by day or night ( for why should that which is most worthy observation be omitted , if it cannot be with any flourishing phrase delivered ) put off his shooes or ungirt himselfe , for this reason , lest , if he should in any thing change his fashion , he might be suspected by them who only with their eyes held a guard upon him . chap. 42. caesars taking the pirates that held him prisoner , & nailing them upon the crosse . it would bee too long to tell how much and how often he shewed his daring ; with how great power of his , the authority of the people of rome , upon his motion refused to second the intentions of him , that then had asia in his possession . this one thing let me relate to serve for instance of the greatnesse to which he was ere long to rise . the night following that day in which he was by the common purse of the cities ransomed ( yet so as he made the pirates give hostages to the cities ) he both being a private man , and doing it on the suddaine in a disordred manner , setting out a fleete he sayled to the place where the pirates were : and part of their navy he forced to flye , part he sunke , some ships & with them many prisoners he tooke . and glad of this his victory gotten , by night returned to his friendes , when clapping them in prison whom he had taken , he went into bithynia to the proconsull iunius ( who then governed that part of asia ) desiring that he might have power to punish them as they deserved , which when he refused , and said that he would sel thē for slaves , ( for a dull cowardize is ever waited on by envy ) he with incredible speed returning to the sea side , before any letters of direction could be brought from die proconsull , nayled upon the crosse every one of them whom he had taken . chap. 43. caesar his returne into italy , to stand for the high place of high priest , carying it from catulus , reestablishing the statues of marina , and restoring the children of such as had beene proscribed . he also making haste into italy to enter upon the priesthood ( for when he was absent he was by marius and cinna though he thē was almost a child created the high priest of iupiter in the roome of cotta , a man of consular qualitie , though afterward when sylla was conqueror who made voyd all that they had done he had lost that place ) that he might not be discovered by the pirates ( who then filled al those seas , and were not without cause bitterly enraged against him ) he went aboard a ship of foure oares , & with two friends and ten servants , crossed over the broadest part of the hadriatique gulph : and when in that course he kenned , as he thought , the pirates shipps , stripping himselfe out of his cloathes , and tying his dager to his thigh , he prepared himself to either fortune . but within a while perceived , that his sight was mistaken , and that they were certaine trees , which in a long row appeared like the masts of ships . the rest of his actions in the citie , with his most noble accusation of dolobella , and the favour of the people shewed him in a larger measure then is usually afforded to delinquents and his most glorious yet civill competitions with quintus catulus & other men of principall qualitie ; and the carrying the question against quintus catulus , who by the confession of all men was the prime man of the senate , in their concurrency for the place of the soveraign bishop , his reestablishing , when he was edile , the images of caius marius whē all the nobilitie opposed it , restoring to their honors the children of those that had bin proscribed ; his praetorship and questorship passed in spaine with admirable bravery and industry , when he was questor unde● vetus antistius the grandfather of this vetus , a man of qualitie consular , and high priest , father of two of the same ranke of consul , and high priest , and as good a man as can be expected of any humane innocency , these things ( i say ) the more they are knowne , the lesse they need my pen. chap. 44. the confederacie betweene pompey , caesar , and crassus for establishment of their power in rome , confirmed by alliance , pompey marrying caesars daughter iulia : caesars consulship and d●vision of lands in campania . while hee therefore was consull , there was contracted betweene him , cnaeus pompeius , and marcus crassus , a society for the instauration of their power ; which was to the city to the whole world , and though in different times no lesse to themselves ruinous and balefull . this device pompey was induced to pursue , to the end that at length his constitutions made in the provinces beyond the seas ( to which as we before have delivered , many were opposite ) might bee by caesar confirmed . by caesar this course was taken , for that hee saw that hee should , by giving way to pompey his glory , encrease his owne , and that the envie of their common greatnrsse being confined to him alone , hee should fortifie his owne strength . and by crassus , that the principalitie and prime place , which otherwise alone and by himselfe he could not , he thus might hold supported by the authoritie of pompey , and forces of caesar . there was also an alliance agreed upon betweene pompey and caesar ; for pompey the great tooke to wife the daughter of caius caesar : while he was consull , caesar passed a law , that the lands in campania should be devided among the plebeians . so were planted thereabout twentie thousand citizens : and that countrie restored to their freedome about one hundred fiftie and two yeares , after that capua in the punique warre was by the romans reduced into the forme of a government under a prefect . bibulus the fellow consull to caesar , while hee rather had will than power to crosse caesar in his designes , did for the most part of the yeare keepe himselfe in his house : whereby thinking to augment the envie bent upon him , he encreased his power . then were the gallias decreed to caesars government for five yeares . chap. 45. publius clodius his character and his banishment of cicero , with his glorious repealing : cato his bringing a vast treasure out of cyprus . at the same time publius clodius , a man nobly borne , eloquent , and bold , who neither for his words nor actions did ever know any limits , but those of his owne will , the smartest executioner of mischievous intendments , being also infamous for whoring of his sister , & accused of incest for committing of adultery in the middest of the most religiously sacred ceremonies of the people of rome : when there was bitter hatred between him & marcus cicero ( for what friendships could there be betweene spirits so directly opposite ) and had of a patrician rendred himselfe plebian , being created tribune of the people , passed a law , that whosever had killed a roman citizen uncondemned , should bee interdicted the use of fire and water . ●n which words though cicero were not named , yet hee alone was levelled at : so that man who had deserved infinitely of he common wealth for preser●ing his country from ruine , was ●ewarded with the calamity of ●eing exiled . neither were caesar and pompey free from be●ng suspected of lending their ●ands to the oppressing of ci●●ro . and cicero himselfe did ●eeme to have procured it to his ●wne michiefe , by refusing to ●ee one of the twentie men ap●ointed for the distributing the ●●nds in campania . hee was within two yeares , by the tardie care of pompeius with a most desired returne , to the wishes of italy , and upon a decree of the senate , assisted by the vertue and act of anniu● milo tribune of the people , restored to his honours and hi● countrie . nor was there any , after the banishment and the repeale of the numidian , that was either expelled with more envie , or recalled with more gladnesse ; whose house being maliciously rased by clodius , was so beautifully reedified by the senate . the same publius clodi●● in the senate , under the title o● a most honourable employment sequestred marcus cato from the republique , for hee passe● a law , that hee should bee sen● questor with praetorian powe● with a questor also under hi● ●nto cyprus , to deprive the king ptolomy of his estate , who ●y all foulenesse of life had well merited that disgrace : but hee ●pon the comming of cato laid ●iolent hands upon himselfe : whereby cato return'd to rome ● summe of treasure , farre be●ond what was hoped for , whose integritie it were a crime ●o commend : his insolence might be almost blamed , for that ●he citie being emptied , and ●he senate with the consulls ●one to meet him , when hee ●ame up the tiber by ship , hee ●id not set his foot on shore till ●e came where the mony was to ●e landed . chap. 46. caesars acts in gaul and britain crassus consul with pompey , ●●pointed to the parthian war : h●● character & defeat . vvhen after these passages ● caesa● had in gallia perfo●med stupēdious acts , hardly to b● expressed in many volumes , an● not satisfied with very many ● most happy victories , not wi●● innumerable thousands of the ●nemies slaine & taken prisoners had also passed his army over i● to britain , seeking as it were a● other world to be subject to o● empire & his own , an invincib●● paire of consuls cn. pompeius ● m. crassus entred their seco●● consulship , which neither w● sincerely sought nor laudably a●ministred by them . to caesar● by a law which pompey preferr'd ● the people , the command of ● province was prorogued for t●● ●ime of the former graunt . to ●r●●ssus who was thē in his mind lotting of the parthiā war syria was decreed . this man in other ●hings most upright & free from ● voluptuousnes , did yet neither ●now any mean , nor set any boūd ●o his covetous desire of mony or ●ory . him , as he was departing ●or syria , the tribuns of the peo●le w th ill boding presages labour ●ut in vain to retaine : whose exe●ations if they had bin of effica●●e against his life onely , the losse ●f the generall , so the army had ●eene safe , would have beene ● gaine to the common weath . when crassus had passed over ●uphrates , and was marching ●owards seleucia , the king oro●● whirling about him with in●●it forces of horse , slew him ●ogether with the greater part ●f his army . the remainder of the legions caius crassus wh● then was questor ( and not lon● after the author of a most execrble fact ) preserved , & did in su●● sort keepe syria in the power ● the people of rome , as with ● happy change of the event he ●verthrew & routed the parthia● when they entred it with force● chap. 47. continuation of caesars acts ● gaule , about alexia : iu●● and her sonne by pompey dea● whose life onely hindred a ci●● warre . clodius slaine by mi●● in those times , those whic● we have before spoken of , an● the succeeding daies , abo●● foure hundred thousand en●mies were slaine , and more ●●ken prisoners by caius caesar● hee fought oftentimes in set and orderly battaile , often in troupes , and often upon sallies and suddaine attempts , twise hee entred britanie : finally , in nine whole yeares scarce any one did passe him , wherin he did not most just●y deserve a triumph . but about alexia , he did so great things as ●re scarce within compasse of ●ny mortall to dare attempt , and ●lmost onely in the power of a god to performe them . and ●ow had caesar beene almost se●en yeares in gallia , when iulia●he ●he wife of pompey , & the inter●osed pledge of the concord ; which by the envie of pompey was ill cimented betweene cnae●s pompeius & caius caesar , depar●ed this life . and fortune remo●ing all barres from betweene ●he captaines preordained to so great a triall , within a short while after the little sonne of pompey borne of iulia also died . then the canvasing for voyces , raging with the sword and the slaughter of the citizens , whereof there was neither meane not end to bee discerned : the third consulship was bestowed upon cnaeus pompeius alone , by the approbation even of those who had before used to be adverse to his honour , with the glory of which dignitie , as a testimonie of the noble mens being reconciled to him , hee was totally estranged from caius caesar . but the whole power of that his consulship he spent in repressing the enormities of plotting and procuring voyces at elections . at that time publius clodius by milo who then stood candidate for the consulship ( a president of no good use in it selfe , yet beneficiall being done for the publique ) was upon a meeting and brawles , rising betweene them slaine upon the place . milo called in question for it , was condemned not more for the dislike of the fact , than because such was pompeies pleasure , whom yet cato by his suffrage delivered publiquely did acquit , which if he had pronounced somewhat sooner , there would not have wanted those that would have followed that patterne , and have proved that a citizen was slaine then whom there had none lived more pernicious to the common wealth , nor more infestious to honest men . chap. 48. civill warre beginning betweene caesar and pompey : peace treated of , hindred by curio : his character . then within a little space of time , the exordiums of the civill warre began to kindle , when every one that stood most for the right , were of opinion that both caesar and pompey should east off their armies . for pompey in his second consulship , had proeured the sp●●●●● to be appointed to him , and th●● for three yeares space himself● being from thence absent , and sitting at the helme of affaires in the citie , might by his lievtenants afranius and petraus whereof the one had beene consull , the other praetor , govern●● the same . and those that opined that caesar should dismisse his army , he sided with ; but such as thought himselfe also should doe the same , he opposed : who if two yeares before that they fell to armes , hee had dyed in campania , being oppressed with a grievous sicknesse , when hee had finished all those his intendments of his theater , and the other workes which hee made about it , ( at what time ●ll italy did decree publique supplications for his recovery , and that the first that ever were for any private citizen ) fortune might have saved her labour in reviving him , and the greatnesse which he had held among the living , hee had carried with him are in paired to the lower world . but neither did any other man furnish the civill warre , nor those so many mischiefes , which for twentie yeares together did succeed to it , with a greater or a more furious firebrand than caius curio , a tribune of the people , a man noble , eloquent , bold , and of his owne and other mens also , both fortune and honour profusely lavish : a man most wittily wicked , and to the mischiefe of the common wealth , a dainty speaker ; whose minde , pleasure and lusts , neither any wealth , nor any desires would satisfie . this man was at first for pompey , that is , as it then was accounted , for the common wealth ; and presently in shew against both caesar and pompey , but in his heart for caesar . whether that for meere good will , or for a bribe of a hundred thousand sesterces as we have recived it , wee leave uncertaine ▪ at the last those most healthfull conditions of the then springing peace ( which caesar with a mind repleate with all justice did require , and pompey not unwillingly did admit ) hee brake and scattered in peeces . cicero above all things labouring and carting from the publique quiet : the order of those things as well as hose that went before , is both delivered in the compleat writings of others , and shall , i hope , bee expressed also in these of mine . chap. 49. catulus , two luculli , metellus and hortensiu● dead are the warre : conditions of reason tendred by caesar , refused by the other . the warre begunne . now let us restore to our intended worke its owne forme ; yet first let me congratulate with quintus catulus , the 2 luculli , metellus and hortensius , who when without envie they had flourished in the common wealth , and beene eminent without danger , did exchange this life before the beginning of the civill warres , with a quiet , or at least with a death not hastened before the due time . when lentulus and marcellus were consulls , seven hundred and three yeares after the building of the city , and the eightie and eight yeare before thou marcus vimcius didst enter thy consulship , the civill warre began to flame . the cause of the one captaine did seeme the better , but that of the other the firmer . the authoritie of the senate did put armes into pompeies hand , into caesars the confidence of his souldiers . the consulls and the senate did yeeld the soveraigne command of all to the respect of the cause , not to pompeies person . nothing was left unattempted by caesar , that might conduce to the preservation of peace , nor any thing accepted by the pompeious : when one of the consulls was more furious than reason ; but lentulus if the republique were safe , could by no meanes bee preserved from ruine . and marcus cato maintained that death was to be preferd before the admission of any conditions offered to the state by a private citizen . a man indeed grave , and of the antique stampe , might more cōmend pompeies part ; but a prudent would follow that of caesar : reputing things on that side more glorious , on this more dreadfull . thus in the end all caesars requests being with scorne rejected , they decreed : that contented with one onely legion to retaine the title of the province , hee should come a private man into the citie , and in demanding the consulship , submit himselfe to the suffrages of rome . chap. 50. pompey quits the citie and italy : caesar takes domitius at corfinium , and dismisses him : comes to rome , thence passes into spaine , & masters afranius and petreius . caesar perceiving that they must come to armes , passed over rubicon ; cnaeus pompeius , the consulls , the greater part of the senate quitting the citie , and afterward italy , put over sea to dyrrhachium . but caesar having in his power domitius , and the legions which were with him at corfinium , dismissing without delay their commander , and others that had a minde to goe to pompey , followed him to brundusium ; so that it appeared , that he had rather while all things stood entire and unhurt , make an end of the warre by treatie , than oppresse those that fled from him . when hee found the consulls were passed over the sea , he returned to the city , & there in the senate , and in a full assembly rendred an account of his intentions , and his most miserable necessitie , who was by the injurious armes of other men compelled to draw his sword . then he resolved to goe for spaine : but the haste of his journey , massilia did a while retarde , with a faithfulnesse more entire than wisdome in counsaile , unseasonably taking upon them to judge of the principall forces of the side : which they onely ought to take in their hand , who have power to compell such as will not obey . the army then which was commanded by afranius of consular , and patreius of praetorian qualitie , being mated with his comming , his vigor and his glory rendred it selfe to him . both the lievtenants , and as many of every condition as would not follow them , were dismissed and sent to pompey . chap. 51. caesar goes into greece after pompey , and besieges him in his campe . the boldnesse of balbus in going into the enemies armie . caesar shrewdly shaken in one encounter . the next yeare when dyrrhachium , and the countrie neere about it , were possest by pompeies campe , who having sent for out of all the provinces beyond the seas , the legions , the auxiliaries both of horse and foot ; the forces of the kings , the tetrarchs , and also of the princes , had gathered together a mightie army , and held , as he supposed , the seas so guarded with his fleets , that caesar could not put over his legions ; caesar using his owne , both celeritie and fortune removed all obstacles that were in his way , both of passing when he pleased , and that his army might be drawne downe to his fleet , and also at the first came and encamped close by pompey , and within a while besieged him in his trenches , and compast him in with his workes . yet did the besiegers suffer more by want of necessaries than they that were besieged . then did balbus cornelius ( with a rashnesse beyond beliefe of any man , ) goe into the enemies quarter , and divers times conferre with the consull lentulus , who was in doubt what price hee should set himselfe at , and by that addition make himselfe a way , by which not as borne for his owne countrie of spaine , but yet a spaniard , he reached to triumph , and the high priest-hood , and of a private man , might be raised to bee of consular qualitie . the fortune after this of their encounters was various , but one farre more prosperous to the pompeians , in which the souldiers of caesar were shrewdly beaten . chap. 52. the battaile of pharsalia decidi●● the question , and caesars clemency to the vanquished . then caesar with his army drew to thessaly the place that was predestin'd for his victory : pompey though diverse advised him to take a far differing course ( of whom some perswaded him to passe over into italy , ( nor by hercules could he have done any thing more beneficiall for his partie ) others tha● he should draw the warre out a● length , which by the dignitie o● his side would dayly be made more advantageous for him ) following the eagernes of his owne mind , pursued his enemy . as fo● the battaile of pharsalia and th●● most bloudy day , to the name o● rome : the bloud that on both ●ides was there shed , and the two heads of the common-wealth dashed together , the one eye of the empire put out , so many and such men of the pompeian partie as there did lose their lives this manner of writing is not capable of . that yet is to be observed , that assoon as caius caesar saw the pompeian factiō declined , he bent himself to nothing either more readily or more desirously then ( that i may use both a phrase & fashion military ) to cast and dismise them freely into every ? quarter . oh the immortall gods what a reward of this his disposition did so gentle a man reape afterward at brutus his hand . nothing was more miraculous , more magnificent , more noble then that victory , when their countrey wanted not any cittizen but those that dyed in the battaile : yet did the obstinacie of some disgrace the beautie o● his clemency , when the conquerour did now more willingly give them life thē they received it . chap. 53. pompey flying into egypt is murthered by order of the boy , king ptolomy , in his eight and fiftieth yeare . pompey flying from the battaile with the two lentul● who had beene consulls , his son sextus and favonius of pretorian qualitie , fortune did gather to him such consorts as the conquerors afforded him : of them part perswading him to retire to the parthians , others into africa where he had king iuba a most faithfull partisan of his ; he resolved to stand for egypt . remembring the favours which at alexandria he had conferred upon the father of that ptolomy who then ( more a boy then a young man ) there reigned : but who when hee sees a man in adversity retaines the memory of any former benefit ? who doth thinke any thankes due to men in calamity ? or when fortune changeth doth not also change ●is faith ? from the king therfore ●here were some sent that should receive pompeius●omming ●omming to him ( who had a lit●le before at mitylene taken aboard his ship , his wife cornelia●or ●or a companion to him in his ●light ) by the advice of theode●us and achillas : and perswade him to goe out of the ship of burden in which he came , into that in which they came to meet him . which when he had done , the prime man of all that were called romanes by the cōmand and direction of an egyptian slave , when caius caesar & publius servilius were consulls , wa● butchered . this was the end after three consulships , as many triumphs , and the whole inhabitable world conquered , of a most pious and most excellent man , who had beene raised to that pitch beyond which there was no further height , being ther● in the seventieth & second yeare , one onely day before his birth-day , in whom fortune did seeme so farre to differ from her selfe , that for him who of late wanted earth for him to conquer , there now wanted for his sepulture : can i call them but over-busie who in the age of so great a man , and one almost of our own time have mistakē five whole yeares ? when from the consulship of caius atilius and quintus ser●ilius the account of the yeares was so easie to be computed , which i have added , not to ex●ept against others , but that no exception may be taken against me . chap. 54. their attempting as much upon caesar deservedly punished . the war revived in africa by iuba and scipio , to whom cato ioyne : his forces . neither was the fidelity of the king , and those by whose direction he was governed greater toward caesar then that they had shewed to pompey . who when they first had attempted upō him by treachery and after that had the boldnesse with open warre to provoke him , did with a well deserved punishment make satisfaction to both these great commanders , whereof the one onely was surviving , pompey that now was not in any place corporally , was yet every where under the name of iuba , for the favour of his party had raysed up a mighty warre in africa . in which king iuba , and scipio , a man of consular ranke , two yeares before pompey was slaine , by him made his father in law , did command : whose forces marcus cato had much augmented , bringing with infinite difficultie both for want of necessaries and for the passages of places in the journey , his legions to them . this man when the cōmand in chiefe was presented to him by the souldiers , did yet rather choose to obey him that was of more honorable qualitie . chap. 55. caesar followes into africa , wher● curio of his party had bin slain and there was victorious , as after with much a doe in spain against cnaeus pompeius the sonne of pompey the great . the care of keeping my credit in my promise of brevitie doth put me in minde how cursorily all these passages are to be handled . caesar then following his good fortune passed into africa which the armies o● the pompeians possessed , havin● slaine curio the generall then o● the iulian faction . at first with variable successe within a whil● he there also was fortunate i● fight , and the enemies force were defeated . neither was the● the clemency of caesar to the● that were conquered unsutable to that which he had shewen before . but the warre of spaine of greater difficultie did entertaine caesar though victorious in that of africa , ( for pharmaces overthrowne by him was scarce to be counted an addition to his glory ) which mightie and full of terror cnaeus pompeius son of pompey the great , a young man , and of infinite spirit in matter of warre , had raised , aydes flocking to him on every side from all parts of the world of those that were yet still the followers of the greatnes of his fathers name . the fortunes of caesar did ac●ompany him into spaine , yet ●id he never fight any battaile ●ore cruell or fuller of danger , ●o as when the event was more ●hen doubtfull , he alighted from ●is horse , and standing firme , in the head of his shrinking army having first expostulated with fortune for reserving him to such an end , he professed to his souldiers that he would not move one steppe backe , and that therefore they should consider what a general and in what place they were to abandon , and by that meanes with shame more then with courage , the fight was renewed with more bravery o● the captaine then the souldier . chap. 56. pompeius slaine after ( labienus and varus in ) the fight . caesar returnes to rome , pardons all his enemies , triumphs five times , and within five months , is slaine by brutus and cassius . cnaeus pompeius being found sore wounded in a wilde desert was there slaine : labienus and varus died in the fight . caesar being absolute victor of all his enemies , returning to the citie ( which no mortal man could believe ) granted a general pardon to all that had borne armes against him , and with most magnificent shewes of fencers at the sharpe , representations of sea fights , of horse and foote , with fight of elephants , and feasts many dayes together , did give it ful content . he entrd in five triumphs ; the setting out of that of ca●●a was of lymon wood ; that of pontus , of brasile ; that of africa , of ivory ; that of alexandria of tortoyses ; and that of spaine , of silver polished . the money brought in of the spoyles was somewhat more then sixe-hundred millions of sesterces . yet could not this man , so great , and who with so much clemency to all men had caryed himselfe in his victory , enjoy himselfe in perfect quiet , above five months . for having made his returne to the city in the month of october , in the ides of march following by conspiracie , of which brutu & cassius were the authors , one of whō by promising him the consulship , he had not obliged , and on the other side , by putting him off he had offended cassius : they having also ioyned to their designe complices in the murder , the neerest of all his friends and who by the support of his party were raised to the highest honors , decius brutus , & ca●us trobonius , with other men of noble qualitie , he was slaine . to whom indeed marcus antonius , a man that was most ready to dare any thing , had procured much dislike being his fellow consull , by putting upon his head a royall diademe , as in the lupercalian games he sate in the pleading place , which caesar refused , but so as it appeared he was not offended with it . chap. 57. hirtius his advice to caesar of holaing by force what he had got by his sword reiected , and the presages of his death despised . experience makes it appeáre that the advice of pansa and hirtius was to be commended , who alwaies had perswaded caesar , that the command which by force he had obtained , he should in the same sort retaine . to whom he replying , that he had rather dye then live in feare while he expects to finde the same gentlenesse in his owne case which he had shewed to others ; he was seized upon by those ingratefull men : when indeed the immortal gods had given him very many presages , and tokens of the future danger ; for both the soothsayers had fore warned him , that he should most carefully take heed of the ides of march ; and his wise calphurnia , aftrighted with a vision in the night , had earnestly intreated him , that day not to goe out of his house : and besides certaine writings which were delivered to him , discovering the whole plot of the conspiracy , he did not presently reade . but truly the force of the destinies is unresistable , the fortune whereof while he resolved to change , he spoiled the intendments thereof . chap. 58. the killers of caesar ingratefull , dolobella gives them his sonnes as hostages for their safety in comming downe from the capitoll which they had seized . the yeare that they executed this horrid fact , brutus and caius cassius were pretors , decius brutus was designed consull , who garded with a troupe of fencers belonging to decius brutus seized upon the capitol where marcus anton●s then being consull ( whom as cassius opined that he should together with caesar be together slaine , and caesars last will be supprest , brutus opposed it : affirming that besides the tyrants ( for so considering their action it was expedient to terme him ) there was no other blood to be drawne ) convoking the senate , when now also d●labell● , whom caesar had appointed to substitute consull in his owne place , had taken the rods and ensignes of a consull , as a mediator for peace had delivered his children for hostages into the capitol , did give his faith to the killers of caesar for their safety in comming downe from the capitoll . there was in imitation of that famous decree of the athenians a proposition of a generall oblivion of things past presented by cicero , and passed with approbation of the senate . chap. 59. by motion of cicero , a law of forgetting things past is enacted , caesars will adopting octavius , opened . his discen● , the character of his father , and his comming to rome . after which was caesars wil opened , in which he did adopt caius octavius the grandchild of his sister iulia. of whose originall though others have prevented me , i yet hold it fit to say somewhat . caius octavius was , as not of a patrician , so yet , of a family of the ranke of knights very nobly esteemed . he being created praetor among others of the noblest qualitie , a man grave , pious , harmelesse and rich , where in the first place that dignity had procured him in marriage attia the daughter of iulia , by meanes of that honor was awarded macedonia for his province . and in that being styled imperator ( or soveraigne cōmander ) when he came backe to stand for the consulship , departed this life . leaving his sonne not yet a man , whom caius caesar his great uncle , when he was brought up with philippus his father in law , loved as his owne . and when he was but eighteene yeares old , he comming to him , in the spanish warre , he ever after kept in his company , never making him comrade to any but himselfe , nor to be carried in any litter but his owne , and did conferre the honour of the high priesthood upon him a child . the civill warres then being quieted to enforme the disposition of that singular youngman , in the liberall sciences he sent him to apollonia to study , intending ere long to have him his fellow souldiour in the warre against the getes , and then against the parthians . to whom when the newes was brought of the death of his vncle , and presently the centurions of the legions about him made offer to him of the assistance of themselves and their souldiers , which salvidienus and agrippa thought was not to be slighted , he making hast to come to the city , did at brundusium receive full advertisement of the whole course both of the slaughter and of the will. whom , when he came to rome , a vast multitude of his friends did meet him : and the globe of the sun was seene over his head , equally bent round like a bow , & of those colours as it were placing a crowne upon the head of him that was shortly to be a man of such eminencie . chap. 60. octavius takes upon him as caesars heyre : division betweene him and marcus antonius . attia and his father in law philippus were not of the mind that he should assume the name of a fortune so envied as that of caesar : but approved of that of the contriver of profitable fortunes for the world , the preserver of the romane name . but his caelestiall spirit scorned humane advices , and did rather choose with danger to ayme at the highest , then with safety to reach poore things & ignoble : & was more willing to beleeve concerning himselfe ; his vncle , and caesar then his stepfather : affirming that it was a wickednesse for him to thinke himselfe unworthy of that name , wherof caesar was esteemed worthy . him did antonius presently entertaine with much pride ( yet was not that contempt in him , but feare ) and having hardly admitted him into pompeyes gardens , afforded him audience . ere long as if he had bin endangered by some treachery of his , he basely raised a slander of him , in which his vaine falsehood was shamefully discovered . in the end the madnes of antonius and dolobella reaching at a most impious soveraigntie , did openly breake out . seven hundred millions of sesterces , by caesar deposited for the temple of opes , antonius had seised upon : the decrees of caesar changed , and false ones inserted in his corrupted cōmentaries , and all things set at a certaine price , while the consull made open sale of the cōmonwealth . he also resolved to possesse himselfe of gallia , the province that was designed for decius brutus : dolobella had marked out for himselfe the provinces beyond the seas . between men that naturally had no resemblance , and desired things different , hatred began to grow , and by that the young caius caesar was aymed at , in the dayly trecheries of autonius . chap. 61. antonius his tyrannie bravely r●prest by octavius , who beatin● him at mutina , forces hi● shamefully out of italy . the citie oppressed by the soveraignty of antonius , grew dully languishing . indignation and griefe all men were furnished with : but with power to resist , not any . when caius caesar now entred the ninteenth yeare of his age , daring wonders , but attaining things beyond it , upon his owne private advice , shewed greater courage in the cause of the common-wealth , than the whole senate . and first from calatia , next from casilinum drew to him his fathers old souldiers , whose example ▪ others having followed , in short time they grew to the proportion of a full army . when antonius went to meet the army , which out of the provinces beyond the seas , hee had commanded to come to brundusium : the two legions called martiall , and the fourth , knowing both the pleasure of the senate , and the excellent spirit of that brave young man , plucking up their ensignes , went and rendred themselves to caesar . the senate then honoured him with a statue on horsebacke , which to this day standing in the pleading place doth with the inscription point out his age ( an honour that by the space of three hundred yeares , had befalne to no man besides lucius sylla , cnaeus pompeius and caius caesar ) and creating him propraetor together with the consulls hirtius and pansa , appointed him to make warre upon antonius . by him being now in his twentieth yeare , the businesse was most bravely managed about mutina , and decius brutus who was besieged , being relieved , antonius with a base flight , and naked , was compelled to quit italy : one of the consulls being slaine , and the other within a few daies dying of his wounds . chap. 62. the feare of antonius being removed , the affections to the pompeian partie declare themselves . brutus and cassius being fled out of italy , have provinces and command decreed to them , caesars souldiers not so ingratefull to him as the senate . before anthony was routed , all things honourable were by the senate decreed for caesar and his army : cicero being chiefely the author of it ; but as their feares ceased , their inclination shewed it selfe , and the faction of the pompeians recovered heart . brutus and cassius had the provinces decreed to them , which they before , without any order of the senate , had seized upon : those armies whatsoever which had adjoyned themselves to them were commended : and all commands i● the provinces beyond the sea were committed to their disposure . for marcus brutus and caius cassius , redoubting one while the forces of antonius ▪ another pretending that they feared , to the end they might cast more envie upon him ; had by their proclamations declared , that they would bee content to live if it were in perpetuall exile , so as the common wealth might bee setled in peace : neither would they minister occasion of a civill warre . that the 〈◊〉 had honour in abundance out o● the conscience of their fact , who being departed from the city and out of italy , with a setled and equall minde , without publike commission , had possessed themselves of provinces and armies , and declaring that it was the republique wheresoever they were , they had also received the treasures , which cut of the transmarine provinces was carried by the quaestors to rome from those that were willing to deliver it to them . all which things were included in the decree of the senate , and by it approved of . and to decius brutus , because hee lived by the favour of another , was a triumph decreed : the bodies , of hirtius and pansa were honoured with a publique funerall . of caesar there was no mention at all , and the embassadors that were sent to his army , were commanded to deliver their charge to the souldiers , but not in his presence . yet was not the army so ingratefull as the senate ; for when caesar did beare dissembling that injurie , the souldiers denied that they would heare any direction in the absence of their generall ; it was at that time that cicero swayed with an inbred love of the pompeian party , opined that caesar was to bee praised and elevated , when hee spoke in one sense , and meant to bee understood in another . chap. 63. antonius passing over the alpes to lepidus , drawes his army from him , leaving him onely the title of generall . plancus his jugling , and pollio his sincerity . in the meane time antonius in his flight having passed the alpes , at first in their parlies being rejected by lepidus , who was surreptitiously created high priest in the roome of caius caesar , and had spaine assigned to him for his province , but as yet ●arried in gallia : ere long comming after in sight of the souldiers , when both all the generalls were abler than lepidus , and antonius then many of them , so long as hee was sober , by ●he backe side of the campe the ●ampire being throwne downe , ●ee was by the souldiers admit●ed , who in the name of the ●ommand did indeed give the ●recedence to lepidus , when all ●he power was in his owne ●ands . when antonius entred ●he quarter , inventius laterensis , ● man both in life and death ●he same , when hee had most ●arnestly disswaded lepidus●rom ●rom joyning himselfe with antonius , who was declared an enemie of the state : his advice being rejected , ranne himselfe thorow with his sword . then plancus with uncertaine fidelity ( that is , with his owne ) having a long time disputed with himselfe , and scarce yeelding to his owne opinion , and one while an assistant of decius brutus his fellow in office , as designed consull with him , setting also himselfe to sale by his letters to the senate , and presently the betrayer of hi● companion ; and asinius polli●● that stood firme to his first intentions , faithfull to the iulia● faction , averse from the pompeian , did both of them deliver up their armies to marcus antonius . chap. 64. decius brutus one of caesars killers , slaine by command of antotonius : and ciceros orations against antonius , the cause of his being proscribed and slaine . decius brutus being first forsaken by plancus , and afterwards attempted by his treacheries , his army by degrees falling off from him in his flight , and in the house of a nobleman , with whom hee had a league of hospitality ( his name cornelius ) by those that antonius had sent for that purpose , had his throat cut : and so made a most just satisfaction , and a speedy , with his punishment to caius caesar that had of him deserved the best offices , of whom hee was the murtherer when hee had beene the inwardest of all his friends , and of the fortune whereof hee had reaped the fruit , was content to tranferre the envie upon the author thereof ; holding it just for him to retaine what hee had received from caesar , and that caesar who gave it should bee destroyed ▪ it was at this time that marcus tullius with continuall declamations against him , did seare into the memorie of antonius eternall brands of hatred to him : yet hee with most glorious and heavenly eloquence , but the tribune canutius with a perpetuated rage did flie out upon antonius : both of them with their deaths paid for their vindicating the common liberty : but with the tribunes bloud the proscription began , with the death of cicero , antonius being then in a sort glutted , it ended . chap. 65. the instituting the triumvirate betweene octavius , antonius , and lepdius . ventidius , who had once a captive beene led in triumph , that yeare in consular robes , who had beene formerly honoured with praetorian , and afterward triumphed . lepidus was then by the senate declared an enemy to the state , as before antonius had bin . afterwards there began an intercourse of letters betweene caesar , antonius and lepidus : and overtures made of agreement when both antonius did now and then put caesar in minde how infestious the pompeian party was to him , to what a height it was growne , and also with how great care and industrie of cicero , brutus and cassius were advanced : and withall professed that hee would joyne his forces with brutus and cassius , who were now seventeene legions strong , if caesar did scorne his consortship ; adding withall , that caesar was more engaged in the revenge of his father , than himselfe of his friend . then was there a society of their power agreed upon betweene them , and , their armies perswading and intreating it , affinitie concluded betweene caesar and antonius , the daughter in law of antonius being betroathed to caesar . caesar then entred his consulship ( with quintus pedius his colleague ) the day before hee was twentie yeares old , and the tenth of the kalends of october , seven hundred and nine yeares after the building of the city , and seventy two yeares before thou marcus vinicius wert created consull . this yeare saw ventidius in that city , into which hee once had among the captive picentines beene led in triumph , coupling the young mans gowne with the consular robes , and the praetors . the same man also did here afterward triumph . chap 66. the third proscription , in which caesar over-ruled by his two companions : the death of cicero & his eulogium . antonius then full of rage , & equally with him lepidus , both of whom as we have said before had beene adjudged enemies to the state , when each of them did more willingly heare what they had suffered , than what they had merited : caesar opposing it , but in vaine , having two against him : the proscription , a mischiefe after sylla his patterne , was set on foot . not any thing was there in that time so unworthie as that either caesar should bee compelled to proscribe any man , or that antonius should proscribe cicero : and by the villany of him ( it is the common saying or the people ) his head was cut off ; no man protecting and keeping him safe , who for so many yeares together had defended both the publiqu● safetie of the state , and that also of many private citizens . yet hast thou done nothing to purpose ( marcus antonius ) for indignation which my brest is not able to keepe from breaking out , doth force me to quit the forme of my intended worke ; thou doest ( i say ) nothing to purpose , in telling out the reward for the cutting of that most caelestiall and noblest head , or with authorizing the slaughter of him , that was once the preserver of the republique , and of a consull so famous procuring the death . thou hast indeed deprived marcus cicero of the light of the sunne , which made him full of cares , shortned his old age , and berest him of life to bee valued under thy principalitie at farre lower price than death , in thy triumvirate . but his fame and the glory of his actions , and speeches , thou art so farre from taking from him that thou hast increased it . it lives , and shall live in the memory of all future ages . and while this body of things existent in nature , which whether by chance , or by providence , or how ever is setled , shall stand , which hee almost : solely with the spirit of a roman apprehended with his understanding , did comprehend , and with his eloquence did illuminate , it shall carry with it the praise of a cicero , as the companion of that age : and all posteritie shall both admire his writings against thee , as well as with execrations detest thy fact ; for sooner shall mankinde faile in the earth , than the glory of him , and the horror of thee . chap. 67. the carriage of wives , freedmen , servants , and children towards those that were proscribed : the foulenesse of the proscription of their nearest friends . the calamity of those times , so impossible it is for any man in words to expresse , as it is hard for any sufficiently to lament it . this yet is to be observed , that toward those which were proscribed , there was found of some wives , a singular faithfulnesse , in freedmen an indifferent one , in slaves now and then some : but in their children none all . so troublesome to men is any delay of their hopes , howsoever conceived . and that there might bee nothing sacred left , which might not serve to reward or provoke man to mischiefe , antonius proscribed his vncle lucius caesar , and lepidus his brother paulus . neither was plancus refused the favour of obtaining that his brother plancus plotius should be proscribed . from whence it was that among the jests of the souldiers , as they followed the triumphall chariot of lepidus and plancus , and among the curses of the citizens these words were used ; the consulls triumph over the germans ( id est , the brothers ) and not of the gaules . chap. 68. marcus caelius his character , attempts , and end , with that of milo the exile , for killing clodius . caesars moderation in punishing such as had abused him . let this which treats of a thing past , bee referred to a proper place : neither is the person , of whom wee are to speake , fitte to be veyled in darkenesse and shadowes : while caesar in the battaile of pharsalia , and in africa disputes with his sword , the maine of the businesse ; marcus caelius a man most neerely resembling curio in eloquence and boldnesse , but in either of them beyond him , and no lesse than hee wittily mischievous , when in no moderate course he could subsist , his private fortunes being much narrower than his minde , in his praetorship made himselfe the author of new lawes : neither could hee by the authoritie of the senate and the consulls bee deterred from his designe . and sending for ainnus milo ( who being refused , his repeale from exile , was an enemie to the iulian party , ) stirred up a sedition in the city : and not now covertly beginning a warre , was first sequestred from all charge in the common wealth , and not long after by the forces of the consulls , and by the order of the senate , in the thurians country was ruined . the fortune of milo was sutable to his intendments , who assaulting compsa of the hirpines , was strooken with a stone , and so made satisfaction both to publius clodius , whom hee had slaine , and to his country which hee invaded . a man thou mayest say rash beyond the name of valiant . now to take somewhat of many that may bee omitted , let it yet bee observed that merulus effordius and flavius caesetius tribune of the people , having used immoderate licentiousnesse against caius caesar , while they charge him with ayming at the crowne , had welneere felt upon themselves the weight of the scepter . yet to this heighth onely did the anger of the often provoked prince rise , that contenting himselfe with a censoriall censure , rather than with a punishment corporall , like a dictator , hee sequestred them from their places , and the publique affaires , and professed that it was to him the greatest miserie that either he must goe beyond the bounds of his owne nature , or suffer his honour to bee empaired . but let us returne to our course . chap. 69. the death of trebonius another of the killers of caesar , by dolabella at smyrna , who besieged by cassius in laodicaea , made his servant cut off his head . now both had dolobella in asia slaine caius trebonius , a man of consular ranke at smirna ( to whom he succeeded ) having over-reached him with a tricke , who had beene most ingratefull to caesars merits , by whom hee had beene raised to the degree of consull , and yet had a share in his murther : and caius cassius having received from staius murcus and crispus maruns men of the praetorian ranke , the brave legions which they commanded in syria , besieged and tooke laodicaea , and therein dolabella , who had put himselfe into it ; ( yet so as dolobella did not time●ously present his necke to the edge of his servants sword ) and with that one draught made himselfe master often legions . and marcus brutus had wrung from caius antonius the brother to marcus antonius in macedonia , and from vatinius at dyrrhachium their legions which were willing to change their commander . but a●tonius hee mastred by force , vatinius by his reputation , brutus being thought worthy to bee preferrd before any other generall whatsoever , and vatinus inferiour to none that had a name . in whom the deformity of his body did strive for the superiority with the basenesse of his minde : so as it seemed it was bestowed in a lodging of all others the most worthiest of it . yet was he seven legions strong . then by the law pedia , which pedius fellow , consull to caesar preferred , all they who were th● killers of caesar , the elder being condemned were interdicted the use of fire and water , at which time capito my fathers brother of the senators order , did subscribe upon agrippas motion against caius cassius . chap. 70. cassius takes rhodes , brutus conquers lycia , they passe into macedonia , the battaile of philippi , where cassius being beaten , dyes by the hand of his servant , and few dayes after , brutus totally routed runnes upon his sword . vvhile these passages are on foot in italy , cassius with a sharpe and very fortunate warre had ( an action of mighty import ) taken rhodes , and brutus had conquered the lycians : from whence they had passed their armies over into macedonia : when cassius in every thing running a contrary course to the nature of brutus , had in the end also mastered his clemency . neither do i finde , any upon whom a more indulgent fortune did once attend ; or whom , as if she had beene tryed , she did with more speed abandon , then brutus and cassius . caesar then and antonius , passing their armies into macedonia , neere the city of philippi , came to fight a battaile with marcus brutus & cassius . the wing that brutus commanded , having beaten their opposites , did take caesars campe ; for he himselfe , though extreamely sicke , did yet discharge all the duties of a generall , and was also earnestly intreated by his physitian artorius , that he should not tarry in his quarter , he being frighted in his sleepe with a manifest threatning of danger toward him . the wing in which cassius commanded , was on the other side forced to fall off , and shrewdly plagued , had retyred to a higher ground . cassius then by his owne fortune guessing at the successe of his comfort , when he had sent one whom he had called out , for that purpose , and commanded him to bring him word what the number & force of those men was which were comming toward him : he returning an account thereof somewhat slowly & they being now neere him , and upon their full speed , and for the dust neither their faces nor their ensignes could be discerned , beleeving that they were enemies that were rushing upon him , he wrapped his coat about his head , and fearelesse yelded his necke to his freed man. the head of cassius was but fallen to the ground , when he that was sent came and brought word , that brutus was victor , who seeing his generall lying dead , i will , said he , follow him , whom my dulnesse hath slaine , and with that fell upon his sword . a few dayes after brutus fought another battaile , and in that being overthrowne , when he had fled to a knolle by night he intreated strato the aegeatian his neerest friend to lend him a hand in his death : & lifting his left arme up to his head when he held the hilts in his right hand , he guided the point to his left pappe where the heart doth pant , and pressing on the same , with one blow ended his life . chap. 71. messalla and corvinus saved by caesar : eminent romanes slaine in that fight . presently mesalla a most noble young man , and next in authority to brutus and cassius in that army , when there were some that did desire to choose him for their generall , did rather make election of being preserved by the favour of caesar , then to commit himselfe any more to the hazard of armes . neither was there in that victory to caesar , any thing more pleasing , then that he could by it save save corvinus , nor at any time an instance more cleare of a man gratefull and pious , then corvinus was ever after to caesar . nor was there ever any civill warre more polluted with the bloud of men of the noblest qualitie . therein dyed the sonne of c●to : in the same also fel lucullus and hortensius the sonnes of two citizens most eminent . for v●ro when he was amidest the scornes of antonius to be put to death , he with a free liberty did prophecy truly , and of him that which was worthy to befall him . drusus livius the father of iulia augusta , and varus quintilius not so much as making tryall of the enemies courtesie , the one of them slew himselfe in his tent , and the other when he had put on the markes of his honors and offices , by the hand of his freed man whom he cōpelled to do it , had his throat cut . chap. 72. the parallel of brutus and cassius , cnaeus domitius with a navy retires into sicile to sextus pompeius sonne to pompey the great . this end was fortune pleased to appoint to the faction of marcus brutus , when he was thirtie seven yeares old ; his mind being depraved in that day which with his rashnesse of his fact , did blot out all his other vertues . as for cassius he was as much a better captaine then brutus , as brutus was a better man then he : of whom thou wouldest rather love brutus for a friend , and more redoubt cassius if thy enemy : in the one there was more violence , in the other more vertue . who if they had beene conquerours , as much as it was better to have caesar for our prince then antonius so much had it beene to have had brutus then cassius : cnaeus d●mitius the father of lucius d●mitius a man whom wee of late have seene , and one of a most noble and eminent sincerity , the grandfather of this lucius d●mitius , an excellent young man , being possessed of a fleete , did then with a great trayne of such as would follow his advice , contented to make himselfe the party , commit himselfe to fortune . staius marcus to whose charge the navy and the guard of the sea was entrusted , with his fleet , and that part of the army which was under his command , went over to sextus pompeius the sonne of pompey the great , who returning out of spaine had now possessed himselfe of sicilia ; & both out of ita●y and frō divers other parts of ●he world so many as fortune ●ad withdrawne and freed from ●he present danger , together with many who had bin pro●cribed , flocked to him . to them which possessed no certaine state ●ny generall was convenient e●ough ; and when fortune left them no liberty of election , but onely shewed them a retreat to fly to , and when they sought to escape from a balefull tempest , any roade was a harbour for thē . chap. 73. sextus pompeius his character a● hee maintaines himselfe and hi● army in sicily by piracy . this young man was in learning ignorant , in his speech barbarous , in his courage daring of body able , in his resolutions speedy , for fidelitie most unlike his father , the freedman o● his freedman , and servant of hi● slaves , envious to those of any worth , that hee might bee subject to the basest men : whom the senate , as then almost wholly consisting of the pompeias faction , after antonius his flight from mutina , had recalled out of spaine ( where asinius pollio of praetorian quality , made a very brave warre upon him ) had restored him to his fathers estate and given him the command of the sea coast . he then as we before have said , having seazed upon sicily , did enroll in his army slaves and fugitives , and so made up a great body of legions . and by menes and menecrates , his fathers freedmen , whom he had made his admiralls infesting the seas , made use of spoyling , and robberies to maintaine himselfe & his army : nor was he ashamed to make with piraticall villanies , those seas , unsafe & troublesome , which by the armes and conduct of his father , had beene cleered and freed from pirates . chap. 74. antonius after the defeate of brutus , stayes in these parts : caesar , returning into italy , findes at troubled by lucius antonius , marcus his brother , and fulvia , the wife of marcus lucius , forced in perusia , dismist unhurt , and perusia burnt by one of their own , who set it on fire , by name macedonicus . the partie of brutus and cassius being ruined , antonius to take possession of the provinces beyond the sea , tarired there , and caesar returning into italy found it much more troublesome then hee hoped to have done . for lucius antonius the consull , sharer with his brother in his vices , but wanting the vertues which were sometimes found in him : one while with complaining of caesar to the old souldiers , another provoking them to armes that had justly in the division of lands , and appointing of inhabitants to them , lost those lands which they held before , had raised a great army . on the other side , fulvia the wife of antonius who had nothing feminine about her , but her body , did fill all things with armes and garboyle . she for the seate of the warre , made choise of praeneste ; antonius being chased from every place , by the forces of caesar , had retired himselfe to perusia ; caesar following his owne fortune and vertue assaulted and caried perusia . antonius he dismissed without harme : the perusians , more by the rage of the souldiers then by the will or direction of the generall were cruelly handled . the towne was burnt , the beginning of the fire was caused by the principall man thereof , macedonicus , who setting fire of his owne house , and his goods , ranne himselfe through with his sword , and threw himselfe into the flame . chap. 75. another warre raised in campania , by tiberius claudius nero , father to tiberius caesar , and husband of livia , after wife of augustus . her character . at the same time , there was on foot in campania , a furious warre , which tiberius claudius nero , of the praetorian rank , and the high priest , a man of a great spirit , and of infinite learning , the father of tiberius caesar ( openly avowing himselfe the patron of those which had lost their lands ) had raised : but that also by the comming of caesar was buried and determined . who can sufficiently admire these charges of fortune ? who these uncertaine accidents of humaine condition ? who would either hope or feare things distering from the present , or contrary to that which was expected ? livia the daughter of drusus claudianus , a most noble and most valiant man , by her discent , her goodnesse her , her beauty of all the dames of rome , the most eminent : whom we since have seene the wife of augustus , and when he was translated to the gods , have also seene her high priest and flamen to him . then flying from the sword of caesar ( that afterward was her owne caesar ) whose sonne of two yeares old , this our tiberius caesar the restorer of the romane empire , and who was predestinated to be in the end the sonne of caesar also , she carrying in her bosome with one onely attendant that her flight might the better concealed , by unfrequented wayes to avoid the armes of the souldiours got to the sea side , and with her husband nero passed over into sicily . chap. 76. caius velleius grandfather of the author , not able to follow antonius in his flight , kils himselfe . fulvia and plancus permitted to retire to antonius . pollio with domitius joyne a fleete to antonius his forces , antonius returnes into italy : peace as made betweene them at brund●●sum . salvidienus his treachery discovered . the testimony that i would give to a stranger , i must not defraud my grandfather of . for caius ve●●eiu● , who was by cna●u● pompeius chosen into a very honorable place among those three hundred and sixtie ●udges , and both to him , to marcus brutu● , and to tiro the prefect of their workemen , a man inferior to none : oppressed with age , and infirme of body upon the departure of nero from naples , whose part for the singular friendship betweene them he in all he was able assisted ; when he could not beare him company , with his sword in campania , he ranne himselfe through . caesar then permitted fulvia freely without any wrong to depart out of italy , and plancus to beare the woman company in her flight . for assinius pollio with seven legions having long retayned venutia in the devotion of antonius , and done great and brave things about altinum and other cities in that country , going to antenius in his way having with his perswasions , and giving him his faith for assurance , prevailed with domitius of whom wee have before spoken , that escaping our of brutus his campe , and after his death having made himselfe admirall of a fleete of his owne , he drew him to antonius . by which fact whosoever will judge equally may know that pollio did not cōferre a meaner benefit upon antonius then antonius did afterward upon pollio . the returne then of antonius into italy , and the preparations of caesar against him presented indeed a feare of war , but quickly was there a peace concluded betweene them at brundusium . at which time the villanous devices of rufus salvidinus came to light , who being borne of obscurest parentage , did prize at a low rate his being raised to the highest honors , and that next after cneus pompeius and caesar himselfe of the order of knights , was created consull , except he might rise to that heigth from whence he might see both caesar and the common wealth beneath himselfe . chap. 77. peace at misendū , made with sextus pompeius , by which all that were proscribed were freed . staius marcus but to death by sextus pompeius , upon the false imputations of his admiral : maenas and menecrates . then , the unanimous voyce of the people complaining , whō a sharpe famine did presse , the sea not being free ; there was a peace concluded also with sextus pompeius , at misenum . who not incongruously when he entertained caesar and antonius at supper aboard his ship , told them that he would feast them in his keele , alluding to the name of the place where his fathers house stood ( as then possessed by antonius , ) by the articles of this peace it was agreed that sicilia and achaia should be alotted to pompeius in which notwithstanding his unquiet mind could not settle . that only one thing he by his comming brought of benefit to his countrey , that for all that were , proscribed and as many others as for severall causes had fled to him , he did contract they should be safe and peaceably returned to their country . which article besides others of the most eminent men did restore to the republique both nero claudius , marcus silanus , sentius sturninus , arantius and titius . but staius murcus who by his comming to him , and that of a fleete royall had doubled his forces , being charged with forged crimes , because that menas and menecrates were not pleased to have a man of that sort their fellow in office , pompeius had put to death in sicily . chap. 78. antonius marries octavia , caesars sister . labienus leading the parthians with pacorus , the sonne of parthia , by ventidius slaine : caesar leades his army into illyria & dalmatia . sharp iustice done by domitius in spaine upon a runne-away centurion . about this time it was that marcus antonius tooke to wife octavia the sister of caesar . pompey was returned into sicily ; antonius into the provinces beyond the seas , which labienus retiring from the campe of brutus to the parthians , and leading their army into syria , having slaine antonius his lievtenant had extreamely shaken . but he by the valour and conduct of ventidius , together with the forces of the parthians , and the kings sonne pacorus , that noblest young man was utterly ruined . in the interim of these times , lest idlenesse the most capitall foe to discipline should corrupt the souldier , caesar with frequent expeditions into illyricum and dalmatia , by patience in dangers and practise of the art of warre , made his army able to endure . then also it was that ca●v●●●s domitius , who in his consulship had spaine for his province , was the author of an example of greatest consequence , and one comparable to those of ancient times ; for hee commanded to bee slaine with a club a centurion of the first ranke , by name vibilliu● , for base and cowardly running away from the fight . chap. 79. warre resolved upon with sextus pompeius : caesar maries livia , wife of tiberius nero , her husband surrendring her . the character of marcus agrippa : part of the fleet lost by tempest : pompey ruined , flies to antonius , and is by his command shire . pompeies fleet , and the report and fame of him , growing every day greater , caesar determined to goe thorow with that warre . and committing the care of building of ships , of pressing souldiers and mariners , and of excercising them , and training them for the sea service to marcus agrippa , a man of most excellent parts , unconquerable by labour , watching or danger one that knew ( no man better ) how to obey , but that onely referr'd to one sole man : ambitious indeed of commanding others , in all things hating delaies , and coupling the execution with his resolving . he having built in the lakes of avernus and lucrinum , a most gallant fleete , with dayly excercising , made both the souldier and the saylor absolutely perfect in both the arts of souldiery , and sea service . with this fleete ceasar ( having first upon the resignation of nero , to whom shee had before beene married , taken livia to wife , with all the ceremonies usuall in the common wealth ) began the warre upon sicily & pompeius . but him that was invincible to all humane force , fortune did at that time grievously aflict : for about velia & the promontory of palinurus , a storme at the south falling upon him , did miserably teare and scatter farre the greater part of his whole fleete . that caused some delay in that warre , which afterward was managed with doubtfull and sometimes variable fortune . for both the fleete in the same place was torne with a tempest , and as neere mylae , under the leading of agrippa , the successe was prosperous ; so by the unexpected comming in of a fleete , even in the sight of caesar himselfe , not farre from tauromenium , there was a great blow received by him . neither was the danger very farre from his owne person : and the legions which were with cornisicius , caesars lievtenant being landed , were almost defeated by pompeius . but the dou●tfull fortune of that time was by a seasonable valour corrected : for they having opned at large the squadrons of the fleetes of both sides . pompeius being stript of almost all his ships , fled into asia , and by the command of marcus antonius , whose assistance he craved , while hee was troublesome with a fashion , betweene a commander , and a suppliant , and one while would stand upon his greatnesse , another even beg his life ; hee had his throat cut by titius . against whom the hatred which by that misdeed hee had procured himselfe , did so long endure , that some time after hee presenting plaies in pompey his theater , was by the curses of the people driven from the spectacle , which himselfe was bestowed , and was at the change of . chap. 80. lepidus called to the warre with sextus pompeius : pompeius turnea out of all by caesar his strange daring . when caesar made that warre against pompey , he had sent for lepidus out of africa with twelve legions , but halfe compleat . he the vainest of all men living , and who had not with any vertue of his owne merited so long an indulgence of fortune , had joyned to his owne troupes the souldiers of pompey , because hee was neerer to them , who followed not his , but caesars fortune . and now puffed up with the number of above twenty legions , his madnesse grew to that height , that being an uselesse cōpanion in the victory of another , as long as hee stayed there suspecting caesars designes ; and ever differing from that which gave satisfaction to others , hee construed the whole victory as his owne , and tooke the boldnesse upon him to enjoyne caesar to get him out of sycily . not the scipios or any other of the ancient roman captaines did ever dare , and execute a braver thing than caesar at that time did . for when he was both disarmed , and in his cloake carrying nothing but his name about him , hee entred into lepidus his campe , and avoyding those darts which by order of that most mischievous man , were throwne at him , his cloake being thrust thorow with a pike , hee durst seaze the eagle of the legion . then mightest thou know what difference there was betweene the generalls . those which were armed followed him that was disarmed : and lepidus in the tenth yeare , after he had attained to a potentie most unsutable to his life , being abandoned both by fortune and his souldiers , wrapped in a mourning garment , and concealed in the dragge of the multitude that flocked about caesar , hee fell prostrate at his knees . his life and his private estate were granted him : his honour which hee could not support , hee was bereaved of . chap. 81. a mutiny among the souldiers , appeased by the seventy , and as well by the bounty of caesar . a s●dden mutiny of the souldiers then risen , who by often considering their owne strength , were fallen from regarding the discipline of the warre : and what they thought themselves able to enforce , would not deigne to have by request , was partly by the severitie , partly by the bounty of the prince repressed . and upon them was at the same time bestowed a faire addition of the colonie in campania : the rents thereof did belong to the state , instead of which there was appropriated to the common treasury , a much larger revenue of twelve hundred thousand sesterces out of the island of creete , & the water worke promised , which at this day is both a singular one , conducing to the health of the city , and an ornament fitted for delicacie and pleasure . agrippa in this did deserve , and had conferred upon him the honour of a navall crowne , which before him was never bestowed upon any roman . after this caesar returning a conquerour to the city , did declare that hee did designe for the publique use divers houses which his factors had by seve●all purchases drawne into one , ●hat he might be seated more at ●arge ; and promised that hee would build the temple of apollo , and the galleries about ●t , which also hee afterward with singular magnificence performed . chap. 82. antonius with thirteene legions , enters parthia , but with much adoe , and great losse , goes off . hee resolves upon a warre with caesar . that sommer in which caesar was so happie in sicily against lepidus fortune , also fought successefull on caesar part , and the republickes in the east . for marcus antonius passing through armenia , and then media , to invade the parthians , was encountred by their king. and that at the first having lost two legions , with the lievtenant statianus , and their baggage and his engines , presently fell into those dangers with extreame hazard of hi● whole army , as out of them he despaired ever to bee delivered . and having lost not lesse than the fourth part of his forces , hee was preserved by the advice and faithfulnesse of a certaine man , but a roman ; who being taken prisoner in the defeate of crassus his army , had changed his fortune , but not his disposition : and coming in the night to the roman guards , forewarned him that he should not go● the way that hee intended , but passe another through the woods . marcus antonius his doing so , was the preservation of the legions ; of which yet , as we said before , at least a fourth part of his whole army ; and of the followers of the campe , and slaves were lost , and of his baggage scarce any at all was left him . yet this his flight because he came off alive , antonius called a victory ; who the third summer after returning into armenia , over-reaching artavasdes the king thereof , with a tricke bound him in chaines : but , that he might not want of his due honour , with golden ones . the fire then both of his love to cleopatra , and the greatnesse of his vice ( which are ever fomented by wealth , libertie , and flatteries ) encreasing , he determined to make warre upon his owne country : when hee had before that commanded himselfe to be stiled a new bacchus ; when with a garland of ivie crowned with a crowne of gold , with the thirsus in his hand , & buskins buckled on his leggs , in a chariot like liber pater , hee had ridden about alexandria . chap. 83. plancus falls off from antonius to caesar . his character and carriage after his revolt . vvhile these preparations for warre are one foote , plancus , not out of judgement to make election of the better part , neither out of love of caesar , or the state ( for to all these he was perpetually adverse ) but infected ( as with a disease ) with treachery , when hee had beene the basest flatterer of the queene , and an observer , beneath the degree of her slaves , when he had beene antonius his register , and both the author and minister of the fithiest actions , when he had to all men , nd in every thing beene mercenary , wsten naked and dyed of a sea-blew colour , with his head crownd with reeds , and dragging a long taile behinde him , he had crept upon his knees , and danced as glaccus : being checked by antonius at a banquet for his manifest extortions , fled unto caesar . and afterward iputing the clemency of the conquerour to his owne vertue , used to say that caesar when he had pardoned , had well tryed it ; titius did within a while immitate him who was his vnckle ▪ wittily did caponius , a man of praetorian ranke , who to his children was a father , most precise carefull of their breeding , the father in law of silius , answer plancus , when in the senate he imputed many , and those vile things to antonius from whom he was lately fled : upon my faith ( said he ) antonius did many foule things the day before thou leftest him . chap. 84. the sea preparation at actium , with the order of the navies . vvhen caesar then , and messalla corvin●s were consulls , the victory at actium was gained : where long before they came to fight , the advantage of the day , and the successe thereof was apparent on the iulian side . on this part both the souldier and the commander were full of vigor and spirit ; on that all things languished : on this were kings most firme to the cause ; on that with their wants much disaffected . there were ships great indeed , but that could not move with any competent speed here were others of a more dreadfull aspect : from this side not one fled to antonius : from that to caesar dayly some went over : finally , in the sight of antoniu● , and as it were at his very beard , by marcus agrippa was leucas assaulted and carried . patros taken , corinth seazed upon , and twice before the last and generall triall , his fleete was beaten . the king amintas followed the better and more commodious course ; for dellius , in this warre also firme to his old fashion , as hee had before from dolobella , turned to caesar : and cnaeus demitius a most eminent man , ( who onely of all that sided with antonius did never though with his great and most desperate hazard salute cleopatra by the title of queene , but onely by her name ) came over to caesar . chap. 85. caesars victory , and the flight of antonius after cleopatra : the rendring of the land forces to caesar . at length the day of the maine triall came on , in which caesar and antonius drawing out both their navies , fought , the one for the preservation of the world , the other for the ruine thereof . the right wing of the iulian navie was governed by marcus latius , the last by arruntius , the command in chiefe of the whole sea fight rested upon agrippa : caesar designing to himselfe the place to which fortune should call him , was in every part present . antonius his fleet was commanded by publicola and sosius . as for the forces at land , those of caesars part were commanded by taurus , and antonies by candius : when the fight began there was on the one side all things necessary : the generall , saylors , or rowers and souldiers : on the other nothing but the souldiers . cleopatra began first of all to flie , and antonius did choose rather to beare the queene company in her flight , than his souldiers in fighting for him . and being generall , who ought to punish runawayes severely , did himselfe runne away from his owne souldiers . their constancy in fighting most bravely , even when they had lost their head that should have directed them , did long continue , and when they dispaired of victory , they fought to dye . but caesar desiring to reduce them to quiet thoughts by words , whom he might have ruined with the sword , calling to them , and shewing them that antonius was fled : asked them for whom and with whom they would now fight . but they , when they had fought a long time for their generall that was absent , with much a doe , and hardly laying downe their armes yeelded the victory : and caesar did more readily promise them pardon and life , than they could bee perswaded to crave it . and by all men it was acknowledged that the souldiers had done the duty of the bravest generall , and the generall behaved himselfe as the most cowardly souldier . so that thou mayest make a doubt whether he would have governed the victory by his owne , or cleopatra's discretion , that was by her pleasure directed in his flight . chap. 86. caesars clemency after the victory : pollio his faire respect to caesar as his prince ; to antonius as his benefactor . the same course also was taken by the army at land , after canidius with an inconsiderate flight , had whirled after antonius : who is hee that in the cursitory way of this so contracted a worke , dares take upon him to expresse what that day did beneficiall for the whole world , out of what , and into what an estate the fortune of the common wealth did remove . but the victory was used with all clemency , very few were they who were put to death , and those indeed which durst not so much as crave their lives . out of which lenity of the generall , it may well be collected what he would have made the effect of his victory , either in the beginning of his triumvirate , or in the philippian fields if it had beene in his owne power ******* at length with much wrestling for it , the clemency of caesar preserved him . let me not over-passe the memorable both fact , and deed of asinius pollio . for when after the peace of brundusium , he had still remained in italy , and had neither seene the queene , nor after the mind of antonius , was by her love enfeebled , had medled with his faction , caesar requiring him to goe with him to the bataile of actium , my merits ( said he ) towards antonius are greater , but his favours to me better knowne . i therefore will withdraw my selfe from your hazards , and rest here a prey for the conquerour . chap. 87. antonius his death at alexandria , & presently after cleopatra's . none put to death by caesar after the victory . the next yeare caesar pursuing the queene and antonius to alexandria , did put the last hand to the civill warre : antonius did , and that not timerously , kill himselfe . so as by his death he did seeme to wipe of many spots of his former faintnesse . but cleopatra abusing her gardians , having an aspick brought into her did by the biing thereof , free from all womanish feare , put an end to her life . a thing it was , worthy of both the fortune and the clemency of caesar , that of all those which had borne armes against him there was not any one that by him , or upon his command was put to death . ●ecius brutus was by the cruelty of antonius slaughtered : sextus pompeius being defeated by caesar , by antonius likewise ( when hee had given him his faith to preserve for him his honours also entire ) was deprived of life . brutus and cassius before that they had made triall how the conquerour would be enclined toward them , with a voluntary death ended , their daies . canidius died more cowardly then did sute with the profession of which he had ever beene . the last of the murtherers of caesar , parmensis cassius received his payment by death , as tribenius before had done . chap. 88. lepidus sonne to the triumvir conspiring against caesars life , without trouble or noise opprest by caius marcellus provost of the citie . marcellus his character . vvhile caesar was putting an end to the actian and alexandrian warre , marcus lepidus , a young man , of a better shape then disposition of mind , sonne to that lepidus who had beene the triumvir in the setling the state , and of iunia the sister of brutus , entred into a conspiracie of killing caesar , upon his first returne to the city . then marcus marcellus , captaine of the guard of the city , borne of a noble family , and order of the knights : a man whensoever the affaires required vigilance , that never slept , provident , and who knew how to drive a businesse to the head : but when once the affaires gave him any time of remission , melting in ease and daintinesse more then women would desire , not lesse deere to caesar then agrippa , but these preferred : for he lived almost contented with narrow studdes of purple upon his gowne , neither was he unable to reach greater matters , but did not desire them : he with infinite stilnesse and cunning sented out the devices of that rash headed young man , and with wonderful speed , without all trouble of men or affaires herein , having ruined lepidus , did extinguish a fearefull origiginall of a new civill warre , and which was likely to have sprung up again . so her received his due punishment , for his ill contrived plots . let servilia the wife of lepidus be matched with antistius his before mentioned calphurnia , who throwing her selfe alive into the funerall flame , received in recompence of her untimely end , the never dying memory of her braue action . chap. 89. caesar his returne to rome , his triumph and the model of his government . bvt of caesars returne into italy , and to the city , how he was met , with what applause of all men , of all ages , and all degrees he was received ; what the magnificence of his triumphs was , what that of his bounties , not a full and just volume , much lesse this so concise a worke , is able to make a fit and just relation . nothing from thence forth could men desire of the gods , nothing could the gods bestow upon men , nothing be craved in prayer , nor any thing in a perfect felicity be found , which augustus , after his returne to the city , did not endow the republique , the people of rome , and in summe , the whole world with all . the civill warres that had lasted now twenty yeares were ended , foraigne warres buried , peace repealed , the rage of armes quieted in evrey part , to the lawes their power , to the seates of iustice their authority , and to the senate their majestie restored , the commād of the magistrates restored to the auntient measure , onely two praeton more added to the former eight , and the first most auncient forme of the common wealth revived . husbandry returned into the country , to things sacred their due honor , to men security , to every man a certainty of enjoying his owne . some lawes commodiously amended , others with the publique good enacted senators chosen without harshnesse , though not without strictnesse , men of principall quality and who had borne offices of honour and triumphed , by the perswasion of the prince drawne to the citie for the ornament of the common wealth . consull he was onely eleven times , which that it might not be continued upon him , caesar having often pressed and stood against it with much adoe obtained . for the dictatorship , as the people had obstinately urged it upon him , he as constantly rejected . the warre made under his command , and by victories , peace established through the world , and so many workes perfected , both at home and out of italy , would require an historian that upon that sole worke should bestow the whole terme of his life . wee remembring what we have professed , will present to your eyes and mind the whole picture of his governement . chap. 90. dalmatia and spaine by caesar and ( employed by his command ) agrippa , after ages of trouble brought to a perfect peace . the civill warre , as wee have said , thus interred , and the members of the common wealth , now knitting together , and he taking care of such things as so long a course of warre had rent in sunder , dalmatia which for two hundred and twenty yeares had bin rebellious , was brought quietly to a plaine confession of subjection to our empire . the alpes famous both for wild beasts and divers nations subdued , all the spaines one while by himself in preson , another by the ministration of agrippa , whom the favour of the prince had raised to the third consulship , & after to the consortship with him of the tribuniciall power , with a sharpe and variable warre at last was setled . into which provinces when at the beginning scipio and sempronius longus being consulls our armies were sent , and after in the first yeare of the second punicke warre , againe under the command of cnaeus scipio uncle to the african , about one hundred and fiftie yeares since : the warre was there so bloudy & so doubtfull , as our armies and generalls being lost , we often went away with dishonour , and sometimes not without danger to the romane empire . for those provinces made an end of the scipios they also with a dishonorable warre of twenty yeares , viriatus being generall of that side held our auncestors play . in them made was the base stipulation of quintus pompeius , and that more base of mancinus , which the senate with the ignominy of the generall yeilded up to the enemie , did cancel ; the same also cōsumed us , so many generalls of consular qualitie , so many of praetorian , and in our fathers daies , did with her armes raise sertorious to that heighth that in five whole yeares it could not be judged whether the romans or the spaniards were the braver warriors , nor which people of them two , should obey the other . these provinces then so large , so populous , so stout , almost fiftie yeares since , caesar augustus reduced to such tranquillitie , as they who never were before free from most furious warres , were under caius antistius , and after that under publius silius the leiutenant and others , free from so much as robberies . chap. 91. the ensignes lost at crassus his defeate returned to caesar by the parthian conspiracies of caepio and muraena , as also of egnatius against him discovered and punished . vvhile the west was thus quieted from the east , the roman ensignes which upon the overthrow of crassus , orodes and at the repulsing of antonius his sonne pharnaces had taken , were rendred and sent backe to augustus . which by the propounding of plancus and the universall consent of the senate and people of rome bestowed upon him the surname of parthian . yet were there not wāting some that could hate even his happiest state of things . for lucius muraena , and fannius caepio , of farre differing dispositions ( for muraena without this guiltine● might have passed for a good man : but caepio even before he was tainted with this crime , the worst that might be ) having conspired together about the killing of caesar , seazed upon by publique authority , what by violence they would have acted they by iustice suffered . neithe● long after was it that egnati●● rufus a man in every respect more like a fencer , then a senator , having in his edileship gotten the favour of the people ( which he had dayly encreased by quenching of fires with his owne private family ) so highly as they were content to joyne , for his sake , the office of praetor , to take of edile , and presently also was bold to stand for the consulship : being overwhelmed with the guilt of all manner of foulenesse and wickednes , having drawne into his designe others that were likest to himselfe , determined to kill caesar . that since he could not subsist if caesar were safe , at least he might yet dye when he were taken away . for such is the disposition of men , that every one had rather sinke with the publique ruine , then be oppressed with his owne , and though he suffer the same yet be lesse remarked . nor was this man more fortunate in being concealed , then those that went before him , and being clapt in prison , he died a death , of which his life was most worthy . chap. 92. a brave act of sentius saturninus punishing the customers , fraud , and stopping egnatius in his demand of the consullship . let not a brave fact of an excellent man be defrauded of a due remembrance , caius sentius saturninus , who about that time was consull . caesar was then absent about ordering the affaires of asia , and the east carying about with his person , the benefits of his peace . when sentius ( as it fell out being at that time both sole consull and caesar absent ) had both done other things with the strictnesse of former times , and with admirable constancy : had after the old fashion and severity of the consuls , discovered the frauds of the farmours of customes , punished their avarice , and brought the revenues of the state into the publique treasury . and also sitting principal consull at the assembly for elections , those that stood for the quaestorship , if he judged them unworthy of it , he forbade to declare themselves : threatning them when they remained firme to their intentions , that he would by his consular power punish them , and egntaius who flourishing in the favour of the people did hope to couple the consulship , to the praetorship as he before had done that to the edileship , he forbade to professe himselfe for a candidate , and when he prevailed not with him , he swore that though the people by their suffrages did choose him , yet that he would not declare him for elected . which fact of his i should reckon worthy to be cōpared with any of the auncient cōsuls whatsoever , but that we doe more willingly commend the things that we heare of then those that wee see , that we wait upon the present with envy , but things past with reverence , and doe believe that those doe overload us , these instruct us . chap. 93. the death of m. marcellus sonne to octavia , caesars sister . agrippa returned to rome , marries iulia caesars daughter , late wife to marcellus . almost three yeares , before the villany of egnatius brake out , and about the time of muraena's and caepio's conspiracy , now fiftie yeares since marcus marcellus the sonne of octavia , augustus his sister whō all men did so reekon , for his successour in his power , if ought should happen to caesar , as they thought it could not yet discend upon him securely by reason of marcus agrippa his greatnesse , ( having when he was edile presented most magnificient shewes to the people ) departed this life , a very young man , and truly as they say of free and open vertues , of a cheerefull disposition , and witte , and capable of the fortune for which he was bred . after whose decease , agrippa , who under colour of important service of the state was gone into asia , but as report speakes it , for some secret distates with marcellus had withdrawne himselfe , from the present time returning thence tooke to wife iulia the daughter of augustus who had before beene married to marcellus . a woman whose wombe was neither fortunate for her selfe nor for the common wealth . chap. 94. tiberius caesar sonne to livia , called to affaires : his character sent into the east , quiets armenia and receives pledges of the parthian . at this time tiberius claudius nero , who when he was three yeares old , as we before have said , livia the daughter of drusus claudius ( nero to whom she had before beene married affiancing her ) had married augustus : being trained up in the discipline of heavenly knowledge , a young man admirably furnished by his nobilitie , shape , stature , the best kindes of learning , and an infinite wit : who from the beginning might hope for any greatnesse that he since hath arrived at , and at the first view appeared a prince , being quaestor at the nineteenth yeare of his age , began to deale in affaires of state . and did at ostia and in the citie by the direction of his father in law , so order the businesses of a pressing dearth and want of corne that by what he then did it clearely appeared how great a man for employments he would one day prove . neither long after being sent by the same his father in law , to survey and put in order the orientall provinces , he having in that expedition given many singular proofes of all kindes of virtues ; with his legions entred armenia . and having brought it under the cōmand of the people of rome , did deliver the crowne thereof to artavasdes , with the fame of which so great name of his the king of the parthians also affrighted , sent his sonne to caesar for ostages . chap. 95. tiberius returned with his brother drusus , sent against the rhaetians and vindelicians , with fortunate event . vvhen nero was returned , caesar determined to make experience of him in a warre of no meane consequence giving him for an assistant his brother drusus claudius , of whom livia was delivered in caesars house . they both dividing their charge invaded the rhaetians and the vindelicians , and forcing many cities and castles , as also by some happie successe in open fights , with much losse of the bloud of the conquered nations , and more danger then damage of the romane army ; did master them that were most strongly seated , the accesse to them extreamely difficult , in number multitudinous , and in the fierce bravery of their courage redoubtable , before which time the censorship of plancus and paulus being transpassed in wrangling and braules was neither honorable to them , nor usefull to the state , when the one wanted the respect and vigor that should be in a censor , and the others course of life would not agree with that title . for paulus was not able to fill the roome , and plancus could reprehend nothing in youngmen , or heare objected to them which hee must not bee enforced to acknowledge to bee in himselfe . chap. 96. agrippa surrenders his wife iulia to tiberius . the pannonian warre ended by tiberius , who entred the citie for it in an ovant triumphe . agrippa , within a while after who had by many deservings enable his late raising , and had brought it so farre as he was both the father in law of nero ( whose children his nephewes , sacred augustus giving them the names of caius and lucius had adopted ) did now tie nero in stricter and neerer bonds to caesar for his daughter iulia , which had beene married to agrippa , nero tooke to wife . then followed the pannonian warre , which being begunne by agrippa and marcus vinicius thy grandfather , then consulls , and which being great , cruell , and also neerly hanging over italy , was by nero ended . the natives of the pannonians and dalmatians , the scituations of the countries and rivers , the number and equipage of their forces , the most glorious , and many victories of so great a generall in that warre we will in some other place describe . let this worke now keepe its owne forme . nero having obtained this victory entred the city in ovant triumph . chap. 97. marcus lollius receives a blow , & loseth the eagle of the legion in germany . that warre committed to drusus , by him happily managed : his character : his death . the rest finished by tiberius . bvt while in this part of the empire all things succeed most prosperously ; a blow received in germany under the lievtenant marcus lollius , ( a man in every thing more greedily desiring money than to doe bravely : and with the wariest dissembling of his vices , most vicious , together with the losse of the eagle of the fifth legion ) did call caesar from the city into gallia . the care and burden then of the german warre was transferd to drusus claudius , nero's brother ; a young man of so many so eminent vertues , as either the nature of mortall man is capable of , or industry can acquire , whose disposition whether it were more able for affaires of the warre , or the acts of peace it is uncertaine . certainely his gentlenesse and swetnesse in his conversation , and his respect to his friends faire , and like himselfe is said to bee inimitable : as for the beauty of his person , it was in the next ranke to his brothers . but him now the conquerour of a great part of germany , and having drawne very much bloud of that people in many places ; the injustice of the destinies when he was consull in the thirtieth yeare of his age , ravished from us . the charge then of that warre was delivered to nero , which hee underwent with both his owne vertue and fortune . and having past victorious thorow all the parts of germany without any damage of the army committed to him which ever was the care of that generall , hee so mastered it , as hee almost brought it into the forme of a tributary province . than was a second triumph with a second consulship presented to him . chap. 98. warre in thracia ended by lucius piso : a briefe character of him . vvhile these things of which wee have treated doe passe in pannonia and germany , a bitter warre risen in thracia ; all the nations of that country flying to armes , was by the vertue of lucius piso , whom even at this day wee see still a most diligent and most milde guardian of the cities quiet , suppressed : for being caesars lievtenant , hee made warre with them three yeares together , and partly in fight , partly by forcing of places , hee brought those most fierce nations with their extreame losse and destruction into their former fashion of living in peace : and by his actions restored to asia their security , and to macedonia their quiet . of whom all men must both thinke and say that his conditions were most equally tempred betweene smartnesse and lenity , nor that easily can be found any man who either was more fervently in love with ease and quiet ; or did more ably beare the weight of affaires , and that did take more care for that which was to be done , without any ostentation of doing it himselfe . chap. 99. tiberius out of respect to caius and lucius nephewes to octavius , quits all his greatnesse in rome , and retires to study at rhodes . within a little while after , having past two consulships , and as often triumphed , and in the consortship of the tribunitiall power made equall to augustus , of all the city except one ( and that because hee would have it so ) the most eminent , the greatest of captaines , and both by his fame and by his fortune the most illustrious , and indeed the second eye and head of the state : with a strange , a wondrous , and an unspeakeable piety ( whereof the reasons within a while were discovered ) when caius caesar had now put on his virile robe , and lucius also began to be ripe for the conversation of men ; lest his glittering should hinder the beginnings of those rising young men , hee concealing the cause of that his resolution , did crave leave of him that was both his wives father , and his mothers husband , that hee might take some rest from his continued labours . what the carriage of the city in that time and occasion was , what the thoughts of particular men , what teares were shed by those that tooke their leaves of a man of that greatnesse , how his country did almost lay hold upon him to stay him ; wee hold best to reserve the narration for a full and compleate worke ; that yet in this our running straine , we must speake that hee so past his seven yeares at rhodes , as all both proconsulls and lievtenants , passing into the provinces beyond the seas , and comming to visit him did ever stoope their fasces to him a private man ( if such a majestie may bee termed private , ) and confessed that his retirement was more full of honour than their command . chap. 100. the parthian falls off from his league with rome , & germany also rebells . iulia her foule life punished in her with exile , in but favourites with death . the whole world did feele that nero had quieted the tuition of the city : for both the parthian falling off from the friendship of rome , laid hold of armenia : and germany perceiving the eye of him that had mastered her , not beate upon her , rebelled against us . but in the city the same yeare that sacred augustus , now thirty yeares past , when himselfe and gallus caninius were consulls , had with most magnificent shewes of fencers at the sharpe , and representation of sea-fights , dedicated mars his temple , and satisfied both the eyes and mindes of the people of rome ; a storme and mischiefe , foule to be related , and horrid to bee remembred broke out in his owne house . for iulia his daughter totaly forgetting the greatnesse of both her father and her husband , did leave nothing unassaied either in riot or lusts , that a woman might or do or suffer filthily ; and measured the greatnesse of her fortune by her libertie of sinning , accounting all lawfull that she had a minde to . iulius antonius a singular instance of caesars clemency , being then the polluter of his house , was also the revenger himselfe of the villany committed by him : whom , when his father was vanquished , hee had not onely estated in a full security of his life , but had also conferred upon him the priesthood , praetorship , the consulship , provinces and honours , and more had in the strictest bonds of affinitie received him into his bosome by the honour of marying him to his sisters daughter . and quintus crispinus vayling his crime with the austeritie of a sowre brow , appius claudius , sempronius gracchus , scipio , with other of lesser note , and of both the orders of knights and senators , as if they had but corrupted the wife of any private man , when they had defiled the daughter of augustus , and the wife of nero , suffered according to law . iulia being banished into an iland , was removed out of the eye of her father and her country , whom yet her mother scribonia accompanied , & remained with her as her fellow exile , though voluntary . chap. 101. caius caesar sent into the east-parlies with the parthian in an island in the midst of euphrates : feasts , and is feasted by him . within a little time after this when caius caesar , having before had the charge of quieting other provinces , was sent into syria , first visiting tiberius nero , to whom as his superiour hee yeelded all respect , he there in such various fashion carried himselfe , as there was not wanting occasion and reason to praise him very highly , nor yet some cause to discommend him . hee came to an interview with the parthian king , a most stately young man in an island which the river euphrates compassed about , their number on both sides being equall . which shew being very brave and memorable of the romane army standing on this , the parthian on that side , when the two most eminent chiefes of empires , and men in the world did meet together , it was my chance to see in the beginning of my souldiership , being then a tribune o● the souldiers : which place having held before under marcus vinitius thy father , and unde● publius sillius in thracia and macedonia and since in achaia , asia , and all the easterne provinces with the mouth , and both the sides of the ponticke sea . 〈◊〉 now do enjoy no unpleasing rem●●brāce of so many affaires , places ● nations , and cities . the parthian first feasted with us on our side . and afterward caius was entertained by the king on the enemies shore . chap. 102. marcus lollius sent by augustus , supervisor to young caius ; discovered in his treacheries , kills himselfe . caius wounded by abduus at a treatie : enfeebled both in minde and body , and upon his returne dies at limira ; his brother being before dead at massilia . at which time the treacherous devices ( and such as were to bee found onely in a crafty and mischievous soule ) of marcus lollius , who was appointed by augustus as the moderator of his sonnes youth , being first discovered by the parthian , were afterward by caesars displeasure made knowne . his death which within a few daies afterward followed , whether it were accidentall or voluntary , i cannot tell . but as much as men rejoyced at his death , so much did the city grievously lament within a little after the losse of censorinus , who dyed in the same parts : a man that seemed borne to purchase the good will of all man kinde . caius then entering armenia , at the first beginning carried his businesse fortunately enough : but within a while comming to a partie ; in which he in considerately had engaged himselfe , he neere artagena was sore wounded by one abdius . vpon which hurt as his body was the weaker , so his minde began to be lesse able for affaires of state. nor was there wanting the conversation of men , that fed his vices with their assentation ( for flattery doth perpetually attend upon the greatest fortunes . ) by which meanes hee was brought to that passe , that in the uttermost and remotest corner of the world , hee would rather have drawne out his daies to old age , than returne to rome . having long strugled against it , and unwillingly returning toward italy , he in a city of lycia called limira , died of sicknesse , when his brother caesar now almost three yeares before being bound for spaine , was dead at massilia . chap. 103. tiberius caesar adopted by augustus . bvt fortune which had taken away the hope of a mightie name , did now at length restore to the republique her owne guardes and safety : for when publius vinicius thy father was consull , before the death of these two brothers , tiberius nero returning from rhodes , had filled his countrey with incredible joy . neither did augustus caesar long demurre upon it , for it was not to bee enquired who was to be chosen , but he was to be chosen that was most eminent ; what therefore after the death of lucius , when caius was yet living , he would have done , but was hindred the rein by nero his stiffenesse in refusing it , after the decease of both the young men , he put in execution . that hee both tooke him into the fellowship of the tribunitiall power with himselfe , and being consull with elius catus sentius , the fifth of the kalends of iuly , seven hundred fiftie and foure yeares after the building of the city , now twentie and seven yeares since hee adopted him for his sonne . the rejoycing of that day , the concourse of the citizens , the prayers of those which did almost with their hands lay hold upon the gods , and the hope of perpetuall tranquillity , and the eternity of the roman empire , wee can scarce fully expresse in that compleate worke which wee doe intend : let us not then goe about to doe it to the life in this . one onely thing i am content now to deliver : that , then there appeared cleerely to fathers , a hope of enjoying their children , to husbands their wives , to owners of their patrimony , to all men of safety , quiet , peace and tranquillity : so that neither could any hope expect more , nor be more happily answered . chap. 104. agrippa also the sonne of iulia adopted by augustus the same day . tiberius sent to command in the german warre ; by the souldiers received with all joy . the same day also was adopted marcus agrippa , the sonne of iulia , whom she bare after the death of agrippa : but in the adoption of nero , this was added by caesar himselfe , that he did it for the common wealths sake . not long did his countrey hold him in the citie , the protector and guardian of the empire ; but presently sent him into germany : where three yeares before under marcus vinicius thy grandfather , a most worthy man , a furious warre had broken out , and by him was happily managed , in some places invading , in others standing upon the defensive : and for that respect were decreed to him triumphall ornaments , with a right glorious inscription upon the workes ; that time made me , who before had beene tribune military , the souldier of tiberius caesar : for being presently after his adoption sent with him in quality of generall of the horse into germany , the successour of my fathers places . i was for nine whole yeares ( either generall , as i said , or his lievtenant ) the spectator of his heavenly actions , and , as farre as the meanest of my faculties could reach , an assister of them . neither doth the condition of mortall man afford in my opinion any thing like that fight which i then enjoyed ; when in the noblest part of italy and all the tract of the gallian provinces , every man seeing their old generall , and who by his merits and vertues was truely caesar before hee was so by name , did rather congratulate with themselves than with him for his advancement . but the teares of the souldiers by their joy wrung out their cheerefulnesse , and their new fashioned exultations in saluting him , their striving to kisse his hand , and not forbearing presently to adde , we see thee generall , wee have thee againe in safety . and then ; i was with thee in armenia , i in rhaetia , i was rewarded by thee in vindelicia , i in pannonia , i in germany : can neither be exprest in words , nor hardly bee thought to deserve the being beleeved . chap. 105. divers nations of germany mastered by him : hee returnes to rome , leaving the remnant of the warre to the charge of sentius saturninus : his character . hee then presently entring germany , subduing the canine fates , the atteari , the bructeri , & reducing the people of the cherusci , and passing over the river ( which within a while was ennobled by our losse there received ) of visurgis ; having pierced into the heart of the country , when caesar had freed all parts of a sharpe and most dangerous warre , the rest which was of lesse hazard , he committed to sentius saturninus , who had beene his fathers lievtenant in germany . a man of manifold vertues , industrious active , provident and in all military duties as well framed 1 to endure them , as to understand them : yet one , that when his affaires did give him roome to take his ease , that did with delicacie and freenesse abuse it . but notwithstanding even that in such sort , as thou wouldst rather terme him magnificent , and joviall , than riotous and lazie : of whose brave and noble consulship , wee have before treated . the summer expeditions of that yeare being prolonged even till december , did eonduce profitably in the highest degree to the victory . caesars piety did hale him ▪ when the alpes were almost barracadoed up with snow , into the citie for the safety of the empire : but in the beginning of the spring , the same returned him into germany , in whose middle marches hee had at his going away by the river iulia , about the head thereof , placed his winter garrisons . chap. 106. all germany the next yeare subdued by tiberius , both with land and sea forces . oh the good gods , what workes able to fill the greatest volumes , did wee the next summer under the command of tiberius caesar . all germany passed thorow and surveied by our armies , nations conquered which were by name almost unknowne , the people of the cauchi reduced to subjection , all their youth infinite in number , of a prodigious vastenesse of body , and by the scituation of their places most free from danger ; rendring up their armes , and empalled with the squadrons of our glittering and armed souldiery , together with their commanders , fell prostrate before the tribunall of our generall . the longobards overcome , a people also of germany more fierce than fiercenesse it selfe : finaly , what never was before by any hope conceived , much lesse at any time attempted , the roman army was with flying colours led foure hundred miles , from the rhyne to the river of elbe , which runnes by the confines of the senones & the hermondurians ▪ and in the same place the romane fleete ( with an admirable felicity , and care of the generall , and a due observing withall of the times ) having sayled thorow the ocean , by an unheard of , and till then an unknowne sea , passing up the river of elbe with the conquest of many nations , and infinite provision of all things joyned with caesar and his armie . chap. 107. a passage of an old barbarian desiring to see tiberius , after which he returnes to the city . i cannot forbeare but among the greatnesse of these occurrents , i must insert this , such as it is : when wee had possessed the hithermost banke of the foresaid river , and that of the other side did glister with the armed youth of the enemie , who at every motion of our navie was in much disorder : one of the barbarians , auncient in yeares , comely of personage , and of qualitie , as much as might by his habit be conjectured , of the best sort ; getting aboard a hollow piece of timber ( after which fashion their boates are made ) and guiding that vessell alone , without other helpe hee came into the middest of the river , and enquired if it might be free for him without danger to land on that banke where we stood in armes , and to see caesar . the leave that hee desired being given him , hee rowed to land , and when he had a long time beheld caesar : our young men ( said he ) are madde , who while they doe adore your deitie when it is absent , do rather choose , when you are present to stand in feare of your armes , then to trust your fidelity , but i by thy favour and permission , caesar , have now seen the gods , of which i before had but heard . neither have i found or wished in my life a day to mee more fortunate then this : having then gotten leave to kisse his hand , returning to his boat , and without ceasing his eye fixed upon caesar , hee passed over to the banke where his owne people stood . caesar then victorious over all the nations which he had reached , with his armie safe , and unempaired , and onely once by a stratagem of the enemies with their extreme losse attempted brought his legions backe to their winter stations , and with the same speed that he had used the yeare before , returned to the citie . chap. 108. maroboduus , king of the marcemanni , has character and seate of his kingdome . there was now nothing in germanie that might be conquered but onely the nation of the marcomannes , which under the conduct of maroboduus , quitting their owne habitations , had set downe upon those lands which are surrounded with the hercinian wood . no making haste can excuse the forbearing to make mention of this man. maroboduus then , by his birth noble , of body able , of courage stout , rather accounted a barbarian , for his countries sake , then for his understanding , had possessed himselfe of a principalitie among his countrimen , not in a tumult , by chance , or changable and onely setled at the pleasure of those that did underlie it : but aiming in his minde at a stable command , and a regall power , hee determined , drawing faire from the romanes all his nation , to goe thither , where while hee fled from very powerfull armes he might make his owne the most potent . seizing therefore upon the places of which wee spake before , hee either by warre made all his neighbours yeeld to him , or by treaties made them one body with him ▪ chap. 109. his policie and forme of government preparing for a warre with the romanes . tiberius his intention to invade first . his body carefully guarded , his empire with perpetuall exercising almost brought to the romane discipline , hee in short time raised to an eminent heighth , and even to our empire fearefull . and towards the romanes hee so carried himselfe , that as he did not provoke them with warre , so hee made it appeare , that if he were injured he would want neither will nor meanes to resist . his embassadors whom he sent to caesar , did sometimes commend him to him , as a suppliant , sometimes treated for him as an equall . what nations or men whatsoever would fall from us , found with him a certaine retreat , and perfectly dissembling it hee was in sūme the emulator of the empire . and his armie which hee had raised to seventy thousand foot , and foure thousand horse , with continuall employing it against his borderers , he fitted for a greater businesse then that hee had then in hand . and so much the more was hee to be redoubted , for that when hee had germany before him , and upon his left hand ; pannonia upon his right hand ; the noricitans at the backe of his inhabiants , as being ready at any time to fall upon any of them , hee was equally feared of all ; nor did hee suffer italie it selfe to rest secure and fearelesse of his growing greatnesse , it being but two hundred miles from the tops of the alpes the borders of italie , to his frontire . this man , and that countrie tiberius caesar resolved the next summer to attacque severall wayes : and commanded sentius saturninus , that by the countrie of the catti cutting a way through the hercinian forrest , he should leade the legions into boiohaemum ( so is the countrie called which maroboduus possessed ) himselfe beganne to draw the armie which served in illirium against the marcomanni by carnuntum a place that of the kingdome of noricia is on that side next to them . chap. 110. that resolution hindred by the rebellion of dalmatia , and all their neigbours to the number of eight hundred thousand men of warre . fortune doth sometimes breake off , and hinder the determinations of men . caesar had now prepared his winter stations upon the danubius , and drawing his army towards them , was not aboue five dayes journey from the neerest of the enemy , had commanded saturninus , who almost equally distant from him to march on within a few dayes to joyne his legions with caesar in the forenamed place , when all pannonia dista●ced with the benefits of a long peace , and dalmatia growne in strength , having drawne into their society all the nations about them as was among them , agreed flew to armes . then were things necessarie preferred before matter of glory . nor was it thought safe to leave italy naked the enemie being so neere & the army shut up in the remotest parts of germany . the whole number of the people and nations which had rebelled , was full eight hundred thousand men . two hundred thousand foote and nine thousand horse , they had selected , of which vaste multitude under the command of most brave and most understanding captaines they had decreed that part should stand for italy , which confined at the confluence of nauportium and tergestis ; part had broken into macedonia , part was left at home for the guard of their owne . the principall command was in baro and pinetus their generalls . but in all the pannonians , there was not onely an ordinary exercising of their mindes , and in discipline , but also an acquaintance with the roman language , and in many of them knowledge of learning . no nation certainely therefore did ever so suddenly couple the determination of making warre with the warre it selfe , and put in execution what they had resolved to doe . the romane citizens were oppressed with it , the merchants butchered , a great number of ensigne-bearers s ; laughtered in that part of the country which was furthest from the generall ; all macedonia seased upon by their forces , all things , and in every place wasted with the sword and with fire . how great was the feare of this warre when it did shake and terrifie the constant , and the mind setled by experience in so great warres of augustus caesar . chap. 111. preparation to resist them , made by augustus , and tiberius the generall . levies therefore were made , all the old souldiers were from every quarter recalled , and both men and women that were within the taxe of freedmen compelled to finde a souldiour . this word of the prince himselfe was heard in the senate ; that except they tooke good heed , within ten dayes the enemie might be before the walls of rome . in vaine had we made all this preparation except there had beene one to governe it . the republique therefore as it did desire a guard of forces , so did it also crave of augustus , tiberius for generall . our meanenesse had also in this warre a place of honorable employment . for my charge of horse being expired , and my selfe designed questor , when i as yet was not a senator , i was made equall to senators , and those which were appointed tribunes of the people : and brought a part of the army delivered me by augustus to his sonne . in my quaestorship then not making use of the lot of my province , and being sent a messenger , from the one of them to the other , what armies of the enemies did wee not see in the first yeare ? with how brave opportunities by the prudence of our generall , did we by peece-meale catch some parts of their forces , which altogether were madly enraged ? with how great temper and with al commoditie did we see things done by the authority of the prince ? with how vaste workes was the enimie so block't up with the guardes of our army , that hee might not breake out any way ? and being needy of meanes and raging within himself , his forces might decay and languish ? chap. 112. messalinus his brave actions who with a halfe compleate legion in illiricum , quenched the rebellion and routed aboue 20000. of the enemie . tiberius had every where the better of the warre : caecina and silvanus with five legions endangered , by the valour of the souldiour freed . agrippa the adopted lost the favour of augustus by his want of temper . the act of messalinus so fortunate in the event , so brave in the attempt , must be commended to memory , who being a man more noble in his disposition then in his extraction , and that most worthily had corvinus for his father , and left his sirname to his brother cotta , being governor of illyrium , with the twentieth legion that was but halfe the just number , having subdued the rebells , when hee was compassed about with above twentie thousand of the enemies forces , overthrew and routed them , and for that action was honoured with triumphall ornaments . so were the enemies delighted with their numbers , such was their confidence of their strength , that wheresoever caesar was , they did trust in thēselves nothing at all . part of them being opposed to the generall himselfe , and macerated at our pleasure , as well as with our profit , brought to a starving famine , when they neither dared make head against him that pressed thē nor yet fight w th thē that offered it , and did draw themselves into battaglia , seizing upō the mount claudius with the strength , of the place defended themselves . but an other part which marched against our army which aulus caecina , and silvanus plautius of consular quality , brought out of the provinces beyond the sea , having compassed in our five legions with their aides and the kings horsemen ( for rheme●alus the king of thrace , with a great powre of thracians drew to our aid in that warre ) did almost power a ruinous destruction upon them all . the kings horse were routed , the wings beaten , the cohorts turned their backes : and even about the ensignes of the legions , was feare and trembling . but the romane virtue did at that time challenge more glory for the souldiers , then it left for the commanders : who bursting with exceeding love of their generall did fall upon the enemie before by any intelligence they knew where the enemie was . now therefore matters being doubtfull the legions encouraging themselves , some tribunes of the souldiours being slaine by the enemie , the campmaster killed , the com●●●ders of the cohorts slaine , the centurions not unbloudied , of whom the first ranke were lost , they charged the enemie . and not cōtented , withstanding their furie they brake through their , battel & so beyond al hope recovered the victory . almost at this same time agrippa , who that day that tiberius , was so , by his owne grandfather was adopted , and had now two yeares before begunne to demonstrate what manner of man he was , with a strange depravednesse of his mind & wit , bent to head-long courses did estrange the mind of his father , who was also his grandfather , from him . and ere long his vices dayly growing more foule made an end fit for his madnesse . chap. 113. tiberius finding his armies bulke too great , disperses it . he goeth backe to siscia . receive now marcus vinicius the description of a captaine in warre as great as thou at this day seest him a prince in peace . the armies being joyned together , both those which were before with caesar and those which came to him , and ten legions being drawne into one campe , with above seaventie cohorts , fourteene wings , & above ten thousand old souldiers , and besides these , a great number of voluntaries and a strong body of the kings cavallery : finally so great an army as since the civill warres had not in any place beene drawne together , all men were in that respect glad thereof , reposing their principall confidence of the victorie in their nūber . but the excellent generall who well understood what he went about , and preferred things profitable before such as shewed faire , ( whom i ever observed in all his warres to follow those courses which were indeed approvable , rather then such as were by most commended , ) for a few dayes sate still to refresh his armie tired with their journey . and perceiving it greater then could be well ordered , and that it was not easily to be governed , determined to dismisse it . and passing with a long and very laborious journey , the difficulty whereof can hardly be exprest he so directed it , that neither any durst attacque them in grosse , nor all of them for feare of those which were next them , make any attempt upon any part of his men that departed from him , returned them to the quarters from whence they came . himselfe in the beginning of a most sharpe winter , comming backe to sciscia did appoint livtenants , in which number we all were , to the government of the devided winter stations . chap. 114. his care for the sicke or wounded , his moderate governement . pannonia seekes a peace : their generalls baro and pinetus yeild themselves : the reliques of the warre are onely in dalmatia . o what an act ( must i now relate ) not glorious in the relation but of highest ranke in a solid and reall virtue , as also for benefit most commodious , in the experiēce of it most pleasing , and for humanitie singular . there was not all the time of the germane and pannonian warre , any one of us , or that were in qualitie before or behind us that was sicke , whose recovery of health caesar did not with such care provide for as if his mind infinitely distracted with so māy other affaires had onely bent it selfe to that one businesse . those that wanted it had ever a chariot ready to carrie them : his owne litter was common , the ease whereof i among others felt . one while physitians , another meate carfully drest , another meanes to bathe , which onely for that purpose were caried about with him , were ready to helpe the infirmity of any man , onely his house and those of his family were wanting to the sick man ; for the rest there was no lacke of any thing that by the one could be desired , or by the other be performed . and now to this that ( which every one who was there will acknowledge ) as well as the rest which i have related : that he alone ever rode on horse backe : hee onely and alwaies in the summer expedition expedition did suppe sitting with those which he had invited : to those that offēded against the discipline of the warre , as often as the president was not pernicious , he easily granted a pardon ; admonitions were frequent , chastisements sometimes ; but punishment by death very rare : so he held a meane betweene winking at many things , and restraining of some . that winter the warre went on prosperously : but the summer following , all pannonia , the remainder of the war resting in dalmatia , supplicated for war. that nation proudly brave with so many thousands of able youth which but a little before threatned to bring italy into servitude , bringing their armes which they used to weare , upon the rivers side that is called bathinus , and all of them in generall prostrating themselves at the foote of the generall . baro and pinetus their two most famous leaders ; the one taken , the other yeelding himselfe ; we shall , as i hope , relate in order , and in a compleate history . in autumne the victorious army was againe bestowed in their winter stations , the command of all in chiefe was by caesar laid upon marcus lepidus , a man both by birth and fortune next to the caesars themselves , whom as farre as any man did know or understand , so much he would both admire and love , and reckon him the ornament of those so great families , from which he was descended . chap. 115. tiberius ceasar turnes upon the dalmatians . lepidus with much bravery , bringing his legions thorow divers nations : comes to tiberius , and is for that service rewarded with triumphall ornaments : dalmatia then quieted , when almost ruined . caesar then turnded both his minde and armes to the other charge of the dalmatian warre . in which country what a lievtenant he found for his use , of my brother magius celer velleius , both his owne and his fathers professing it , did well testifie , and the most princely rewards which caesar when he triumphed , bestowed upon him , doe print in memory of all men . in the beginning of summer lepidus having drawne the army out of their winter garisons , and marching toward his generall tiberius , through nations that were as yet entire , not having felt the plague of warre , and for that cause both stout and fierce , contending as well with the difficulties of nature , as the force of the enemy , with mightie losse of his opposers ; wasting the country , burning the houses , killing the men , jolly with his victory , and loaden with booty , came to caesar : which act if hee had done when the soveraigne command had beene in himselfe , he by right ought to have triumphed . now for the same by the vote of the senate agreeing with the judgement of the princes , hee was honoured with triumphall ornaments . that summer made an end of a most important warre . for dantisi and desidates , the dalmatians , being almost invincible as well by the scituation of the places and mountaines , as by the fiercenesse of their nature , and a wondrous habilitie in matter of the warre , by the straights of the forrests , were not now by the direction , but by the hand and sword of caesar himselfe then brought to bee quiet , when they were almost totally ruined . nothing could i in that so great a warre , nothing in germany could i either see or admire more , than that the occasion of victory did never seeme to the generall so convenient as hee would purchase it with the losse of his souldiers . and that what appeared to him most safe , he ever did repute fullest of glory , taking care of his conscience still before his fame , nor ever were the determinations of the captaine , governed by the opinion of the army , but the army by the prov●dence of the captaine . chap. 116. a catalogue of divers eminent men , and of highest merit in these warres . in the dalmatian warre germanicus being sent before into divers places and those full of difficultie , did give many and great proofes of his valour . quintus iulius posthumus also also of consular quality , of high esteeme for his diligent endeavours , and governour of dalmatia , was thought worthy of triumphall ornaments : which honour a few y yeares befor● , passienus and cassus , men accounted of for some severall vertues , had obtained in africa . but cossus transmitted the evidence of his victory with his sir-name to his sonne ; a young man borne for a patterne of all kinde of vertue : and lucius apronius being partner with posthumus in all his actions , did in that service with excellent vertue merit those honours which within a while after he had obtained . i would that in matters of more consequence it did not appeare how great the power of fortune is in every thing ; but in this kinde also it may bee fully discerned what force she hath . for sejenus , a man of disposition most like the ancient times , and one who alwaies did temper the gravity of former daies with humanity , in germany , in illiricum , and after a while in africa , having had charge of principall account , wanted not merit but matter to procure him a triumph . and aulus licinius , nerva silianus , the son of publius silius , whom hee that did not indeed understand him , did abundantly admire , ( lest hee that was the best of citizens , and the most ingenious captaine should suffer no losse , being untimely snatcht from him ) was bereft of the fruit of the princes dearest friendship , and of having his honour perfected , and raised to the highest type of the glory of his ancestors . if any man shall say that i have sought an occasion of making mention of these men , hee shall charge one that doth willingly confesse it ; for a just cleernesse without falsehood among good men will never bee called a crime . chap. 117. newes of varus quinctilius his defeature with three legions , three wings , and six cohorts brought immediately after the end of the dalmatian warre : his character . caesar had but now put an end to the pannonian and dalmatian warre , when within five daies after the perfecting so great a worke , there came fatall letters out of germany of varus his being slaine , three legions , as many wings and sixe cohorts put to the sword , onely in this fortune favouring us , that the generall was not at that instant otherwise engaged . both the businesse and the person enjoyne us heere to pause a while . varus quinctilius descended rather of a famous than a noble family , was a man of a gentle disposition , in his carriage quiet , neither in minde nor body stirring , more inured to the idlenesse of standing campes , than to the toyle and labour of the warre ▪ and that he was no despiser of mony , syria shewed , which hee when he was poore entring when it was rich , hee left poore , himselfe returning wealthy . hee commanding the army in germany , conceived them to be such as had nothing of men , but language , and the parts of the body , and that they which could not bee tamed with the sword , might by the law be reduced to quietnesse : with which inenttention passing into the heart of germany , as if hee had beene among men that delighted in the sweetes of peace , hee spent the summer in hearing causes , and sitting in his tribunall . chap. 118. the manner of the plot , and meanes of his overthrow by arminius : the character of him . has intents discovered to varus by segestes , but not beleeved . bvut they ( which till he had found by proofe hee hardly beleeved ) in their heighth of barbarisme , most subtle , and a race of men borne for lying , counter-feiting pretended suites one after another , and one while provoking one another with injuries another giving him thankes for that hee had ended them according to the roman justice , and that their wildnesse did by the discipline before unknowne to them , grow more civill , and those questions which were wont to bee disputed by armes , were now decided by sentence , did bring quinctilius into the deepest stupiditie of negligence ; so farre as that hee beleeved that hee sate as the city praetor in the market place , judging of causes , and not that hee commanded an army in the middest of germany . a young man then , noble by birth , valiant of his person , quicke of apprehension , beyond the rate of a barbarian of a nimble wit , by name arminius , sonne to sigim●rus , prince of that nation , whose aspect and eyes did denote the fervency of his spirit , being a continuall follower of our colours in the former warres , and having obtained the freedome of the city of rome , and to be made of the order of knights , made use of the dulnesse of the commander to his mischievous end : not absurdly concluding , that no man can be more easily overthrowne than he that feares not at all , and that security is most commonly the fore-runner of calamity . at the first therefore hee drew a few , afterwards more into the fellowship of his designe . that the romans might bee ruined , he both affirmes and perswades them to beleeve : with their determination hee couples action , and sets downe a time for the treachery . this was discovered to varus by a faithfull man of that nation , and one of high esteeme , called segestes . but the destinies were more potent than any counsaile , and had wholly dulled the edge of his understanding ; for so it is , that for the most part he that is preordained to fall into a worse fortune , doth spoile all good advice , and , which is the most miserable thing that can bee , causes that to bee thought worthily inflicted upon him what ever it bee that befalls him , and chance becomes accounted to him for his fault . hee therefore refuses to give credit to that relation . and professeth that he rates the hope of the good will borne him by his deserving of them . neither did the conspirators after the first discoverer , leave any roome for a second . chap. 119. the execution with the losse of the whole armie : varus kils himselfe . eggius bravely dies , cetonius basely having yeelded . volumnius shamefully runne away with the horse , yet so scaped not . the manner of this bitterest calamitie , then which besides the losse of crassus in parthia , the romans never felt out of their owne country any more grievous , as others in their compleat workes have done , so wee shall also endeavour to expresse : now wee must onely summarily lament it , an armie of the bravest , and for discipline , valour and experience , the prime one among the romans , by the lazinesse of the commander , the perfidiousnesse of the enemie , and the inequality of fortune being circumvented , when neither occasion was afforded to those wretched men of fighting bravely as they would have done , and some being sharpely punished for that they used both romane courages and armes , hemmed in on every side with woods , with bogges , and with ambuscadoes , was totally cut in pieces by that enemie , whom they had alwaies so killed like sheepe , as one while their anger , another their pittie did prescribe . their captaine had more courage to die then to fight . for following the example of his father , and grandfather , he runne himselfe through with his sword . of the two campe-masters , as noble a president as lucius eggius did set to other , catonius did yeeld as base a one : who when the execution had slaughtered the farre greatest part of the armie , being the propounder of yeelding had rather chose to die by the hands of the hangman , then in the fight . bur volumnius lieutenantto varus , in other things a quiet and good man , was the author of the vilest example ; for leaving the foote without the assistance of the horse , hee with the wings fled towards the rhine . of which fact of his , fortune tooke revenge , for he did not over-live those whom hee had forsaken , but dyed a betrayer of his countrie . the rage of the enemie had torne the halfe burnt body of varus , and his head , being cut off and carryed to maroboduns from whom it was sent to caesar , was at length honorably buried in the sepulchre of his auncestors . chap. 120. tiberius takes the warre in hand , and with happie successe and no losse having plagued the enemies , returnes to his winter stations . lucius asprena his brave acts with two legions , and of lucius ceditius who sallied out of alisone , and by force saved himselfe and his men through a multitude of enemies . these newes being reported caesar flies backe to his father , and as the perpetuall defender of the romane empire assumes the businesse . hee is sent into germany , settles gallia , disposeth of the armies , fortifies the gards of the standing campes . and valuing himselfe by his owne greatnesse , and not by the rule of the enemies confidence ( which did threaten italy with a warre of the cimbres and teutones , ) with his army hee passed over the rhine . arminius being frighted ( upon whom his father and his country was content to lay the blame , ) he yet pierces farther into the countrie , makes his way thorow the frontiers , wastes their possessions , fires their houses , routes those which he encountred : and with infinite glory , and all those in safetie which hee carried over with him , returnes to his winter stations . let us heere give a true testimoniall of lucius asprenas his worth ; who with the active and manly worke of two legions which hee commanded , serving as lievtenant under his vnckle varus , did preserve his forces free from so great a calamity . and by comming downe in seasonable time to the lower wintering campes did settle the then wavering mindes of the natiōs on this side of the rhine yet notwithstanding there are some that doe beleeve , that as those which were living were by him secured , so the patrimonies of those which were slaine under varus , were by him possessed , and the estates of the ruined army ( as farre as he had a minde to ) seased upon . the valour also of the campe-master lucius ceditius , and those which being shut up with him in alisone were by the innumerable forces of germany besieged , is to be commended , who overcomming all difficulties , which by the want of necessaries being intolerable , the power of the enemie made unresistable , neither rashly resolving it , nor faintly putting it in executiō , watching a fit oportunitie , did with their swords make themselves a way , to returne to their own party . by which it appeares that varus , a man indeed grave and meaning well , did rather ruine his army for want of the judgement that should bee in a generall , than for lacke of courage , and bravery in his souldiers : when by the germans there was all manner of crueltie used to the prisoners , caldus caelius , most worthy of his ancient family , performed a very brave act ; who did so straine the foldes of the chaines , with which he was bound , about his head , as with the effusion of his bloud and braines together , hee breathed his last . chap. 121. tiberius prospering in the next yeares warre equalled in command with augustus , and triumphs over pannonia and dalmatia . the same both vertue and fortune in the subsequent times did possesse the soule of the generall tiberius , which at the beginning it was endowed with , all who having shaken the enemies forces , by invasions of sea and land forces ; when he had quieted the affaires of gallia , which were of greatest moment , and the enraged dissentions of the common people of vienna , more by reprehensions than punishments , and the senate and people of rome , his father requiring that hee might-have ouer all the provinces and armies an equall authority with himselfe , had in the same decree comprehended him : for it had beene absurd that they should not have beene under his command , who were by him rescued , or that he that was the first in aiding them , should not be judged equally capable of the honour resulting from it : being returned to the city , did then enter in triumph ( due indeed to him long before , but by the continuance of the warres till then delayed ) over the pannonians and dalmatians . the magnificence whereof who will admire in caesar , but the favour of fortune , who can but admire ? for report had delivered , that all the principall captaines of the enemy were slaine , but his triumph presented them to the people bound in chaines . at which time it was my hap and my brothers to accompany him among the principall men and those which were honoured with rewardes of speciall esteeme . or who among the other things in which the singular moderation of tiberius caesar doth cleerely shine , will not wonder at this , that having without all question deserved seven triumphs , he was yet contented with three . chap. 122. tiberius that had deserved seven triumphs , contented with three . for who can doubt but that for reducing of armenia , and placing a king over it , upon whose head with his owne hand , he put the diademe , and for setling the affaires of the east , hee ought to have entred the city in a triumph ovant . and having conquered the rhaetians , and the vindelicians , to have entred in a chariot . after his adoption then , with a continuall warre of three yeares standing , the forces of germany being shattered , the same honour was both to have bin presented to him , & by him accepted . and after the losse received ūder varus , the same germany being quickly with a most prosperous successe of affaires laid flat upon the earth , ought to have adorned the triumph of this greatest captaine . but in this man thou canst not well tell whether to wonder more at his observing no meane in undergoing labours and hazards , or that hee was so moderate in taking honours upon him . chap. 123. the death of augustus at nola in his 76. yeare . vve are now come to the time in which there was most cause of feare . for caesar augustus , when he had sent his nephew germanicus into germany to make an end of the remnants of the warre , and was about to send his sonne tiberius into illyricum , to settle with peace what he had subdued by armes , intending to follow him , and with all to bee present at a shew of wrestlers , which in his honour was by the neapolitans dedicated to him , went into campania . although he had before felt some grudging of weakenesse , and the beginnings of a declination to the worse in his health , yet the strength of his minde labouring against it , he followed his sonne , and parting from him at beneventum , himselfe went to nola , where his malady growing daylie upon him , when he knew ( whom he must send for , if he desired that all should stand safe after him ) hee with all haste recalled his sonne to him . he with more celeritie than was expected , flew backe to the father of his country . augustus then proclaiming himselfe secure , and wrapped in the embracements of his tiberius , commending to his care , his , & his owne works , nor now at al repining at his end , the fates did so appoint , being a little refreshed with the first sight and conference of him that was most deare to him , within a while his spirit being resolved into the first originalls thereof , when pompeius and apuleius were consulls in his seventieth and sixth yeare of his life , rendred his caelestiall soule backe againe to heaven . chap. 124. the feares of the people , upon his death wholly causelesse , tiberius refuses , and at length assumes the state. vvhat men then did redoubt , what trembling there was in the senate what cōfusion among the people , what the whole world feared in how narrow confines either of preservation or destruction wee were placed , i that make so much haste have no leisure : and he that hath leasure cannot expresse . this alone i have to deliver from the common mouth of the people ; that the city whose ruine wee feared , wee did not so much as find to be moved : and so great was the majestie of one man , as neither for good men nor against bad , there was any need of armes ; one onely strugling ( as it were ) there was in the citie , the senate and people of rome contending with caesar , that he should succeed in his fathers place , & he that he might rather live a private citizen equall with the rest , then a prince in so eminent place . at length he was overcome more with reason then with the honour presented to him : when he saw , that what he tooke not upon him , would infallibly perish . to him onely hath it befallen to refuse the principality well neere a longer time then others have borne armes to get it . after the returning of his father to the gods , and the funerals of his body , solemnized with all humane honors , his name consecrated with divine ones , the first of his workes as prince , was to order the election of officers , as sacred augustus had left written with his owne hand . at which time my brother and my selfe being put in the list of those that stood candidates for the praetorship next after the noblest men , and such as had been high priests we gained this in it , that neither sacred augustus commended any after , nor tiberius caesar any before us . chap. 125. a mutiny in germany and illiricum of the legions there ( the first governed by germanicus ) quieted by the direction of tiberius . the republique did immediately receive the reward of both their advice and desire . neither was it long concealed what he had suffered if wee had not prevailed , or what wee gained by obtaining of our wishes . for the army that served in germany , and which was governed by germanicus in person , as also the legions which were in illiricum with a certain rage and a vast greedinesse of cōfounding all things , sought a new generall , a new state and in summe , would have also a new common-wealth they were bold also to threaten that they would give the law to the prince . they were about to determine what their entertainement should be , what the terme of their service . from this they proceed to armes , their swords are in their hands , and almost did they rise to the heigth of lawlesse using them , onely there wanted one to lead against the comon-wealth , not who should follow . but all these the readinesse of their old commander , forbidding many things with gravity , promising some others , and amidst the severe punishing of the authors , a gentle chastizing of the rest , in a short time laid on sleepe and quite removed . at which time truly as germanicus did things for the most part faintly , so drusus being sent by his father against this fury of the souldiers which was all of a light flame , using the former and auntient severity , with a course hazardous to himselfe in the act , and of pernitious president , with the same swords of the souldiours by which he was beseiged , he punished those that beleaguered him , wherein he used principally the assistance of iunius blaesus ; a man whō thou couldst not say whether he were of more use in the campe , then disarmed in the city , who within a few yeares being proconsul in africa deserved and obtained triumphall ornaments , and the sirname of imperator ( that is , soveraigne commander ) & when he governed spaine & the army with his virtues , and in illyicum with very brave discipline , as we said before , he kept them quietly in a most setled peace . being abundantly furnished with the fairest goodnesse to intend that which was just , and with authority to performe what he intended . whose care and fidelity , dolabella also a man of a most generous singlenesse of heart did in all things imitate . chap. 126. a description of tiberius his governement for 16. yeares . the businesse of these sixteene yeares seeing they are fixed in the sight and mindes of all men , who would go about by parcells in wordes to deliver ? caesar had now consecrated his father , not by his command , but by religious devotion , and had not called him a god , but made him one . fidelity was recalled into the pleading place , sedition turned out of the market place , ambition from mars his field , discord from the senate , iustice , equity , & industrie , which were buried , and their place of residence not to be found , restored to the citie . to the magistrates was added authoritie ; to the senate , majestrie ; to the seates of iustice , gravity ; into all men was either infused a will to doe wel , or a necessitie of doing so , imposed upon them ; vertuous actions were honored , bad ones punished ; the meane man doth respect the great man , not feare him : the great one precedes the meane , but contemnes him not . when was there ever a greater rarity of death ? when ever a peace more delightfull . sacred peace being spread from the east through all the clymates of the west , and what ever place is bounded by the south , and the north , over all the corners of the whole world , doth in every place free them from the feare of robberies . the casuall losses not of private men alone , but of cities also , was by the munificence of the prince , repaired ; cities of asia reedified ; the provinces freed from the injuries of officers ; for good men honor was very ready , for delinquents punishment was slow indeed , but yet some there was : favour is mastered by equity , ambition by vertue , for the excellent prince , by doing wel himself , doth teach his subjects , and being greatest in power , yet by his example greater . chap. 127. tiberius his taking into his inwardest favour aelius sejanus following the president of scipio and augustus , sejanus his character . it is seldome that men of highest condition doe not use great assistances for the governing of their fortune , as the two scipio's , the two laelij whom in every regard they made equal to themselves , as sacred augustus did marcus agrippa , and next after him statilius taurus : the meanenesse of their births being no impediment to their rising to diverse consullships and triumphes , & to very many priesthoods , for it is true that great affaires doe need great helpers , where in petty things scarcitie doth not much empaire them . and it conduceth to the publique good that what is necessarie for use , should also be eminent in honor , and that the benefit of the state be backed with authority . according to which examples tiberius caesar tooke , and still retaines as his especiall helper in all his principall charges aelius sejanus , whose father was a prime man of the order of knights , but by his mother descended from families of the noblest qualitie , auntient and remarkable for many honors , as who had brothers , cosins , and an vncle of consular ranke : but himselfe a man most capable of fidelity and laboriousnesse , the fabrike of his body well fitted to the vigor of his minde . a man of a most pleasing severity , and the auntient cheerefulnesse , in his fashion most like to those that do little : chalenging nothing to himselfe , and by that meanes obtaining all things , ever valewing himselfe beneath the rate put upon him by others , in his aspect and carriage quiet , and of a vigilant spirit . in the prizing the vertues of him the opinions of the city doe this good while conted with the judgement of the prince . chap. 128. the favour of tiberius to sejanus confirmed by the iudgement of the people , with instances of the like formerly . neither is this a new fashion of the senate and people of rome , to account that the noblest which is best : for even those of former ages , before the first punique warre , now three hundred yeares since , did raise titus cornucanius , a man of the first head , to the highest pitch , as , well by all other honors as by that also of the high bishop , and spurius catullus by discent of the order of knights , and presently marcus cato , and that new inmate of tusculum , & mummius the achaian , they also promoted to consulls places , censorships and triumphes . they then that advanced caius marius , whose originall is not knowne but by fixe consullships , so that he was without question the chiefe of the romane name , they that did attribute to marcus fulvius so much as almost with but giving way to it hee could make whom he would the cheife man in the citie : they that denyed nothing to asinius pollio , which the noblest romanes must purchase with much sweate , did certainly thinke that greatest honor was to be bestowed upon him in whose mind was lodged the greatest vertue . the imitation of these our owne countrie examples did move caesar to make experience of sejanus : sejanus to ease the prince of part of his burden , and brought the senate and people of rome to this , that what they judged to be best , the same they would require for their safety . chap. 129. a summarie of the cariage of tiberius in many affaires toward rhascupolis , libo , maroboduus , to germanicus , the people , and in diverse occasions . bvt having set forth , as it were in grosse , the forme of tiberius his governement , let us now reckon up the particulars . with what prudence did he call to him rhascupolis the killer of cotys his brothers sonne ? using in that affaire especially the industry of flaccus pomponius of consular qualitie , a man borne for all things that were to bee justly done , and rather with purest vertue deserving glory , then hunting after it ? with what a gravity , as a senator and judge , not as a prince and president , did he heare , and expedite causes ? with what celerity did he ruine libo , that ungrateful man , and one that did labour for innovations ? with what principles did he instruct his germanicus , and having seasoned him with the rudiments of his souldiourship , received him backe the subduer of germany ; with what honors did he glorifie his youth ? the adornements of his triumph being correspondent to the greatnesse of the acts which he had performed ? how often did he shew respect to the people in a congiary or dole , and when by the senates appointmēt he might doe it , how willingly did hee perfect the taxe of the senate , so as he neither willingly did give any provocations to ryot , nor did suffer an honest poverty to be deprived of honors . with how great honour did he send his germanicus into the provinces beyond the seas : with what power of his directions , employing as his minister and assistant his sonne drusus , did he compell maroboduus that hung upon the frontires of his kingdome , ( let me speake with pardon of his royall estate ) like a serpent thrust out of the earth , with the wholesome medicaments of his advices to get him home againe ? how doth hee hold him in , honorably but yet not securely ? of what importance was that warre which being commenced by sacrovir and iulius florus , he with a strange celeritie and speed did suppresse so that the people of rome did know that they had conquered before they knew they were entred into a warre , and the messenger that brought word of the victory , came before him that told of the danger . the war also of africa that was full of terror , and still greater by the dayly additions to it , by his direction and advice was in a short time buried . chap. 130. a reckoning up of his workers and edifices : a complaint against those that conspired his ruine ; as also for the death of his sonnes and nephew , for the frowardnes of his daughter in law , and the losse of his mother . what works hath he founded in his owne name , & in that of his family and kindred ? with how religious a magnificence , and beyond the faith of any mortall man , doth hee now build a temple for his father ? with how magnificent an equall temper of minde hath hee repaired the worke of pompey which was consumed by fire ? as he that , whatsoever is eminent in glory , doth as if it were of his bloud thinke himselfe bound to maintaine ? with what bounty , both at other times , and now last of all , mount caelius being set on fire , did hee out of his owne estate repaire the damages of all sorts of men by that accident ? with how great quiet of men , doth hee , without the feare of a presse , a thing of perpetuall and principall terrour , provide for the supplies of his armies ? if either the nature of men may beare it , or their meannesse stretch so farre as to complaine to the gods of themselves : what hath this man deserved , first that drusus libo should enter into treacherous purposes ; then silius and piso , of the one of whom hee setled the honours , and those of the other he encreased ? that i may passe to greater things , although hee reckoned even these for the greatest , what he had demerited to make him lose his sonnes in their youth ? what that his nephew by his sonne drusus ? we yet have spoken onely of things to cause sorrow , wee now must come to such as will procure blushing : with how many anguishes have these three last yeares ( good marcus vinicius ) rent his soule in peeces ? how long hath his brest burnt ( and which is a most miserable thing ) with a concealed fire : that by his daughter in law , by his nephew , he is compelled to grieve , to be angry and to bee ashamed . the sadnesse of which time was augmented by the losse of his mother , a woman superlatively eminent , and in every thing liker the gods than men , whose power no man ever felt , but either by the ease of his danger , or the augmentation of his honour . chap. 131. the conclusion , with a prayer for the preservation of the prince and state. i now must close up this worke with a prayer . thou iupiter capitolinus , the author and parent of the name of roman ; thou father mars , thou vesta the preserver of the perpetuall fires , and what ever other deitie it bee that hath raised this masse of the romane empire to this highest point of the worlds greatnesse : you all , i doe with the voice of all the people entreate , pray , and beseech , that you will keepe , conserve , and defend this state , this peace , this prince , and when hee hath the longest age beene resident among mortall men , appoint him successours , though with the latest , yet such as their neckes may be able to beare the weight of the worlds empire , as bravely as wee have found his to be ; and let all the intentions of the people , be either pious * ⁎ * finis . london , printed by miles flesher , for robert svvayne , in britaines-burse at the signe of the bible : 1632. erratá . page 51. line 18. for strengthened , reade stre●ghtned . p. 74. l. 12. for clifty , r. clifty . p. 86. l. 22. for qualite , r. quallitie . p. 125. l. 16. for affronted , r. effronted . p. 127. l. 13. for generall , r. generalls . p. 159. l. 24. for pirates , r. parts . p. 179. l. 10. for one paulus r. onely paulus ▪ p. 198. l. 1. for caius crassus , r. caius cassius . p. 202. l 7. for cast off , r. cash . p. 203. l. 19. for reviving , r. ruining . p. 205. l. 8. for carting , r. caring . p. 264. l. 5. for tried r. tyred . p. 274. l. 4. for tarired , r. taried . p. 296. l. 4. for successefull , r. successefully . p. 300. l. 18 , for precise , r. precisely . p. 311. l. 17. for these , r. lesse . p. 320. l. 10. for his , r. this . p. 321. l. 10. for take , r. than . p. 331. l. 3. for enable , r. enobled . p. 364. l. 18. for his inhabitants , r. his habitation . faults of false pointing , or want of parentheses in due place , the understanding reader will amend in reading . notitia historicorum selectorum, or, animadversions upon the antient and famous greek and latin historians written in french by ... francis la mothe le vayer ... ; translated into english, with some additions by w.d. ... des anciens et principaux historiens grecs et latins dont il nous reste quelques ouvrages. english la mothe le vayer, françois de, 1583-1672. 1678 approx. 416 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 138 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2005-12 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a49146 wing l301 estc r16783 12210126 ocm 12210126 56273 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a49146) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 56273) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 765:12) notitia historicorum selectorum, or, animadversions upon the antient and famous greek and latin historians written in french by ... francis la mothe le vayer ... ; translated into english, with some additions by w.d. ... des anciens et principaux historiens grecs et latins dont il nous reste quelques ouvrages. english la mothe le vayer, françois de, 1583-1672. d'avenant, william, sir, 1606-1668. [16], 256 p. printed by leon lichfield ..., for ric. davis, oxford : 1678. includes bibliographical references. reproduction of original in bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng greece -antiquities -historiography. rome -antiquities -historiography. 2005-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-06 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-08 andrew kuster sampled and proofread 2005-08 andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion notitia historicorum selectorum , or animadversions upon the antient and famous greek and latin historians . written in french by the learned francis la mothe le vayer , councellor of state to the present french king. translated into english , with some additions by w.d. b. a. of magd. hall , oxon. oxford , printed by leon . lichfield , printer to the university , for ric. davis , anno dom. 1678. to the right honourable james earl of doncaster eldest son to the most noble prince james duke of monmouth and beaucleugh . my lord , yovr lordship whose greatness is to be in arms , will know how useful a virtue ambition is , and forgive my pride who desire to be the first who shall lay something at your feet . this treatise was written to instruct the present french king when dauphin in the choice of history , and to recommend to him the ancient writers , who must needs be the best , because they treat of the ancient virtue . your lordship is the hopes of our age , and 't is the interest of all that your tender years should be seasoned with the love of that noble study , in the greek and roman historians . your lordship will see what you have to do to be a hero , but your lordship cannot have a better example of greatness than your princely father , who is bold in war , calm in councel , temperate in peace , and who like scipio , is a perfect commander in the very spring of his youth , but this is too great a subject for me though none more admires his virtues , and more firmly beleives your lordship will succeed to all his glory , than my lord your lordships most devoted humble and most obedient servant w. d. the preface of the author . i find my self obliged write a preface , to give a reason for the order i observe in the choice of those historians , whereof i treat . for many persons till they shall have considered of it , may well wonder , that i make no mention of some very famous authors , who are often ranked amongst the historians . as plutarch , diogenes laertius , philost●atus , and eunapius , of the greeks , and cornelius nepos , or aemilius probus of the latins , with some writers of particular lives , such as spartian , lampridius , and others , who compiled the volume usually called historia augusta . it is certain that most of them did write very well of the times which they describe , and that the reading of their books , where we can have no better recourse than to them , ought not to be neglected . but because none of them compiled a perfect body of history , that came to our hands , ( if it be true that the chronicles of cornelius nepos are intirely lost ; ) my design would not allow me to comprise them in this book , wherein i onely pretend to examine those writers , who have left us more universal histories , and from whom the laws of history may be best collected . a true and regular history comprehends much more than the single narration of any life whatsoever ; and i thought i had reason to reject the writers of the historia augusta , for if i had put them in the place where they were to be inserted , they would not have contributed to my purpose ; all that large volume being rather a cold and lifeless carkass , than a body of animated history , as it ought to be : the judgment of many of the learned in that behalf , is sutable to his opinion who calls them in his preface , historiae dehonestamenta . for there is nothing to be gained by reading of them in relation to the rules of history , unless it be in a contrary sense , as by the sound of those bad players upon the flute , which ismenias made his schollars to hear , that they might avoid the faults they observed in his playing . if it be objected that by omitting these , i might as well have refrained from suetonius , and quintus curtius , who wrot only lives ; it is easy to shew by the inequality of their labours , to those i decline , that they merited the place they have in this work . for as to the last , i have not so much considered him as a writer of the life of alexander the great , as an historiographer of that great change and translation of the empire of the persians , to the macedonians . and as for suetonius , the succession he has left us of twelve emperors in the space of an age and more , puts such a difference between him , and those who only published separate lives without any coherence , that the learned unanimously confer on him , the title of an excellent historian . we ought not moreover to esteem all as historians , who have given the title of history to their works , pliny that wrot the natural history , cannot properly be taken for one ; and the same may be said of aristotle and aelian , though they compiled histories of animals . and if the word historian were extended as far is it would reach , lucan , silius italicus , and many other poets might assume it in regard of the subject matter of their poems ; upon which nevertheless we have not thought it convenient to make the least reflection , for we find so little relation between history and poetry , that as the one cannot be without fable , the other is inconsiderable without truth ; and it would be unreasonable not to make a distinction between things of so different a nature , which have scarce any thing in common except the double sense of words . neither let it be thought strange to see the number of greek historians which i examine , exceed that of the latins . which is to be imputed , either to the injury of time that prevailed more over the latter than the former ; or to the different genius of the nations , which gave that advantage to the greeks , that although the roman empire was after the graecian , yet the latins were not so accurate in writing history , as the greeks . for we have found some of their historians worthy of great consideration even in the time of the emperor justinian , whereas those who wrot in latin with reputation , do not go beyond the age of the ●ntonines , where all the criticks with a common consent place the old age of latin history . yet i have made it descend a little lower , to place after justin , ammianus marcellinus , who though a graecian wrot his history in latin , in the time of julian , jovian , valentinian , and valens , where it ended . if i had not confined my self to the historians of the first classe only , i might have made the number of the latins equal to that of the greeks , and deduced history writ in the roman language , to justinian's time , by the addition of jorn●naes and cassiodorus ; as i have done the greeks by my reflections on proco●ius and agathias . but in the design i had to gather the necessary precepts to write history well , from the reflections we might make upon such of the ancients as cultivated it with most skill and reputation , i was content to examin the principal of them , imitating in some manner those pirates , who often let vessels that are light and of small burthen pass , to fall upon the most loaden , as on those where there is more to be gained . having in some manner justified my proceedings , it is reasonable that i should acknowledg the great assistance i received from divers persons who favoured my enterprise . the two du puys were the first who perswaded me to it , and according to their natural goodness , ( which so many schollars find by daily experience ) assisted me with books out of three great libraries , to wit , the kings , that of monsieur de thou , and their own . it is certain that the first could never fall into better hands , and though as all men know it is very considerable , yet it receives at this day its greatest ornament from their judicious conduct , whose presence does even animate the books contained in it . neither were they content to give me all the help that way i could desire ; but as it is said of socrates , that he performed the office of midwife to the spiritual deliveries of the most worthy men of greece , i should be very ungrateful not to confess , that i am indebted to their learned conferences , for all that is good in this treatise . this comparison , and their backwardness hitherto in setting out any thing under their own names ( although their works , when exposed to the eye of the world , will meet with an universal approbation ) puts me in mind of a thought of pliny the younger , on the subject of one of his friends . he saies , that they who , though full of learning and merit , are nevertheless silent , demonstrate a greater strength of wit , than many others who cannot forbear to prostitute what they know ; illi qui tacent hoc amplius praestant , quod maximum opus silentio rever●ntur . in the next place i must acknowledg the great assistance , i have received from the library of the most eminent cardinal mazarin by the means of his learned library-keeper monsieur naudé , who was pleased to add to the effects of his ordinary humanity , those of an ancient and most perfect friendship . as for some authors who have anticipated me , in printing of works upon the same subject i hope i shall not be accused of ingratitude towards them . i have cited sigon●●s , ●ossi●s , and balthasar bonifac●us , who wrot and censured before me the greek and latin historians ▪ and if i have taken something from them , as it could not be avoid●d , i did it not like a theif or plag●ary , nor without adding something of my own , which a candid reader might well expect from a treatise succeeding so many others , but with this advantage at least , ( as far as i know to be the first of this nature , that has been seen in french. i am not ignorant that my work is not of the number of those which please many people . they that prefer fabulous stories before true narratives , and romances before roman history , will not find content here . i consider herein the excellent waies used by the ancients , to instruct us faithfully and satisfactorily , in those passages of the world which were worthy to be recorded to posterity . and thoughts are herein displayed in such a manner , that without giving a precise judgment , as coming absolutely from me , i leave , without partiality , free liberty to all men , to contradict my opinions . but though many perhaps who are short-sighted , will yeild freely to those who have better eyes than themselves , yet very few refer themselves to others in what concerns the operations of the mind , wherein every one thinks he is clear sighted , and no body will acknowledg a superior . let not therefore what i expose here but as doubts grounded upon some appearances of truth , be taken for resolutions . my freinds know why i wrot them . and my comfort is whatever happens , the labour was as an honest diversion to me . and if it be true , as clemens alexandrinus asserts , that our souls are of the nature of wells , from whence we must alwaies draw something , to make their waters more wholesome and pure ; i do not repent of a trouble which has been so profitable to me , and which at least has kept my better part from corruption for want of exercise . to conclude , i should willingly use in favour of this writing , the same prayer to god , which apollonius made to the sun , when he undertook those long voyages , which philostratus describes upon the credit of damis . addressing himself to that great star , which he held to be the visible god of nature , he asked him the favour to find through the world , the most honest men . if my book were so happy to have no others to deal with , it would be no small advantage to it . but if its destiny is otherwise ordained , i must suffer patiently what cannot be avoided by those who expose any thing to the publick . the greek historians . herodotus . pag 1. thucydides . p. 15. xenophon . p. 26. polybius . p. 33. diodorus siculus . p. 46. dionysius halicarnasseus . p. 58. josephus . p. 69. arrian . p. 83. appian , p. 93. dio or dion cassius . p. 104. herodian . p. 116. zosimus . p. 126. procopius . p. 135. agathias . p. 156. the latin historians . crispus salustius . p. 165. julius caesar . p. 180. titus livius . p. 188. velleius paterculus . p. 201. quintus curtius rufus . p. 206. cornelius t●citus p. 216. lucius annaeus florus . p. 228. suetonius . p. 234. justin. p. 240. ammianus marcellinus . p. 248. imprimatur , march. 29 1678. joh . nicholas vic. can. oxon. reflections upon the history of herodotus . although there have been many greek historians , who preceeded herodotus ; he is allowed to be the most ancient of those whose works have been preserved to our time . pherecydes , dionysius , milesius , hecateas , xanthus lydius , charon of lampsacum , hellanicus , and some others are indeed mentioned to have written histories before him : but their writings have been so long lost , that cicero , in his book de legibus , acknowledged herodotus to be the father of history : and in another place , for his excellency , he stiled him the prince of historians . they reckon no less than one and twenty ages from his to ours , for he lived about four hundred and fifty years before the nativity of christ : hellanicus , and thucydides were his contemporaries ; and they differed so little in age , that , as aulus gellius reports , hellantus was but twelve years elder than herodotus ; and thucydides but thirteen years younger . suidas , photius , and marcellinus , relate a circumstance , which-justifies this , in respect of the two latter : they write that herodotus reading his history , in a great olympick assembly of all greece , thucydides , ( who was then but very young ) could not forbear weeping to hear him : which obliged herodotus to tell his father , that he esteem'd him very happy in having a son , who shewed , so early , such a great affection to the muses . i do not affirm by this expression of herodotus , that he then called the nine books , he composed , by the names of the daughters of parnassus . the most probable opinion , and which lucian seems to uphold , is , that those books received their names from the learned , rather than the author : and we find many other writings to have been dignified with the like title , which did not deserve it so well as these . dion the rhetorician composed nine books , which were called the nine muses , as we learn from diogenes laertius . and the same author assures us , that the obscure productions of heraclitus his brain , of which socrates made no difficulty to confess , that he hardly understood any thing , were honored nevertheless with the name of the muses . we read moreover in the library of photius , that one cephaleon had compiled an epitome of history , from ninus to alexander the great , in nine sections , divided also between the nine learned sisters ; though in a different order from that of herodotus . and that aurelius opilius , quoted some where by aulus gellius , who from a philosopher , became a rhetorician , and from a rhetorician , a grammarian ( so degenerate he was ) did not forbear to do the like , in a treatise of his , consisting of nine books : and few that converse in ●ooks are ignorant , that as the three orations of demos●henes his competitor , had the names of the graces , his nine epistles received those of the muses , being the most illustrious , which could be given them . but from this inscription of the muses , some have not forborn to accuse herodotus , of being too great a lover of fables , and of having made a history , so poetical , in favour of the companions of apollo , that there is seldome any truth sound in it . this faction reproaches him of all the strange things he has writ , and which have been most doubred of : and insinuates that those words of the latin satyrist , which tax greek history : — & quicquid graecia mendax audet in historia , &c. were meant of him , and even casaubon thought , that herodotus his relations , had made his detractors invert , the word delirare , taking for an etymologie , that which is perhaps , but a simple allusion . but as he has had accusers , so he has not wanted persons to undertake his defence : aldus manucius , joachim camerarius , and henricus stephanus have writ apologies for him : and the long voyages , as well to the north , as the south , and the east-indies , which have been made in our daies , have very much justified his writings , to shew us that an infinite number of things , that he writ by the relation of others , and whereof he likewise doubted very much , are now found to be true . he declares in his melpomene , on the subject of those phenicians , whom king necus imbarked in the red sea , and who returned to aegypt , more than two years after , by the pillars of hercules ; affirming , that they had in some of the coasts of africk , the sun on the right hand , that he could not in any wise believe them ; though it is now evident by common experience , that they could not return from the erythrean sea into the mediterranean , ( as they did , ) without doubling the cape , now called the cape of good hope , and without having , in that place , the sun on their right hand , and their shadow on their left ( they being beyond the tropick of capricorn . ) in the following book of terpsichore , he makes those thracians lyers , who said , that the country beyond the river ister , was full of bees , for this weak reason , that bees cannot live in places so cold as those must needs be . yet few are ignorant in our daies that muscovy is full of them , that they often people whole forrests , where these little animals , sometimes by their labour , nourish beares of an excessive magnitude , which inhabit therein . with the like fear of being mistaken , he doubted whether he should believe , that the isle of chemnis floated upon a lake of aegypt , because he faw it not move , and that it was improbable that an isle should swim upon water . but not to speak of the fabulous symplegades , or cyaneans , we read that both the plinies , dionysius halicarnasseus , theophrastus , and seneca have witnessed , that such are found in many places , and that they have seen some in their agitation . there are some near st omers ; in one of which the arch duke albertus , and the infanta of spain his dutches , were entertained at a dinner . and it is no strange thing to the scotch , to see one of this nature , in their lake of loumond , affording very good pasture ground . in fine , their existence is so certain , that the lawyers paulus , and labeo disputed of the right of their soil , the first being of opinion , that none had property in them . who would not have taken for a fable , that which the same herodotus mentions , in another place , of certain thracian women , who contended among themselves , after the death of their husband , who should have the honour to be kill'd upon his grave , and buried with him ? if the portuguese , and other relations had not discovered , that it is a custome practised in all the coast of the malabares , and almost through all the east , for women to cast themselves , of their own accord , and in emulation one of the other , into the flaming funeral piles of their deceased husbands . but as we may perceive by these examples , that herodotus did hardly ever expose for certain those things , which he did not perfectly know ; though they were found true , long after the age in which he lived : so we must observe , that he has been very careful to condemn that which he judged to be manifestly false , when it appear'd to be against the ordinary course of nature : even so in his thalia he laughed at the pretended arimaspes , who had but one ●ie , and stole the gryphons gold in the north. in melpomene , the following section , he does not more favourably deliver the tale of the aigipodes , or goat-footed men : not what he had read of the hyperboreans , who sleep six months of the year : though this may probably have respect to the long nights of those people , who live under the arctick circle , and who pass almost half the year , without seeing the sun , whilst they are very near the pole. when he writes a little after of one abaris , who run over all the earth , without eating , and with an arrow , which served him instead of a pegasus , he relates it as a fable which was very famous in his time : but in the same book , he protests against the common belief , that there were men , neighbors to the scythians , who made themselves wolves once a year , and resum'd after some daies , their human form : one cannot then say , that he has indifferently mingled truth with fables , without distinguishing them ; nor that he was a lyer , though he often rehearsed the fables of others , which the most exact laws of history do not forbid : nay those very laws oblige us to report the rumours which have been current , and the different opinions of men , ( as he well observed in his polyhimnia on the subject of the argians ) by an advertisement which may ferve for all his whole history . add to this , that herodotus having been a most religious observer of the divine worship , of which he made profession ( if one may say so of a pagan ) there is little appearance , that he would charge his conscience with so foul a crime in an historian , as false relation : for it appears that he respected so much the things he thought divine , though he was an idolater ; that he would never reveal those misteries , which the religion of his time forbad to be published ; although an occasion presented it self in many places of his works . and one may observe in his urania , how he makes all the successes of the naval fight , wherein themistocles overcame the army of xerxes , to agree with the oracles which preceeded , whereof , he affirms , each prediction to have been punctually accomplished : therefore one , that was so great a friend to altars , ought not to be suspected , of having betrayed truth in favour of impostures , which were no less infamous , or detested in his time than in ours . nevertheless though much may be said in his defence ; and though he may have been often slandered , by those whom ignorance , or envy have animated against him , we find two authors of so great authority , who have censured him ( without speaking of harpocration , who made a book , purposely to defame him ) that one can scarcely pronounce him innocent . plutarch is the first , who testified a marvellous resentment , to see boeotia his country so ill used ( as he thought ) by herodotus ; and the thebans charged with an infamy , altogether insupportable , on the subject of the persian war. this , he said , was the motive , which induced him , to compose that little treatise of the malignity of herodotus , where he accuses him , of having maliciously taxed the honour , not only of the thebans , and corinthians : but almost of all the greeks , to oblige the medes ; and raise the glory of his country higher , in the person of artemisia queen of halicarnassus , whose heroick actions , in the battel of salamin , he so exaggerates , that this lady alone makes the greatest part of his narration . plutarch confesses that , it is one of the best writ , and most charming peices that can be read : but adds that in that agreeable sweetness , herodotus makes men swallow the poyson of his detraction : and he compares the malignity , which he imputes to him , to cantharides covered with roses . some write that plutarch's invective is accompanied with so much heat , and appears so full of animosity , that he seems to have all that ill nature himself , with which he endeavours to asperse his adversary . but i have too much veneration for that worthy master of trajan , to be fully satisfied with such an answer : and , to say the truth , it is hard to consider , how herodotus speaks of themistocles , especially in his vrania ( where he accuses him of rapines , and intelligence with the persians ) without having at least some suspi●ion of that , which plutarch delivers for most certain . the second authour of very great importance produced agaist herodotus , is dion chrysostomus , who though he was not in particular the instructor of an emperour , does not perhaps deserve less respect than plutarch , since besides that he was probably as deep in the affection of trajan , as the other ; by whose side suidas witnesses , that he hās been often seen in his chariot : he pass'd his life in the instruction of mankind , travelling through the world , where he pronounced , in the midst of the greatest assemblies , those excellent orations , which we have of his , to draw men from vices , and to imprint even in their hearts ( if he could ) a violent love of vertue . we see in his seaven and thirtieth oration , that he brings herodotus to the corinthians , to receive from them a recompence for the greek histories he had composed , and wherein they were extreamly concerned : he had not yet ( saies dion ) falfified them : and because the corinthians declared that they would not purchase honour with money , he changed ( as was evident ) the relation , of what passed in the naval fight of salamin , accusing adimantus general of the corinthians , of flying in the beginning of the battel , and betraying by that means the common cause of all greece . dion adds a little after , that he could not allow of what herodotus has left in writing upon that subject ; the publick epitaphs , and inscriptions of sepulchers , erected by the consent of all greece , in the isle of salamin bearing testimony against him ; and he recites part of the same epigrams of symonides the poet , with which plutarch used to convince herodotus of prevarication , so that the authority of his philosophical profession , joyned with so many monuments , which seem unreproachable , may reasonably at this day divide our minds in a difference , which those of the ancients could never decide . however after the loss of so many other histories , is is certain that antiquity has left us nothing more instructive , or ingenious , than the nine muses of herodotus : they contain , as dionysius halicarnasseus has well expressed , the most memorable passages in the world , during two handred and forty years , beginning from the empire of cyrus , first king of persia , and continuing till xerxes his reign , in whose time he lived , as photius and diodorus siculus inform us : but the last was mistaken , when he writ that herodotus his history extended from the taking of troy by the grecians , to the reign of xerxes ; which would involve more than seaven hundred years . diodorus his error proceeded , from our historians speaking a little in his preface , of that fabulous time ; and what was uncertainly reported in his life time of the reliques of troy : but there is no reason to make reflections on so small a matter , and which does not properly belong to his history . but it may not be improper to insert a brief account of the subject , of each of the nine books of our historiographer , for the clearer illustration of the order of this history . his first relateth the passages in the kingdom of lydia , from gyges to croesus , and the minority of cyrus , with the common-wealth of athens , and lacedemon . the second describeth egypt , and the successions of their kings . the third , the history of cambyses , and the election of darius hystaspes . the fourth , the unfortunate expeditions of darius into scythia . the fifth , the state of athens , lacedemon , and corinth , in the time of darius hystaspes . the sixth , the original of the lacedemonian kings ; the wars of darius with the greeks , and the battel of marathro . the seaventh , the expedition of xerxes into greece , with the battel of thermopile . the eighth , the battel at salamis . the ninth , the battel at plataea , by which the persians were expelled greece . his stile is rather sweet , large , cleare and easie , than high , concise , and pressing ; as that of thucydides . dionysius halicarnasseus who compared these two historians together , does almost alwaies allow the advantage to herodotus : his dialect ( which was a fashion of speaking , peculiar to each country where the greek tongue was used ) is altogether ionick . and there is found so much resemblance between him and homer , that the sophister longinus assures us in his treatise of the height of eloquence , that none , but herodotus perfectly imitated that prince of poets . and that he alone is ( to use his term ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , so that it is usual to advise those , who will profit in the understanding of homer , first to read herodotus , to the end that the prose of the latter , may prepare an easie access to the poesie of the former , by the affinity of stile between them . samos , was the place where herodotus form'd himself to the ionick dialect , and compiled his history ( before he retired with a colony of athenians into thurium , a citty of that part of italy , which was then called great greece ) for suidas his opinion , conformable to this , is more followed , than that of pliny who holds that herodo●us chose the time , and place of his voluntaty exile , to enterprise so great a work : in which he is very erronious ; for he had compiled his history long before this retirement , as is recorded in the chronicles of eusebius . it is true he was born in halicarnassus , a citty of that part of greece , called doris , a region confining on the meleans , and because his illustrious birth had engaged him in the expulsion of the tyrant of his citty , he retired into thurium , where he died , according to the opinion of many ; there being even some , as plutarch writes , that make this place , where he was buried , to be the place of his nativity . it is not asserted by all , that the book of homer's life , which follows the ninth muse , was composed by herodotus ; but whoever is the authour of it , it is very ancient , and makes the labour of those men ridiculous , who even at this day , take great pains to pretend to somthing more certain , and considerable than is there writ , touching the country of homer . but this matter concerns not his history , which was happily preserved , notwithstanding the epitomy of one theopompus , whom suidas mentions : for justin is accused ( though so great an authour ) of having been the cause of the loss of trogus pompeius his history : and the loss of part of the works of livy , is imputed also to lucius florus , by the epitomys which both have made , of these great works , which probably had been preserved , but for their abbreviations . reflections upon the history of thucydides . as those that search for springs , or conveyers of water , whom the latins call aquileges , take it for a good augury , if they see smoak arise out of certain grounds in the morning ; because it is one of the signes , which makes them hope to find therein some good , and abounding springs : so they who understand best the nature of our souls : rejoice when they observe , in our tenderest years , earnest desires of learning ; and certain transports of ardour in the pursuit of science , from whence they draw almost assured conjectures of the merit of our minds , and of their future excellence : upon such a conception was founded the predictions of herodotus , mentioned in the foregoing chapter , when he observ'd thucydides moved even to tears , by hearing him recite his rare treatise of the muses , in one of the most celebrated assemblies of greece . he took that for a sign of the growing greatness of his genius : and as a thorn pricks , as it grows , he judged that so extraordinary an emotion , in his tender age , proceeding from so rare a subject , would produce one day something memorable , and be follow'd by those ag●reable watchings , and disquiets , which give immortality to the learned of mankind . thucydides lived about four hundred and thirty years before the incarnation of christ anno mundi 3520. and as he was a person of illustrious birth , and a great fortune , added to the excellency of his indowments , he had no temptation to betray truth , in what he was to deliver to posterity ; and though some have censured the manner of his writeing few ever questioned the truth of it . he was rich , and of royal extraction , but his opulency was augmented by his marriage to a very rich wife , a daughter of a king of thrace : and being very curious to have perfect intelligence of affairs ; in order to the compiling of his history , he emploied great summs of money to procure memorials comperent to his design , not only from the athenians , but the lacedemonians also ; that out of his collections from both , the great transactions of that might be the better , and more impartially discovered ; as a monument to instruct the ages to come , for he intituleth his history 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . which signifies a possession for everlasting . it comprehends the peloponnesian war , which lasted one and twenty years : for though some writers make it to continue six years longer , yet others , and perhaps the more judicious observers do make , what follows in the succeeding six years after our historiographer had ended his work , to be rather the consequences of that war , than truly a part of it : but what was deficient in the affairs of those years , was since supplied by theopompus , and treated on by xenophon , who begins his history , where thucydides ended . there are some criticks , that do not believe his eighth book ( according to the ordinary division ) to have been written by him : some ascribe it to his daughter : others to xenophon , or theopompus : but the more discerning part beleeve the contrary . when the peloponnesian war began to break , out , thucydides conjectured truly that it would prove an argument worthy of his labour ; and it no sooner began , than he began his history ; pursuing the same not in that perfect manner , in which we now see it ; but by way of commentary , or plain register of the actions and passages thereof , as from time to time they fell out , and came to his knowledg : but such a commentary it was , as might ( perhaps ) deserve to be preferred before a history written by another : hence it is very probable , that the eighth book is left the same it was , when he first writ it , neither beautified with orations , nor so well cemented at the transitions , as the former seaven books are . and though he began to write as soon as ever the war was on foot ; yet he began not to perfect and polish the history , till after he was banished , and why he did not refine his last book equal to the rest , is not known ; for he our-lived the whole war as appears by what he relates in his fifth book , where he saies , he lived in banishment twenty years , after his charge at amphipolis , which was in the eighth year of that wat , which in the whole , by the largest computation lasted but seven and twenty years . it is hard to judge , whether the method and disposition of the history , or the stile of it , be most to be praised ; since he hath in both shewed himself so great a master , that none that have writ since , have exceeded him in either . as to the disposition , we shall in this place only observe , that in his first book , he hath first , by way of proposition , derived the state of greece from its infancy , to the vigorous stature it then was at , when he began to write : and next declareth the causes both real , and pretended , of the war whereof he was to write : in the rest , in which he handleth the war it self , he followeth distinctly and purely the order of time throughout , relating what came to pass from year to year , and subdividing each year into a summer , and a winter . the grounds and motives of every action he sets down before the action it self , either narratively , or in the form of deliberative orations , in the persons of such , as from time to time bare sway in the common wealth . after the actions , when there is just occasion , he giveth his judgment of them , shewing by what means the success came , either to be furthered , or hindered . his style is better discovered , by what the most excellent of the ancient writers have expressed of it , than by my pen. cicero , in his second book de oratore , writes thus ; thucydides , ( in my opinion ) in the art of expression , exceeded all that went before ; for he so abounds in matter , that the number of his sentences , doth almost equal the number of his words : and in them he is so apt , and so concise , that one cannot discern , whether his words do more illustrate his sentences , or his sentences , his words . as for his dialect , it is purely attick , and photius judges , that as herodotus should be a rule to such as would be perfect in the ionick style : so thucydides is the most excellent example , one can propose to himself , of a language purely attick . he is reproached nevertheless , of having too much affected the reviving of ancient words , which were , even in his time , obsolete , and of having likewise taken a liberty to compose new ones ; which has contributed much to render him sometimes so obscure , that even his contemporaries complained , that he was in some places scarce intelligible to his readers . but marcellinus , who described his life , hath writ in his defence , that he affected obscurity , and rendered himself purposely not intelligible , that he might be onely understood by the learned : yet this obscurity is not found in the narratives of things done , or in the description of places , or of battels , in all which he is most perspicuous , as plutarch testifieth of him . in the characters of mens humours , and manners , and applying them to affairs of consequence , it is almost impossible , not to be obscure , to ordinary capacities , in what words soever one deliver his mind . it therefore thucydides in his orations , or in the description of a 〈◊〉 , or other thing of that kind , be not easily understood ; it is of those onely that cannot penetrate into the nature of such things , and not from his intricacy of expression . dionysius halicarnasseus observes , that herodotus has great advantages over thucydides , in the choice of the subjects whereof they both treated ; for the extent of the matter treated of by the first , is more diffused ; and therefore seems more agreeable then that of the latter . his aim is to relare all the most memorable things , done by the greeks , and barbarians , during the space of two or three hundred years , which comprehends so many great actions , so various , and worthy to be known , that the relation of them cannot but be grateful to the reader . whereas thucydides hath shut himself up , almost to the space of seven and twenty years , which is not only a very narrow compass ; but also the most unfortunate , he could chuse in all the greek history : which contains few memorable actions , and those grievous to have been recorded to posterity . the same dionysius finds much fault with the order , thucydides uses in the distribution of his matter , representing , by half years , all that happened in divers places ; without mingling the successes of the winter , with those of the summer , so that he is found to leave things imperfect , to pass to others , which make the memory of the former lost , when he proceeds to continue the history to the following half year . and monsieur de la mothe le vayer , our author , improves this reflection of dionysius ; certainly ( saies he ) there is nothing troubles the mind more than this interruption ; and he never reaps any profit from an historical narration , who doth not end the things he treats of , till he has jumbled together an infinite number of actions . this is good ( continues he ) in nothing but romances , where this artifice is purposely used to render their faults less apparent ; but truth loves to shew it self altogether and intire , which herodotus knew how to practise incomparably better than any one . he never leaves an event , till he has represented it as far as it extends , and when he has fully contended the curiosity of his reader , he passes so well to other successes ; or as the rhetoricians say , uses such due and fit transitions , that the mind is carried on , not only without resistance , but even with pleasure and transport . but mr. hobbs , who has more curiously than any , considered the history of thucydides , very fully answers these objections : to the first he saies , that the principal and most necessary office of him that will write a history , is to take such an argument , as is both within his power well to handle , and profitable to posterity that shall read it : which he saies thucydides hath done better then herodotus . for herodotus undertook to write of those things , of which it was impossible for him to know the truth : but thucydides writeth of one war , the beginning and conclusion whereof he was certainly able to inform himself : and by propounding in his proem the miseries of it , he shews it was a great war , and worthy not to be conceal'd from posterity ; for men profit more by looking at adverse events , than on those that are prosperous . to the second , namely the order of distribution , he saies , whoever shall read the history of thucydides attentively , shall more distinctly conceive of every action this way , than the other : and the method is more natural ; for as much as his purpose being to write of one peloponnesian war , he hath this way incorporated all the parts thereof into one body , so that there is unity in the whole ; and the several narations are conceived only as parts of that . whereas the 〈◊〉 way he had but sowed together many little histories , and left the peloponnsian war ( which he took for his subject ) in a manner unwritten ; for neither any part , nor the whole , could justly have carried such a title . the same mr. hobbs , who mentions many other objections of dionysius against thucydides , and fully and learnedly answers them ; does arraign him for his censures , as done rather to purchase glory to himself in the action , than to instruct mankind . for having first preferred herodotus : his country-man a halycarnassean , before thucydides , who was accounted , even by himself , the best of all historians that ever writ : and then , conceiving that his own history might be thought , not inferior to that of herodotus , by this computation , he saw the honour of the best historiographer falling on himself ; wherein he hath manifestly misreckoned in the opinion of all the learned . thucydides has the advantage , of having first thought upon the animation of history , that was before a body languishing ; which appears in his exact orations , composed in all the three sorts of oratory ; the demonstrative , the deliberative , and the judicial : herodotus had attempted the same thing ; but he was content to use some oblique speeches , and those almost ever imperfect , never proceeding so far as thucydides , who , in this way of writing , left nothing to be objected against by the severest orators . and it is said that demosthenes was so well pleased with his history , that he took the pains to transcribe it eight times . by the consent of all he has the glory of not mingling fables , with his true narrations . if he is constrained to say a word of tereus king of thrace ; and progne in his second book : or if in describing sicily , in the beginning of the sixth , he finds himself obliged to speak of the cyclops , and laestrigones , as ancient inhabitants of a part thereof , it is so lightly : that the dogs of egypt touch not so hastily the water of nilus , whose crocodiles they fear , as he passes nimbly over a fabulous circumstance , to avoid the least entrance of a lye into his writings . and yet he has not been so happy , to be without the reproach , of not having alwaies spoken truth : for josephus affirms that he was taxed of having falsified his history in many places : but at the same time he accuses all the grecians of imposture ; and if one observes the commendation , he gives him afterwards , of having been the most exact , and cautious of all his country-men , in compiling a history ; it will appear , rather to proceed from the capricious humour of his sect , than the demerit of an historiographer : for as he was a jew , who made it his business to discredit all pagan history , he thought he ought to say something , to the prejudice of thucydides , when he had spared none of the rest . i shall add here , that thucydides did not onely lay down in his history all sorts of orations , as we before observed ; but took the liberty to insert dialogues , as that betwixt the athenian generals , and the inhabitants of the isle of melos , which comprehends a great part of the fifth book to the end . but those , that have an aversion to digressions , have no reason to hare them in this authour , who touches them with great art ; as amongst others the conspiracy of harmodius , and aristogiton , in the sixth book , which may justifie many other excursions , or like sallies , that are often censured with two little reason : and notwithstanding all his defects , the most judicious of the learned yeild him the prize of eloquence : and not one of the ancients deny him the glory , of having seconded pindar , in the grandeur and majesty of expression . reflections upon the history of xenophon . xenophon does not owe the fame , he has had so many ages , to history alone ; for philosophy and arms have contributed to it : and i believe that , for these three qualifications , he may be as well termed * trismegistus , as hermes the aegyptian ; since he is universally acknowledged , to be a very great captain , philosopher , and historiographer . he has , common with caesar , the first and last qualities ; and they are not deceived , who find a third resemblance in their stile ; purity , eloquence , and sweetness being equally natural to them both . they have each an agreeable manner of expression , without art , or affectation ; though no art or affectation can come near it . the surname of apes attica , and athenian muse , with which all the ancients have dignified xenophon , is not only a witness , of the beauty of his language , and of that hony-like sweetness , which the graces seem to have poured on it , with their own hands , ( to speak like quintilian ) but it is a particular mark of his attick dialect , wherein he excelled so much , that diogenos laertius , writing his life , gives no other reason for the bad intelligence , that was between him , and plato , than the jealousie they conceived , one against the other , upon that account . yet marcellinus , who attributes to thucydides , in his elogy , the height of eloquence , gives the lowest rank to xenophon , placing herodotus between both : and dionysius halicarnasseus , when he observes that xenophon has often imitated herodotus , adds , that the former was alwaies much inferiour to the latter . but notwithstanding this , it is very considerable , that xenophon was the first philosopher , who applied himself to the compiling of a history , which , in what relates to the graecian affairs , treats of the transactions of eight and forty years ; and begins where thucydides ended : shewing aleibiades his return to his country , whom thucydides , in his last book , left meditating upon that retreat . nor is it a small glory to xenophon ; but a proof of extraordinary honesty , to have freely exposed , to the publick , the writings of thucydides , which he might have supprest , or delivered as his own , if he would have been a plagiary , and have ascribed , to himself , the works of another , which many others have done , and do daily practise . besides the continuation of the history begun by thucydides , xenophon has left us , that of the enterprise of young cyrus , against his brother artaxerxes , and the memorable retreat , of ten thousand graecians , from the extremities of persia , to their own country ; in which he had almost the whole honour , as well for his councel , and discipline , as the excellency of his conduct . what he writ , of the institution of the elder * cyrus , is not an historical treatise , but purely moral , where he drew the figure of a great prince , without confining himself to the truth , except of two or three events ( viz. ) the taking of babylon ; and the captivity of craesus . all the rest is feigned , and has nothing in it commendable , but the agreeableness of the fable : as hermogenes has well observed , on the subject of panthea's death , who slew her self , with three eunuchs , upon the body of her husband abradatus , in the seventh book of that institution . these compositions of xenophon , of which we have spoken , are such , that as they may serve for a rule , to the first ministers of state , in all the extent of politicks ( according to the excellent judgment , which dion chrysostomus makes of them ) so likewise they are capable , to form great captains , and give the world generals ; and we have two notable examples of this , among the romans : for they acknowledg , that their scipio , surnamed africanus , had , almost alwaies , xenophons works , in his hands , and that nothing ▪ made lucullus capable to oppose such a formidable enemy , as king mithridatos ; but the reading the writings of xenophon . whereof lueullus made so good use by sea , ( he who before had a very small insight , into the affairs of war ) that he knew enough afterwards , to gain those famous victories , which few of the learned are ignorant of , and whereby the most considerable provinces of asia , became tributary to the romans . xenophon has writ upon divers subjects ; and it seems that , in many of them , there has been emulation , between him and plato , for they both composed , a defence of socrates ; and many other moral , and politick treatises , according to the observation of diogenes , in plato's life , without any mentioning , one another , with reciprocal praise , whatsoever occasion presented it self , among so many dialogues by them exposed , in the name of socrates with his disciples . some will have it , that xenophon represented , in very lively colours , the defects of one menon a thessalian , in the end of the second book of cyrus his expedition ; for no other reason , than that he was a friend to plato . but as for that other book , de * aequivocis , printed an age ago , under the name of xenophon , it is to be held , one of the impostures of annius viterbius . in like manner , some would have a certain suppositious history , of the siege of troy , to pass for current , under the name of one dictys cretensis , a companion of idomeneus , and of one dares a phrygian : and that it was translated , out of greek , into latin , by cornelius nepos ; when the stile bewraies , that he never thought upon the work ; for it has nothing of that inimitable purity , and eloquence , which appears , in his lives of the greek captains , and in that of atticus , writ by the same author : such impostures are offensive , and cannot be too much derested , by the lovers of truth . and yet some there are , so led away by their affection for fables , that they feed themselves with such trifles , and so build upon those idle foundations ; as thereby to encourage others , to impose the like chears upon mankind . we have lately seen , the itinerary of alexander geraldin , bishop of st. dominick , who pretends , to have found , over all aethiopia , on this , and the other side of the line , roman inscriptions , and antiquities of such value ; that all others , which the rest of the earth affords , would be despicable , if the worst of his were true : but it is observable , that none before , or after him , ever saw them : nor is there any schollar , so unexperienced in this sort of reading , that cannot easily discover , the falsehood of his observations , so unlikely they are . is it not a great impertinence to raise pillars , to testifie the conquest , and absolute dominion of the romans , in places , where apparently , none of them ever set foot : and in direct opposition , to all we have from their own histories ? the same judgment is to be made , of those hetruscian or tuscan antiquities , which we have of a fresher date , from one inghiramius ; whose impudence is unpardonable , for deceiving the world at such a rate . and perhaps it were not unfit to have punishments established , to signalise the infamy , of those that dare expose , to the publick , spiritual aliments , so corrupted and mortal as those are ; for no poison operates with more violence , and bad effects upon the body , then errors and impostures , upon our minds , when we are infected with them . an author , of the last age , accuses xenophon , of having loved agesilaus , so passionately , that not only , in his book which he writ of his praise , but likewise , in his history , he makes rash judgments in his favour , and extols his victories , much more than the laws of history will permit . but this capricio of an italian , will be approved of by very few , because it arraigns the judgment of all antiquity , which never spoke so much to the disadvantage of xenophon . and tully , who mentions his praise of that prince , does not accuse him of any indecency in it . as for his stile , one may see , what hermogenes writes of it , who commends it , especially for its sweetness , and simplicity , which he makes , one of the principal ornaments of language ; and in this respect ; he , by much , prefers xenophon , to plato . he was , by birth , an athenian , and the son , of one grillus , and lived , about four hundred years , before the nativity of christ. reflections upon the history of polybius . as xenophon was the first philosopher , that applied himself to write histories , so polybius has the advantage to have given us the most considerable one extant : and made it appear , more clearly , than any other historiographer , that history is , as it were , the metropolitan of philosophy ; to use the tearms of the historian , of whom we shall write , in the chapter following . but what is said of polybius , might be more reasonably admitted , if the whole body of his works , were now extant , of which only the least part remains ; since of fourty books , which he composed , there are , but the five first , entire ; with the epitomy of the following twelve , which is continued , to the beginning of the eighteenth . many are of opinion , that this epitomy was writ , by the great assertour of roman liberty , marcus brutus , because it is known , that he delighted , in nothing , so much as in reading history , being a man , so difficult to please , that cicero's works did not affect him , and therefore he imployed his leasure , in epitomising the history of polybius , finding therein , besides that instruction wherewith it abounded , the consolation , he needed , in the last , and most unfortunate daies of his life . the subject of this history , were all the most considerable actions in the world , from the beginning of the second punick war , to the end of that , which terminated the differences , of the romans , with the macedonian kings , by the utter ruine of their monarchy . this includes the space of three and fifty years , the events of which , polybius shewed , in the last eight and thirty books : for the two first , are not so much of the body of his history , as they serve for a preparative , in a summary narration , of the taking of rome , by the gaules , under the conduct of brannus , and of that which followed , until the first year , of the second war , against the carthaginians . but though the affairs , of the roman empire , were much more exactly described by him ; than the rest of those , that writ of that subject ; because his chief aim was to omit nothing , that might give a perfect information of them : yet he neglected not also to represent the concerns , of all the other powers of the universe , unsolding the interests , of the kings of syria , egypt , macedon , pontus , cappadocia , and persia , with those of all the different dynasties , which were then in greece . and therefore he gave , the name of catholick or universal , to his history , as informing us of the destinies of all the nations of the earth : there being scarce any at that time which had not some difference with , or dependance on the romans . he received , at his birth , great gifts from nature , which favoured his enterprise : and that chance of fortune , which made him come to rome , was no small advantage to him ; since he is indebted to it , not only for the best part of his learning , but the important friendship , he contracted with scipio , and lelius , which contributed much to the celebration of his history , to posterity . but the pains , he took in the acquisition of all , that could put him in a capacity of writing it well , and labouring for eternity , seems worthy to be considered . he thought it was required of a good historiographer , to have seen the best part of those things he related , according to the erymologie of the name , given by the grecians , to that profession . he knew the errors , which the ignorance of places , made timeas commit : for he reproached him , in his twelfth book , that having trusted , to the reports of others , and not travelled himself , he might be proved guilty of many errors . and possibly having learned the latin tongue , with great care , he remembred the expressions , which plautus ( who lived an age before him ) makes messenio say to menechmus , that unless they had a design to write a history , he thought , they had seen enough of the world. — quin nos hinc domum redimus , nisi si historiam scripturi sumus . so much they , at that time , thought travel necessary to an historiographer , who could make no exact description , nor be confident of the authority of his memorials , from whatsoever place he should have them , if he had not rectified them , by his own sight , viewing himself the countries , he intended to treat of . polybius resolved therefore , to know exactly many places , as well of europe , as asia , and africa ; whether he went purposely , to be assured of what he might write of them . and he used scipio's authority , to procure vessels , fit to sail on the atlantick ocean , judging that , what he should there observe might prove useful to his intentions . it is certain , that he passed the alps , and one part of the gaules , to represent truly hannibals passage into italy , and fearing to omit the least circumstance , of the same scipio's actions , he travelled all over spain , and stopt particularly at new carthage , that he might carefully study the scituation of it . but now we are mentioning , the famous subverter of carthage , scipio aemilianus grand son , by adoption , of scipio africanus ( who vanquished hannibal , after he had compelled him to leave italy ) it may not be improper to insert , what polybius himself left in writing , concerning the strict friendship , which was between them two ▪ shall borrow the discourse of it , from a fragment of his one and thirtieth book , taken from the collections , of constantinus porphyrogennetus , under the title , of vice , and vertue ; he tells in that place , that this reciprocal affection had its rise , from the pleasure they took together , to talk of books , and communicate them one to another . this was the reason why scipio emploied all his own , and his brother fabius his credit , to obtain leave for polybius , to live at rome , when the other grecians ( which were sent for , as well as he , to remain as hostages ) were distributed through all the rest of the cities in italy . one day , when they had dined all . three together , scipio , being alone with polybius , after dinner ( blushing a little ) complained to him , that he alwaies addressed his speech at table to his brother . perhaps , said he , you do it , because you see me less active than he ; and that i am careless to seek fame by publick pleading , in which the youth of this city employ their time , and by this measure , you , and many others of my friends , may conceive amiss of me , which will be no small trouble to me . polybius soon perceived the commendable jealousie of scipio , who was not full eighteen years old , and assuring him , of the esteem he had of his person , as one most worthy to bear the many illustrious names , which his predecessors had left him , he excused himself , in respect of fabius , to whom , he said , being the eldest , civility often required him to direct his discourse , which he praied him not to apprehend amiss in him : and after this little expostulation , which was followed by a mutual protestation of good will , scipio never received any one , into sucst a strict of cordial familiarity , lelius excepted , as he did polybius . i thought the circumstances of this conference , between two such great men , so much the more considerable , besides that thereby we make some discovery of their genius , which alwaies appears , more in a private discourse , than in any the most serious actions , that i may , by this instance , refute the impertinence of a modern writer , who had the impudence , to make many injurious reflections on polybius . it is one sebastian maccius , that treating of history , and declaming against digressions , took occasion , to condemn those of salust and polybius , indecently calling them , base conditioned fellows , and men , sprung out of the dregs of the people . and the more to defame the latter , he particularly adds , that he was a meer pedant , given to scipio , to serve him , in the quality of a preceptor . but this is too malicious , to pass without an answer , on polybius his account , deferring , what may be said in behalf of salust , till we treat of the latin historians . none that converse with books can be ignorant , that polybius was of megalopolis , a city in arcadia : and that he was son , of lycortas , general of the achaians , which was the most puissant republick then in greece . that great state sent them , both father and son , in quality of ambassadors , to king ptolomaeus surnamed epiphanes ; and the son had afterwards the same honour , when he was deputed , to go to the roman consul , which made war upon king perseus in thessaly . his birth then was very illustrious , contrary to what was said , by maccius , and it is not probable , that a person , so exercised in the affairs of state , and accustomed to great emploiments , as polybius was , should be known to scipio , for no other purpose , than to instruct him in the rudiments of grammar . nor has any , but this detractor , had so lewd an imagination of him . all the ancients , who writ of polybius , have done it , with great commendations , and many of them esteemed scipio , for nothing more , than his choice of so faithful a counsellor , and his carrying him with him , in all his military expeditions . cato reproached a roman consul , for having had a poet , amongst those of his train , when he went to visit a province , out of italy . i will not say , he shewed in that too much of the philosophical severity , of which he made profession ; though it is said , that he would himself , sometimes , quit that humour , when he feasted with his friends : but it is certain , that no man ever found fault , with the choice , scipio made , of the person of polybius , to accompany him , for he was neither considered as a poet : nor meer grammarian , if to be such may be accounted faults , the fragment we quoted is express enough , to assure us of the contrary , in pursuance indeed of the discourse he used , to please scipio , he added , that neither his brother fabius ; nor he , should ever want instructors , in what related to letters , which he might decently enough say , considering the great number of learned men , which came daily to rome , from all parts of greece : and in further compliance with him , that no man should be more zealous , or industrious , than he , to improve his thoughts to things worthy of his birth , and what might be expected from a successor of the scipio's and aemylii . after this conference , saies my author , polybius was hardly ever out of scipio's company , who communicated to him his most important affairs , and made use of his counsel , in all the occurrences of the great emploiments he had . but who can be safe from the insolence of detractors , when there will be found , some that vilifie this great historian , though he was honored , in inscriptions , and statues , by his country-men , who best knew his quality ( as may be seen in pausanias ) to acknowledge thereby , the esteem they had of his benefits and rare merit . there might perhaps be more reason , to lay to his charge , as some have done , his not having been religious enough , in his devotion to the deity ; for though he speaks , in many places , very advantagiously of the worship of the gods ; as when he attributes all the glory of arcadia his country , to the great care they had , to serve the altars : and else here professes , that he abhors the outragiousness of war , that causes the destruction of temples , which he makes to be a most capital crime . yet he declares so formally , in another place , against the divinity , and all those , which in his time , held the opinion , of the pains of hell , that it appears evidently , he believed nothing thereof . and about the end of his sixth book , he observes , that superstition , which was accounted a vice by all other nations , past for a vertue , among the romans . if one could , saies he , compose a republick , only of wise and vertuous men ; all those fabulous opinions , of gods , and hell , would be altogether superfluous : but since there is no state , where the people are not ( as we see them ) subject , to all sorts of irregularities , and evil actions , one must , to bridle them , make use of those imaginary fears , that our religion imprints , and the panick terrors of the other world , which the ancients have so prudently introduced to this end that they cannot be contradicted now by any but rash persons , or those who are not well in their wits . let them who defend polybius in every thing ( as casaubon has done ) say what they please , on his behalf , they can never make him pass ( after so formal a declaration ) for a man , very zealous in the religion of his time . they would , perhaps , do him better service , to speak of him , as of a soul , illuminated by heaven , in the darkness of paganism : and who believing , but in one principle , or only deity , laughed at all those , which the idolatry then reigning , made to be adored , as well as at the elysian fields , gerberus , and rhadamantus , which were represented to those proselites . thus , in my opinion , he may be best acquitted ( if it be possible ) of the crime of impiety , putting him , in the rank of heraclitus , and socrates , whom , st. justin more charitably , than perhaps truly , maintains to be christians , long before christianity . besides the forty books of his universal history , it is credible , by one of the letters , which cicero writ to lucceius , that he made a particular treatise of the war of numantia . his great age furnished him with the convenience to write much , since we understand , from lucian , that he passed the great climacterical year , and died not , till he was eighty two years old , about two hundred and thirty years , before christ . he confesses himself , that the advice of lelius , which he often required in their ordinary conferences , and the memorials , which that great person furnished him withal ; were very advantagious to him . but , as to his manner of writing , the ancients agree not , that he ought to be accounted , eloquent . dionysius halicarnasseus , the most strict and austere critick among them , names him impolite , and reproaches him with negligence , both in the choice of words , and structure or composition of his periods . his excellency is nevertheless such , in all other things , that one ought to think , that he neglected words , as of little importance , to tie himself entirely , to things more serious . titus livius is not thought very ingenious , to give him only the commendation , of a writer not to be despised , since whole books of his , are seen transcribed , word for word , in his decades . it is sure , we have no historian , of whom one may learn more , in matter of government , and civil prudence , than of polybius . he does not think a simple narration sufficient , but moves pathetically ; and instructs no less like a philosopher , than an historian . patritius is mistaken , to reprehend him for that method of writing , without considering the affinity , which has alwaies been , between history , and philosophy , which is such , that the former , has been often defined to be , a philosophy filled with examples . perhaps , a meer commentator is condemnable , when he acts the philosopher too much , and stretches so far that way ; which cannot be said of one , that undertakes to write a just history . we learn from suidas , that one scylax ( whom he confounds , with a certain mathematician of that name ) made an invective against polybius , which was not , possibly , more reasonable , than the censure of the forementioned patritius . i cannot also be reconciled to those , who are scandalised , that he called , one of the capes or promontories of sicily , pelorus , long before that name was imposed on it . for , treating of the first punick war , he calls the place , pelorus , where that innocent pilot was interred , whom hannibal slew , long after , so unjustly , and which gave , it 's name of pelorus , to the promontory now called capo di faro ( if this etymologie , which is combated by the learned cluverius , may be received . ) however it is a way of speaking , which the compilers of the holy scriptures practised when it was necessary to make a thing better understood . he is , it may be , not excusable , for having , contrary to the truth of history , flatter'd his scipio , to that degree , as to make him exercise a memorable example of continency , towards the fair spanish captive , with whom nevertheless he was so taken , that he could never resolve to restore her . valerius antias is he , who charges him with this crime , in aulus gellius ; which seems to me so much the more strange ; because polybius compared history ( which has not truth for a guide ) to an animal , whose eies are put out , and he pretended , after timaeus , to render truth , as essential to an history , as rectitude to a rule ; in which resemblance , he may be reasonably contradicted , as i remember , i have done in another work . the great affection , he had for scipio , puts me in mind of the excellent counsel he gave him , that whensoever he went abroad , he should never return to his house , till he had first endeavoured , to gain the friendship of some particular person , by obliging him all the waies , that lay in his power . and although this was a very useful advice , to him that received it , i mention it , in this place , to shew the great humanity , which appeared , in him that gave it . we are indebted , to pope nicolus the fifth , that great friend of the muses , and restorer of letters , for the first publication of the works of polybius , at that time , when the turks invaded constantinople , though they are much augmented since in the latter editions . reflections upon the history of diodorus siculus . cluverius , one of the most exact of our modern geographers , teaches us that agyrium ( of which diodorus siculus speaks , as of the place of his birth ) is now called san filippo d' agyrone . it is a great honor to this little place , to have given to its isle such a person , without whom no body would know its antiquity ; nor many things which render it very considerable . he saies in the beginning of his history ( which stands instead of a preface to it ) that he was no less than thirty years in writing it , in the capital city of the world , where he gathered notions , which he could not have elsewhere ; confessing that the vastness of the roman empire had extreamly favoured his design . but nevertheless he did not omit to go himself , through the greatest part , of the provinces of europe , and asia : where he was in many dangers , and endured extream labour , that he might not commit the faults , which he had remarked ( as he saies ) in those , who had medled to speak of places , where they had never been . it does not appear in that place , that he saw affrick , and yet we read in the second section of his first book , that he travelled to aegypt , in the raign of that ptolomy , who is distinguished from the rest , by the surname of new bacchus , or dionysius , and who was the first husband of his sister cleopatra : whereby one may note , that the best part of aegypt was formerly , of asia , when the geographers divided it , from affrica , rather by the nile , than the red sea. it is not without reason , that diodorus gave his work , the name of an historical library , since , when it was intire , it had united in one , according to the order of times , all that which other historians have writ separately : for he had comprised in forty books , whereof we have but fifteen remaining , the most remarkable passages in the world , during the space of eleven hundred and eight and thirty years , without reckoning , what was comprehended , in his six first books of the more fabulous times , that is to say , of all which had preceded the war of troy. his history is then truly , oecumenical or universal , and we ought , so much the more , to bewail what is wanting , since , after the loss of berosus , theopompus , ephorus , philistius , callisthenes , timaeus , and such other great authors , the reading of diodorus alone , repaired in some manner our dammage , having compiled , and digested all their works , in his library . of the six first books before mentioned , the last is no where to be found , although raphael volaterranus , and some others , quote it sometimes , as if we had it yet . but if one observes exactly , it will be found , that they misreckon in their account ; and that what they report to be in the sixth , is in the precedent book , which diodorus names , the insular , and which is only the fifth . the error proceeds from the first impression , which was all latin , and wherein poggius florentinus , author of the translation , which pope nicolaus quintus desired of him , made two books of the first , because diodorus divided it into two different sections : by this means the second became the third ; and consequently that which was but the fifth , was taken for the sixth , as if we had lost no more , of the fabulous antiquities of greece , contained in the fourth , fifth , and sixth book , than of those of the barbarians , which we have intire , in the first , second , and third . the remainder of diodorus his library consists in two parts ; which are squared by two epochies of note . the first reaches from the destruction of troy , to the death of alexander the great : for the understanding whereof , and all which happend in the world during that time , he emploied eleven whole books , which are from the sixth to the beginning of the eighteenth ; of this number the four first are lost , but we have the other seaven remaining . the second epoche stretches from the time in which the first ended , to that of the conquests of julius caesar in gallia ; when he made england , and the brittish ocean , the limits of the roman empire , on the north side . the marvellous successes of all this interval , were described in three and twenty books ; but there remains no more , than the eighteenth , the nineteenth , and the twentieth , to our time : the others unto the fortieth being all lost , except some small fragments , taken from eusebius , photius , and some others , who used diodorus his text , in their works . henricus stephanus affirms , out of a letter communicated to him by mr lazaro baif , that all the works of diodorus are found entire , in some corner of sicily . i confess i would willingly go , almost to the end of the world , if i thought to find there so great a treasure . and i shall envy those , that will come after us , this important discovery , if it shall be made , when we shall be no more , and that instead of fifteen books only , which we now enjoy , they shall possess the whole forty . since diodorus speaks of julius caesar , which he does in more than one place , and alwaies with an attribute of some divinity , as it is the custome of the pagans , he cannot be more ancient than he ; which is about forty eight years , before the nativity of christ . but when eusebius writes in his chronicles , that diodorus sieulus lived under this emperour , it seems that he limits the life of the former , with the reign of the latter . yet suidas prolongs his daies even to augustus . and scaliger very well observes , in his animadversions upon eusebius , that diodorus must needs have lived to a very great age , and that he was alive at least half the reign of augustus , since he mentions , on the subject of the olympiads , the romans bissextil year , which name was not used , before the fasts , and calendar were corrected , which was done by octavius augustus , to māke the work of his predecessor more perfect . we have at this time , in the last impression of diodorus , a fragment of his seven and thirtieth book , which would remove all this difficulty , if it were true : for in it is seen the death of caesar , revenged by the triumvirat , on brutus , and cassius , with the fall of anthony , and the establishing of augustus in the empire , for all his life . this would infer that diodorus lived longer , than augustus . but that collection , which is somewhat larger in photius , shews by those whom he calls illustrious , by a title unknown in the age of diodorus , that another was the author of it , or that his text has received additions from some one , who lived long after his time , whence consequently we cannot make any certain conclusion . the time of these two emperors caesar and augustus , is indeed the age of the best latin , as all , who understand it , agree : but not so of greek ; because , even in their time , the athenian eloquence was already transferred to rome , and that faculty , which delights in command , had quitted the vanquished , to follow the fortune of the victorious , taking their habit , and language . it is no wonder then , that diodorus is not equal , in this respect , to herodotus , thucydides , or xenophon , bing a sicilian onely , and having , added to that , the disadvantage to write in such a season . photins nevertheless does not forbear to praise his stile , as being very clear , unaffected , and very proper for his subject , which is history . it is ( saies he ) neither too attick , nor too full of ancient words . his manner of writing has a just mediocrity , between the most high stile , and the other , which the school calls humble and creeping , for its lowness , which is alwaies avoided by diodorus . there is certainly more reason to credit , that learned patriarch of constantinople , who was a most exact critick in his tongue , than john bodin , who though he understood greek much less , ventures to give a quite contrary judgment , and reprehend the words , as well as the stile of diodorus ; as if a stranger , at this day , could say any thing worthy consideration , in that matter , after what has been said by the ancients , and contrary to the opinion of those , to whom greek was a maternal language . nor is there more heed to be taken , to the invective of lodovicus vives , the spaniard , against diodorus , than to that of bodin , the french man. the last blames even the expressions , and words : the first arraigns the body of his history , and the things whereof his narration is composed . if we believe vives , there is nothing more vain , than the historical library , of our sicilian ; and pliny was much to blame , in his opinion , to say in his preface , that diodorus , was the first of the greeks , who spoke seriously , and abstained from writing trifles , i know , the authority of this accuser , is not small , he being very learned , in respect of his age , and one of the ornaments of his country : neither am i ignorant that others besides him , as pighius , and sigonius , complained of the faults , which diodorus committed in chronologie , for having followed bad computations . and i consider that vives , having commented , on the books of st augustin , de civitate dei , remarked in them , how that great doctor of the church , laughed at the egyptians , who said , that they had records , in their books , a hundred thousand years old , to which diodorus his text is not repugnant : nay he goes farther than this , when he makes mention , of the great knowledg of heavenly things , which the chaldeans had acquired , who bragged that they had made observations upon them , for the space of four hundred seventy and two thousand years , before the conquests , of alexander the great in asia . he had already said , that the egyptians reckoned , some ten , and others of them , three and twenty thousand years , from isis , and osiris , to the same alexander : and that their first kings , who were gods , did each of them reign , no less than twelve hundred years . this is doubtless that account , which vives could not suffer , and which provoked him , to declare so highly , against diodorus , who will not allow him , to have been praised by pliny , for any other thing , than the title of his history , which is indeed , neither improper , nor ridiculous , as many of those were , which the other grecians ordinarily gave to their books . but if that may be said to be the onely occasion , which moved pliny , to pronounce this fair elogy , of our historian ( viz. ) primus apud graecos desciit nugari diodorus , yet it was alwaies favourably interpreted , to extend to his whole composition , and it is a kind of injustice to affirm , as vives did , that there is nothing more vain , not less solid , than his history . as for the egyptian ephemerides , and the astronomical calculations , of the chaldeans , they are inferted , onely to shew what was the common belief of those people , not arguing , that he gave any credit to them . he is so far from it , that he saies expressly , in his second book , that he cannot possibly acquiese , to what the colledge of chaldeans had determined , of the long space of time , which preceded the victories of alexander . i am so far from condemning the fables , and excellent mythology , in the five first books of diodorus , that in my opinion , we have nothing more precious , in all that remains of antiquity : for besides that fables may be told seriously , and that plato's timaeus , with several other works of very great consideration , should be rejected , if they were absolutely unnecessary , it is to be said of these , that they teach us , the whole theology of the idolaters . and if it were lawful , to give a holy name , to a profane thing , i might call the five forementioned books , the bible of paganism , since they teach us at the first sight , what the gentiles believed of eternity , and the creation of the world : and the birth of the first men , is therein afterwards described , according to the pure light of nature ; so that they represent to us so well , all the theogony of the egyptians , whence that of the greeks drew its original , that without diodorus , we should be ignorant , of what is most curious , in that sort of knowledge . nevertheless he is not the first infidel , that began his history , with the original of all things , as well as moses , with the creation of the world. for he himself teaches us , in the fifth book , of his bibliotheca , that , anaximenes of lampsacum , had not writ the first of any ( as some have ill translated it ) but the first history of greece ; because he took it from the birth of the gods , and the infamy of mankind ( to speak like him ) continuing it to the famous battel of mantinea , and the glorious death of epaminondas : however since our evil destiny would not permit the others labours to come to us ; i believe we cannot , at this day , have too great an esteem for those of diodorus , which it hath not envied us , nor too much retort the injurious censure of vives , and such like . but in this we do no more , than follow , the opinion of most men of letters , not onely ethnicks , but even christians also . jnstin martyr calls diodorus , in several places , the most renowned , and esteemed , of all the greek historians : and proves by his writings , the excellence and antiqnity , of the great law giver of the hebrews , and when he would insinuate , that homer had learned , in egypt , the most refined things , he put into his poesy , he uses for it the authority of diodorus , whom he does not name without praise . and eusebius goes beyond justin martyr , both in titles of honour , and in citations of passages , drawn from our historian , with which he fills , all the books of his evangelical preparation . and when he treats , of the beginning of the world , and of what the ancients believed , of the sun , and moon , and of the custome , which the carthaginians had , to sacrifice men , and of infinite other subjects , which fall into his principal design , he alwaies alledges diodorus , but he does it chiefly , when he examins the theology of the aegyptians , in his second book , where he very much extols the fame of him : he calls him a most illustrious writer , most exact in his narrations , and one esteem'd by all learned men for his profound doctrine , and he adds , that there is no grecian , who is not desirous to read him , by a common approbation , and preference to the rest of their authors . but when he insists in his tenth book of the same work , that greece had received , from the hands of those it esteemed barbarous , and particularly from the jews , all the sciences and learning , for which it had so great a value ; it is in that he attributes the greatest honour to him . for after having used the testimonies of st clement , porphyrius , plato , democritus , heraclitus , josephus , and such like authors , of the first classe , he finishes his proof with a quotation , out of the first book of that incomparable history : to the end ( saies he ) that the authority of diodorus , may be as a seal , to all my demonstration . to say the truth , he has a marvellous advantage given him by eusebius , to be cited , and put expressly after the rest , to shew how much he is esteemed by him : in the same manner , as archirects place that stone last , which is called the key of the arch , and which conduces no less to the solidity , than the ornament of the whole edifice . this is that , which i purposed to add to the suffrages of pliny , and photius , in favour of our historian , for fear that the ill terms , which bodin , and vives , used against him , should be prejudicial to his fame . if i had reason to blame him , it should be much rather , for the great superstition , in which he abounds , in all his writings , as well as titus livius , amongst the latins , than for his bad greek , or for having handled his subject ill , whereof those indecent criticks accuse him , there being no reason to diminish his reputation , in that regard . reflections upon the history of dionysius halicarnasseus . if dionysius halicarnasseus had not said himself , in the beginning of his history , that he lived in the emperor augustus his time ( in whose regin our saviour was born ) strabo would teach it us , in the fourteenth book of his georgraphy , where speaking of the city of halicarnassus , he observes that it bestowed on the world , two great persons , herodotus , and in our time ( saies he ) dionysius the historiographer . so that since strabo witnesses , in that same work , that he had it in hand , under augustus , and tiberius , we are certain , that dionysius halicarnasseus was also of the same age , which is , as all know , one of those , which most favored learning , and learned men . suidas names among many writers , who bore the name of dionysius , another besides him , we speak of , who was of halicarnassus also , and of his posterity ; and appeared , under the emperor adrian , with the surname of musicus , because though he was an orator , his principal talent lay in musick , of which he composed many books ; and among others , one wherein he interpreted all the places , of plato's republick , which could not be well understood , without a particular understanding of that art. that which makes me say , that this other dionysius was descended from the first , is , that the same suidas saies , that from dionysius , the historian , came one dionysius ( whom he calls ) atticista , who lived under adrian , and had writ a lexicon of the attick words , as may be seen in the hundred and two and fiftieth section of photius . for my part , i am easily perswaded , that this atticist , and musitian , are but one , since they are both mentioned to be under one emperor . as for our historian , he came to rome , a little after augustus had happily finished the civil wars , and sojourned there two and twenty whole years , learning the latine tongue , and making his provision of necessaries to the design , he had of writing his history . he read to this end all books , which are called commentaries and annals , made by those romans , who had writ with some reputation , about the concerns of their state , as old cato , pabius maximus , valerius antias , licinius macer , and some others . but acknowledges , that the conversation he had with the worthy men , of that capital city of the world , and his conferences with an infinite number of learned men there , were not less servicable to him , than all the other diligence he could use . his history was of the roman antiquities , which he comprised in twenty books , whereof there remains no more , than the first eleven , to this age , which conclude with the time , when the consuls resumed the chief authority in the republick , after the government of the decemviri , which happened , three hundred and twelve years after the foundation of rome . the whole work comprehended much more ; for it passed from the taking of troy , over the fabulous , and historical time , to the beginning of the first punick war ; ending where polybius beings his history , near two hundred years later , than what we even now mentioned . whereupon , it behoves us to observe the error of sigismond gelenius , who imagined that dionysius halicarnasseus , whom he has translated very well , never ended his work , and that death hindered him from composing above eleven books , of the twenty , he promised to give to the publick . when stephanus , a greek author , who writ of cities , quotes the sixteenth and twentieth book , of the roman antiquities , of our dionysius : and photius saies , in his bibliotheca , that he read all the twenty books , giving the last the same ending , which we assigned unto it . this learned patriarch assures us also , that he saw the compendium , or synopsis , which dionysius made of his own history , which he reduced into five books , with much eloquence , but it was not agreeable to a reader , because of the strict retrenchment of all he thought not absolutely necessary . the loss of that epitomy would be less sensible , if we had the first composition entire ; which has received so much approbation , especially in respect of the calculation of times , and what relates to chronology , that all criticks prefer , in this point , dionysius halicarnasseus , before titus livius . and scaliger confesses , in his animadversions upon eusebius , that we have no author remaining , who has so well kept the order of years . as for his stile , photius considers it , as extraordinary and new , but accompanied with a simplicity , which renders it delightful : and he adds , that the elegancy of his discourse or phrase corrects and softens all the roughness which is sometimes found in his speech . he commends him also very much , for having understood how to use many digressions , which retain , and recreate the mind of the reader , when the evenness of an historical narration , begins to be redious and wearisom to him . and certainly it is not to be imagined , that a man of that reputation , which dionysius halicarnasseus had acquired in learning , could produce any thing , which was not very polite , and worthy of his name . we have his compositions of rhetorick ; and the most subtle criticks place him , in the first rank of those who delighted in that sort of study : and though there were no more to be said of him , than the request that was made him , by pompey the great , to give him his judgment , on the first greek historians , and especially on herodotus , and xenophon ; it shews sufficiently the esteem , wherein he lived in his time , and of what authority he was in rome , among the learned ; when pompey chose him , out of so many others , to inform him therein . if there be any thing which may be found fault with , either in that letter , which he addresses to ammaea , and tubero , or in others upon the same matter , it is that he was too exact , and rigorous therein , giving laws to eloqueuce , so full of severity , that they take from it , one of the best parts , which is the generous liberty , whereof it has alwaies made profession . in effect he often straightens that noble art so much , that he deprives it , almost of all its reality , and reduces it to a simple idea , without hopes that it can be practised by any one , for the future : so that one may say , according to the strictness of his maxims , there was never any perfect historian , nor true orator . if one studies his precepts of rhetorick , upon all the sorts of oration , his characters of the ancients , wherein he shews what one ought to imitate in them , and what to avoid ; with his other treatise , made to instruct us how to examin their writings ; the truth of what i have said will appear , and the spleen of this critick will be discovered , who found fault with the stile of plato . this was one of the occasions of a letter , which pompey taking plato's parr , writ to him . and we see by dionysius his answer , that although to content pompey , he professes himself , an admirer of plato , he forbears not to prefer demosthenes to him , protesting , that it was onely to give the whole advantage to the latter , that he exercised his censure , against the former . nevertheless it appears , that at another season he spared his demosthenes , no more than the rest , so prone was his inclination to carping : because after he had conceived things in the highest perfection , he pretended to find nothing , which was not far beneath them , and which did not consequently displease him . but since it is not our intention to consider him here , so much an orator , as an historian , let us be content to make some observations , on his roman antiquities , to be acquainted with his judgment , concerning the principal matters of history . we have already seen , that he was no enemy to digressions , when we said , that photius drew one of the greatest causes to praise him , from his making such good use of them . and that which he makes , in his seventh book , to describe the whole course of the tyranny ; of aristodemus , surnamed mollis , shews that he thought them , one of the ornaments of history . the long orations of tullus hostilius , and metius suffetius in the third book , with others of servius tullius which are in the fourth , make it also appear sufficiently , that he did not condemn , as some have done , all sort of direct orations ; though he has elsewhere blamed the bad ones . he is not content , in his fifth book , to praise p. valerius publicola , but takes occasion thereupon , to prescribe it to historians , not to represent , the brave and glorious actions of illustrious men , in their histories , without making their particular and domestick virtues appear , accompanied with their merited praises : which is directly contrary to the opinion of those , who would have them refrain , from all things that may excite the passions , least they thereby invade the province of an orator . in the same book , on the subject , of the conspiracy of the tarquins , detected , and severely punished , by the consul sulpitius , he delivers another important precept , to those who write history , not to set down barely , in their narratives , the issue of things , but to represent them alwaies , jointly with their causes , and the means which were used to make them succeed , not forgetting the least circumstances ; nay to penetrate , if it be possible , into the counsels of the first authors , and those who had the greatest share in the execution . but though dionysius halicarnasseus reproved theopompus , for having emploied some comparisons to no purpose , he does not judge them to be all faulty , for he makes use of them sometimes , and of those parallels , or affinities of actions , which many cannot endure . thus , on the subject of tarquin , who to answer the servant of his son , beat down in his presence , the heads of those poppies , which were higher than the rest : he remarks , that thrasybulus had practised the same thing , towards periander , pulling up , before his messenger , those ears of corn , which over●opped the rest . and treating of the creation , and absolute power of the roman dictators , he observes , that this magistracy was probably instituted , in imitation of the greeks : because the inhabitants of mitylene , now called metelin , had formerly raised p●ttacus , one of the seven sages , to a like dignity ( which they limited to a certain time onely ) in an expedition , against some persons , banished from their state , who were companions to the poet alcaeus . as these opinions , which we have examined elsewhere , more amply than here , seem to me very receivable ; so we must , on the contrary , take heed of many improbable tales , which he relates sometimes with too much assurance . he makes a rasor cut a wherstone in two of them , by the command of the augur , navius actius , and represents castor , and pollux , fighting for the romans , against the latins ; and the rivers , vulturnus , and glanis , to remount to their source , in favour of the inhabitants of c●m● . and relates , that a statue , of the goddess fortune , pronounces twice these words , ritè me matronae dedicastis , according to the words of the annals , which he thought himself obliged to rehearse : and he would have had reason for it , if he had left us some hint , not to believe it ; as he might have done perhaps , if it would have been permitted . but there is not a worse relation , in the roman history , than the action of cloelia , as he represents it . he reports , that this roman virgin , who was given in hostage , with many others , to porsen● , king of the hetruscians , returned with all her companions , from the tuscan camp , into the city of rome , swimming over the river tiber , wherein they had ask'd leave to bath themselves ; as if it were possible , that fearful women , and who had not learned to swim , durst but look upon such a river , with design to pass it , and cast themselves desperately into it , without any necessity , the peace being almost then concluded . for though plutarch describes the place , in the life of publicola , so very agreeable , and convenient to bath in , yet he acknowledges , that the river was very rapid , and deep . i confess livy writes with no more likelyhood , when he tells the same story ; and that plutarch does no more than doubt , of that of cloelia , who , as many reported , passed the tiber , by her self , on horseback , thereby encouraging the rest of her companions , to swim over it . nevertheless i dare say , that the report of valerius maximus , has much more appearance of truth in it , than what the others related , though he was less obliged than they , to follow it strictly , since he was not an historian , and his subject ingaged him onely , to enrich ( and if we may say so ) to illustrate , with fine colours , such memorable actions . he writes that cloelia , under the favour of a dark night , escaped from the enemies camp , mounted on a horse , which bare her , to the other side of the tiber , amongst her friends : and the statue equestris which was raised to her , and which they all mention , would even force them to be of this opinion , if they had not rather chose to follow the most popular rumour , and that which rendered their narration more agreeable , because it seemed extraordinary , and marvellous ; wherein , it is almost incredible , how much the greater part of historians transgress . i will not forget , for a corollary , to what is above expressed , that by the consent of all learned men , dionysius halicarnesseus unfolds the roman antiquities , not onely in respect of time , as before mentioned , but also in what relates to matter , much better , than any of the latin historians have done . for his being a stranger , was so far from being prejudicial to him , that upon that account , he made it his business , to observe an infinite number , of the most curious particulars , of the roman state , that are found in his books , and which we do not learn , in their own authors ; either because they neglected to write , that which was familiar to them , which they thought , all the world knew ; as well as themselves ; or because this grecian was more careful , and diligent , than they , to seek after that , which might best conduce , to make all the circumstances of their affairs , known to posterity . and it is a great glory to him , to have surpassed them all in things , wherein they ought to have had such great advantage over him . reflections upon the history of josephus . a certain roman consul was derided heretofore , for writing a history in greek ; who , to excuse the impurity of his language , alledged in his preface , that he was born in italy , where nothing but latin was spoken . which cato reading , scoffingly said , that author was very ridiculous , who chose rather to ask pardon for a fault , than to avoid it , when nothing obliged him to do it ; and the offence was not committed when he asked forgiveness . plutarch relates this after another manner , and will have cato pronounce , the consul most worthy of excuse ; if he could make it appear , that he was forced to write in greek , by a decree of the amphictyones . this ingenious reflection which imports , that an excuse is alwaies unreasonable , when it is not necessary , cannot be applied to josephus : because , though as a jew , he was as great a stranger to the greek tongue , as the person before mentioned , he was compelled to make use of it , or the latin , to be understood by the grecians and romans , for whom principally , in his prologue to the judaick war , he declares that he set pen to paper . few are ignorant , that those nations had no esteem , for the hebrew language , and it is evident , that when the great captain hannibal , to recreate himself , had a mind to set down in writing , the actions of cn. manlius volso , in asia , he did it not , in the punick or carthaginian tongue , which was a dialect of the hebrew , but in greek ( that he had learned of the historian , sofilius of lacedaemon , his master ) that his work might be understood in the world . josephus , who had the same design , found himself obliged to write in greek , which was familiar enough to him , because he had been conversant in the greatest part of syria . moreover , had he been equally skill'd in these two tongues , he ought to have preferred , as he did , the greek , which was then mistriss of all science , and so much valued at rome , for that reason , that some roman citizens chose rather in their writings , to express themselves in greek , than latin. such a one was aelianus , who soon after josephus , under the emperors ▪ nerva , trajanus , and adrianus , writ de animalibus , de varia historia , de re militari and some other treatises . he was born in praeneste , and therefore reputed a roman , having composed his works in greek , in such rare expressions , that philostratus affirmed ( after he had placed him among his sophisters ) that his phrase was no less attick , than that which was spoken , by the most mediterranean , in the attick territory ( to use his own terms . ) as for josophus , his stile is very clear , if we may believe photius ; and with a great purity he joins , to the weight of his reasons , the force and elegancy of expression : so that he is , as this father relates , very dexrerous , as well in moving passions , as in allaying them , when he judges it requisite . nor is it a small honour to him , to be so succesful in a forraign tongue , as to have purchased such high praise , as is attributed by the learned to him . but we must not forget that besides his merit this way , eusebius reports , that he exposed his books of the jewish wars , and antiquities , in hebrew , as well as in greek , that they might be useful to more people . his extraction was very illustrious , as well on his fathers side , who came from the high priests of hierusalem , as on his mothers , who was of the royal blood , of the asamoneans or machabees . he came into the world , in the time of caligula , about the thirty ninth year , of the incarnation of christ ; and was in it , under domitian , so that he lived , during the reign of nine emperors at least . when he was six and twenty years old , he made a voiage into italy , in favour of some ecclesiasticks of his nation , whom felix , governor of judaea , had sent prisoners to rome . a jewish comedian , beloved by nero , supported him at court , and brought him acquainted likewise , with the empress poppaea augusta , from whom he received some benefit : so that having brought his business to a happy issue , he returned with content , into palaestine . the factions , which were then in the holy land , made him be chosen captain of the galileans , a charge which he executed most worthily , until jotapata was taken , where he was reduced to cast himself into a wel , which had already served for a retreat , to forty of his souldiers , wherein he suffered marvellous extremities , but at last he became prisoner to the romans . in that time of his captivity , he foretold to vespasian , his exaltation to the empire , and that he would soon deliver him from his bonds , as suetonius reports , in the life of this emperor , and as josephus writes himself , in the third book , and fourteenth chapter , of the jewish war. he shews also his deliverance , in the fifth book , and twelfth chapter , after that vespasian had found the truth of his predictions . what the profane historians , such as tacitus , and suetonius , relate conformable to this , deserves our observation for they affirm , that all the provinces of the east , were then firmly possest with a belief , that they , to whom the destinies , and sacred writs had promised the empire of the world , should at that time come from judaea . the jews , and josephus amongst the rest , interpreted what regarded the true messias , of vespasian and his son titus , because of the victories they had newly gained over them , and the unmeasurable extent , of the roman empire . and it happened that after his deliverance from his imprisonment , he was spectator of the taking of hierusalem , by the same titus , and composed since as an eie-witness , the seven books , of the judaick war of which he made to him , and vespasian who was then living , such an agreeable present , that titus caused them to be put into the publick library , subscribed and approved of , by his own hand . josephus adds in his own life , which he himself has given us in writing , that king agrippa had testified unto him by many latters , that he held him for the truest author ; of all those who enterprised to treat of the affairs of their country . being return'd to rome with vespasian , he lived there under his protection and that of his two sons , gratified with their pensions , and with the condition of a free citizen of rome , and many other benefits , which gave him means to finish peaceably under d●mitian his twenty books of the jewish antiquities , from the creation of the world , to the twelfth year of the empire of nero. his two books against apion plistonices are made in favour of the jews , whom this same apion surnamed also grammaticus , had defamed as much as he could , in a work he published , being sent deputy to rome , to the disadvantage of philo and his country-men . but the discourse of the empire of reason , or the martydom of the machabees , is the most eloquent of all the pieces writ by josephus . as for the treatise of his life , he composed it in imitation of many great men , who had done the like thing before him , and have been imitated by many others . for passing by moses , who alone , filled with the spirit of god , writ not onely his life , but death ; it is known , that a little before josephus , the emperors augustus , tiberius , and claudius , were pleased to leave the platform of their lives to posterity , traced with their own pens : agrippina mother of nero , did no less , as tacitus reports . and private persons such as sylla , varro , rutilius rufus , aemilius scaurus , and nicolaus damascenus , had already practised that sort of writing . if we must mention others who exercised themselves therein , since josephus , we shall name in the first place the emperors adriaanus , marcus antoninus , and severus ; secondly , to draw nearer to these times , james king of arragon , maximilian the first , the abbot trithemius , cardanus , and augustus de thou , who have all written books of their own lives . but there is no small difference at this day , between learned men , touching the credit josephus his history ought to have amongst us . for if we refer our selves to maldonat , melchior canus , pererius , salmeron , baronius , salian and some others , we should have no value for all his labour , which they defame as full of anachronisms in the calculation of times , and fables in the narration of things . baronius amongst the rest , rebukes him very severely in his preface which he calls apparatus , &c. and in many other places of his annals , nay he proceeds so far as to impute to him that he knew not justly his own age , and that he was mistaken in it by six whole years . but if on the other side we yeild to the judgment of his partisans , such as scaliger and calvisius , of whose party are justin martyr , eusebius , st. hierome , suidas , and several other ancients , we shall be obliged to place him in the rank of the best historians which remain . and truly when i consider with what recommendation justin spoke of him , i am not easily induced to condemn him so absolutely as many doe . he stiles him many times an exceeding wise historiographer , and joyning him with philo , he saies they are two persons worthy of great respect . as for eusebius , he remarks in his ecclesiastical history , that josephus was honoured with a statue at rome , which we have already observed , giving him the title of a most true author , and one that deserves that credit should be given to what he write● . the books stiled an evangelical preparation of eusebius , are full of passages of josephus ; and in the third of his evangelical demonstration , he rehearses that place of the jewish antiquities , which makes such express mention of jesus christ . as for s t hierome , after he had placed jesophus amongst the ecclesiastical writers , he confirms the favours he received from vespasian and titus , and the honour that was done him by putring his books into the publick library , and raising a statue to him in rome . he quotes also his forementioned testimony of jesus christ . and in one of his epistles , he did not forbear to name him the graecian livy , which shews the great valew he had for his history . suidas recites almost all the same things which he could see in justin , eusebius , and s t hierome , and he gives him particularly the quality of a lover of truth , which is much to be considered in his case . i wonder not therefore after these testimonies , if many will take josephus his part , against those who endeavoured utterly to discredit him . nevertheless scaliger was a little too forward , when he named him in a preface to a book intituled the correction of times , in one place the most diligent , and greatest friend to truth of all writers , diligentissimum , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 omnium scriptorum , out-doing in this manner suidas by a superlative encomium , and in another place the most true and religious of all authors , omnium scriptorum veracissimum & religiosissimum . he adds further that the integrity and learning of josephus showing it self in every thing , he shall not be backward to assert boldly , that not onely in what relates to the jewish affairs , but in all others also , it is more fit and sure for one to refer himself unto this hebrew , than to all the rest of the greek and latin authors . i would not proceed to so determinate a judgment ; yet i think one may safely say that abating what may be contrary to the sacred texts of the old and new testament , josephus is for the rest , an historian of great authority , and one that merits a great deference , especially in the things of his own time ; wherof he writes as an eie-witness : for we ought i think in charity to make that interpretation , of what so many christians have often uttered in his commendation . although that passage of josephus concerning jesus christ , and the primitive times of christianity was quoted , as we have already shown , in eusebius his time , and since by great men , it is suspected by many others , who think it foisted or thrust into the text of josephus , by one of those pious frauds , which they pretend to have been sometimes used in favour of religion . baronius who is not of their mind , saies , that place was found strook out in an hebrew manuscript of the jews in rome , which he delivers not for the proper language of josephus , ( as it might have been according to eusebius ) but onely for a translation from greek into hebrew . this justifies the antiquity of the passage , and the animosity of the jews against our belief , rather than it fully decides the question , and though the same cardinal endeavours to shew in another place , that which could humanly induce josephus to give such a glorious testimony of our saviour , without a divine impulsion , which possibly might force him to it : nevertheless he allows this passage as we have it now , to be incorrect , and that other to be more like truth as it was received in s t hieromes time , where josephus does not affirm that jesus was the expected christ , christus hic erat , but onely that he was believed to be so , & credebatur esse christus . there is cause to wonder how it happened , that photius never remembred so notable a passage in three different sections wherein he examins this author . the chief thing is , that those ages are past , in which the authority of josephus was so important to the establishment of the church : yet they that will make use of it in this , either against the jews , or otherwise , may well do it after so many fathers , whose opinions it is alwaies allowed to follow . but we ought to take heed of the omissions of josephus , which tend to the suppression of many evangelical truths . for though he made no mention of the coming of the wise men into judaea , no more than the massacre of the young innocents , spoke of by s t mathew , it does not follow that we should doubt ever so little of that which we read of it in the history of the gospel . truly it is very strange that josephus , who pardoned herod nothing , who remembred well how that tyrant had burned or cut the throats of a great number of young men , with their teachers , for having beat down the roman eagle from the gate of the temple of hierusalem , and who has so expressly shown us all the other crimes of the same man , namely in that oration of the jews , spoke at rome , against his memory in the presence of the emperor ; that this josephus , i say , should not have said the least word of so cruel an action , so odious , and so noised abroad , as the murder of so many poor infants , put to death by the command of herod , must needs have been . but his forgetfulness , or jewish malice , if he concealed it wittingly , cannot prejudice truth , nor be alledged against the authority of our sacred texts , and that , of a pagan also such as maerobius , which is express for that , in the second book of his saturnals , where he rehearses augustus his words , to this effect ; that it was better to be one of herods swine than his child . josephus moreover has writ many things in his antiquities quite contrary to what moses has done , in which he cannot be followed without impiety . as for the rest , it cannot be denied that he taught as many fine curiosities of the history of his country , which we should be ignorant of without him , who has delivered them very well to us , though it has been observed that he did not alwaies agree with his country-man philo in his relations . that which ought to recommend his history very much unto us , is , that besides the advantage he had by his extraction , since knowledg and the priesthood were in a strict union amongst the jews , he was so well instructed in learning from his most tender years , that at the age of fourteen , as he writes , the chief prelates and principal men of hierusalem , asked his counsel in the greatest difficulties of the law. at sixteen years old he applied himself to the study of what was particular to each of the three sects , which were current in his country , the pharisean , the saducean , and the other which was called the essenian ; whose professors were very austere and solitary in their way of life . one of them called banus , lived in the desert ; as the strictest hermits of this time , his food was of fruit and herbs , covering himself with nothing but leaves , or barks of trees , and washing his body night and day in cold water against the temptation of the flesh . josephus passed three years with this anchorite , which ended , he betook himself again to a civil life , and made publick profession of following the pharisean sect , which he maintains to be very like unto the stoick , that has been so much valued by the greeks and latins . it is certain that none but the pharisees , made publick profession of politicks , and partaked in the government of the state ; so that if a saducee was compelled to be a magistrate , which he alwaies undertook very unwillingly , the people obliged him to yeild to the opinion of the pharisees , and to be guided by their maxims , as may be seen in josephus , where he treats of these three forementioned sects , and of a fourth which was a refinement of the pharisean . thus according to the principals of his sect , he accepted the chief emploiments amongst the jews either in peace or war , which gives a marvellous authority to his history ; as being ordinarily composed of things which he saw himself , and actions wherein he had often the greatest share . we must take heed of confounding as munster has done the false josephus , commonly called josippus gorionides ( who also made , or rather falsified , a history of the jewish war ) with our historian . when this pseudo-josephus , in his third book placed goths in spain , and in his fifth made gallia to be possessed by the french ; he sufficiently declared his impertinence , to have aspired thereby to pass for the true josephus , in whose time there were neither goths in spain , nor french in gallia . it is filled throughout with the like repugnancies , which are so plain that nothing but the credulity of the jews of these last ages can endure it , whose ingenuity alone consists in cheating themselves . scaliger takes this man for a circumcised french man , who is not a very ancient author , or at least has writ since the sixth age of our salvation . but the invective , which i have already used in the chapter of xenophon , against such impostours , deters me from declaming any more against them . reflections upon the history of arrian . in the time of adrian the emperor , and his two successors , antoninus pius , and marcus aurelius antoninus , arrian the macedonian , began to write his history : he lived in the hundred and thirtieth year of christ : he was a disciple of epictetus . it is not easie to know , whether his history was writ , before his enchiridion , and those other discourses of his master , which simplicius , in his commentaries , assures us to be composed by him , for though it might not be thought , according to the ordinary , and natural course of mens dispositions , he should apply himself to philosophical contemplations , in the youthful part of his life , yet it appears , in the preface of those discourses , that he writ them , as they were spoken by epictetus , collected from his mouth , whilst he was yet the schollar , of that great philosopher , and he complains , that they were published without his privitie , which is a certain evidence , of their being writ in his younger age. photius saith , they were formerly in twelve books , besides certain philosophical dissertations , by him mentioned , which are lost to this age. as for his historical compositions , though we have not them all intire ; by what remains of them , we may discern enough , to oblige us to value his merit . and his seven books , of the conquest of alexander the great , and eight , which treat particularly of india , may suffice to give him a rank , amongst the chiefest historians . i shall not insist on the description , which he hath made of the euxin sea , and the countries which border on it , nor on that of the erythrean sea , which comprehends part of the indian coasts , the persian gulf , and the red sea , because they are rather peices , of geography , than history . rhamusius observes , that many would distinguish this arrian , who , in his eighth book , describes the voyage of nearchus , admiral to alexander , from the river indus , to the persian gulf ; from him , who is the author , of periplus , or the description of the erythrean ocean . the difference of stile ( whereon , those that deba●e this matter , establish their opinion ) is but a slender foundation , for all agree ( if it must be ) that there were two arrians , that they both lived , in the time of the antonines , and that prince of geographers , claudins ptolemaeus alexandrinus . but that , which the same rhamusius notes on this occasion , is very considerable . that though arrian hath often followed , the opinion of marinus tyrius , whom ptolemy does alwaies reject , yet it appears , that his is a better , and more just situation , of many parts of the east-indies , than that , which ptolemy has left us ; as is manifest by many modern relations , exhibited thereof , by the portuguese . it is certain , that arrian's merit recommended him so much , to the emperors of his time , that they advanced him , to the consular dignity . he was a native of nicomedia , a city of bithynia , where he made his studies , and became a priest , of ceres , and proserpine , as he himself reports , in those eight books , of his bithynicks , mentioned by photius , which began the history of his country , at the fabulous times , and continued it , to the death of the last monarch of nicomedia , who left the romans , to be the heirs of his crown . he pretends to have writ this history of alexander the great , by divine inspiration ; and that he did it , under the title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; and with the like number of seven books , as xenophon chose , to describe the conquests of cyrus : and some observe , that he so affected to follow that author , that he hath perfectly imitated him in his stile , and many other respects , and is therefore called , the young , or the second xenophon . he declares in his preface , that his relations are by him delivered , on the faith of aristobulus , the son of aristobulus , and ptolemaeus lagus , who accompanied alexander in all his enterprises , which were the more credible for that , besides the royal quality of the latter , they did neither of them publish their writings , till after the death of alexander , without any other obligation , than a real desire of discovering the truth of his actions . and yet our author professes , in his description of the death of callisthenes the philosopher , that it was diversly reported by them , though they were both near the person of alexander , when the process was made against that unfortunate person . aristobulus saies , he was led in chains after the army , till he died of a sickness , and the other affirms , that , after having been exposed to torture , he was stangled , for having been unhappily involved in the conspiracy of hermolaus ; so difficult it is , to know the truth of actions performed : and there is nothing more certain , than that one and the same action is many times variously related by those that saw it , because of the divers respects , and interests , wherewith most men are preoccupied . but notwithstanding these particular defects , which arrian could not redress ; his history is the more esteemable , because those of aristobulus , and ptolomy , are not to be found , moreover there are many places , in the history of quintus curtius , which have need to be reformed , by the text of arrian ; for when he writes , in his sixth book , that alexander parted from the batavians , doubtless it ought to be , from the city of ecbatana , as it is expressed in arrian . and the voiages to the east-indies , made these last hundred and fifty years , shew , that he has better represented , the houses or cabbins , of certain ichthyophages , built of the bones of whales , and other fishes , than quintus curtius , who saies , they are made of shells , and the excrements of the sea , conchas , & purgamenta maris . but there are some places also in arrians history , which the other doth very well explain , and i shall not determine , which of them has been most lucky , in expressing the name of alexanders phisitian , whom arrian calls , critodemus : and quintus curtius , critobulus ( for plutarch makes no mention of either ) and pliny , when he commends the excellency of that phisitian , who drew the arrow out of alexanders fathers eie , without disfiguring his face , nameing him critobulus , makes it to be reasonably supposed , that his son made use of the same phisitian , and consequently that curtius did not mistake in the name . photius commends arrian , as equal to the best historians , his narration is alwaies agreeable , because it is both short , and intelligible : and he never discomposes his readers , with tedious digressions , and such parentheses , as may obscure the sense of his sentences . and one cannot easily find , in all his history , any one such miraculous event , as might render it suspected , if you will except some predictions of aristander , and the story of two new springs , which appeared near the river of oxus , as soon as alexander was there encamped . the pattern , which arrian proposed to imimitate , permits him not to elevate his stile , to a sublime degree of oratory ; because the eloquence of xenophon is not of that order , but his phrase is mingled with such excellent figures , that by retaining all the clearness , of him that he imitates , his stile has nothing in it , either too flatly low , or too highly towering . he occasionally uses , someties oblique orations , and sometimes direct ones . and all along , in his second book , he artificially couches the imperious letter of alexander to darius . the oration of callisthenes , against anaxarchus , who would have alexander to be adored , is one of the most considerable , of those that are direct . and there are two others , not inferiour to it , of the same prince to his souldiers , which began to mutiny , once in the indies , and the other time on the banks of the river tygris . those which were made , before the battel , given at the streights of amanus , and at the plain of arbela , or gaugamela , are oblique , and much more concise , than the occasion required . photius makes a very favourable judgment of the history of arrian ( viz. ) that whosoever shall compare it , with the most ancient of those , which are so much esteemed , it will be found , that there are many things in them , which in no wise approach the valew of the other . but yet there is one passage , in the middle of his first book , wherein there is vanity enough , to stain the whole body of his history , if decency did not oblige us , to consider it with that indulgence , which the best of us may sometimes need , in respect to our own productions ; the place i mean , is , where he declares , that the greatness , and number , of the famous atchievements of alexander , made him enterprise the writing of his history , by the assurance he had , of being able to acquit himself well therein : and that without putting his name to it , or mentioning his extraction , or quality , he would have the world to know , he might valew himself in all those respects : and that having loved letters from his infancy , as alexander has merited the chiefest rank , amongst the leaders of armies ; so the greatest , amongst those that have enterprised the writing of history , cannot without injustice he denied to him . this impudence of arrian puts me in mind , of the impertinence of another grecian , that was contemporary with him , of whom photius writes , that he dedicated his composition , to the emperor , marcus antoninus , to get thereby the more credit to it , and that it might obtain a more favourable reception : and at his first entrance , preparatory to the matter , he pretended , that his stile should be as sublime , as the actions of alexander , which was the subject of his book , when , alas ! nothing was ever lower , and more barren , than his narrations , nor more weak and faint , than the expressions wherein he exposed them . it may be reasonably believed , that the ambition of this pretender equalled in the beginning the vanity of arrian ; but his weak performances made all his promises ridiculous in the end , whereas the other hath given , to posterity , one of the best histories that antiquity hath left us ; yet he ought not to pass without a censure , for the fault he committed , there being scarce any thing in the world more insupportable than self praise ; which , instead of the esteem and reputation that our merit might justly challenge for any worthy enterprise , draws on us nothing but contempt , and hatred . besides the seven books , before mentioned , of the expeditions of alexander the great , and the eighth , of so much of the east-indies , as was known in his time : he writ , in ten books , the history of those actions , which happened amongst alexanders captains , after his death , for they could not agree about the dividing their conquests ; but of those there remains nothing at this day , but an abridgment of them , which photius gives us , in his bibliotheca , and we have also lost his bithynicks ; and two other treatises , one , of the most considerable actions , performed by timoleon of corinth , in sicily , and the other , of the means used by dion of syracuse , to free the city so called , and all the circumjacent country , from the tyranny and oppression of dionysius , the second tyrant of that name : nor has the misfortune of the age been less , by the loss of another work of his , composed in seventeen books , which stephanus , in his cities , mentions more than once , whose subject is , of the parthians , and their descent from the scythians , and their wars with the romans , in the time of the emperour trajan . photius informs us , that he writ another treatise , called the alanick history : so that many believe , that which dion cassius reports , of one arrian governour of cappadocia , under the emperour adrian , who reduced the alanians , and massagets , to the obedience of the empire , was meant of our historian : it is he also , to whom plinius novocomensis addresses seven of his epistles , betwixt whom there was a friendship contracted , whilst the same pliny was proconsul of pontus , and bithynia , which our arrian acknowledges to be the place of his nativity . and if we may ascribe to him , those decisions of law , which vlpian , and paulus determin by his authority : the knowledg of that learned science may be added , to his excellency in geography , history and philosophy . but one of the greatest encomiums that can be given to any , is that which lucian applies to him , when he excuses himself for writing the life , of his false prophet alexander : let no man , saies he , blame me , for imploying my time , on so inconsiderable a subject , since arrian , that worthy disciple of epictetus , one of the greatest among the romans , who hath exercised himself among the muses , condescended to write the life of the villain tiliborus . it is not to be doubted but there are many arrians , besides this person of whom we now write , for julius capitolinus , quotes one arrian , a greek historian , to prove that there were three of the narne of gordianus , against the opinion of those , who pretend there were but two ; and this cannot be meant of our arrian , who lived an age , before the time of any of those emperors ; and su●tonius mentions a poet of that name , more antient than any of the others , because tiberius is said to have imitated him , in his greek poesy . and perhaps , this may be the same arrian , cited by suidas , to be the author of an heroick poem , divided into four and twenty books , called alexandriades , written to celebrate the honour of alexander the great . reflections upon the history of appian . appian is so much the more considerable , amongst all those that have laboured in the roman history , in that , besides the commendation which photius gives him , to have , as truly as possible , delivered his matter : he alone has particularly described their actions , according to the provinces , and different regions , wherein they were transacted : not that he has , in this method , excelled all other historiographers , for the most ancient of them have alwaies followed the order of time , and related things annually done , in countries very distant , one from the other . but though appian seems , in some things , to have affected an order , even contrary to nature , not observed by any of the ancients , yet it must be acknowledged , that his method , in general , is very useful , to express the things performed distinctly , and separately from each other , to represent , as to our view , all that passed in each country , so that no way of writing is more instructive , and apter , in that respect , to conten● the mind of the readers . we learn from suidas , that his history , by an excellency of title , was sometimes termed basilick , or royal. and his roman history ( which he writ in twenty four books , from aeneas , and the taking of troy , to the foundation of rome ) contains , in the first thereof the goverment of its seven kings , as may be conjectured by the text of photius . florus his epitome is indeed composed of wars , and actions seperated one from the other ; but appian has represented them more intirely , how long soever any of them endured ; whereas the other confounds his relations , in the mixtures of them : as in the first , second , and third punick wars , he shuffles together all the affairs of the romans with the gaules , ligurians , macedonians ; and many other people , with whom they had contest , in the interval of those two cessations of arms , which happened betwixt the carthaginians and them . but this favourable judgment of photius , in appians behalf , does not restrain bodin , from accusing both his memory , and judgment in the matter of his history : for this bold censurer asserts , that the romans did never lend their wives one to the other , according to the custome of the parthians , and lacedemonians ; and imputes therein too much credulity to appian : though plutarch hath written the same thing , affirming that cato freely sent his wife , to hortensius the oratour , to raise of her an issue to him : nor is the law of romulus , or that against adulterers , mentioned by aulus gellius , repugnant to this practise ( as bodin unadvisedly imagins . ) he taxes him likewise , to have made caesar say , in his second book of the civil wars of rome , certain expressions , which were not uttered by him , but pompey , in a threatning speech , which he used to the senate , when he put his hand on his sword , and told them , if they would not grant him the things he desired , that sword should purchase them : but this may be ascribed to a failure of memory , to which all mankind is subject : as also another error , which he notes of him , in mistaking calphurnia , for pompeia , that wife of caesar , which was vitiated in the temple , called by the romans , the temple of the good goddess . but sigonius is more indecent , who arraigns him of levity , and many omissions , without alledging any proof or instance thereof . and scaliger is not less bold in the censure that he makes of him , in his animadversions on the history of eusebins , where he saies , he would appear to be a child in the business of history , were it not that an infinity of matters are added to his treatise of the wars of syria . yet though i approve not of these reflections ; i presume , one may truly impure it to him as a fault in all his works , that he too much flatters the romans , alwaies making the right , as well as the advantage , to be on their side , to the prejudice of all other nations in the world , with whom they were concerned , as well as of his own native country . and we may add to this , that he often attributes to himself the labours of others , transcribing many paragraphs , and intire sentences of polybius , plutarch , and other authors more antient , and inserting them in his book , without citing their texts , to render them that acknowledgment , which is due to their merit , on such occasions . and some affirm that he in like manner transcribed , the greatest part of the commentaries of augustus ; which contained ( as suetonins relates ) the principal actions of his life . this is indeed a sort of theft not to be allowed ; deprehendi in furto malle , quam mutuum reddere . as pliny saies to vespatian , on the same subject , and scaliger , on this occasion , calls him , alienorum laborum fucum , in resemblance to a certain sort of flies , which nourish themselves with the honey of others . i have read in some author , that the rhodians , when they had a purpose to honour the memory of any well deserving person , by having his statue erected in some publick place , were used only to take the head from some of the old statues in their city , and put a new one in the place of it , of the figure of him they designed to represent . those that steal from the writings of others , do the same thing as those rhodians did , but in a more ridiculous fashion , for by putting their names to other mens works , hoping thereby to acquire honour to themselves , they ordinarily , instead thereof , reap only shame and contempt , for so sordid a practise . this matter calls to my remembrance an abuse , which was put upon diomedes , by his friend alcibiades , to whom he committed the charge , of conveying his horses to the olympick games ; for by changing the inscription which belonged to them , and making them to run in the name of alcibiades , he took to himself the honour of the victory they acquired , which was not of small consequence at that time , and to complaet his deceit , was so unjust to retain them to himself , without ever making restitution to diomedes , who trusted him therewith . what greater treachery can there be in respect to letters , than to ascribe to our selves , the productions of others , when instead of yeilding the glory to those , by whose thoughts we have profited , we would have those very conceptions pass , for the pure inventions of our own wit. the figurative expression of plagiary , which the latins give to those , that are guilty of a crime so abject , and odious , sufficiently denotes the abomination they had for it ; as if , by the word plagium , it were to be understood , that such offences could not be expiated , but by a whip . vitruvius , in the preface to his seventh book of architecture , after having asserted , that such of whom we now treat , are to be punished , as impious , and infamous , he informs us , with what severity , and ignominy , ptolomy punished some poets , that had been so impudent to recite , in a publick assembly in alexandria , certain verses stoln by them , out of different authors , and to expose them as their own ; whereby they had carried the prize , ( which the king proposed to be given them that best performed , by the suffrage of six of the judges , and all the people ) if the seventh , who was called aristophanes , that had been more conversant in books , than the other , had not discovered the abuse ; preferring a poet , before them , that was the least applauded of all the rest , but one that had pronounced nothing , in the assembly , that was not of his own composition . theocritus boasted , in one of his epigrams , with a kind of assurance , that he never was of the number of those , that ascribed to themselves the verses of other men , but i am not ignorant of the excuses , that many are forced to make in his behalf , for that very assertion . they tell us , that clemens alexandrinus , and eusebius in his evangelical preparation , report , that the greeks did not only take from the hebrews , that which is best in their writings , but instanced in many examples , how they frequently borrowed from one another also . strabo writes of eudorus , and ariston , two peripatetick philosophers , which had writ some commentaries of niliss , so like in phrase , and matter , that the oracle of jupiter hammon only could discover , which of them was the true author , upon their mutual accusations of one another , of the theft committed . marcianus heracleota affirms , that eratosthenes transcribed a treatise , writ by one timosthenes , of an epitome of the isles , from one end to the other , and published it as his own . athenaeus defames plato , about the end of the eleventh book of his deipnosophists , to have taken the greatest part of his dialogues , from byrson , aristippus , and antisthenes . and though it be known , that apuleius his golden ass , is not of his own fabrick , it is not yet discovered , whether he took it from lucian , or lucius patrensis , for both these have writ of the same subject , and each of their peices pass as originals . but all these examples , and many more that might be instanced , cannot produce the effect , which those that make them , promise to themselves ; nor is it enough to excuse a fault , by saying many others are guilty of the like , for if that were sufficient , there is scarce any that would not be easily pardonable . appian lived in the time of trajan , adrian , and antoninus successive emperors of rome , and about the 140th year , of our saviours incarnation . in the preface of his history , he declares his extraction , to be from one of the best families of alexandria , from whence being come to rome , he rendred himself , in a short while , so considerable in the imployment of advocate , that he was elected , and inrolled in the number of those , that were the proctors of the emperor , and to have ( as photius relates ) the administration of a province . sigonius , and some others call him , sophista alexandrinus , and make him an egyptian . his history was divided into three volumes ( which as the same photius mentions ) contained four and twenty books , or twenty two , as ●arolus stephanus volaterranus , and the before named sigonius inform . * it began at the burning or taking troy , and the fortune of aeneas , and extended beyond the reign of augustus , making sometimes excursions even to the time of trajan . as to his stile , the same photius observes , that as his manner of writing was plain and easie , so he had nothing in it , that was soaring high , or superfluous , and he gives to him the prerogative , of being not only very faithful ( as we hinted in the beginning ) but one of those , that has given the greatest testimony , of his knowledg in the art of war , and all kind of military discipline . to read the description of his battels would make one fancy himself in the middle of them . and he is so happy in his orations , that he manages , and moves the affections , which way he pleases : whether it be to revive the courage of the drooping souldiers , or express the extravagant transports of those that are too violent . but of the many works which he composed , there remains to this time but the least part which describe the punick , syrian , and parthian wars , those against mithridates , against the spaniards , against hannibal : and five books of the civil wars of rome , and those of illyria : as for that of the celtick war , or the war of the gaules , there is only a fragment or compendium of it extant , rather to make us regret what we want , than satisfie our minds with that which remains . thus far we have confined our self , in this chapter of appian , to monsieu● de la mothe le vayer , our author , who in many things seems to me , not so exact in his judgment of this historiographer , as his merit requires , and too severe in his reflection , whilst he makes so long a defamatory digression , against those that incorporate the writings of others in their works , on occasion of the mention of his borrowing something , in his history , from polybius and plutarch , which he makes to be the more unpardonable , because he cites not , in his books , the texts of those authors , to render them ( as he phrases it ) the acknowledgment due to their merit . and yet he himself , even in this chapter , borrows some part of his matter from vossius , without quoting him . but may it not be doubted , whither this gentleman ever saw the original manuscript of appian , where perhaps those quotations were , to know thereby , whether he or those that transcribed it , are to be blamed for this omission , or indeed whether , in those ancient times , such citations were practised : for though the borrowing of writings from others , may be sometimes in some circumstances a great offence ; it is not alwaies to be so accounted , since there is not any thing written , that is not taken from the conceptions of them that went before : and when we take from others to improve their reason , that it may be derived to us in a more familiar , refined and exquisite sense , it is rather commendable than faulty ; as may be said of that which virgil takes from homer , or to speak of our time , of what our ben johnson extracts from catullus , juvenal , horace , plautus , and other poets , and from tully also , who so much improves their thoughts , that they themselves , if they were alive , would not think themselves dishonored , by the use he makes of them . what our author mentions of scaliger , which is also hinted by vossius , of appians being a child in history , is rather to be imputed to his passion , than right judgment , whose censures are not alwaies to be allowed , especially when they contradict the more general consent of the learned in all ages . what he saies also , in the beginning of this chapter in one place , that appian seems to have affected an order of writing , even contrary to nature , is an opinion , wherein he is very singular , for caelius secundus curio ( who had , it may be , more curiously studied appian than he ) in his epistle dedicatory , before the latin impression at basil 1554 , writes thus of him . it is certain ( saies he ) that appian proposed to himself , the method , and contexture of thucydides , and salust , and endeavo●red to imitate them both , in their veracity of expression , and quickness of transition , for he did not weave together a perpetual series of history , as livy and others , but from the whole matter ( that is to say ) from the greatest , most , and immortal actions of the romans , he separated the wars they made , upon any nation or people ; and made so many bodies of history , as they undertook and waged wars , which reason and image of writing caesar pursued , in his so much celebrated commentaries , wherein nothing is found , empty , fabulous , or prodigious . no superfluous , or feigned speeches , or orations for ostentation ; but all pure , true , religious , and necessary ; in which he did not imitate the vanity of the greeks , which to do , is not indeed to write a history , but deceive the world with fables . reflections upon the history of dio or dion cassius . dio cassius , who is besides known by the surnames of cocceius and cocceianus , was born at nicea , a city of bithynia , whether he retired , in his latter years , to pass in quiet the remaining part of his life , after the example of those animals , who alwaies return , as they say , to dy in their mansions . the infirmity of his leggs called him to this retirement , and he writes , that his genius had foretold it him long before by a verse of homers iliads , recited by photius . as socrates was said to have had a familiar spirit or daemon , who was as a director of his life , dio alledges that he was warned by his , to avoid by a retirement , the ambushes which the ●retorian militia prepared for him : and the same spirit , or goddess ( to use his own terms in his threescore and twelfth book ) made him write his history , who before exercised himself only in philosophical learning , as that of the divine dreams , and their interpretation , of which he had composed a book . his father apronianus a consular man ( according to the phrase of that age ) was governor of dalmatia , and sometime after proconsul of cilicia : he himself had the same consular dignity bestowed on him twice , which he exercised jointly with the emperor alexander , son of mammea ; after he had passed through divers imployments under the precedent emperors : for macrinus had established him lieutenant or governor of pergamus , and smyrna , and he sometime commanded in affrick ; and had afterwards the administration of austria and hungary , then called pannonia , committed to him . these things are convenient to be known , before we speak of his writings , because they recommend , and give the greater authority to them . his history comprised all the time from the building of rome , to the reign of alexander severus , which he writ in eighty books , divided into eight decades , whereof few are saved from that unhappy loss , which , as we have elsewhere shown , has been fatal to many admirable works of this nature , whereof the ignorant and barbarous ages have deprived us . at present the five and thirtieth book is the first of those that remain intire ( for we have but some eclogues or fragments of the four and thirtieth preceding . his progress to the sixtieth is intire enough . but instead of the last twenty , we must be content with what xiphilinus , a constantinopolitan monk , has given us in an epitome or compendium of them ; for the text of those peeces of dion is not to be found whole , by a misfortune alwaies incident to books , that are abbreviated . photius observes , that he writ his roman history , as some others had likewise done , not from the foundation of rome only , but even from aeneas his descent into italy , which he continued to the tyranny of heliogabalus , and some part of the reign of alexander severus , his successor . that which we have of it now in our possession , comprehending the events of three hundred years at least , begins but at the time , when lucullus had his great commands , and finishes with the death of claudius the emperor , the rest is the epitome of xiphilinus , before mentioned . though all that has been lost of this excellent author , is much to be regretted , i think nothing is so deplorable , as the loss of the forty last years , of which he writ as an eie-witness , and one that had a part in the government of the state. for he could not express , what was before the empire of commodus , but from the relation of strangers , and as others had done it before him . but after that emperor , until the other , with whom he had the honor , to be collegue in the consulship , he built no more upon the faith of other men ; but what he relates , that descends to us , by his organ xiphilinus , is no other than what he saw himself , and wherein he was a principal actour . it is a clear proof of dion's prudent conduct , that he could pass over such bad times , as those of the tyrannical dominion of commodus , caracalla , macrinus , and heliogabalus , without loss of life , goods , or reputation , which are often in danger under such princes , without a wonderful dexterity of wit. his was so commendable , that after having overcome those stormy and tempestuous seasons , wherein the quality of a stranger and his riches exposed him to much envy , he arrived happily at a safe port , to wit the raign of alexander severus an exceeding lover of justice , and a most powerful protector of virtuous men . under him he publisht the roman history , to which as he was led by his genius , as we before hinted , so he was commanded by septimius severus . he confesses himself , that he imploied ten years , in providing the necessary materials for this great building , and twelve more in raising it , and adding that majesty unto it , which makes us , even at this day , admire its dismembred fragments and ruins . a man of his quality , who had passed all his life in the management of affairs , and had read men as well as books , and of such an experimented conduct , must needs have been a very considerable historiographer . nor have any of them revealed so much unto us as he , of those state secrets , which tacitus stiles arcana imperii , and whereof he makes so high a mistery . he is so exact in describing the order of the comitia , the establishing of magistrates , and the use of the publick rights of the romans , that those things are no where else learned more distinctly . and in what relates to the consecration of emperors , their apotheosis , or inrolling amongst the number of the gods ; we may say , that he is the only writer , who has shewn us a good form , except herodian who coveted afterwards to imitate him in the same subject . but particularly , in the fifty sixth book , he is very curious , where he represents the pomp of augustus his funerals , his bed of state , his ●ssigies in wax , and the funeral oration , which tiberius read before the people , he exposes after that the manner of the burning his body , how livia gathered , and laid up his bones , finally with what dexterity they made an eagle part from the funeral pile , whence that bird of jupiter seemed to bear the soul of the emperor to heaven . the funeral oration before mentioned obliges me to remark , that dion freely used , not only the oblique , but the direct way of oration also in the body of his history . those of pompey to the romans , and of gabinius afterwards , in his thirty sixth book , are of the last frame . the philosophical discourse of philiscus to cicero , which is seen in the eight and thirtieth , to perswade him to bear his exile into macedonia constantly , is also in the form of a prosopopaea , after a very considerable dialogue between them two. the orations of agrippa , and mecaenas , the first of which exhorted augustus to quit the empire , the second on the contrary to retain it , are of the same sort , and contain the whole fifty second book . and xiphilinus was not contented , in his abbreviation of the sixty second , to make paulinus , governor of great brittain , speak a direct oration to his troops , ready to engage with the british forces , after he had divided them into three different bodies , but makes him speak three separate ones , on the same subject , to perswade them to fight couragiously , and thereby to obtain the victory . by this it appears , that they who believe that all sorts of orations are indecent in history , will not be satisfied with dio's method of writing , for he abstains not from those , which are most to be avoided , namely the direct , and has made use of dialogues also . which is contrary to the rules of the criticks in history ; but if we must take notice of his faults , there are others , which deserve sooner to be complained of , than what we mentioned . he is accused of having taken caesars part too much , against pompey , to accomodate himself to the course of fortune . nor seems he more equitable in respect of antonius his faction , which he alwaies favours to the prejudice of that of cicero . and whoever reads in the forty sixth book , the invective of q. fusius calenus , against this incomparable oratour , will be hardly able to indure all the injuries , with which it seems dio would have sullied his reputation . not content to make him be reproached , that he was the son of a fuller or dyer , very often reduced to dress vines , or cultivate olive trees ; he assaults his person , and touches his honour in all the most sensible parts : he renders him ridiculous for his fearfulness : and to blast him the more , affirms , that of all the orations which were seen of his , he delivered not one of them , after the manner in which they were writ , and therefore his want of memory is imputed as a crime to him . but he makes calenus much more severe , he would have him contented , not to wear the long robe , if he had not wanted it to hide his ill-shapt leggs and feet . and arraigns his conjugal bed , to expose the vice of his wives , defaming him to have prostituted the honour of one of them : and in the mention of his children , he accuses him of incest with his daughter ; and represents his son , as an infamous libertin , drunk night and day . certainly , to treat one of the greatest persons of the roman republick thus , is rather like a satyrist than an historian . but dion does so pursue his disparagement , that in the following book , he takes a new occasion to make fulvia , the wife of antonius , vomit out abundance of reproaches against his memory , who pierces his tongue through and through with her needle . he has not been much more respectful to seneca , if the conjectures of some men are not true , who think that xiphilinus , in that part , maliciously delivered the thoughts of suillius , or some other as bad , for those of dio. yet we read in what constantinus collected out of him , besides what is related in the epitomy of xiphilinus , that seneca led a life quite contrary to his writings , and the philosophical profession , to which he pretended . he is accused of adultery , with julia and agrippina , and of the death of the last . he is taxed with reading lectures of pederasty , to nero , and charged with as-ending the theatre with him , to make orations in his applause . in fine his luxury and avarice are aggravated to that pitch , that the cause of the rebellion of great brittain , is imputed to him , where the people could no more indure his extortion , than nero could suffer his conspiracies , from which he had no means to deliver himself , than by putting so bad a master to death . but what we before hinted , that the invectives against seneca , are rather the words of tigellinus the abbreviator , than our author , seems to be very manifest , because dion , in his fifty ninth book , speaks very honourably of seneca . we might perhaps accuse him of superstition and credulity , and thereby something discredit his history ; if something were not to be allowed to humanity , and if we did not know , that the best authors in this kind , have fallen into the same inconveniences . in his forty seventh book he tells us , the sun appeared at rome sometimes lesser , and sometimes greater than ordinary , to foretel the bloody battel , fought in the fields of philippi , which was also signified by many other prodigies . how he credited the report of the strange quality of the * psylli , to expel poison , may be read in his one and fiftieth book , on the subject of the death of cleopatra , whom these men ( since there was no female amongst them , and they begot themselves ) endeavoured in vain , to bring to life again . in his fifty eighth book he reports , that a phaenix was seen in aegypt , in the seven hundred and nineteenth year of the foundation of rome . in another place he writes , that vespasian cured a blind man , by spitting in his eies , and worked a like miracle , on a lame mans hand , which he cured and restored to its vigour , by walking upon it , they being both forewarned in a dream , that they should receive this benefit from the emperor . in another place he expresses , that the famous apollonius tyanaeus saw , in the city of ephesus , all that passed at the death of domitian in rome , at the same instant that he received it ; so that he cried out , calling on the name of stephanus , which was that of his murtherer , bidding him strike boldly , and soon after that ( saies he ) it was done ; as if dion would have conformed himself to philostratus , who writ at the same time , the imaginary life of this philosopher ; and as if there were no difference to be put , betwixt true , and fabulous history . though some men , and baronius amongst others , find fault with dio , because he was not favorable to christianity , i think it not worthy to be considered , since he is to be esteemed as a pagan author , who was not like to uphold a religion contrary to that which he professed . it is true that speaking of the victories of marcus aurelius , he attributes to the magick art , of one arnuphis an aegyptian , rather than to the prayers of the christians , the miraculous rain , which fell in favour of the romans , and the strange tempests , which afflicted the army of the quadi , whom the learned cluverius takes , for the present moravians . but is it a wonder , in things subject to various interpretations , as are ordinarily such prodigies , that dio , an idolatrous historian , should not give the same judgment , as a believer ? and that he spake otherwise of them , than tertullian , eusebius , paulus diaconus , and some others have done ? his stile is by pho●ius , put into the rank of the most elevated , being extraordinarly raised by the loftiness of his thoughts . his discourse , saies he , is full of phrases , which resemble the antient construction or syntaxis , and his expression answers the greatness of the matter he treats of . his periods are often interrupted with parentheses , and he uses many hyperbates , or transitions , which are very troublesome when they are not used artificially after his manner . but one thing is very remarkable , that though his language is very numerous , and adjusted according to art , yet it appears to be so little laboured , that the reader does in no wise perceive the care that has been taken in it , because it is so clear and intelligible , that every one presupposes as much facility in the composition , as there is in the reading . he seems to have imitated thucydides , whom he follows , especially in his narratives , and orations : but he has the advantage over him , not to be reproached with obscurity : in all else thucydides is the pattern , by which he copies with all sort of circumspection . this is the judgment photius gives of him , who is much more creditable in this point , than sigonius , that to say something of his own , long since thought on , accuses dio of being too asiatick , and so prolix in his orations , that he is troublesome to his readers . the world must be left to their liberty of thinking , according to the law of the romans , populo libera sunto suffragia . yet i conceive , for what relates to language , the surest way is to leave that to those to whom it is natural , and who have sucked it with their milk , rather than to strangers , who are much more subject to be mistaken . besides dio's history , and his little treatises before mentioned , it seems that suidas ascribes to him , some other compositions , as the life of the philosopher arrianus , the action of trajan , and certain itineraries . raphael volaterranus makes him besides , author of three books , intituled de principe , and some small treatises of morality . we must also observe , that there have been many dio's of great repute ; and one amongst the rest , who lived an age before dio cassius , in the same emperor trajans time . this is he , who for his eloquence , had the surname of chrysostomus , who was of prussia , and by consequence of bithynia , as well as the other , and for whom trajan had so particular a love , that he often honoured him with a place by him in his ch●riot . these two dions are distinguished , by their professions , as well as their surnames . the first , according to the times they lived in , was an oratour , and phisopher , the second , an historian , and statesman , such as we have represented him in this section . reflections upon the history of herodian . the history of herodian ( as most of those we have already mentioned ) receives its commendation , from the merit of its author . he declares at the beginning of his first book , that he will only write of the affairs of his own time , which he himself hath seen , or understood from creditable persons ; for which he was very competent , because of the publick imployments that he exercised , for he might justly boast , to have passed through the principal charges of the state. about the end of his second book , he acquaints us ) before he begins to write of the life of septimius severus , which contains all the third book ) that his history in general shall comprehend the space of seventy years , and treat of the government of all the emperors , which succeeded one another , during that time , that is , from the reign of marcus aurelius antoninus the philosopher , to that of the younger gordianus grandchild of the former , which some , with julius capitolinus , reckon to be the third of that name . his eighth book , which is the last of his work , ends with the unworthy slaughter of the two old men balbinus , and pupienus , whom he calls maximus , committed on them by the praetorian souldiers , to advance the forementioned gordianus junior to the throne . photius writes of his stile , that he has writ in an air so much the more cleer and agreeable , in that he has not too much affected the attick terms ; but so tempered his phrase , that his discourse is heightned above the lower form of oration : and as there is nothing superfluous in his writings , so it cannot be said , that he has omitted things necessary or useful to be known : and he adds ( to compleat his elogium of him ) that considering all the virtues of an historian , there are few authors to whom herodian ought to subscribe . we have observed in the preceding sections , that he hath , as well as dion cassius , informed us of the pagan ceremonies , used at the consecration of their emperors . it is in the beginning of his fourth book , where he so well represents to us all the funeral honours , rendered to the ashes of severus ( which his children had transported from england , in an alablaster chest ) that it is hard to see any where , any thing more exact , and more instructive . he tells us how they were put into an urne , with the general adoration of the senate and the people , and carried by the consuls to the temple , where the sacred monuments of their emperors were preserved , and then proceeding to describe the funeral pomp , he informs us , that his effigies in wax , all cloathed in robes of gold , was placed at the gate of his palace on an iv●ry bed , elevated from the ground , and magnificently adorned : where seven daies together the senators clothed in black , and the roman ladies all in white ( without any other ornaments ) came to pay their respects , taking their places , the women on the right , and the men on the left side of the bed , all appearing with very mournful countenances . he observes also , that the physitians came duly to visit this representation of the emperor , making formal approaches to the bed , as if he were alive , and declaring that his sickness grew daily worse and worse ; so true it is that this world is a continual comedy . after this time was passed over , the most considerable of the youth , and the knights , carried the same bed on their shoulders , first to the great market places , where the magistrates of rome used to surrender their charges ; and there a chorus of young men on one side , and virgins on the other , sung hymns to the praise of the dead emperor : from thence they proceeded to the campus martius , which was out of the town , where the bed , and effigies , were placed in a large square tabernacle of wood , resembling and elevated , to the height of one of those towers , upon which lights are placed on the sea coasts , to direct mariners to avoid the dangers of rocky shores , whereof he makes such exact descriptions , both as to the exterior and interior ornament , and the several stories of it , that any one may easily thereby comprehend the manner of the structure . in the next place he writes that the roman knights made their horses run round about the tabernacle in certain orderly motions , which were at that time called motus pyrrhichii , and in orbicular revolutions . and at the same time there were a certain number of chariots , filled with persons which represented the most qualified men of the empire , which also went in a kind of procession , round the great machine , till the next successor of the emperor , first took a torch in his hand , and with it kindled some combustible matter , made for that purpose at the bottom of it , and then in a little time all that s●perbe edifice was consumed in flames , and at the same time they let an eagle fly , which the pagan superstition of that age believed , was to carry away the soul of the deceased . herodian used direct o●ations in all his history . as in the first book we have that of marcus antoninus to his friends , a little before his death : with another which commodus delivered to his souldiers ( whilst he was yet very young ) to gain ●heir affections to him . and his eighth book does as it were conclude , with that speech which maximus made in the middle of his army , a little before he marched with it to rome : and all his other books are filled with the like discourses , which are leaning to the form of declamation ; and which without any difficulty he continually used as occasion offered ; as may be seen by that letter which macrinus writ from antioch , to the senate and roman people , in the beginning of his fifth book . he did not moreover avoid digressions in his compositions . there is one in his first book , on the occasion of that idol of the mother of the gods , which the romans caused to be brought from phrygia ; after having related that the stone , all ingraved as it was into the form of the image , fell down from heaven , in the field of pesinunta , and made the ship that carried it stop at the mouth of tyber , till a vestal in proof of her virginity had drawn it out with her cincture : and he gives no other reason for the sacrifices , which the eunuchs celebrated to such a divinity , and many other fables which depended thereon ( in this whole diversion ) than that , writing in greek , he thought it might be acceptable to his country-men , to be informed of the theology of the latins , whereof few of them had any knowledg . julius capitolinus mentions herodian , in the life of clodius albinus , as a good historian , but accuses him nevertheless , in his two maximins , to have favoured one , in hatred of alexander severus , whose memory was displeasing to him . he did indeed commend the clemency and mild disposition of that prince , who reigned fourteen years , without any effusion of blood ; and without taking away the life of any one , otherwise than by the ordinary course of justice , which he remarks as a virtue very rare , and without example , since antoninus philosophus . as to the empress mammea ( who is proposed by some , as a pattern to those to whom the education of such princes , which they shall have brought into the world , may appertain ) he by no means approved of her government ; sometimes he described her as an avaritious person , that invaded the possessions of many persons , by evil and fraudulent means , and saies , she was for that reason hated by her son. and then he represents her to be so proud , that she could not endure her daughter in law augusta , impatient to have the title of empress given to any but her self , but banished her into affrick , after having caused her father to be put to death , against the consent of the emperor ; because he made publick complaints of the wrongs , he , and the young empress augusta his daughter had endured by the cruelty of the same mammea : nor was she less injurious to her son , who , when he regretted the defeat of a roman army , which was too far advanced in to the country of the parthians , could not but impute the dishonor of it to her , who on pretext of her care , which perswaded him not to hazard his person , was thereby the occasion of the loss of that army , and all the reproach and infamy that attended it . not does herodian assign any other cause of the death of both the mother , and the son , who were assassinated by the souldiers , than the hatred they had conceived against mammea , because of her insatiable avarice and shameless parcimony , whereby maximinus was advanced to the empire . lampridius also , after having called mammea a pious woman , does not refrain from arraigning the impudence of her avarice , for amassing together all the gold and silver she could gather . and when he relates the ass●ssinate of alexander severus , he saies , that prince was grievously reproached by his murtherers , with the covetousness of his mother . and sextus aurelius victor declines not , to have it pronounced to that unfortunate emperor , at the last moment of his life ; that the same person which gave it to him , was the cause of his death . and he adds that mammea had reduced her son to that extremity , by her frugal humour , that the meat which was untouched at the table one day , was saved to be served to it the day following , to content her , though at best it was but meanly furnished . but though herodian justly blamed mummea , for her ill conduct in the matter of government of the state , he very much commends her care for the instruction of her son , excluding from him all depraved persons , and especially those pests of courts , which flatter the bad inclinations of princes ; and thereby pe●vert their nature , and immediately vitia●e their understandings : she would let none approach him , that were not virtuous in their lives , and of approved behaviour : and so discreetly regulated his time , that it was chiefly occupied , in imployments worthy of him , not permitting any leisure for indecent actions , which are begotten and nourished by idleness , as their proper aliment . certainly these wise precautions cannot be sufficiently prised , and do well deserve those commendations which are ascribed to this unhappy princess . nor was her vigilance , and the great pains she took , to preserve her son from so vile a monster as heli●gabalus ( who tried alwaies , to deprive him of his life ) less praise worthy , as our historian observes . and lampridius , who , as it was before hinted , commended her piety of life ; adds to it , that never any prince was better educated , than alexander severus , in all the exercises of peace and war , by the excellent masters she provided for him . and he finishes his discourse of the life of that emperor , in saying he was of a very good disposition , being the son of a most virtuous mother . zosimus relates that the animosity of the souldiery , against mammea and her son , proceeded from her favour to vlpian the famed lawyer , preferring him above the captian of the emperors guards , which is no small proof of the zeal she had , to maintain the laws . the chronologer cassiodorus reports , that the piety and respect which alexander had for his mother mammea , made him to be beloved by all men . but eusebius has surpassed all others in her commendation , extolling her to be a lady of virtue and piety , in a more religious sense than that of cassiodorus , and equal to , if not exceeding therein , all the women of her time , and he improves that his good opinion of her to us ; because of her sending for origen from antioch , to confer with him of the misteries of christianity . what shall we then conclude of the bad reports which herodian writes of her , may we not believe , with julius capitolinus , that as he was displeased with the government of alexander severus , he for that reason arraigned the qualities of his mother , or rather that in a mixture of virtues and vices wherewith mammea was taxed , he would suppress neither of them , to acquit himself the better of the duty of an historian ; which last i take to be the most equitable opinion . though we consider herodian in this place , but as an historian , suidas informs us that he writ many other books , which are not preserved to our time . he was originally a grammarian of alexandria , and lived in the three hundredth year of christ , the son of one apollonius , surnamed difficilis of the same profession : and perhaps it is for this reason that ammianus marcellinus calls him , artium minutissimum sciscitatorem . however , he passed the best part of his life at rome , in the courts of the emperors , where he had the means to inform himself ( with that curiosity which appears in his writings ) of many excellent particulars , which are no where else to be found . reflections upon the history of zosimus . they who with sigonius make no distinction , between the historian zosimus , and two or three others of the same name , commit in my opinion an inexcusable fault . for suidas names two ; the first an alexandrian , that had , amongst other his works , writ the life of plato ; and the second , of gaza , or ascalon , who commented upon the writings of demosthenes , and lysias , in the time of the emperor anastasius . we ought not therefore to confound this last zosimus , with the historian , who ( as evagrius expressly affirms , in his invective against him ) lived under theodosius the younger . neither do i know , why we should take the alexandrian for the same historian , their writings being quite different , and the quality of count , and advocate of the treasury wherewith the last was dignified , was not attributed to the other by suidas , who gives him only the title of philosopher . balthasar bonifacius would have it , that the historian zosimus wrot a chymical book of the transmutation of metals , which he heard was kept in that excellent library royal of paris : but he is mistaken in his conjecture , for the manuscript he mentions , which i have examined , is of one zosimus , who stiles himself panopolitanus , and is indeed a counterfeit name ; a practise usual among chymists , who delight so to deceive one another , by writings , which they ascribe falsly , sometimes to democritus , sometimes to zosimus , and sometimes to others , to give them the better authority . but the history of zosimus has no resemblance to those compositions . if we may believe photius , it may have some affinity , with eunapius his history of the caesars , which zosimus is said to have meerly abridged , so great a likeness there was between one and the other , except in those places where stilico was concerned , whose reputation zosimus did not defame as eunapius did ; whereof we might more particularly relate , if the venetians had made publick the manuscript , which we are assured they have of eun●pius his history . zosimus as evagrius reports left in his history in six books , whereof the first comprehends all the caesars from augustus to probus , and was by the author continued to diocletian ; but the matter is so contracted and succinct that nothing thing can be more : the five other books are larger , especially when he comes to the time of theodosius the g●eat , and of his children arcadius and honorius , because he then writ of what he had seen . he goes but a little beyond the siege which alaricus laid to rome ; and the occasions of division which some sowed between honorius and him . and indeed we have but the beginning of the sixth book , the end being lost . but i know not upon what authority sigonius builds , to assert that there was a seventh book of zosimus his history , which was also lost , since photius mentions but six , and no other person saies any thing of a seventh . we hinted before , that there was an invective of evagrius against zosimus , which may be seen more at large in nicephorus callistus , photius saies indeed that he barks like a dog , at those of our christian belief . and few christian authors , till leunclavius who translated his history into latin , made any apology for him : to say the truth although this learned german defends him very pertinently in many things , showing that they were to blame to require of a pagan historian , as zosimus was , other thoughts than those he exposed ; or that he should refrain from discovering the vices of the first christian emperors , since he also had not concealed their virtues : nevertheless it may be said , that , in many places , he expressed more animosity , in that behalf , than the laws of history do permit . yet i think , he had reason to reproach constantin , of that imposition of chrysargyr or glisteting gold , which anastasius afterwards removed , and that his duty obliged him to arraign his luxury and prodigality : nor was it a fault to have accused him , of having made his wife fausta to be smothered in too hot a stove , after he had commanded through jealousie his own son crispus to be put to death : perhaps eusebius writing in this constantine's time , or at the latest in that of his son constantius , durst not publish such bold truths , as it happens to those who expose any relations , wherein the governing powers are interessed . nor is it unknown , that constantine committed several other actions worthy of blame . he repealed from exile the arch haeretick arrius , to gratify his sister constantia ; and banisht s t athanasius to tryers , to the great prejudice of christianity . but nevertheless zosimus cannot be excused , who as much as in him lay , made an ill interpretation of all the actions of this prince : who made himself a christian , if you believe him , only because he was told , that paganism had no faculty to wash away so many crimes as he had committed ; and therefore he resolved by the advice of a certain aegyptian , to imbrace the christian religion , which promised an absolution of all sorts of offences . but this assumption is as if zosimus had penetrated into the inward thoughts of constantine , and all those graces with which his soul might be filled , by the liberality of heaven . moreover , when he speaks of the differences he had with his brother in law licinius , he laies all the blame on him , as one that never kept his word . and he is not content to say , that constantin caused him to be strangled in thessalonica , violating thereby his faith given to the wise of this unhappy person ; but it was his usual stile , to take hold of all occasions to blast his reputation to the world . and yet it is not on the subject of constantin alone , that his passion is seen against christianity . he attributes the fall of the roman empire , to the contempt of the ancient pagan religion , and principally to their neglecting in diocletian's time , the celebration of the secular plays . and to the misfortunes which happened to gratian , he assigns no other cause , than his refu●●l as a christian , to be the pontifex maximus of the gentils , for which even constantin , saies he , had no aversion . when theodosius exhorted the roman senate , to quite the worship of idols , declaring , that he would no more go to the charge of sacrifices ; he put this answer into the mouths of all the senators , that there was no reason to oblige them to abandon a religion , wherein they had prospered , during twelve hundred years , to follow an unreasonable faith , to which it was intended they should be compelled . the injurious description of the monathal order , which he said , did appropriate to its self all the wealth of the nation , under a pretext of making the poor partake of it , is no small proof of his animosity . he called that olympius , an hypocrite , and wicked man , who was the cause of the ruine of stilico , as well to make him alwaies pass for innocent , as because the other was a christian of great esteem , as may be seen by two letters , which saint augustin writ to him . in fine , no person , in my opinion , ought to believe him ; when he does not only represent s t john chrysostome , as a seducer of the people ; but affirms that pope innocent the first , whom he names 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ur●is episcopum , permitted pagan sacrifices to be made , for the safety of rome , whilst alaricus besieged it . zosimus his aversion to christians will be less wondered at , when one considers what deference he had , to all the superstitions of idolatry , which made him tell many tales ; that i should think unworthy of history , if i had not already observed , that the like are found even in those , who have writ with the greatest reputation . in the first book , after the taking of zenobia by aurelian , he re●ites the oracles , and shews the podigies , which did forerun the ruine , of the palm●renians her subjects . and in a famine towards the rhine , he makes corn enough to fall from heaven to make bread , and by that means render the legions of the emperor probus victorious . the fable of that vaelesius , who was warned by a voice , to sacrifice to ceres , and proserpina , is seen in his second book : and in the fourth he alledges , that the sacrifices offered to achilles by one nestorius , defended athens , and all the athenian territory from a great earth-quake , after the death of valentinian . in the fifth , he pretends that the same city was again saved , by the apparition of that hero , and of minerva who pacified the mind of alaricus , which i leave to the learn●d baronius to refute . he mentions two statues , one of jupiter , and the other of that daughter of his , to be miraculously preserved from a fire , happening in arcadius his reign , in constantinople : and all the misfortunes which overwhelmed the house of s●ilico , to proceed from the imprecations of a vestal , because his wife serena had the temerity to adorn her self , with one of rhea's attires for the head ; and also because she took her collar , the impiety was punisht with a cord , wherewith serena being strangled , suffered death in that part which seemed to be most culpable . may it not then be reasonable to avouch , that infidelity has made zosimus write many things , either in favour of his altars whose destruction he was unwilling to see , or against ours which he could not indure , to the prejudice of his history : and that we might be therefore induced to despise it , if it did not contain some curious matters , which are not learned elsewhere . and it is certain that laying aside the excess of sharpness and animosity , which he showed against the first christian emperors , it is injustice to take it ill , that he noted their defects , when he omitted not , as hath been said , to praise their virtues , as may be seen , in what he expressed , both of theodosius , and constantine . was he not obliged in duty , to reproach the children of the last , with their strange cruelties , in spilling the blood of their nearest relations ? and can we think it strange , that he should exhibit the successours of the first in their lively colours ? arcadius , to make the same allusion , which leunclavius used , was a true animal of arcadia . his brother honorius was no better : and both miserably possest by women , and eunuchs , who abused their authority , and were the cause of so many disgraces in the roman empire , that its ruin has not a more certain epoche , th●● the time of their dominion . zosimus had then been faulty , if he had not instructed us in all this , and they are much to blame , who bear him an ill will for having done it . his stile is recommendable , in the judgment of photius , for its purity , and that agreeable sweetness , which ordinarily accompanies that which is writ intelligibly . his sentences are short , and his phrase concise , as they ought to have been , since he brought into a narrower compass , what others had more diffusedly exposed before him . it is also for this reason , that photius observes his language to have rarely had any figures , which are not proper to the manner of writing that he used . he likewise refrained from orations , and all those ornaments which only become high eloquence : and we cannot but acknowledg , that he is no way comparable to those first historians which we have already examined . reflections upon the history of procopius . procopius was a person of great fame in the reign of justinian the emperor , he was secretary of belisarius , all the time when that renowned general was imploied in the wars of persia , affrick , and italy ; and described the actions of many of them . he was both an oratour and a rhetorician , and no mean historian . his history contains eight books , two , of the persian war , epitomized by photius in the sixty third chapter of his bibliotheca : two , of the wars of the vandals : and four , of that of the goths : of all which there is a kind of compendium , in the preface of agathias , who began his history , where procopius left . but besides these eight books , suidas mentions a ninth , which comprehends matters not before published , and he calls it his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or inedita , which is an invective against justinian and his wife theodora : and those inedita were by vossius thought to be lost ; though there have been of late some editions of them , as will hereafter appear . he is said , to have used in his history , both oblique and direct orations , and all such as he believed , might make him approach the method and manner of the ancients ; yet he , as well as zosimus , came far short of them . that which induces me to put him in the rank of the precedent , is , that i conceive , he may pass , with agathias who follows next , for the two last pagan historians that have writ in greek , of whom in our time there remains any thing considerable . i know that many take him for a christian author : and that in some passages of his works , especially in the treatise he made of the edifices of justinian , he speaks like the christians of his time . but there are other passages in his writings , so contrary to that doctrine ; and the opinion of those that believe he is an ethnick , is founded upon such strong considerations , that i cannot but yeild to it . for not insisting upon his seeming in many places , to esteem fortune a great goddess : and not minding the strange antimosity which he shewed against justinian , grounded partly upon the interest of religion : that place alone in his first book of the wars of the goths , where he speaks of the ambassadors which the emperor sent to the bishop of rome , to reconcile the different opinions of christians , is sufficient to undeceive those who considered him as a christian historian . i will not trouble my self , saies he , to relate the subject of such controversies ; ( although it is not unknown to me ) because i hold it a meer folly to covet to comprehend the divine nature , and understand what god is . human wit knows not the things here below , how then can it be satisfied in the search after divinity ? i led alone therefore such vain matter , and which the credulity of man only causes to be respected ; contenting my self with acknowledging , that there is one god full of bounty , who governs us , and whose power stretches over this whole universe . let every one therefore believe what he thinks fit , whether he be a priest and tyed to divine worship , or a man of a private and secular condition . how could he more plainly deride all our theology , and the zeal of the fathers of the church , who were then busied in suppressing the heresie of the arrians , in what relates to the second person of the trinity ? his discourse expresses him to be a perfect deist , who thought , as many other philosophers have done ( and amongst the rest that melissus in hesychius ) that one could determin nothing of god but rashly , and that it was impossible to have any knowledg of him . how can it be imagined , that such a man was a christian , who founded his whole belief of heavenly matters upon such erronious maxims ? if we add to this , the marks of pagan superstition which appear in all his books , we shall be hardly able to distinguish him from the most profane of the gentils . the tale he tells in the first book of the persian war , of the artifice used by some of the magi , to make one arsaces confess the truth , is of this strain . they covered one half of a borded floor with persian earth , and the other with armenian , and both of them conjured in such a sort , that when arsaces was upon the last half which was that covered with his country earth , he confessed all that he had denied upon the other . in the following book , he relates that some military ensigns turned of themselves , from the west to the east , presaging thereby the calamity wherein the inhabitants of antioch fell . he makes king genzerich , in the first book of the war of the vandals , to understand by the flight of an eagle upon the head of martianus , that he should be one day emperor . and he reports , that attila ready to quit the siege of aquileia , staied his enterprise upon seeing a stork carry its young ones out of the city . and in the same book he relates one of his dreams , which was the most vain that sleep could form ; and yet to testify how much he relyed on it , he confesses that nothing but that made him resolve on his sea voyage with belisarius . nor are his writings concerning the war with the goths , less exempt from such like superstition ; wherein he makes a jew foretel , by thirty hogs the ruin of the goths in italy : and constantin bury in the chief market-place of the city ( which bears his name ) that renowned palladium of aeneas , purposely transported thither from rome . which wild relations have no conformity with the purity of christian religion . but since we have mentioned something of that ill will procopius bore to justinian , which he made so visible in his anecdota , it is expedient to examin that work a little ; because it is the place from whence , those who pretend to defame this emperor , have alwaies collected their detractions . if we make it apparent that procopius was much to blame , in writing so defamatory a satyr against his soveraign , to gratify his passion ; we shall at the same time render those aspersions inconsiderable , which others have cast upon his reputation . the word anecdota imports that it was a secret work , and that the author thereof had no mind to be known . he is judged to have composed it , in the two and thirtieth year of the empire of justinian , and left it imperfect , as well because he repented that he was so far transported , as for the satisfaction he received in his stipend ( which was then paid him ) and many other favours which he obtained . he had complained in several places before that one , that the salaries of such serviceable men as he were detained : and it was an insupportable grief unto him , to see himself excluded from those honorable places and imployments above thirty years , to which others were admitted , whose desert he thought no way equal to his . lastly having been belisarius his secretary , during all the wars of persia , affrick , and italy ( as it was before mentioned ) he was received into the number of the senators : attained unto the quality of illustrious , which was given to few men : and to compleat his dignity the emperor made him prefect of new rome , where all offices were inferiour to his . in the mean time his book of anecdota remained ; suidas makes mention of it , and they who for divers considerations have been animated aganst the memory of justinian , made use of it and alledged the matters in it to his prejudice : it was not long since printed with expositions and comments ( as bad as the text they explain ) others besides my self have already indeavoured to confute the absurdities of it ; but it shall suffice to sho● summarily , that all which procopius has writ of history will prove ridiculous , if never so little credit be given to the calumnies of this piece . he protests in the beginning of the first book of the persian war , that he cannot be reasonably reproached of writing any thing for favour , or to oblige the undeserving ; nor of refraining to speak the truth to spare a friend : and acknowledges in the same place , that as eloquence is the object of rhetorick , and fable that of poetry ; the knowledg of truth is the only end of history . after this declaration what can be said in his excuse , for having represented justinian in his history , as a mighty and most virtuous prince , and in this libel rendred him the most infamous and vicious of men ? the fear of offending the soveraign powers which is thereupon alledged , cannot qualify such a shameful diversity , nor reconcile so manifest a contradiction . and procopius is at the same time convinced of having trespassed , against the two most important laws of history , whereof one forbids the writing of lies , and the other , concealing of a truth which ought to be discovered . but for a better understanding of this matter it may not be impertinent to proceed to some particulars . it is certain that procopius ever made very honourable mention of justinian , and his wife theodora in his history , although he did it not so often as he might . in the second book of the war against the persians , he extols the emperor for providence joined with singular l●iety , on the subject of that great pestilence which passed from aegypt to constantinople , where he used all possible means to allay it . and in his six narrations of the edifices of the same justinian , he incessantly celebrates his greatness of courage , his devotion , liberality , clemency , and magnificence . that monastery of penitent women , whom the empress theodora withdrew from vice , gives him occasion to commend her zeal and charity jointly with her husbands , although he recounts the action otherwise in his anecdota . but he has remembred this lady in many places of his history with great titles of honour . when a councel was held to resist the enterprises of hipatius ( who had caused himself to be proclaimed emperor in constantinople ) he makes her argue so generously that , as he affirms , nothing infused so much courage into the whole imperial councel , as her heroical resolution . and when he describes the ill conditions of that johannes of cappadocia who was turned out of his office of praefect of the praetorate , he saies , he was so indiscreet and rash , as to slander the empress theodora even in the presence of justinian , whom he there stiles a very discreet lady . and though he did not praise her in other places of his history , he never blamed her . in the end of the second book of the persian war , he mentions her death , but does not speak ill of her . and in the third treating of the war of the goths , he again remembers her decease , which happened at the same time that belisaerius sent his wife antonina to court , to forward his affairs there by the favour of the empress , which he relates without using the least invective against her . but let us now see the reverse of the medal , and with how many different colours he draws the picture of justinian and theodora , in that extravagant satyr which we complain of . to render this prince the more odious , he will have him resemble domitiaen in his outward form , whose memory was so much abhorred , that by a decree of the senate of rome , his statues wear beat down through the whole empire , and his name razed out of the publick inscriptions . but though he is constrained in the comparison he makes of these two monarchs , to confess that justinian was not ill-favoured , yet he likens him in one place to an ass , not only for his dulness and sottishness , but also in respect of his wagging ears , which made him be called in a full theatre 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say master ass , by those of the prasine faction whereto he was an enemy ; according to the observation of nicalacis alemannus , who lately caused these anecdota to be printed with historical notes of the same kind . moreover he makes him a prince , that condemned upon the first , and very light information without hearing ; and would coldly and without any remorse , order the razing of places , the sacking of cities , and the desolation of provinces . the love of women , he saies , transported him beyond all bounds ; and he was an irreconcilable enemy . he also accuses him to make a show of being a christian , but that in his heart he esteemed the heathen duities . his prodigality ( he writes ) especially in building , forced him to ase strange exactions , so that besides the extraordinary tolls , he drew from the prefect of his tribunal of justice , a tribute , which he himself called in a scoffing manner an airy lap , because it had no other foundation than his covetous and tyrannical humour . his light mind was susceptible of all impressions except humanity . he never kept his word , but when it was to his advantage : and was so transported with flattery , that nothing made him affect tribonianus so much , as hearing of him once say , that he feared his extream piety would make heaven steal him from the earth on a sudden , and when it was least thought of . lastly , it seemed , if this character of him was true , that nature had took pleasure to instil into the soul of this monarch , all the defects which are capable to defame the rest of mankind . and the more easily to betray those they had a mind to ruin , his empress and he laid this snare , they feigned to be alwaies at discord , so that the one to compass their design , sided with those of the blew livery , the other openly favoured the contrary party namely the green , which were the two factions of that time . they were both of them so impious saies this detractor , that many persons to insinuate themselves into their esteem , seemed to be wicked and have all their inclinations bent to vice . and amongst those who knew them so well as procopius , they passed for no other than devils incarnate , and true furies invested with humanity , more conveniently to infest human kind , incense nations one against the other , and turn all the world upside down . it is certain , as he pretends , that the mother of justinian often confessed , that he was not begotten by her husband sabbatius , but an incubus who lay with her . and as for theodora , they who loved her while she was a comedian , reported that demons or nocturnal spirits often forced them from her , to take their places in her bed . that part of the book which for shame was cut off , from the one and fortieth , and two and fortieth pages of the printed anecdota , was sent to me from rome , wherein procopius renders this woman author of actions so strangely incontinent , that i think no body has reason to envy the vatican library the original entire , and that such abominations were never heard off . but let this that has been writ , suffice for a brief description of justinian and theodora , acco●●●ng to the lineaments wherein procopius has represented them , in that infamous work which discred is all the rest we have of his . i shall not inlarge on what nicephorus bartholus , johannes faber , gennadius , and several others have written of justinian , who report that he was ranked amongst the saints , assigning even the calends of august for his holy day . but though he and his empress had been the most vicious persons in the world , procopius ought not to have been so unlike to himself , and so unfaithful to truth , as to speak of them so as he did , overthrowing the faith of his history in his book of antidota : and that of anecdota , in his treatise of the edifices of justinian , which is the last of his works . but without undertaking to refute so many calumnies , what appearance is there to accuse this emperor of cruelty , after he had given the world a proof of his clemency , by his gentle usage not only of the vandal kings , but of vi●ges , and gilimer , those very subjects who had conspired against his person and government . johannes de cappadocia his prefect , and the valiant captain artaban● convicted of perfidiousness , escaped with imprisonment only , and the last in a short time was restored to his offices , and the favour of that prince , from whom he would have taken both life and empire . i know that he is reproached for having been too severe to belisarius . yet we read nothing of it in procopius , who in all likelihood would not have concealed it . agathias writes plainly that those who envied this great captain , were the cause that his services were not worthily rewarded , without speaking one word either of the condemnation , or confiscation of his goods . gregory of tours alledges , that justinian was necessitated to substitute in his place the eunuch norses in italy , because he was too often defeated there by the french , adding that to humble him , the emperor reduced him to his first place of consta le , which could not be so considerable at constantinople , aa it was not long since in france . some , but petty writers of no authority , affirm that being reduced to extream misery , he was forced to beg ; but that must be accounted as a fable : and on the contrary we may observe in his person the bounty of his prince , who having heaped riches and honours on him , never treated him worse , although endeavours were thrice used to render him suspected of designing to be master of the state. it is also strange that he upbraids justinian with his buildings , who writ a book purposely in their commendation , and who describing the lofty structure of so many churches , hospitals , and monasteries , did no less admire the piety , than the magnificence of their founder . evagrius attributes unto him the reparation or re-establishment of a hundred and fifty cities ; but i see no reason for this to be imputed to his disadvantage . nor has the love of women , for which his reputation is blemished , any better foundation . for though he may be blamed , for having ingaged himself so far in the affection of theodora , as to extort from his predecessor justin , new laws in favour of actresses , that she might be qualified to marry him ; we cannot therefore accuse him , like procopius , for having abandoned his thoughts to women , without specifying any particulars , when neither his own history , or any other mentions those ladies to whom he was so passionately addicted ; and who doubtless would have prevailed on his weakness , if he had been so fond on that side , as the anecdota would make it be believed . i could not forbear to manifest in some sort , the absurdity of these two or three heads of accusation , by which one may judge of the rest , though they were not confuted either by themselves , or by what we had observed before we proposed them . i must nevertheless , add this only word on the subject of the stupidity of justinian , that though he had wagging ears as the satyr applies to him , he was never so blockish as he represents him . the truth is , a fault which was committed a a hundred and fifty years ago , by one chalcondylius that then printed suidas by a corrupt copy , where the name of justinian passed for that of justin , with the surname of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an illiterat man , which even procopius attributes only to the last , who could not so much as write his name ; has made worthy men mistake : amongst which alciatus and budaeus , when upon this false authority , which all the vatican manuscripts contradict , they ranked justinian with the most ignorant princes that ever were . i was curious to see in the king of france his library , three other manuscripts of snidas which are there , to assure me of the mistake which happened in that impression : two of the best account were very correct , and ascribe this ignorance to justin alone ( who was known to be a mean keeper of oxen , before he bore arms by which he attained to the empire ) but the third was false , and in that justinian was called justin , which shews that the impression before mentioned probably followed a copy , as erronious as the printed book . in the mean time it is notorious , that justinian had made a great progress in learning , under his tutor the abbot theophilus . many books are ascribed unto him by isidorus and others . cassiodorus his letters stile him most learned . and this observation has been also made , that many crowned heads at the same time made profession of philosophy , chosroes in persia , the unfortunate theodahatus in italy , and our justinian at constantinople ; which plainly discovers the injury that is done him , by those tearms of stupid and ignorant . though procopius is to blame for having yeilded so much , to his particular resentments against justinian , the reading of his history is of great moment , because we can learn from no other , what he delivers as an eye-witness , of the wars of this emperor in persia , of the vandals in affrick , and of the goths in italy . it was that which made leonard aretin commit the crime of a plagiary ( for we have no other tearm to signifie that sort of theft ) when he had a mind to publish their history in latin. for being not able to learn almost any thing of them elsewhere , he resolved to translate the three books of procopius into the roman language ; dividing them into four by making two of the last , and rescinding in some places , what he judged less important to his country , and adding something in others ; as the burning of the capitol by totilas , by whom as procopius affirms , so much of rome was not consumed by fire , as aretin reports . in the mean time he is contented to say in his preface , that he used some forreign commentaries , or greek relations , not naming the person of whom he is meerly a bad translater , by an affected forgetfulness which cannot be too much condemned . we have already in our foregoing sections , exclaimed upon those who counterfeit authors , ascribing books to persons that never thought upon making of them . and certainly it is a great point of infidelity thus to deceive as much as one can even all mankind : but as this vice is very great , i find that of a plagiary which is the contrary , and takes away instead of giving , to be much the more shameful : because there is nothing more vile or infamous than to steal , and they who apply to themselves other mens labours , confess their own inability to produce something of value . but to return to procopius , he was acquainted under belisarius , with almost all the secrets of state of that age , which renders his history of great weight . but the excessive zeal which he has for this general , makes bodin amongst others , accuse him of too much partiality towards him . thus eginard is reproved for having alwaies flattered charlemagne ; eusebius , constantine ; paulus jovius , cosmodi medici ; sandoual charles the fifth ; and several others , the princes whom they affected to oblige at the expence of truth . it is certain that procopius never speaks but to the advantage of belisarius ; he illustrates all his actions , and rather chuses to suppress a part of the successes which he recites , than to write any thing which might any waies blemish the reputation of his hero. i shall produce one single instance , and such a one that i think is not to be marched in any other historian , the place is in his second book of the war of the vandals , where , after the oration of belisarius to his souldiers , and two others of his adversary stozas ; procopius writes that the troops of the former revolting , forced their chiefs to retire into a temple where they were all killed . he was obliged in reason to signifie thereupon what became of belisarius , who one would think was massacred with the rest . but because it was an unhappy event , without telling how he came off ; procopius adds only , that justinian upon this ill news dispatched away his nephew germanus , who came and took possession of the command of the armies in affrick ; and not saying the least word of belisarius , he makes his narration so lame that the reader knows not where he is . the latin text is a little deffective here , having not all which is read in the greek , yet this fault we speak of appears also in that version . this puts me in mind of another place , in the second book also of the war of the goths , where upon a meer letter of belisarius to theodebert king of france , he quits the pursuit of his victories in italy , and returns hastily into his country . he acknowledged his fault , saies he , and his temerity , as soon as he had read the letter of belisarius , returning with all speed to france : as if this powerful monarch came thither like a raw schollar , without having well considered what he did ; and the rhetorick of belisarius had obliged him and all his councel , to absent themselves for want of a reply . certainly there is a great defect of judgment in this passage , and aretin had reason to supply something of his own in this place , saying that hunger and want of victuals made the victorious french return into their countries . he might have added sickness , according to the relation of gregory of tours who speaks of this retreat . i find moreover , that our historian makes theodebert author of an action , which does not agree with what he had said a little before of him , namely that the french were the men of the world , who violated their faith the most ; when the letter of belisarius , which upbraids that prince with nothing else but not observing treaties , had nevertheless such power over him . an author of more judgment would not have said so , nor have rashly offended a whole nation , with the like animosity wherewith the romans declaim against the greek and punick faith , at the same time when they themselves were the most unfaithful , that ever had been , to all nations of the world. i must , before i leave that place where procopius spoke so ill of the french , do the nation reason , by remarking with how much malice and absurdity , he makes them in the same place , become masters of the camp of the goths , and of that of the grecians romanized , as it were by a surprize , although they exceeded the number of a hundred thousand : as if their army descended from heaven upon the heart of italy , like grashoppers , which a boysterous tempest of wind transports sometimes , from one region to another . but since we reprove him of having been too partial , let us stop here the course of the zeal , which we have for our ancestours , that it may not be judged excessive . to conclude , i think that procopius deserves to be read attentively , especially in consideration of the things which he alone treats of with an exact knowledge . and that besides a great discretion is to be used in reading of him , to discern the good things from the bad , and the defects , whereof we have produced examples , from what he has writ more judiciously . he was of caesarea in palaestine , from whence he came to constantinople , in the time of the emperour anastasius , whose esteem he obtained , as well as that of justin the first , and justinian . suidas after he had given him the surname of ilustrious , calls him rhetorician and sophister , as truly he seems to have been to much for an historian . he is diffused , but with a copiousness more asiatick than athenian , which has often in it more superfluity than true ornament . photius only inserted in his library , as was before mentioned , an abstract of the two books of the war against the persians , although he made some mention of the rest . he distinguishes him elsewhere , from another procopius surnamed gazeus , who lived in the same time of justinian , and who also was a rhetorician by profession . if i durst follow the judgment of one of the men of this age , who has the greatest insight into the greek tongue ; i should willingly be of his mind , that the book of anecdota is a supposed work , and falsely ascribed to the historian procopius . for that which is really his , is writ in a stile much different from that of this satyr , and has much more of the air of ancient greece . but because even they who have writ against the anecdota , seem to agree , that they are his to whom they are imputed , i was obliged to make the precedent reflections , and to treat procopius upon this foundation , more to his disadvantage than i had othewise done . it is true , that at the same time i end this section , an epistle of balthasar boniface to the clarissimo molini , which i read even now , hinders me from repenting of what i did . it is printed at the end of his judgment upon those who wrot the roman history . and because they did not mention the anecdota in the chapter of procopius , he takes occasion to declare his opinion to that noble venetian in the said letter . he appears to be no less concerned than i , at such an insolent invective . and wonders , as i did , that rivius , and they who undertook to answer it , never thought of considering it as a supposed piece , although he himself comes to no determination therein , being only content to declare how much he suspects it . reflections upon the history of agathias . i have as much reason to doubt of the religion of agathias , as i had of that of procopius . for when he speaks , in the beginning of his history , of the french of his time ; he praises them amongst other things , for being all christians , and because they entertained ( as he adds ) very good thoughts of god. but when he gives a reason in his third book , why the fortress of onogoris situate in colchis , was called in his time the fort of s t stephen ; he reports , that this protomartyr was stoned to death in that place , using the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they say , or as it is said ; from whence many draw a strong proof of his infidelity . the most common opinion also , founded as well on this passage , as on some others , lists him in the number of the gentils ; although he never railed any more than procopius , against christianity ; as most pagan historians did in imitation of zosimus . the time wherein these two lived , not favouring paganism , is perhaps the only cause . he himself declares in his preface , that murina a city of asia , was the place of his nativity ; which he distinguishes from another of thrace , bearing the same name . his father was called memnonius ; and he professed the law , pleading at the judicatories of smyrna in quality of an advocate , as suidas reports ; whence he had the surname of scholasti●us : because the places where the roman laws were taught , then went under the name of schools , as they are even at this time in some places called . he confesses that poetry was the mistris of his first affections , which led him to write many small poems in heroick verse , that he published under the title of daphnicks . and there are certain of his epigrams collected by divers hands , whereof , i believe , many are seen in the greek anthology under his name . and this renders his stile so agreeable and florid , having undertook history , by the advice of eutychianus the first secretary of state , as approaching in this respect to , and bordering ( as he tearms it ) upon poetry . sigonius and verderius were of another mind concerning his writing , and that very different from this opinion , listing him amongst the lowest and impurest writers . but they were not only mistaken in agathias his stile ; but have been accused for several other rash judgments ; so that i have been constrained many times hitherto , to follow some more equitable censures than theirs . he began not to write till after the death of justinian , in the reign of justin the second , as he himself declares in his preface , beginning his history where procopius left . and i doubt not , but that great statesman eutychianus , who put him upon so high an enterprise , and who was his intimate friend , furnished him with many rare pieces and memorials of consequence , to make him so successful as he has been . there are letters and direct orations in all his books ; as that of narses in the two first ; of aetes in the third ; of the deputies of colchos in the fourth ; of belisarius in the fifth . and not content to penetrate into the councels , and to discover the principal causes of events , he frequently gives his judgment thereupon : and contrary to the custom of xenophon and caesar , who never declare what they think of things , he delivers his opinion of matters ; and therein imitates some great authors , who were not of the mind of these we mention . although agathias highly commends procopius ; he does not refrain from following opinions very contrary to his , and even reproves him sometimes , for having given unreasonable conjectures : of which there are many examples ; the most considerable whereof , is that which he said to the advantage of the french , in his first book , against the infamous reproach which procopius had cast upon them , of being the most unfaithful of men . agathias on the contrary , after he had shown that they were very polite and civil , as they who already made use of the roman laws almost in all things , adds , that they were to be esteemed for nothing so much , as the exact justice they observed without exception , their kings themselves being not exempted from it ; whereby they lived in an admirable union . certainly , besides that justice is a transcendent virtue , and which comprehending all others , cannot subsist without fidelity ; nothing is more contrary to it , than breach of word of faith , and consequently agathias could not more reasonably contradict procopius , nor make better amends for the wrong he had done the french nation . it is observable , that notwithstanding these two historians had such opposite thoughts in what concerned us , they agreed in what related to the greatness and independence of our kings . procopius acknowledges , in the third book of the gothish war , that they , and the roman emperors , were the only monarchs in the world , who had the priviledge to stamp their images on golden coin ; so that even the king of persia , who had such glorious titles , durst not attempt to do the like . agathias also speaking of king theodebert , saies , that he was so much offended to see , that the emperor justinian assumed among other titles , that of francious ; as if he had conquered the french , and held some right of superiority over them ; that for this consideration alone he resolved to go and subdue thrace , lay siege to constantinople , and overthrow the roman empire , whereof that city was then the capital . i know that the same agathias calls that design rash , presupposing that theodebert would have perished in so bold , or , to use his tearm , in so furious an enterprise . nevertheless he confesses , that this king had brought it to such a pass ; that if he had not been killed , as he was hunting a wild bull , nothing had retarded him in it : and god knows , whither the event would have answered the conjectures of our historian . but we may say that these are unreproachable testimonies , of the absolute power of the french monarchy , which never acknowledged any superiour but god ( and according to the words of a good gaule to alexander ) any thing but heaven to be above it . to return to the reflections of agathias , very different from those of procopius , which seem to have the force of argument wholly on their side , we will examine a very remarkable place of his fourth book . where he cannot endure that procopius , not content to say that arcadius left his son theodosius , and empire , to the protection of isdigerdes king of persia ( which no author worthy of credit ever writ before him ) should moreover praise the action , as if it were full of prudence : and add , that although arcadius was not very discreet in other things , yet in this he shewed wisdom , and demeaned himself very prudently . this , saies agathias , is judging of things by their success , as the vulgar alwaies do ; but weighing them with reason , it will be found , that a soveraign never did any thing more blame-worthy , than this declaration of arcadius : for he seemed in it to make a wolfe gardian of a sheep , trusting his son and state in the hands of their greatest enemy ; through a confidence which though it is sometimes tolerable in private men , was not sufferable when the safety of a young monarch lay at stake , and the preservation of a crown by so much the more envied , as it pretended to give laws to all others . methinks , every one ought to yeild to this opinion of agathias , and conclude with him , that in the event of this tuition , happy as it appeared , there is more reason to admire the goodness and integrity of the king of persia , than the wisdom of the emperor arcadius . amongst many very remarkable things found in the five books of the history of agathias , particular notice is to be taken , not only of what he saies of the following oriental monarchies , towards the end of the second ; but chiefly of what he adds in the fourth , concerning the succession of the kings of persia , since artaxares who restored the empire to them , from whose hands the parthians had taken it , and placed it in their own . for besides his care and industry to handle this matter well , the authority of one sergius an interpreter is of great weight , who had from the annalists and library-keepers of the persian kings , all that this historian delivers unto us . wherefore doubtless , he had reason to correct the writings of procopius , by the records wherewith this interpreter had furnished him , and to prefer them before all other relations ; because they that describe the history of their o●n country , are rather to be believed than strangers , especially if their discourse be grounded on such authentick pieces , as were those of the publick archives , which were communicated unto sergius . thus we have finished all we purposed , on the first part of our enterprise ; and shall procceed to the second , which is to consider the writings of the most considerable of the latin historians , which remain of the ancients . the second part ▪ being reflections upon the writings of the latin historians . reflections upon the history of crispus salustius . the same reason which induced me to give herodotus , the first place amongst the greek historians , obliges me to allow the same rank , amongst the latin , to crispus salustius , although there have been some much more ancient than he . for it is known that ennius had writ eighteen annals in heroick verse long before him : and that nevius in the same age described the first punick war , in another sort of verse called saturnian . fabius pictor was the first of the romans ( as vossius observes ) that compiled a history in latin prose . posthumius albinus , cassius hemina , and c. fannius , whom salust celebrates for true historians , writ after him . and cato with his origines historicae , sempronius , vaelerius antias , and quadrigarius ( so often quoted by aulus gellius ) may be all said to have preceded salust in this sort of writing . but since there remains to us nothing of their works , but the grief for the loss of them ( the histories of fabius , cato , and sempronius delivered unto us by annius of viterbum , being all counterfeit , by an imposture which we have already complained of more than once ) is it not just to begin this our second enterprise with salust , from whom we have entire pieces of history , and other fragments which all learned men respect ? i know that julius caesar is as ancient as he , and that some even affirm , that salust though elder , died seven years after the murder of this emperor . it cannot be a fault to give precedence in this place , now he is dead , to one that he could never indure while he lived . the name of commentaries rather than history which his works bear , invites me to it : and the language of salust ( that is raxed with the air of antiquity , and affectation of the old words of cato ) may be another motive , in which also the judgment of martial ( which all the world alledges in his favour ) very plainly concurs : hic erit , ut perhibent doctorum corda virorum , crispus romanâ primus in historiâ . besides the reproach made him by asinius pollio , for having too much affected that old way of writing , which cato used in his origines , the quite contrary vice is imputed to him ( viz. ) of making too many new words ; audacious translations , as suetonius calls them ; and phrases purely greek ; whereof quintilian gives this example , vulgus amat fieri . moreover he is accused of having been too concise in his expressions , thereby rendering his stile obscure and difficult , as shortness ordinarily confines upon obscurity . wherefore the same quintilian instructs young men to read livy more than salust ; and charges them to avoid carefully , that broken and contracted way of writing , of which salust made a perfection ; and which is truly very agreeable in him : but we ought not to propose it to our selves for imitation , because it may render us insensibly less intelligible , which is very contrary to true eloquence . we learn also from divers passages of aulus gellius , that many persons in his time , found fault with the education of salust ; though it appears sufficiently , that he himself was not displeased with it : for he calls him in one place , subtilissimum brevitatis artificem , and in another , proprietatum in verbis retinentissimum , seneca likewise , whose ●tile fitted to his philosophical profession , is wonderful short and interrupted , does not forbear to rail at the affectation of one aruntius , who in his history of the punick wars , took great pains to express it in the very terms of salust . he censures his too frequent repetition of the word hyemare , and of famas in the plural signifying fame , and some other expressions which were read in aruntius . but nevertheless he writes , that in the time of salust , obscure brevity , and cut periods , which left men to guess at the sense , passed for an ornament of language ; salustio vigente , amputatae sententiae , & verba ante expectatum cadentia , & obscura brevitas , fuere pro cultu . but do we not see that macrobius many ages after , under the authority of one of eusebius his entertainments , makes salust reign in the concise way of writing ; that is , he rendered himself so considerable in it , that no body thereupon could dispute the first rank with him . because the word brevity is equivocal , and many persons speak of tacitus , and salust , as of authors equally brief ; it may be convenient to declare , of what great consequence it is , not to confound their stile as agreeing , when they are very different . it cannot be denied that tacitus followed salust in a close way of writing , which both used ; wherein they may be said somewhat to resemble one another . and in this all those agree that have considered the stile of the ancients ; and even tacitus himself acknowledges , how much he esteemed that of salust , when he called him rerum romanarum florentissimum auctorem , which made him imitate him . but it cannot be affirmed that this laconick expression , which is common to them both , makes them equal in the rest , and can make them pass for as correct historians one as the other : for to speak properly , a succinct way of writing does not so much contribute to make an exact brief historian ; as when the matter whereof he writes is such , that nothing can be taken from it , without a prejudice to his subject , and the spoyling of his work . tacitus is admitted to be an author correct , and brief in his phrase , by the impossibility there is to cut of the least word of his composition , without necessarily diminishing his thoughts , and doing a notable injury to his narration . but it is not so with salust , who though he straightens his stile , puts many things into his history , which are not essential to it , and may be severed from it without distracting his design , or wronging the conduct of it , according to the observation of julius scaliger . we have but parcels of the principal history of salust , the beginning whereof was at the foundation of rome : but two intire pieces of his remain , catilines conspiracy , and the war against jugurtha ; from whence may be drawn sufficient proofs of what i have said of him . as for the first , though small , it has two prefaces , whereof that which precedes , and is a most excellent declamation against idleness , may nevertheless be called a true saddle for all horses ; because , as quintilian well observed , it has nothing which relates to his history , nor any thing which renders it more proper for this than any other composition . it is followed by a description of the good and bad conditions of cataline in three or four periods . and from thence he passes to the second preface , finding himself obliged , as he saies , by the immorality of cataline , to describe the virtues of the first romans , and that which made them degenerate in his time . to this end he begins no nearer , than at the foundation of rome by the trojans , when the fugitive aeneas with the rest , came to dispute , that part of italy where it is founded , with the aborigines . he afterwards shews how it was governed by kings , who were deposed for their pride , and how it became great in a short time , by the virtue of the inhabitants , he insists upon the wars they waged with the carthaginians , the slackning of discipline which happened since ; and the civil dissentions of marius and sylla , which had like to have made the republick desolate . all this he relates to come at length to catilines time , the most corrupted of all ; and which seemed to invite that bad citizen to enterprise his conspiracy . wherefore methinks , it cannot be properly said , that he who takes occasion to write , though very well , so many things , before he enters upon his chief purpose , affects brevity . the preface of the jugurthine war is no nearer to its subject . it is an invective against those , whom vice and riot divorted from imbracing those occupations of the mind , wherewith nature had sufficiently endowed them . he pretends not to be of that number ; and therefore judging it in no wise convenient , considering the corruption of the age , to interess himself in the government of the state , he declares he will endeavour to be useful to it , by the imployment he undertakes of writing history ; and will begin with that of the wars which the romans had against jugurtha . but we cannot better show , with what liberty he inlarges upon all he thought , might render his work more agreeable , than by the digression of those two brothers named the philani , who died so gloriously , for the love of their country : and that upon the pretext alone of two deputies of the little city of leptes , situate between the two syrtes , who came to metellus after the taking of thala ; where he takes occasion to say , that he thinks fit to relate a notable action , which happened in the same country , of two young men of carthage , who buried themselves alive to increase the territory of their nation . and thereupon he makes a curious description of the state differences , and wars , which the cyrenians heretofore had with the carthaginians concerning their limits , and how they agreed upon a course , wherein the two philaeni , after an extream diligence , were contented for the good of their country , to take so generous a resolution . it is certain that the war of jugurtha might have been described as well without this digression ; and if salust had affected to be concise in his history , he would doubtless have forborne it . which induces me to affirm , that though his expression or phrase was very short , as was that of tacitus , it does not restrain him from being large like livy , in the body of his history , who uses not such confined expressions . and perhaps servilius nonianus had no other meaning , when he spoke these words mentioned by quintilian , viz. that salust and livy were rather equal than alike , pares eos magis esse quam similes , because both of them handled their subjects very diffusedly though in different manner . i shall be very sorry if it be thought , that by marking this digression of salust , i seek to condemn it . it seems to me very agreeable ; and i am of the opinion , that no sort of episodes are to be blamed , unless when they are unreasonably used : not would i be understood to arraign him for what i have related concerning his phrase and expression , either as too new , or too old , desiring not to be of the number of those that censure a whole work , for a word which displeases them . it is good to avoid as much as one can , that form of speech which is out of use , or which is not enough used : and perhaps salust in the time he writ , was justly reproved upon that account , considering the authority of his accusers . but we ought not to be too scrupulous in that point , and i desire those that are so nice , that they cannot suffer any thing in language , that grates them never so little , to consider what dion chrysostomus , one of the most celebrated oratours of greece , observes , when he describes the incomparable eloquence of homer . he saies that he freely used all dialects , and as a painter mixes his colours , he agreeably mingled the dorick , attick , and ionick dialects , he made no difficulty to imploy a significant term , were it never so ancient , and not commonly approved of ; and therefore dion compares him to those who have found a treasure , and sell old pieces of gold and silver , whose worth is esteemed because of their intrinsick valew , though they are not currant coin . and where he found energy and grace , though in new and barbarous words , he composed them , saies he , freely in his verses ; as often as there was occasion to express , the murmure of running waters , the noise of winds , or some such resemblance . in the mean time ( adds this great oratour ) whatever liberty homer took , he is acknowledged to be the most eloquent of all poets , and the prince of those of his profession . and we ought to give the like judgment of the eloquence of history or oratory , as dion does of that of homer ; but because i have insisted upon it largely enough in another treatise , i shall say no more of it here . to return to salust , it is no wonder that he was discommended for his stile , since thucydides , whom he had proposed to himself for a rule and prototype , was not free from censure . yet this did not hinder zenobius a greek sophister , who lived in the time of adrian the emperour , from taking the pains to translate the history of salust into greek , so great a reputation it had amongst those of his nation , as well as the romans , as suidas reports . but the judgment of seneca in behalf of our historian , is very considerable , who writes in one of his declamations , that salust only equalled by quintilian , to thucydides , surpassed him in his concise way of writing , and as he terms it , conquered him even in his own fortification , in the place where he seemed to have the greatest advantage , cum sit praecipua in thucydide virtus brevitas , hac eum salustius vicit , & in suis eum castris caecidit . his reason is , because one may take away something from a sentence of thucydides , impairing a little the ornament of it , but not utterly spoiling it ; whereas to do the like to the expressions of salust , they will be very perceptibly defaced . and seneca complains thereupon of the injustice of livy who endeavoured on the contrary to advance thucydides above salust . it was not said he , for the great affection he bore thucydides that he prefers him , but because he is not jealous of him , and therefore he does it to get more easily the applause from salust , whom he had ranked below the other . the emperour adrian was of another fancy , when he preferred one caecilius to salust , cato to cicero , and ennius to virgil. but spartianus , who took notice of the capricious judgment of this prince , shows us that of another as advantagious to our historian , as this was prejudicial . he writes that septimius severus at the point of death , feeling himself subdued by sickness , sent to his eldest son that divine oration ( so he terms it ) which salust makes micipsa at his death speak to his children , to exhort them to concord : this oration is in the beginning of the jugurthine war ; and by the credit it received from that emperour , it makes its author be valued above that contempt of him , which adrian exposed , and none ever imitated . there is an oration that cicero ascribed to salust , which is a counterfeit , and ought not to be admitted as his , for it is not an historical work ; and all the learned agree , that how ancient soever it may be , and notwithstanding that it is quoted by quintilian , yet salust never was the true author of it . but there is not a like consent amongst the criticks , in what relates to the two orations , or rather epistles addressed to caesar , probably about the time when he made war in spain , and which treat of the order that might be established in the government of the republick . lewis carrion cannot be perswaded that they are of salust , especially considering that none of the ancients , who often quoted passages of his writings , ever recited any part of these two epistles . john douza on the contrary part affirms , that their stile , and the faith of all manuscripts ought to oblige us , to hold they proceeded from salust his own hand . it is true that none can deny that they are very ancient , and were writ in the time of the purity of the latin language . it is of much more importance to observe , that from salust may be drawn a certain testimony , that all judgments of the manners of men by their writings , are not receivable . no one ever spoke better sentences than he , in favour of all sort of virtues , and chiefly of chastity ; nor used more rigid invectives against the excess and avarice of his time . but notwithstanding this , it is recorded , that his immorality made him be expelled the senate by the censors : and that being taken in adultery with fausta the daughter of lucius scilla , by milo , he had been sentenced to be shamefully whipped , if he had not by mony commuted for the offence ; which we learn from aulus gellius , under the authority of varro , pedianus servius and others . he is moreover accused to be immoderate in his desire of riches , joined with great profusion , which is not only objected to him by the satyr of leneus an illustrious grammarian , and freeman of pompey , but the oration , which they make cicero speak against him , mentions that he had consumed his patrimony , and even in his fathers time , their house was depressed because of his debts . it is true that caesar restored him to his dignity of senatour and procured him the praetorship ; and having sent him into numidia , furnished him with occasion to recover his former state and riches ; which last he pursued with so much tyranny , that ( though after he had ransacked the whole province , and found a way to be absolved by caesar , he could not escape the infamy of his actions , which was so much the greater in him , because it was considered how severely he had in his history , exposed those who were much less guilty than he , and metellus amongst others , whose excess and expences in spain he very much arraigned ) he returned so rich from africa , that he immediately purchased one of the noblest dwellings in rome , in the mount quirinal , with spacious gardens , which are at this day called the gardens of salust ; and besides this he had a country house at tivoli , which cicero tells him of in the same oration . his life therefore was very different from his writings ; and his example alone is sufficient to prove , that as very good men may write very bad books , so vicious men sometimes may compose those that are good ; it being not incongruous that an author should at the same time be an excellent historian , and a wicked man. amongst the things observed in him , and which are most conducing to the recommendation of his history , is his imbarking purposely to take a precise view of the places in africk , of which he intended to make a description ; because it was requisite so to do , for the better understanding of what he writ . and this was the practice of the best historians ; and messenio's words in plautus , show sufficiently , how important and necessary to an historian , the romans thought voyages , and the sight of places . that servant saies to one of the manechmi , that they had travelled over the world enough , and that it is time to return home , unless they have a history to write . — quin nos hinc domum , redimus , nisi si historians scripturi sumus . so perswaded they were at rome , where this was said , that to be a good historian , it was expedient to have travelled aforehand , which i think i have already observed in the section of polybius . it is moreover affirmed , that salust made provision of many books writ in the punick tongue , which he caused to be very carefully interpreted to him , to make use of them likewise in his historical treatise . but though few are ignorant how much the ancients esteemed this author , as it is before expressed , i shall nevertheless produce the authority of lipsius , though a modern author , to join in his commendation , who made no scruple to call him the prince of historians . he frankly prefers him to caesar , livy , and the rest of those he stiles minorum gentium historicos ; and praises cornelius tacitus for nothing so much , as having excellently imitated salust . turnebus also averred , that he found so much eloquence in his writings , that in his opinion he approached nearer to demosthe●es than cicero . i have purposely passed in silence , what trogus pompeius objected against the orations of livy and tacitus , which he made direct , instead of being oblique ; because though he , and some others are of that opinion , yet it is subject to much debate . salust inserts letters in his writings , without regarding whither that of lentulus to cataline , or that other of mithridates to arsaces , does interrupt the contexture of his narrations . but though these are little things , yet they deserve to be taken notice of in great authors , for an example . if keckerman , and some modern writers , had been touched with such a reasonable consideration , they would not have condemned , as they did , all sort of blame or praise given by an historian . the reason they give for their opinion is weak , saying that such things are more the business of an oratour ; and according to them , a naked narration leads a judicious reader enough , to esteem or disapprove the actions represented : for they observe not , that an oratour and an historian have many things in common , which makes cicero say some where , that history is the most important part of oratory , opus oratorium maxime . and on the other side the authority of salust , joined with that of thucydides , livy , agathias , and several others ( whose writings we read with so much satisfaction , who were either contrary to the persons they speak of , or to the things they report ) ought to render them more reserved in their censures . reflections upon the history of julius caesar the name of julius caesar is so illustrious , that nothing can be added to the commendation of his works , of what nature soever they are , after it is said that he is the author of them . so that he is not indebted to his military actions alone , for the high reputation that follows him ; since his learning has contributed little less to it than his arms ; and he is not less glorious by the crown he received from the muses upon their parnassus , than his triumphs by bellona's side in the fields of mars . which made quintilian say , that caesar spoke writ and fought by the same spirit , and that the same happy genius which favoured all his victories , animated even his orations and writings . it is observable , that amongst the praises which the ancients gave to the orators of that time ; though they valued much the sharpness of sulpitius , the gravity of brutus , the diligence of pollio , the judgment of calvus , and the copiousness of cicero , they admired above all the vigour of caesars stile , vim , caesaris : as if the same virtue by which he executed so many military exploits , had inspired him with that ardour and vehemence , by which he was alwaies so eminently distinguished from the rest of that age. but if it may be fit to enlarge on this subject , and draw new parallels of the learning and valour of this incomparable prince ; it will not be difficult to shew , that europe , asia , and africa , even all the parts of the world then known , divided his conquests : nor has he less penetrated into the intellectual globe , having hardly left any science uncultivated , and not improved to admiration . in his most tender age he composed the praise of hercules , and wrot the tragedy of oedipus , and some other poems under the title julii , which augustus afterwards did forbid to be published . we cannot affirm , what the poem called iter was , which suetonius mentions . but as for that epigram which some ascribe to him , and others to germanicus , made upon the young thracian which fell into the river hebrus , as he played upon the ice ; it is one of the most delicate pieces of all latin poetry . great was his fame in oratory , as it is before expresed : and his orations for the bithynians for the law plautia , for decius à samnite , for sextilius , and many others ( which are now wanting ) gave a certain testimony of his excellency therein . at the age of one and twenty , he solemnly accused dolabella : and being no more then quaestor he composed the funeral orations of his aunt julia , and his wife cornelia ; and his two anticatones shewed what he could do in satyr ; as his two other books of analogy gave him no small place amongst the most esteemed grammarians . he wrot some treatises of presaging by the flight of birds ; and others of augury ; and some of apothegms or short and witty sentences . but what he publisht of the motion of the stars , which he had learned in aegypt , deserves so much the more to be considered , because it prognosticated his own death on the ides of march ( if the elder pliny may be credited ) nor must we omit the mention of his reformation of the calendar , which succeeded that work . i pass over the ephimerides or journals mentioned by servius , which he left , to proceed to his commentaries , which are his historical writings that we now propose to examine , and the only work remaining of so many different pieces , whereof methinks a perfect encyclopaedie might be made . the title of these commentaries alone makes it manifest , that caesar had no design to write a compleat history . they are so naked , saies cicero , and stript of all those ornaments of oration , which he was very capable to give them ; that though they are extreamly agreeable in the condition they are , they are to be taken for nothing else but notes prepared by him , for their use who would compile a history of his time . and though materials so well provided might have excited some persons rash enough to attempt any thing , to try their skill to refine and polish them : yet all judicious men have abstained from doing it , and others that perhaps endeavoured in it , have found themselves altogether unable , and unlikely to gain to themselves any honour , by medling with a design framed by so great an artificer . his pure and elegant stile is ordinarily compared to that of xenophon . and though he is brief , nothing that is obscure can be imputed to him ; for the places wherein he seems any thing difficult are without doubt corrupted . since we know that he was so far from falling into the vice of obscurity , that he himself gives it as an important precept , to avoid like a bock all expressions that are not frequently used , and thereby less proper to explain a thing neatly and clearly . as for the matters whereof he treats in his commentaries , they are his own actions which he describes , and he recounts few events that he has not seen . nevertheless suetonius makes asinius pollio accuse him of not having been exact enough , and even to have swerved sometimes from truth , either through credulity when he relyed on false reports , or wittingly for defect of memory ; so that as the said asinius conjectures , if he had lived , he would have reviewed his commentaries , and corrected them in several places . to say the truth , his report is very different in many things that concern himself , from what we read of him in other authors , such as dion , and plutarch who have writ on the same subject . an example of this ( to instance no more ) may be observed , in what he writes concerning that publick treasure , which was preserved from the time that rome was taken by the gaules , not to be made use of but in some extream necessity . he pretends that lentulus who had order to send it to pompey , abandoned it by his flight , upon the first rumour that caesars troops began to be masters of rome , though it was a false report . but that which is received for a certain truth in this matter , is , that metellus intending as tribune , to hinder caesar from seizing on the treasure , was forced to quit the city , being terrified by the menaces of caesar , who made the gates of the place where that sinew of war and of the state was kept to be forced open , which proved a wonderful advantage to his designs . this shews that it is oftentimes no less difficult to an historian , than any other writer , to resist the temptations of humanity , and treat as indifferently of the things which concern himself , as those wherein he is no way interessed . for my part i doubt not , but caesar said many things of the ancient gaules , which would be contradicted by their histories , if any of them had been preserved to our time . some criticks have maintained , that neither the three books of the civil war , nor the seven of the war of the gaules , were writ by caesar . but such an opinion is so groundless that it merits not the least reflection . as for the eighth book of the last mentioned work , most agree that hirtius was the author of it , who writ also the commentaries of the wars of alexandria , africa , and spain . though some ascribe them to oppius an intimate friend of caesars , who likewise wrot a treatise , to prove that the son of cleopatra , which she pretended to have had by the same caesar , was not of his begetting . whosoever was the author of the last book of the war of the gaules , appeared to have been much in the favour and confidence of caesar , for he saies in one place , that though all that read the writings of caesar admire them as well as he , yet he had more reason to do it than others , because they consider in them only the purity of phrase , and excellency of stile ; but he who knew with what facility and expedition he used his pen , had a more particular subject of admiration . this passage calls to my memory the noble elogy which pliny gave him ( viz. ) to have surpassed in vigor of mind all the rest of mankind . he writ that he has been seen at the same time to read , write , dictate , and hear what was said to him ; and adds that he made nothing at once to dictate to four secretaries ; and when he was not diverted by other affairs , he usually imploied seven to write under him . this activity of thought is as if he ●ere something more than human , and indeed the greatness of his genius would be judged wholely incomparable , should we examine it exactly in the extent of all his actions : but this being not the proper place for such an inquiry , we shall confine our self to what particularly concerns his commentaries . they are destitute of many rhetorical ornaments , as we have already observed , yet they contain both oblique and direct orations : and they have been so valued by all nations , that they are translated into most languages . selimus the great caused them to be turned into arabick . and it is held that the reading of them , which was no less agreeable than ordinary with him , contributed much to the conquest of so many provinces , wherewith he augmented his empire . and henry the fourth that famous monarch of franco , took the pains to translate into french those that related to the war of the gaules ; which doubtless were no small assistance to that heroick ardour , wherewith his whole life was animated . it was under florence christian his tutor , that he undertook th●t work so worthy of himself . and casaubon who affirms that he saw it writ by the kings own hand , adds , that he told him he was recollecting his matter , to write commentaries of his own actions , which he would finish as soon as his leasure would permit . but god was not pleased to allow him that leasure , and his hasty death , by a crime more detestable than was that of the murtherers of caesar , has deprived us of those second commentaries , which might have made a greater resemblance between these two princes , than there is ; though the clemency , valour , diligence , and several other virtues wherein they both excelled , rendered them very conformable to each others , not to mention the resemblance of their ends . reflections upon the history of titus livius . some persons have given the same elogy to livy , as seneca the rhetorician ascribed to cicero ( viz. ) to have had a wit answerable to the greatness of the roman empire . and others have not been content to equal the eloquence of this historian to that of so great an oratour , but have proceeded so far , as to suppose that if cicero had attempted to write a history , he would have been inferiour to him in the performance of it . but without reflecting on either to their disadvantage by such comparisons , we may say that they both excelled in their way of study ; and as never any one was heard with so much attention and transport at rome as cicero , so we have no example of a reputation higher and more glorious in respect of history than that of livy . pliny the younger has left us a memorable passage of his fame in one of his epistles . where he saies that his predecessors saw a man come into italy from the extremities of spain ( which was then counted the remotest place of the earth in the west ) to have the satisfaction to see livy , and injoy for some time his conversation , who sought no other diversion than the discourse he had with so great a person ; and though the capital city of the world where he found him had many rarities to entertain his curiosity , nothing thereof could detain him , after he had conversed some time with him for whose sake he undertook such a journey . but we must observe that the credit livy has amongst the learned , is not only for the writing of this history , for he had writ certain philosophical dialogues before he came to rome , which he dedicated to augustus caesar . and which acquired him the love and protection of that renowned monarch , the most favourable to the muses that ever governed the roman empire . and besides these dialogues which are mentioned by seneca , we learn from quintilian , that in a letter to his son he delivered excellent precepts of rhetorick , wherein he especially commended to his reading the writings of demosthenes , and cicero , bidding him neglect many other authors , unless any were found amongst them , to resemble those which he advised him to have alwaies in his view . and one may read in suetonius , that livy was chosen amongst the most learned men of his age , to take care of the instruction of claudius who afterwards was emperor ; and in his younger years by the advice of this his tutor , as suetonius reports , he undertook to write the roman history , of which he gave many volumes to the publick which are lost to us . as to the writings of livy the last and most considerable thereof , is the history which reached from the foundation of rome to the death of drusus in germany ; the fine contexture whereof , the agreeable narrations , and the pleasing easiness makes him to be compared to herodotus , and placed in the first rank of the latin historians . it was not at first divided by decades , as we now see it . that is a recent distribution or distinction , whereof no mention appears in florus his abbreviator , nor in any of the ancients ; and which politian , petrarch , with petrus crinitus have already disputed . of the hundred and forty , or hundred and two and forty books which it contained , there remain not above five and thirty , nor are they all in an uninterrupted continuation , for the whole second decade is wanting , and we have but the first , the third , and the fourth , with half of the fifth which was found at wormes by one simon gryneus . the beginning of the forty third book has been also lately recovered , by the means of a manuscript in the library of the chapter of bamberg ; but this fragment is a little contested . francisous bartholinus that brought it from germany into italy , antonius quaerengus , and gaspar lusignanus the author of the first impression , judge it authentick . but vossius and some others on the contrary , pretend that it is a counterfeit piece , and can be only imposed on those who have ears like midas . for the remaining fourteen decades we must rest satisfied , with that summary or epitomy which florus compiled , if he was the author of a work which many persons condemn , believing him to have been the cause of the loss of livys writings , a loss that cannot be enough lamented . this is the opinion of bodin who likewise accuses justin , for having done the same prejudice to trogus pompeius , xiphilinus , and dion , in epitomizing them . casaubon is also of this mind , who thinks that the brief collection made by constantine , of a body of history in fifty three parts , occasioned the neglect of the authors that composed it , which were afterwards lost . but if the three decades and a half which we have of livy , make us deplore the want of the rest , they are yet sufficient to represent him to our esteem , most worthy of the elogies which he received from the ancients . the most celebrated whereof was that yielded to him , two hundred years ago by alphonso king of arragon , when he sent his embassador to demand of the citizens of padua , and obtained from them as a pretious relique , the bone of that arm wherewith this their famous country-man had writ his history , causing it to be conveyed to naples with all sorts of honour , as the most estimable present could be made him . and it is said that he recovered his health from a languishing indisposition , by the delight he had in reading the same history . but it is strange to consider with how much passion others went about to defame if they could , a person of such rare merit . in the age wherein he lived asinius pollio arraigned his stile , which he called patavinity . augustus taxed him of having favoured pompey's party , but did not therefore diminish his good will towards him . and caligula a while after , accused him of negligence on the one side , and too excessive redundancy of words on the other , taking away his image and writings from all libraries , where he knew they were curiously preserved . but the capricious and tyrannick humour of this prince , was exercised in the same manner towards the works and statues of virgil. and he would have suppressed the verses of homer , pretending that his power ought to be no less than plato's who had prohibited the reading them in his imaginary republick . moreover hating seneca , and all men of eminent virtue , it came into his head to abolish the knowledg of laws , with all those lawyers whose learned decisions were respected . but the humorous conceit of such a monster cannot prejudice livy , nor those others we named , no more than that of domitian a second prodigy of nature , who put to death , through a like animosity , metius pomposianus , because amongst others he delighted to expose some orations of kings and generals , collected by him out of livy's history . the testimony of augustus is full of moderation , he declares that the same history instead of flattering the victorious party , could not condemn that of the good and most honest men in the common-wealth , who had all listed themselves on pompey's side , which rather tends to the commendation of livy than otherwise . but that which pollio finds fault with in all his observations , is a thing which deserves to be a little more reflected on . the most common opinion is , that this roman lord accustomed to the delicacy of the language spoke in the court of augustus , could not bear with certain provincial idioms , which livy as a paduan used in divers places of his history . pignorius is of another mind , and believes that this odious patavinity had respect only to the orthography of certain words , wherein livy used one letter for another , according to the custome of his country , writing sibe , and quase , for sibi , and quasi ; which he proves by divers ancient inscriptions . some think that it consisted meerly in a repetition , or rather multiplicity of many synonymous words in one period , contrary to what was practised at rome , where they did not affect such a redundancy which denoted a forreigner . others report that the paduans having alwaies been of pompey's party , which was apparently the justest as we have observed , pollio that was a caesarian , derided livys patavinity , and accused him of having shown too great an inclination for the unhappy faction of the vanquished ; which seems so much the likelier , by the conformity it has with that opinion of augustus , which we already mentioned . there are those who likewise affirm , that livy's partiality for those of padua , appeared manifestly in those books which are lost , where he was led by his subject to an immoderate praise of his country-men . it is the same fault which polybius imputed to philinus as a carthaginian , and fabius as a roman . and many modern historians have been charged therewith , whereof guicciardin was one , who to oblige the floreutines dwells so long upon the least concerns of their state , and amplifies so much their smallest actions , that he often becomes troublesome , and sometimes ridiculous in many mens judgment . the quaint distich of actius syncerus , against that of poggius on the like occasion , renders it altogether despicable , dum patriam laudat , damnat dum poggius hostem ; nec malus est civis , nec bonus historicus . they who rather imagine than prove a like passion in livy , please themselves with a belief , that this was that which pollio found fault with in his history , when he was offended that it had too much patavinity . i rather build upon that sense which quintilian gives the word , who in all probability knew in his time the true signification of it . he quotes it in the chapter of the virtues and vices of oration , where he remarks , that vectius was reproached of having imployed too many sabine , tuscan , and praenestine words in his writings ; so that , saies he , lucilius thereupon laughed at his language , as pollio did at the patavinity of livy . wherefore after an interpretation so express , of such a considerable author in this respect as quintilian , i should be loath to wrest the signification of that word , which the courtiers of rome reproved in the history we speak of , to any other sense than that of stile and phrase . justin informs us , that trogus pompeius censured livy's orations for being direct , and too long ; which many attribute to some jealousy , that might arise between two authors of the same time and profession , quintilian observed that livy begins his history with an hexameter verse : and mascardi in the fifth treatise of his art of history , rehearses many others which he found there ; but there is no prose where some do not occur , if looked after with too much curiosity . the same mascardi taxes him in another place , of having been defective in many important circumstances , which we read in appian , and which he ought not to have omitted . i have already shown in a precedent section , how seneca the rhetorician accuses livy , of having suffered himself to be swayed by envy , when he gave thucydides the preference to salust . i here add in opposition to vossius his opinion , that although seneca the philosopher conferred the title of most eloquent upon livy , he does likewise reprove him in the same place , for having attributed to any man greatness of wit without goodness , believing them to be inseparable qualities . and in another place on the subject of the great library of alexandria , he blames him for commeding the care of those kings who founded it ; and yet pretending , that they did it rather in a vain ostentation of glory , than a true affection for books . but such stoical austerities do not much wound the reputation of an historian , who speaks according to the common sense of things , and is not obliged to follow all the opinions of philosophers . but if antoninus his itinerary , such as annius of viterbum exposed was true , it would be a hard matter to excuse livy of a great fault which he accuses him of , in speaking of fanus volturna , which was his suppressing of the most gallant actions of the tuscans , whereof he envyed them the glory . but it is of importance to know , that the impudent supposition of annius in this respect , appears manifestly in the good editions of that itinerary , which we have from simler , and surita , wherein nothing like that is read , because it is a slanderous addition of the impostour , who soisted in this corrupt relation with that comment , whereof we have so often complained already . but i find it a harder task to answer the zeal of gregory the great , who would not suffer livy's works in any christian library , because of his pagan superstition ; which i remember i read in the preface of casaubon upon polybius . and indeed it cannot be denyed that his history is filled with many prodigies , which denote a great adherence to idolatry . sometimes an ox spoke ; one while a mule ingendered ; another time men , women , and cocks , and hens changed their sex. there are often showers of flint-stones , flesh , chalk , blood , and milk. and the statues of the gods be mentioned to speak , shed tears , and swet pure blood . how many ghosts are made to appear ; armies ready to ingage in heaven ; with lakes and rivers of blood ; and the like ? so that no historian ever reported so much of the vulgar's vain belief of that time , as he . but we should condemn almost all the books of the gentils , if our religion received any prejudice from such trifles . one might moreover represent to pope gregory , that livy exposes all those and some others of the same nature , no otherwise than as fond opinions of the vulgar , and uncertain rumours which he derides ; often protesting , that although he is obliged to report them ; because they made such an important impression upon the minds of most men of that time , and had a mighty influence on the greatest affairs , yet there was nothing therein but vanity and imposture . some modern authors have been found , such as bodin , benius , and others like them , who presumed to censure livy's stile for being too poetical in some places , too prolix in others , and often unlike it self . but these are rash judgments , and worthier of pitty than consideration , chiefly in respect to those that give them . yet the like cannot be said of budaeus , and henricus glareanus , that accuse him of injustice to the gaules in all his narrations , where he treats of them and their wars . i know they who have indeavoured to defend him from this imputation , reply in his behalf , that if the powerful consideration of augustus his protector , could not hinder him from speaking honourably , not only of pompey , but even of cassius , and brutus , as cremutius cordus testifies in tacitus , it is improbable that he should refrain from saying the truth in what concerned the gaules , out of a particular animosity , to render himself more acceptable to the romans . but it is certain , he was borne away herein with the common tide of opinion , and that there was no latin historian of that time , who did not as well as he use all nations ill , to oblige the italian , either through flattery or ignorance , taking their relations from the reports of the victorious , who suppressed all the memorials of others . so general a fault nevertheless , ought not to hinder us from esteeming livy in particular , as one of the first men of his country . he was of † padua , and not of * aponus , as sigonius imagined , because of a verse in martial which puts one place for another , by a figure ordinary enough to poets . his residence at rome , and the favour of augustus , afforded him the means to have all the instructions necessary for the compiling of his history . he composed one part of it in that capital of the empire , and the other at naples whither he retired from time to time to digest his matter with less disturbance . after that emperors death he returned to the place of his birth , where he was received with unparalell'd honours , and applauses by the paduans , and there he dyed in the fourth year of the reign of tiberius , and the very day of the calends of january , which was also ovids last day , according to the observation of eusebius in his chronicles . his life was lately delivered unto us by jacobus philippus thomasinus the paduan bishop , who omitted nothing that a paduan could say , to the advantage of one whom he considers as the glory of his country . he mingled in all places of his history oblique and direct orations , wherein his eloquence principally appears . and he did not refrain from digressions , though he excuses himself for it , in the ninth book of his first decade , on the subject of alexander , whose renown , he saies , obliged him to reflect upon the probable success he might have had against the romans , if he had attacked them . he makes a question of equalling ten or twelve roman captains to that invincible monarch , but manages it with so much disadvantage on one side , and so much flattery on the other , that it is the place in his whole history , which is the least agreeable to a judicious reader . is it not ridiculous to say upon so serious a subject , that the senate of rome was composed of as many kings , as there were senators ? and ought he not to have considered , that alexander led twenty generals under his command , ptolemaeus , lysimachus , cassander , leonatus , philotas , antigonus , eumenes , parmenio , cleander , polyperchon , perdiccas , clitus , ephestion , and others like them , more renowned and experienced in military affairs , if we may judge by their actions , than all those roman chiefs which he pretends to compare to him ? to say the truth , that his digression examined in all its parts , is more worthy of a declamer , than of an historian of livy's reputation . reflections upon the history of velleius paterculus . though velleius paterculus in the two books he composed , pretended only to write an epitomy of the roman history , from the foundation of rome to the time wherein he lived , which as he himself reports , was in the reign of the emperour tiberius . yet he began his treatise with things more ancient , for though the beginning of his first book is lost , we nevertheless find , in the remains of it , the antiquities of many cities more ancient than rome , the originals whereof he discovers , before he describes the foundation of that great metropolis . he was of an illustrious extraction as appears by those of his family , who had signalised themselves in the exercise of many of the greatest imployments of the roman empire . and he himself having gloriously succeeded in the military profession , saies that the remembrance of the countries he had seen , during the time he commanded in the armies , and in his voyages through the provinces of thrace , macedonia , achaia , asia the less , and other more easterly regions , especially those upon both the shores of the euxin sea , furnished his mind with most agreeable diversions . whereby one may judge that if he had writ this history as intire and large , as he sometimes promised , we should have found many things very considerable in it , as reported by a man who was so eminent an eye-witness , and had a share in the execution of the noblest part of them . in that little which is left , wherein he represents all compendiously , divers particulars are related that are no where else to be found ; which happens either by the silence of other historians in those matters , or the ordinary loss of part of their labours . the stile of velleius paterculus is very worthy of his age , which was also the time of pure language . his greatest excellence lies in discommending or praising those he speaks of ; which he does in the softest terms and most delicate expressions , that are seen in any other historian or oratour . but he is blamed , and perhaps with reason , for flattering too much the party and house of augustus , and making extravagant elogies not only of tiberius , but even of his favourite sejanus , whose merit he celebrates as of one of the prime and most virtuous persons , which the roman common wealth has produced . but the like fault may be observed in many others that have writ the history of their own times , with a design to publish it whilst they lived . however it was , lipsius imagined that those his excessive praises of sejanus , were the cause of his fall , and the ruine of the rest of that unhappy favourites friends , who were almost all put to death upon his account ; but yet this opinion can pass for nothing but a meer conjecture , since it is no here else to be seen . the nature of his epitomy did not ( it seems ) admit of orations . yet an oblique one is seen in his second book , which he introduces the son of tigranes to speak before pompey , to procure his favour . i find besides a very remarkable thing in his stile , to wit , that amongst all the figures of oratory which he uses , he imploies the epiphonema so gracefully , that perhaps no one ever equalled him in that respect . so that in all or most of the events which he mentions , there are few that he does not conclude with one of these sententious reflections , which rhetoricians call by that name . and besides the beauty of that figure when it is judiciously imployed , as he knew how to do it , there is nothing instructs a reader more usefully , than that sort of corollary applyed to the end of the chief actions of every narration . he shewed his great inclination to eloquence , in his invective against mark anthony , on the subject of his proscription , and the death of cicero , whom none ever raised higher than he does in that place , and in another of the same book , where he acknowledges that without such a person , greece though overcome in arms , might have boasted to have been victorious in wit. and this he did in pursuance of that zeal , which made him declare in his first book , that excepting those whom this oratour saw , or by whom he was seen and heard , there was none amongst the romans who ought to be admired for their eloquence , which was a faculty as to the excelling part , as it were inclosed only in the space of cicero's life . besides the two books of the abridged history of velleius paterculus , a fragment has been seen which is ascribed to him , touching the defeat of some roman legions in the country of the grisons . and of that part amongst others where this small writing place a city called cicera , it informs us , that of a legion there ingaged , verres alone escaped , whom the above mentioned cicero caused afterwards to be condemned with infamy , for having during his proconsulship in sicily , used such extortions in so important a province , that they had like to have made it desolate . but most learned men , & velserus with vossius amongst the rest , declaim against this piece , which they affirm to be counterfeit as well by the stile , which seems of an age much inferiour to that of paterculus , as by the matter whereof it treats , wherein they find great absurdities . but laying aside the doubtful judgment of criticks , it is evident in respect of the true phrase of this author , that excepting the faults which proceed rather from his transcribers than himself , and the copies than the original , we have nothing more pure in all the latin language than his writings ; nor more worthy of the times of augustus and tiberius . reflections upon the history of quintus curtius rufus . alexander has no reason to complain ( as once he did ) for not having like achilles , a homer to celebrate his praises , seeing there was found amongst the latins , so eminent an historian as quintus curtius to describe the actions of his life . i take him to be one of the greatest authors they had ; and the excellency of his stile would oblige me to think him more ancient than livy , and paterculus , and to make him pass for him of whom cicero speaks in one of his epistles , if the more common opinion of those who have laboured in the search of his age , did not yeild him vespasian's contemporary ; and some to have lived in the reign of trajan . i will not insist upon the passages of his fourth book where he speaks of tyre , nor on that of the tenth where he makes a digression upon the felicity of his age , because many are subject to wrest those expressions to their own sense . but as he lived to a great age , he may well be the same person that suetonius mentioned , as a great rhetorician in the time of tiberius ; and tacitus as a praetor and proconsul of africa under that emperour , for there is not above two and thirty years from the last year of tiberius to the first of vespasian . and what the younger pliny reports of a phantasm which appeared in africa to one curtius rufus , can be understood of no other than him that was mentioned by tacitus as aforesaid . but it is of little moment to my design , to reconcile the diversity of opinions on this subject , which are collected together in vossius , and raderus a commentator of quintus curtius . he is perhaps a son only of those whom cicero or suetonius mentions , and may have nothing in common with any of the other that we named , especially considering that neither quintilian , nor any of the ancients , have said the least word of him or his history , which is very strange : for how quintilian , who omitted not to mention all the considerable historians then extant , in the tenth book of his institutions , writ in domitians reign , could forget him , is not to be answered , without presupposing that the works of quintus curtius were not at that time published . the ordinary impressions of this author witness , that his two first books , and the end of the fifth are lost , as also the beginning of the sixth , and in some few places of the last which is the tenth , there manifestly appears a defect . it was not quintianus stoa , but christopher bruno that supplied the two first books , which he did out of what arrianus , diodorus , justin , and some others left us in writing of the archievements of alexander the great . quintus curtius did well to abstain from the relations of the counterfeit callisthenes ( the true one cited by plutarch being not to be found ) which make one nectanebus a magician to be the father of that monarch , instead of philip of macedon , and represent him rather as a roland , or amadis of gaule than a true conqueror . henry glarean is not followed by any , in his distribution of quintus curtius his history into twelve books , re-establishing the two first , and dividing the rest into ten others , instead of the ordinary eight . but in what manner soever his history is disposed , it will be alwaies found worthy of its subject ; and to him alone can that elogy be applyed , which one amyntianus insolently and undeservedly arrogated to himself ( viz. ) that he had in some sort equalled by his stile the noble actions of alexander . as censurers are every where found , it is not to be supposed that curtius will escape them . the same glarean whom i mentioned before , reproves him for having like an ill geographer , made the river ganges proceed from the south ; and confounded mount taurus with caucasus , and also mistook the jaxartes of pliny for the river tanais . but one may answer in his behalf that these errors ( if they are such ) are not his , who as a latin author did no more than follow the grecian relators , from whom he borrowed his history . strabo observed in the fifteenth book of his geography , that the macedonians called that , caucasus , which was but part of the mount taurus ; because the former furnished them with more fabulous matter than the latter , as that wherewith they delighted to flatter the ambition of alexander , and their own also . and as for the course of the ganges , although it is true that generally speaking it descends from the north to the south , yet strabo adds that it finds such opposition as obliges it many times to hold different courses , and that at length it conveighs all its waters to the east . but mascardi makes other objections , he thinks him excessive in the use of sentences ; and though he cannot but confess that all his are very elegant and ingenious , yet he accuses him for not having alwaies imploied them judiciously , making some persons speak in a phrase no way proportionable to their conditions ; and he instances in that oration of the scythians to alexander in the seventh book . i have read it over and over by reason of this imputation , but with far different eies from those of mascardi ; and i can scarce believe that it is a piece contrived by the author , for i find all matter and stile , so fitly suited to the persons of the scythian ambassadors that pronounced it , both in respect of the sentences , and all the rest of its parts , that it passes in my judgment for a copy taken from the true original of ptolemaeus , aristobulus , callisthenes , onesicritus , or some other of those present with alexander at the time it was spoke , who had the curiosity to insert it in the history of that monarch . i insist not on that part which is so well accommodated to the present made by those barbarians , of a pair of oxen , a plough , a cup , and an arrow . the greek proverb of the solitary places of their country is admirably applyed . and the scythian description of fortune without feet , whose flight cannot be stopped , although you have hold of her hands , seems unexpressibly graceful in their mouths . but though all these things do suit wonderfully well with the persons that utter them , i find the greatest harmony in the manner of imploying those sentences which mascardi arraigns ; and if ever the decorum of the latins was considered , or those rules observed which their rhetoricians authorised , i think one may say that quintus curtius has on this occasion most religiously kept them . they who know with what liberty the scythians and tartarians use fables in all their discourses , and that they , like the rest of the eastern people , scarce say any thing without intermixing parables therewith , will admire the judgment of curtius in the most sententious part of that oration , which his censurer found so much fault with . are you ignorant ( say those ambassadors to alexander ) that the tallest trees which are so long growing , may be beat down and rooted up in an instant ? it is not the part of a wise man to mind only the fruit they bear , and not to consider their height , and their danger of falling . take heed lest endeavouring to climbe up to the top , their uttermost branches do not break , and make you fall with them . the lion be it never so great and fierce , sometimes serves for nourishment to the least birds ; and iron for all its hardness is often consumed with rust . nor is there any thing so solid or strong in nature , that may not be hurt by the weakest things , and which have in appearance the least vigour . certainly here are many elegant expressions , which instead of being condemned for unseemliness , as spoken by scythians , ought rather to be esteemed in a more than ordinary manner , for the air they have of their country , and that unusual way of expression , which almost totally differs from that of the greeks or latins . if i had a mind to censure this history , as well as others , i would not find fault with its geography , or rhetorick ; i should rather accuse quintus curtius for his immorality , wherein he can be no way justified . for after he had acknowledged in more than one place , that alexander made the same use of the eunuch bagoas , as darius did , which made him have so great a power over his affections ( not to speak of ephestion , whose friendship he does not render so shameful or criminal as others have done ) he had the confidence afterwards to affirm , that the pleasures of alexander were natural and lawful . the place i mean , is where he first represents the death of that prince , and then examins his virtues and vices , using these very terms , veneris juxta naturale desiderium usus , nec ulla nisi ex permisso voluptas . how ! this infamous passion he had for bagoas was not then esteemed against nature ? i know not , since long before , notwithstanding the darkness of paganism , phocylides had observed in one of his verses , that even brutes naturally abhorred that sort of conjunction . and plato how infamous soever in that respect , acknowledged in the eighth book of his laws , that even before the time of laius , that example of beasts , made masculine love be stiled a sin against nature . certainly quintus curtius his fault herein cannot be palliated , what licence soever may be ascribed to the gentils , both greeks and romans , on this subject . i will not repeat in this place what i said in the section of arrian , of some small errours of quintus curtius , which are amended by the writings of the former , or rather by the mutual assistance which these two authors give one to the other to be rendered more intelligible . but i will observe , that notwithstanding the praise we attributed to the graecian , of having been one of the most tender writers in matter of prodigies , he whom we now examine is much more reserved therein than he , of which there needs no more proof , than what they both writ of one or two extraordinary springs , which newly sprung up from the ground where alexander had encamped , near the river oxus . arrian saies that one of them was of oil , and the other of clear water , which he confidently reports , as if he would impose a belief thereof on his readers . quintus curtius on the other hand , saies nothing of the source of oil , but that in digging of wells a spring was found in the kings tent , of which as soon as it was discovered , a rumour ran as if it had been miraculous ; and alexander himself so far improved it , as to be pleased that it should be thought a grace of heaven , bestowed on him by the gods. but to shew clearly , with what circumspection this historian alwaies handled things which admitted of doubt , i will instance the terms wherewith he accompanies the narration he writes of a dog in the kingdom of sopita , that fastened on a lyon with so much courage , that he suffered his members to be cut piece-meal , rather then lose the hold he had taken . equidem , saies he , plura transcribo , quam credo . nam nec affirmare sustineo de quibus dubito , nec subducere quae accepi . and this moderation may be applied to that place of the same book , where on the occasion of ptolomy's sickness , a serpent shewed to alexander in his sleep , an herb which would cure him . truly when an author is so modest in his relation , that he appears not to have any design to invade the credulity of his readers , he may write what he pleases , as we have already remonstrated in the chapter of livy . amongst all the latin historians there is none more generally approved than quintus curtius . some are for livy's stile , others for that of tacitus , but all agree that curtius has writ very agreeably , and well . lipsius advises that no book is more worthy the perusal of princes , than this history which he commends to their frequent inspection . some there are of that dignity , who have not only recreated their minds with this book , but found other advantages by it . we have already reported somewhat like this in what we writ of livy ; and i remember i observed that one laurentius di medicis , who caused the history of the emperors to be read to him , was so affected with the recital of some notable act of conrard the third of that name , that he thought he owed his health to the content he received from that relation . antonius panormitanus , and several others observe a memorable occurrence concerning our author , in reference to alphonso that wise king of arragon , who finding himself oppressed with an indisposition , from which all the remedies of his phisitians could not delive him , sought some diversion in the history of quintus curtius ; which was with so much satisfaction and good success , that he became cured of his infirmity , and protested to all about him , that neither hippocrates , nor avicenna , should ever be of equal consideration to him with that treatise . but to draw to a conclusion , i must admit that curtius is excellent in all his orations , either direct or oblique . i have seen but one letter in all his works , which is the answer of alexander to darius . and i do not remember that there is any other digression , than that one of the tenth book which i mentioned before , where , taking an occasion from the divisions amongst the macedonians after the death of him that had made them monarchs of the world , he celebrates the felicity of the roman people , reunited in the time when he wrote , under a great and happy emperor . we must not take for a digression , the relation of the manner of living of the indians , and the description of their country , which is found in the eighth book , because there is nothing therein , that is not essential to the theme which the author proposed to himself ; for being to write of the exploits of alexander in that country , it was requisite for him to give some summary account of it . reflections upon the history of cornelius tacitus . in all the impressions of cornelius tacitus , his annals are printed before his history , which is understood to be because they have a farther beginning , treating of the last daies of augustus , and proceeding unto the end of nero's reign , whose last twelve years are nevertheless wanting ; whereas the books of his history seem to follow one another from the epoche of the death of that tyrant , to the happy government of nerva and trajan . and yet there is no doubt but tacitus first composed his history , as being nearer to his own time ; for he quotes a place in the eleventh of his annals , to which he refers his reader , concerning what he had already writ of the actions of domitian , which were not by him mentioned any where , but in the books of his history . of this history there remains to us but five books , and lipsius guesses that there are ten lost . for if they reached from galba , to nerva , and trajan , which includes at least a space of twenty one years , it is probable the greatest part of them are wanting , seeing the five we have comprehend little more than the occurrences of one year . their stile is more large and florid than that of the annals , which are composed in a close contracted phrase ; but tacitus his eloquence appears every where in his grave way of writing , which has something of that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or sublimity in it , from which the rhet●●icians have observed , that demosthenes never straved . amongst so many censurers , who find every one something thing to say against the works of this historian , none are more excusable than those who only complain of his obscurity . for as he often leaves his narrations imperfect , he is sometimes found less intelligible . and the faults of the copies , and depravation thereby of his sense , in many places , contributes much to render his matter difficult to be understood ; but where the paragraphs are intire and uncorrupted , his meaning is easily discovered . howsoever it be , it is no wonder if tacitus ( having imitated thucydides , and both followed demosthenes ) retained something of that roughness and austerity , which is observed in the writings of those two graecians ; and which all the ancients accounted as a virtue , so far is it from deserving to be imputed as a fault , to him that should propose them to himself for imitation . and as some wines are recommended to our palates by a little bitterness that is in them ; and many persons find that a dusky and obscure light in churches in most sutable to their exercise of devotion : so others conceive the obscurity of an author , mixed with a little roughness of stile , is rather to be esteemed than otherwise ; because it disposes the mind to attention , and elevates and transports it to notions , which it would not arrive at in a more easy composition . as for those who were so confident to pretend that tacitus writ ill latin , i judge them more worthy of compassion for that extravagance , than any solid answer . yet two great civilians were of that opinion , alciat , who maintained that the phrase of paulus jovius was preferable to that of this ancient historian , which , he said , was full of thornes ; and ferret , who condemn'd his stile , as being in his judgment not roman enough . if ever men were absurd in censures , doubtless these were : and i do affirm against such unreasonable opinions , that apparently tacitus makes the least groome or cook , in narratives , speak better latin than either ferret , or alciat : they are indeed learned in the law , but very bad judges of the roman eloquence . for though tacitus has not writ like caesar , or cicero , that is no argument of his bad performance . eloquence is not uniform ; there are divers kinds of it : and it is not unknown to the learned , that latin flourished in all of them differently till the reign of the emperor adrian , who was not so ancient as tacitus , to whom the greatest orators of his time freely yielded the palm of history . and pliny the younger who was one of the most considerable amongst them , declared in many of his epistles , that he esteemed tacitus one of the most eloquent of his age. in the twentieth epistle of the first book , he makes him judge of a dispute he had , about the eloquence to be used in pleading at the bar , against a learned man that maintained the most concise to be alwaies the best . and in another place he describes to one of his friends the pomp of virginius rufus his funerals , observing his last and principal happiness to consist in the praises of the consul cornelius tacitus , who made his funeral oration , and who was the most eloquent of that time ; laudatus est à correlio tacito . nam hic supremus felicitati ejus cumulus accessit laudator eloquentissimus . when he imparts to another called arrian , the success of a great cause against a proconsul of africa , accused of robbing the publique treasury , he saies , that cornelius tacitus made a replication to the person that defended him , wherein his eloquence and gravity inseparable from his discourse were admired ; respondit cornelius tacitus eloquentissimè ; & quod eximium orationi ejus inest , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and when the same pliny designed to provide a publick preceptor for the city of coma in his native country , he intreated tacitus , as one to whom all the great wits of the age applyed themselves , to recommend one to him to exercise that charge . i mention not the descriptions he makes him , in two different letters , of the death of the elder pliny his uncle , and of the burning of vesuvins , which he was so desirous that the history of tacitus should describe , that he conjures him elsewhere not to forget his name in it , declaring his passion for it in terms , which i think not unfit to rehearse in this place : auguror , nec me fallit augurium , historias tuas immortales futuras , quo magis illis , ingenue fatebor , inseri cupio . nam si esse nobis curae solet , ut facies nostra ab optimo quoque artifice exprimatur , nonne debemus optare , ut operibus nostris similis tui scriptor praedicatorque contingat . but the place , wherein pliny shews most the esteem which he and all italy had of tacitus , is that of another letter , where he declares that from his youth upwards he had chosen him for a pattern of eloquence , from amongst the great number of excellent orators , which were then in rome . and because we learn precisely from that place the age of those two men , i will again very willingly insert it in its native language : equidem adolescentulus cùm tu jam fama gloriaque floreres , te sequi , tibi longo , sed proximus intervallo & essse & haberi concupiscebam . et erant multa clarissima ingenia , sed tu mihi ( it a similitudo naturae ferebat ) maxime imitabilis , maxime imitandus videbaris . there is no need to seek other proofs of tacitus his reputation in his own time , which produced so many excellent persons : and few are ignorant how all the following ages have honoured his endeavours , whereof we shall give some more testimonies before we finish this section . but in the mean time is it not strange , that any should be so barbarous as alciat and ferret , and contradictory to all the ancient romans , to maintain that so considerable an author could not so much as speak his mother-tongue ? one must certainly have a brazen face , and a very empty head to advance such propositions . for my part should i see a thousand things that displeased me , i should rather accuse my own weak understanding , or the faults of the copies , or some other defect ( which ought not to be imputed to him ) than give the lye to all antiquity , by falling into such an imaginary imputation . there is a third sort of tacitus his accusers , who tax him of speaking untruths ; vopiscus is of that number . but because he only arraigns him to excuse himself in this general proposition , that the best historians of the world cannot avoid the mixture of lies in their truest narrations . tacitus his reputation seems not to be much concerned therein . we have shown elsewhere that several persons took delight to maintain this thesis . and i remember dion chrysostome endeavouring to prove in one of his orations , that one never knows the truth of things , is not content to say , that the taking of troy by the graecians is a meer fable ; and that the persians delivered a very different account of the wars of xerxes and darius against greece , than the graecians themselves ; but he adds , as a note of the small certainty there is in history , that amongst the most famous of the greek historians , some held that the naval victory of salamin preceded that of plataea , and others asserted the contrary . it is sufficient then to answer , that there are untruths which our humanity bears with , when they are related by report , and without lying . but when tertullian reproaches tacitus with imposture , and budaeus calls him one of the most vile and impious authors we have , it is evident that they mean something more than that sort of misreport , which ignorance may excuse ; and which one may retort upon errors authorised by common belief . for they are offended at what he impiously spoke of christians , & in derision of our holy religion , whom he assaults even in the foundations of the old testament , deriding the miracles of moses , and reproaching the jews with adoring the effigies of a wild asse . i confess that one cannot too much condemn what he writ on that subject , as he was a pagan . but nevertheless we must be forced to acknowledg , that if he must be totally renounced for what he writ against the true god , and our altars , we shall be obliged to burn with his books , almost all those of the gentils , very few of them having abstained from the like calumnies . i say the same thing against the judgment which casaubon in his preface , passed upon polybius , where he pretends that princes cannot read a more dangerous book than tacitus ; because of the bad examples which are seen in it . for it is an ill custome that casaubon has followed , never to write upon an author without blaming all others , to give that the greater authority ; and we know that he has praised tacitus elsewhere as much as any one can do . it is true his history has represented unto us , the actions of the most wicked princes that ever were ; and that by misfortune those books which contained the best emperors raigns , as of vespasian , titus , nerva , and trajan , are lost . yet it is the way to censure all the histories we have in the world , even without excepting the holy writ , to make that of tacitus responsible for the bad examples it contains , there being none found that have not some very dangerous in them , and where there is no need of distinguishing with judgment , the good and the bad of every narration . but perhaps heretofore , as even in tertullians time , the pagans invectives against us might be apprehended , because the world was not then purged of their errors , as it is at present by the grace of god. i cannot imagine that any person can be found at this day , that would let himself be seduced by the calumnies of the ethnicks ; or by all that the infidelity they lived in , could make them write against our evangelical truths . the general esteem the works of tacitus have gained , might suffice alone against the authorities we have examined , though we wanted reasons to refute them . if it were needful to weaken them by other contrary authorities , i can produce two , besides the universal consent of learned men , which are so weighty that they will alwaies turn the scale on their side . the first is that of the emperor tacitus , who though invested in the supreme dignity of the world , did not forbear near two hundred years after the death of our historian , to glory in that name common to them , esteeming it as an honour to have had such an ancestour , and to be acknowledged one of his posterity . he caused his statue to be placed in all libraries , and all his books to be writ over ten times every year , that they might pass from hand to hand , and from age to age , as they have done unto ours . the second authority shall be that of the great duke cosmo di medicis , whose memory will never want veneration , as long as the science of polity or good government ( as his country-men term it ) shall be cultivated . that prince chose tacitus amongst all the historians , as one from whom his mind could receive the most instruction and solid satisfaction . add to the testimony of princes and emperors , that the translation of this author into all tongues , gives a certain proof of the valew of him in all nations . besides his commentaries & history , he wrote a treatise of divers people who inhabited germany in his time , and of their different manners ; with another book of the life of his father in law agricola . some moreover ascribe to him , the book entituled the causes of the corruption of latin eloquence , which others attribute to quintilian , and which possibly belongs to neither of them , according to the probable conjecture of lipsius . as for the collection of the book of the pleasant sayings of tacitus , which fulgentius planciades mentions , it is a meer counterfeit , which never deceived any one but that grammarian . the true compositions of tacitus are discernable enough , either by their form , or matter , taking , as scaliger does , the words of the history for the matter , and the things it unfolds for the form . he scatters here and there throughout the whole , oblique and direct orations , as the condition of time , place , and persons require . but as concise as he is in his stile , he flies out into digressions in many places , witness that of the god sarapis amongst the rest , in the fourth book of his history ; and that other wonderful one in the fifth , which we have already in some sort reflected on , relating to the religion of the jews , and that of moses their law-giver . he was of the opinion , that , as there is no traveller who may not go out of his way sometimes , to see a memorable place , or some singular thing of the countries he passes through ; so the laws of history do no more forbid a writer to make some small excursions , which please and refresh the mind more than they diver it , when they are used only in apt season . he is no less sententious than thucydides or salust , but with such artifice , that all the maxims he laies down , issue from the nature of the subjects he treats of , in the same manner as stars are made of the proper substance of the heavens . there is nothing of foreign , affected , too far fetched , or superfluous in what he writes ; each thought holds a place which becomes it so well , that it cannot be disputed . moreover you do not only learn from him the events of things past ; he seldom fails to discover their causes , and the foregoing councels . one may say the same thing of history , as the poet said of husbandry . faelix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causas . and if what many people aver , be true , to wit , that the water is sweeter in the bottom of the sea , than in the superficies ; it is more certain that an historical relation , which only gives an insight into affairs , and the pursuance of events , leaving the antecedent causes and advices unpenetrated , cannot be so useful or pleasant , as that which reveals all the misteries thereof , and does not hide the greatest secrets contained in those affairs , which relish according to the comprehension we have of them . but that which neightens the merit of tacitus his works , is the observation which others have made before me , that one often learns no less from what he left unsaid , than what he expressed , his silence being as instructive as his language , and his cyphers ( to speak in the terms of numbers ) as considerable as his most important figures , because all therein described is full of consideration , proportion , and judgment . thus as the ancients report , the painter timanthes left more in his pictures to be imagined , than he exposed to the view of spectators . and it is known that tacitus did not set himself to write , before he was very old , after nerva's reign , and under that of trajan , as he himself declares . reflections upon the history of lucius annaeus . florus . they who make lucius florus to live under trajan , are obliged to correct that place of his preface , where he saies there was little less than two hundred years , from augustus his time to his . the most probable opinion is that he was of a little later time . and it is beleived that the poet florus , whose verses spartianus quotes in the life of the emperor adrian , is the same of whom we now write , the author of the epitomy of the roman history in four books . the verses are in a very familiar stile ; ego nolo caesar esse , ambulare per britannos , scythicas pati pruinas . the emperor adrian was addicted to poetry , as may be seen by the pleasant answer which he returned . ego nolo florus esse , ambulare per tabernas , latitare per popinas , calices pati rotundos . and one may see that the phrase of his history is wholly poetical , and that the love of parnassus caused him sometimes , like virgil , to imploy hemistichs in his periods , but though he seems very licentious in it , and his speech and expressions often favour more of a declamer , than an historian , yet we must affirm sigonius to be very unjust , when he stiles him an impertinent writer . the manner in which florus treats of every war apart , did not deserve so severe a censure . and it is apparent , that he was ever acknowledged to be a very fluent author , full of eloquence , and very agreeable flowers of oratory . he is moreover replenished with very ingenious sentences , thoughts expressed with force and vehemency . and laying aside some little places , which may be thought cold , in comparison of others , many refined precepts are contained in what he writes , which could not be expressed in better terms . some doubt whither florus that made the four books above mentioned , was the same that composed arguments to the books of livy's history . nevertheless it is a great mistake , to beleive that he intended to epitomize the whole history of livy , in his four books , for he does not follow it in divers places , but rather pursues his particular fancy . which is so extravagant in reference to chronology , or the account of time , that it is not safe for any that will be truly informed , to take him him for a guide in that matter , because of the many faults he has committed therein , through negligence , or otherwise . he is accused also of contriving the loss of livy's works , to value his own collections ; but i judge those that are of that opinion , to be in an error , such a sort of summary narration being not sufficient so to satisfy the mind , as to make it reject a work , whereof that compendium gives but a very superficial account . moreover some make seneca to be the author of the compendious history of florus , because lactantius laies down , in the fifteenth chapter of the seventh book of his divine institutions , a division of the roman empire into four different seasons , ascribing metaphorically to it , infancy , youth , virility , and old age , which he attributes to seneca's invention . and because the like division is seen , in the preface of florus his books , they conclude that seneca is the author of them ; and that the name of florus is to be no otherwise considered , than as a counterfeit . but he that shall well observe the writings of these two authors , will easily discern great differences in them . seneca makes the youth or adolescency of rome , as he terms it , reach to the end of the last punick war , whilst florus makes it continue but to the first . and seneca begins its old age , when the civil wars arose between julius caesar , and pompey ; whereas florus accounts it from augustus his establishment in the absolute power of the empire . is it not therefore more probable that florus made use of seneca's thought , varying it , and rendering it in a manner his own , by the alteration he made therein ? i am apter to believe , that lactantius was mistaken , than to imagine that all the manuscripts should err , which have put l. annaeus florus in the title of the books we now mention . but perhaps florus and seneca , being both of the same family ▪ viz. that of the annaei , their names may have been confounded by adoption , or otherwise ; and that florus was therefore sometimes called seneca , as one cannot deny that he is in some old copies ; and some have given him also the surname of julius . whereupon we must observe that the house of the heraclidae , is not more honoured in the valour of the many gallant men it hath bestowed on the world , than that of the annaei in the number of the excellent persons it has produced in all sorts of learning . seneca the philosopher , the tragedian , and the rhetorician , ( if they are three ) prove it sufficiently , as well as the poet lucan , and our historiographer , whose stile retains something of the genius of that last family , born all to be masters of eloquence , and poetry . it will not be amiss to observe , that the praises which florus gave in many places to spain , are reproached to him by those who think , that the love of his country induced him to exceed a little , in the sixth , seventeenth , and eighteenth chapters of the second book , besides what he adds in the third , treating of the warlike exploits of sertorius in that country . there was another julius florus , more ancient than the historiographer , who lived in tiberius his reign . seneca , in his controversies , saies that he was instructed in the art of speaking well , by the oratour portius latro. and quintilian , speaking of that florus , saies he was the prince of eloquence , and was a publick professor of it in gallia . they who build upon the surname of julius ( which some manuscripts attribute , as we have already said , to him whose history we examin ) imagin he may be descended from that other florus , whereof seneca and quintilian have made such honourable mention . but it is a meer conjecture , and so light , that it deserves not to be further reflected on . i will only add , that amongst the licences florus has assumed , as we have already observed , there is one so poetical , and strangely hyperbolical , that scaliger with reason blames him , in his commentaries upon eusebius , for having in a mistaken zeal , suffered himself to be led away , by a mean and childish appetite of relating wonderful things to the prejudice of truth . it is where he relates the expedition of decimus brutus , along the celtique , galician , and portuguese coasts . where he alledges that brutus never stopped his victorious course , till he beheld the sun fall into the ocean , and heard with horrour its fire extinguish in the waters ; which gave him a certain apprehension of being sacrilegious , and to have done more than his religion permitted . putida 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sunt haec , saies scaliger , after he had used these terms , florus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 poetica drama amplificat . the same desire of writing some strange thing ought to be censured in him , where he speaks of the defeat of the cimbri by marius . he pretends that two young men were seen in rome near the temple of castor and pollux , presenting to the praetor letters accompanied with laurel , to witness a victory obtained . but i shall on this occasion repeat a maxim , which i have elsewhere established , viz. that if an historian sometimes inserts any thing in his narration , of so extraordinary a nature , he ought at the same time to signify the small faith he has therein , and protest that he meerly reports it as a popular rumor . reflections upon the history of suetonius . i have hinted in the preface of this book , that i would not have ranked suetonius with the other historians , if what he writ of the twelve first caesars , had not contained as well as their lives , an historical series of what happened , during so considerable a time as an age and more . moreover i observe that no body mentions the roman history , without speaking very advantagiously of suetonius ; and lodovicus vives has not stuck to prefer him for diligence , and fidelity , to all the greek and latin writers extant . bodin likewise affirms , that none of them has composed any thing exacter , or better accomplished , than what we have of this historian . but though he is very deserving , i should be loath to ascribe so much to him , as to celebrate his praise to the prejudice of those whom we have hitherto treated of . i allow him to be one of the principal of the latin writers . he was secretary of state to the emperor adrian , which is an evidence that he possessed , besides the knowledge of great affairs , a competent capacity to deliver them in proper and apt expressions . it is said , his imployment was taken from him , because of some private familiarity he had with the empress sabina , which was disliked , as if the respect and reverence due to her supreme dignity , had been thereby violated . but it happens sometimes that particular disgraces are useful to the publick , as was evidenced in his person , for his fall , and the leisure he had by it , reduced him to a studious contemplation , which has procured us amongst other works , that which gives him a place amongst the best historians . besides his historical labour , we have part of his treatise of the illustrious crammaninus , and that of the rhetoricians , and some remains of another which contained the lives of the poets . for that of terence is almost all of suetonius his writing , as donatus himself confesses , who adds something to it . and the lives of horace , juvenal , lucan , and perseus , are probably of the same composition . however it be , some write that s t hierome took him for his pattern , when he made his catalogus of the ecclesiastical writers . but we ought not to believe , that which is extant of the elder pliny's life , under the name of suetonius , to be of his writing ; and if the stile were not an obstacle , the phrase is enough to discover it to be of a more modern contexture . suctonius was too much a friend to the younger pliny , ( as it is apparent in his epistles ) to speak so coldly , and say so little of his uncle , that was a most worthy person . there are many of the epistles of the nephew addressed to suetonius , in one whereof pliny takes notice , that he desired him to defer for some daies , the pleading of his cause , on the occasion of an ominous dream , which made him apprehend at that time , the event of his business . this shews on the one side that suetonius was superstitious ; and the answer pliny makes him , importing that dreams are often to be taken in the contrary sense , witnesses that he yeilded no less than his friend , to that sort of vanity . and in another epistle pliny merrily menaces suetonius , that if he delayed to publish his writings , he would change the hendeoasyllables , which he had made in their praise , into scazons of defamation , adding withal , to incourage their publication , that his work was arrived to such a state of perfection , that the file instead of making it brighter , did now diminish its value , and weaken it . perfectum opus absolutumque est , nec jam splendescit lima , sed atteritur . one may read in aulus gellius , servius , tzetzez , and in suidas , the titles of several compositions of suetonius , which we have lost ; as that of the games and spectacles or shewes represented by the romans ; the republick of cicero ; an account of the illustrious families of rome ; and many others . suidas gives him barely the character of roman grammarian , a quality much more considered in that time , than it has been since . ausonius mentions a treatise of kings , writ by suetonius in three books , whereof pontius paulinus contracting them made a poem . moreover the surname of tranquillus , which is given to suetonius , is in effect the same in signification , as that of his father , whom he himself calls , in the life of otho , suetonium lenem , reporting that his charge of tribune of the thirteenth legion , obliged him to be present , when that emperors troops engaged against those of vitellius . they therefore were deceived who beleived , that this suetonius of whom we write , was son of that suetonius paulinus , whereof tacitus , pliny , and dion make mention . sicco polentonus , and muret committed this error , which lipsius , and some others judiciously repair , there being no reason in what they affirm , to confound a military tribune with a consul . gerardus vossius shews also the mistake of those who read , in the tenth chapter of the first book of the divine institutions of lactantius , tranquillus , instead of tarquitius , who was another author very learned in the pagan religion , and whom probably in that respect , lactantius speaking of aesculapius , rather intends than our suetonius . but to return to his particular history of the twelve first emperors , there are some criticks which affirm , that the beginning of the first book is wanting ; and the ground of their opinion is founded on the improbability , that suetonius should have writ nothing of the birth and first years of julius caesar , when he took the pains to search into the original , and education , of eleven other emperors that succeeded , whose lives he has described . he laboured in it , according to the judgement of s t hierome , ( with the same liberty as soveraigns so absolute assumed ) in a condition exempt from all sort of fear . muret indeed , in his oration upon tacitus , converts this to his disadvantage , and maintains that s t hierome rather blamed , than praised him in that saying . for , saies muret , it were to be wished , that we had not learned so many riots , and shameful vices , as he declares to have been practised by the tiberii , nerones , and caligulae . they are , saies he , so filthy , that they almost make the paper blush , upon which they are represented . and if what one of the ancients saies , be true , namely that there is but little difference , between him who describes such infamy with care , and he who teaches it ; we shall have much ado to excuse suetonius , for having acted such a part as he did . and to augment his charge , he is accused of having used the christians ill , calling them a sort of men , who imbraced a new , and mischievous superstition , which made them be persecuted in nero's time . but , as we have already answered to the like objections in other sections , is there any of all the historians of repute , who is not guilty , if it be a crime in him , to have represented the wicked actions of those they write of , which makes the greatest , and often the most considerable part of the narration ? does not the sacred history it self , shew us parricides , incests , idolatry , and many other profanations , amongst the best examples , and holiest instructions ? and ought we not to cast into the fire all the books of those pagans , who have writ since the beginning of christianity , if what they exposed against our religion , should make us absolutely condemn it . reflections upon the history of justin . some think they are to blame that complain of abreviators , because without contributing to the loss of the writings they epitomised , they have not left us destitute of the most remarkable memorials of many authors , of whose works nothing now remains . but those which are of this opinion , ought to confess themselves obliged to justin , by whose industry , the great labour of trogus pompeius is so happily reduced into little , that we have few latin compositions more considerable than his epitome , either for the stile , or matter thereof . yet methinks , these sort of writers are not sufficiently discharged , in asserting that they have left behind them valuable works , unless it be made to appear , that they have not been accessory to the loss of the originals , which is the crime imputed to them by many learned men , as we have already observed in the chapters of herodotus , dion cassius , and livy . the extracts or collections of that understanding emperor porphyrogenetus are instanced on this occasion . and tribonianius meets with the like entertainment , for having made a defective compilation , in his pandects , of the texts , or rather oracles , of all those ancient lawyers , whose excellent reasonings , and elegant expressions , ought to have been preserved from so bold an attempt . a very speculative modern author speaking of epitomys , does not stick to call them moths and worms that gnaw history , which have made such a spoil therein , that there often remain but miserable shreads of the first contexture . and indeed there ought to be more than a bare negation , to refute so probable an opinion ; though it may be alledged that the works of most abreviators , and those of justin amongst the rest , ought to be now very acceptable to us , because we can have recourse to no other relations of the matter they deliver . it is easy to make a near guess at the time when trogus pompeius lived , by what he said in his forty third book , of his parents that came from gallia narbonensis , where he declares his grandfather to be made a citizen of rome , by the favour of pompey the great ( whose surname probably he took ) during the wars of sertorius ; and that his father , after he had borne arms under caius caesar ( who is here taken for the first emperor who bore that name , rather than for caligula ) had the honour to be his secretary , and jointly to keep his seal . it is therefore thought , that trogus pompeius wrote his history under augustus and tiberius , having spoken of the former at the end of the whole work . it was divided into forty four books , whose number justin has not changed , no more than their title , which was the philippick history , because ( as it appears from the seventh unto the one and fortieth book , ) it was a continued narration of the macedonian empire , which owed its rise to philip father of alexander the great . theopompus had written before , fifty eight books called philippicks , which are quoted by athenaeus and diodorus , and by some held to be the model which trogus pompeius followed ; as cicero , imitating demosthenes , named his orations philippicks , with much less reason . the seven first books of that history , in pursuance of the title we mention , comprised the first beginnings of the world , or of the inhabitants thereof , together with descriptions of places and countries , which justin has apparently cut of , as it may be collected from the ancient preambles before each book of trogus pompeius , published by bongars . but we had been more fully satisfied herein , if that friend of aldus , who bragged he had in his hands all the works of that historian , and would even in a short time shew them the light , had said a truth . as to what relates particularly to justin , he made his epitome , according to the most common opinion , under antoninus surnamed pius , to whom it is thought he dedicated it in his preface . i know , the passage wherein that emperor is mentioned , is diversly interpreted ; and some have been perswaded , that he wrote after the establishment of the roman empire in constantinople , because of a place in the eighth book , where he speaks of the soveraign power of greece . but that may admit other interpretations , without a necessity of making him live two hundred years later than he did , and in an age which produced nothing so polite or elegant , as all we have of this author is . yet it is a greater error to confound him with justin the martyr , as one martin ' a polander did in his chronicle . for though these two justins were contemporary , the manner how the historian treats the israelites in his six and thirtieth book , where he will have moses to be the son of joseph , and the latter a very great magician , shews that he was of the pagan belief . and justin the martyr never wrote but in greek , nor did eusebius , s t hierome , or photius rank the epitomy of trogus pompeius , amongst his works . though s t hierome indeed quotes something of it in his preamble upon daniel ; and no author more ancient than that father of the church , spoke of justin the historian . he was not like to use direct orations , when he whom he epitomised , had condemned them in salust and livy , as we have already elsewhere mentioned . which appears in the eight and thirtieth book , where he rehearses in an oblique form , that long oration of mithridates to his souldiers , to animate them against the romans . and that of agathocles in the twenty second book , pronounced as soon as he arrived at africa , to incourage his troops then terrified by the obscurity of an eclipse of the sun , is no less considerable than that of mithridates , though it be shorter . but he is censured by some , for introducing a few digressions in a work so close and short , as the history he writes . the first is found in the beginning of his second book , where the scythians and the egyptians have a debate on the point of honour , in what relates to their antiquity , both of them pretending to have sufficient reasons to call themselves , the most ancient people of the earth . the second is in the twentieth book , on the subject of pythagoras , whose birth , voyages , learning , virtues , and death , he describes , without forgetting the misfortune which happened to his disciples , whereof threescore were burnt in croton , and the rest exiled . whence one may conclude , that all sort of digressions are not to be condemned ; when so eminent an author as justin , who contracted into so little a space , the history of the transactions of two thousand years ( which are reckoned from ninus the founder of the assyrian monarchy , to the emperor augustus ) made no difficulty sometimes to divert himself this way upon an agreeable subject . but though justin's manner of writing is so excellent , that it was thought worthy of augustus his age , rather than of that of the antonines ; his elegancy of stile cannot atone for his mistakes in relation . pererius has convinced him of many errors in reference to the jews , in his commentaries upon daniel . and vopiscus places him in the rank of historians who could not avoid lying : but one may say , that his associating him with livy , salust , and tacitus , renders that accusation very light . that which he cannot be excused in , is chronology , where he was so much mistaken , that one ought not to follow him alwaies . and that which makes his fault the greater , is that the reputation of trogus pompeius , and the esteem which all the ancients had for him , obliges men to think , that those misreckonings in the sequel of times , are rather of the copy , than the original , or of the abreviator , rather than the primitive author . which is the ordinary judgment of those who have laboured most in the best editions of justin . i should have ended here , according to my first intention , not finding after justin and the time of the antonines , any latin historian amongst the ancients , whence one might draw any profitable instruction to compose a history , or whose works might merit a serious reflection , unless it should be absolutely to condemn the exposition , and ill conduct of them . they who are usually called the writers of the august history , spartianus , wlcatius gallicanus , trebellius pollio , julius capitolinus , lampridius , and vopiscus , have nothing in them contrary to this proposition , or otherwise considerable , except it be that they teach us things of many emperors , whereof we hardly learn any thing elsewhere , though indeed vopiscus is the least faulty of them . trebellius pollio may be put in the second order . spartianus , lampridius , and wlcatius are incomparably more faulty and more negligent than the others ; and julius capitolinus is the worst of all , by the advice of those who have taken the pains to examin them . but it is very strange that a whole age and more should pass away , from that of the antonines to diocletian ( under whom all those before mentioned did write ) without the appearance of one good historian in the roman empire , who might deserve to have his works descend to us . neither will sextus aurelius victor ( who came a little after ) merit a better esteem , whose abridged history contains but a word of each emperor's life , from augustus to julian ; nor would it be any advantage to him if we should confound in one , the three who bore the same name of sextus victor , to theodosius the great . and as for eutropius , who dedicates almost at the same time , his historical breviary , to the emperor valens , and whom suidas calls an italian sophister , i shall say little of him , as having nothing comparable in his writings , to those of the celebrated authors , whose works we have examined . there remains only ammianus marcellinus , whom i cannot with a good conscience decline , he having compiled a just body of history , and by whom i will finish this treatise : for we cannot extend it to the age of justinian , as we have done that of the greek historians ; unless we should introduce jornandes , and cassiodorus , indiscreetly mingling the barbarity of the goths , with the purity and adress of the best authors of the latin language . reflections upon the history of ammianus marcellinus . it must be confessed , that ammianus marcellinus is not considerable in respect of the beauty of his language . for he was a greek by nation , as he himself declares at the end of his last book . and from an epistle of libanius to him , it is inferred , that he was a citizen of antioch ; he speaks of him with elogies , as often as occasion does occur , excusing him in his two and twentieth book , on the subject of the invectives of the misopogon of julian , which he affirms to have been excessive , and contrary to what might be justified with truth . after the death of the emperor valens , he retired to rome , where it is beleived by very probable conjectures , that he complied his history after he had passed through the most honourable offices of the militia , which he exercised under divers emperors , having been in his youth , of the number of those who were then named protectores domestici ; which was a quality that resembles that of the gardes du corps in france , an ordinary step to the highest imployments of the state. he flourished under the emperors gratianus and valentinian , and wrote his history in one and thirty books , which he began at the end of domitians reign , or the beginning of nerva , and continued to the death of valens ; the first thirteen of them are lost , and the eighteen that remain , are full of imperfections , which the injury of time , and the insolent temerity of criticks have introduced in them , as the learned author of the last edition of that work , has very prudently observed . it is easy to judge that the books of ammianus his history , which are wanting , were writ much more compendiously , than those we have ; for he comprised in the thirteen first , the reigns of as many caesars , as were between nerva and constantius , who makes the beginning of the fourteenth ; all the rest which followed being imployed to describe , what past from that last emperor's , to gratian's time , under seven reigns only . we have spoken in the section of josephus , of those who undertook to write in foreign tongues . i will not repeat any thing here that i there mentioned ; but only add , that if the history of ammianus marcellinus receives some prejudice from his defects in the latin elocution , in which a graecian , and a souldier by profession as he was , could not very much excell , it is so well recompensed by the merit of the thoughts , and all the rest of his work , that an advantagious place , amongst the prime and principal historians , cannot be refused him , he is of the number of those who writ the things they saw , in which they often had a great part ; wherefore he has something common with caesar and xenophon . nevertheless i do not think ( as others have done ) that he is that free prince of dalmatia and illyria , of whom suidas speaks , though he bore the same name , and was a great friend of salustius the philosopher , who ought not to be confounded with another of that name , a principal commander of the praetorian militia , under valentinian . but ammianus marcellinus is very much to be valued ; because , though he was a pagan , he had the discretion to publish nothing directly contrary to christianity ; and abstained from many invectives , which his equals often in that time used against our religion . he gives indeed excessive praises to julian ; and though that apostate cannot be too much detested , for his infidelity and revolt , yet it cannot be denied but he was indued , according to the ordinary definitions of the schools , with the moral and intellectual virtues of chastity , magnanimity , learning , and temperance , unless the faith of all histories that have writ of him be disputed ; which is needless in the age in which we live , wherein the grace of god has left us nothing more to fear from the idolatry of the ancients . if the opinion of gesner may be allowed , who maintains that marcellinus the historian is the same that writ the life of thueydides , it may be wondered that he treated christianity with so much moderation . the author of the life commends thucydides for nothing so much , as that he had the power over himself , to forbear writing with animosity , against cleon , or brasidas ( who had caused him to be banished ) never shewing any where his resentment of so great an injury ; though , to speak the truth , he did not wholly refrain from representing the bad conditions of cleon. it is no marvel then , that marcellinus practised himself what he esteemed so much in others , or that he made use of that virtue in his discourses , which he commended in those of thucydides . one of the considerations which ought to oblige us to a greater esteem of the history of ammianus , is , that we have none like that , which gives us the knowledge of many antiquities of the gaules , or so well explains the originals of the first french , germans , and burgundians , of whom it makes frequent mention . morover it contains many things besides , which are found no where else , and has had the approbation of all ages since it was writ , because of the sincerity and veracity of the author . and for his reputation , we may add to what has been already said of him , and his employments , that he passed his last years with great reputation , under the emperors gratian , valentinian , and theodosius the great . but all these encomiums do not protect him , from being accused of having too often acted the part of a philosopher in his writings , affecting to appear learned , beyond what the laws of history permit , which do not admit of entertainments of so great ostentation , as many of those he relates . it is the ordinary fault of those that are distinguished by their profession , from men of letters , and has great resemblance to that vice , which the greeks named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies a learning in old age ; because they which study when they are advanced in age , and against the rules of the usual course of study , are much more subject to it than others . and indeed , ammianus marcellinus cannot be justified in many places of his history , where he indecently quits the prosecution of his narration , to enter upon discourses of philosophy , and other sciences , which have hardly any relation to the matters whereof he treats . but to make the thing clearer , and consequently more instructive , i will produce two or three examples of his practice herein . in the seventeenth book , speaking of terrible earthquakes , which happened under the reign of constantius in macedonia , in the province which at that time bore the name of pontus , and in many parts of asia minor , he makes an excellent description , and not improperly , of the strange ruines which nicomedia the capital city of bithynia suffered by this accident . and if he had stopped there , he had done enough , but he takes occasion on that subject , to seek for the physical causes of such shakings in the lowest part of the universe . and considers first what the priests of his religion said of it . thence , examining the reasons of aristotle , anaxagoras , and anaximander , strenghtned by the testimony of the poets , and theologians , he shews that there are four sorts of earthquakes . and after a long enumeration of the new isles , which appeared in divers places after such shocks , he names those that were swallowed up by a quite contrary violence , and one amongst the rest , which was of a greater extent than all europe , and was swallowed by the atlantick sea ; which doubtless he took from plato's timaeus though he does not name him . at last having a long time philosophically expatiated himself , he begins his narration again with julian's residence at paris , being then only a designed caesar or emperor . in the beginning of the twentieth book , he takes notice of a great eclipse of the sun , in the year when the scotch , & the picts wasted england , which was that of the tenth consulat of constantius , and the third of julian . as this was a good observation to be made , and very worthy of his history , so there is no reason on that circumstance , to fall upon the most secret misteries of astronomy , not only in what concerns those periodical defects of the light of the sun , but also in what touches the travels of the moon ▪ as the poets say , when the earth darkens it with its shadow . he exposes on that subject the opinion of ptolemaeus , in the same words he used ; and not content to treat of eclipses , he inquires into the cause of the parelia , when we think we see more than one sun in the heavens ; so that one would think in this place , he quite abandons the prosecution of his history , to deliver to his readers , a lecture of astronomy . nevertheless at last he resumes his discourse , recounting the preparations of constantius against the persians , and his jealousy of the brave actions of julian , after a tiresome and intolerable excursion . the third and last example of the vicious digressions of ammianus , is in his thirtieth book , where he observes with curiosity and profit , how the emperor valens was diverted by his courtiers from hearing causes pleaded , and assisting at judgments , that they might thereby pursue their unjust monapolies ; and because they feared , considering his rigid and severe nature , he would cause justice to be exercised as legally and justly , as it was a little before , under the government of julian . thence he takes occasion to inveigh against the profession of advocates , which he says , epicurus named the art of knavery 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . and the better to represent the infamous proceedings of those of his time , he exaggerates the merit of one demosthenes , that made all greece come to athens , when he was to speak in publick ; and of one callistratus , who made even demosthenes leave plato in his academy to go and hear him ; and then he mentions hyperides , aeschines , androcides , dinarchus , and one antiphon , who was the first of all antiquity that was recompensed for pleading in a weighty cause . from the greeks he passses to the romans , and naming those great orators rutilius , galba , scaurus , crassus , antonius , philippus , and scaevola , he descends to cicero , to prove that formerly , they that had exercised the chief imployments of state ; after having been censors , consuls , generals , and had triumphed , did not disdain to take a place at the bar ; and add to the glory of their precedent actions , as a corollary , that of having had the applause of a whole audience in pleading . and after having shown so fine a scene , he draws the curtain , to expose to all eies the shameful and criminal prostitution of the advocates of his age , dividing them into four sorts , whose impostures , impertinencies , and perplexing tricks he does so particularly display , that one has much ado to get out of the laborinth , to recover the narration , and return to valentinian in tryers , where he had left him . though his declamation is very moral and elegant being separately considered , it must needs be troublesome , and tedious as he introduces it , because it too visibly interrupts the course of the history . and those that would be instructed in physicks , astronomy , or moral philosophy , do not seek such lessons in an historian , and to those that design to be informed in history , nothing can be more uneasy , than to find in the midst of a relation foreign discourses , which divide or mislead the mind , and do but shew his learning that exposes them . besides this vicious ostentation , which one may easily perceive in those three passages i instanced , ammianus marcellinus is blamed for having made certain descriptions so poetical , that they are hardly sufferable . and though , as we have elsewhere observed , history and poetry are good friends enough , and agree in many things ; caussinus the jesuite , in his treatise of eloquence , gives divers examples of this defect , which appear so frequently in the writings of ammianus , that it is hard not to find some in every opening of the book . but all these censures cannot deprive him of the praises we have given him . there are generally speaking , certain things in books that are displeasing , which nevertheless are not to be rejected , because they serve for a basis to others which are better , and are like the lees , which preserve the wine , in its spirits . but after all that has been said , the imperfections of this historian seem to me so much the less considerable , as the virtues of his age were rare . and it is that which induces me to put an end here to my labour , hardly finding after him , any thing but gross errors , in the writings of those authors of the next succeeding age , which busied themselves in writing latin history . to write of the modern historians is not my design , and the interval of time which divides them from the first of that order , is a just occasion for me to make a stop here . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a49146-e280 ep. 25. l. 7. lib. 1. strom. notes for div a49146-e1570 l. 1. de leg . & 2. de orat. l. 15. c. 25. noct. act. l. de scr . hist. in bion. & herac. a book so called . noct. act. l. 1. c. 25. suet. de ill . gram. c. 6. photius sect. 61. de aesch . juven . sat. 10. in euterp . l. pen. parag . 2 dig . de acq . rer . dom . iaitio terpsic . plutarch was trajan's preceptor . nat. hist . l. 12. c. 4. hobbs in the life of thueydides . * ter maximus : for hermes was so called , because he was a king , a priest , and a philosopher . xenophon . t is sermo est quidem me●le dulcior . tullius lib. de clar. oratoribus ad brutum . et eodem libro p●●lò inferius scribit , xenophontis vote musas quasi locutas fer●●t . * cyrus ille à xenophonte , non ad historiae fidem scriptus est , sed ad effigiem● justi imperii tullius ad quintum fratrem . cicer. 2. tusc . quae . * libellus de aequivocis voss . de hist . graet . lib. 1. cap. 5. speron . speroni dial . di xenoph. unus xenophontis libellus , in eo rege laudando , facilè omneis imagines omnium , flatuasque superavit . tullii epistol . lib. 5. ad q. filium . diod. sic. initio lib. 1. a. gellius noct. att. l. 5. c. 18. a custome in use amongst the greatest of the roman nobility . cicer. l. 1. tusc . quae . constantinus porphyrogennetus ut supra . in arcad. lib. 5. ep. in macr. vossius de hist . graetis c. 19. l. 6. noct. act. c. 8. lib. 1. hist . tr. of hist . upon sand. rome . the greeks called all nations , but themselves , by that name . ad annum num. 1567. photius meth. hist . c. 5. 5. disc . de trad . lib. 18. cap. 40. lib. 2. lib. 1. the name , or inscription of his history . paraen . ad gr. photius . lib. 4. lib. 5. urbs maxima lesbi , juxta methymnum . lib. 3● lib. 6. lib. 7. lib. 8. lib. 5. dec. 1. l. 2. aulus albinus . maluisti culpam deprecari , quam culpâ vacare . a. gell. l. 11. c. 8. in ca● . aemil. prob. in . hann. urbs latii , una exceleberri●is , in finibus aequo●um . hist . eccles . lib. 3. cap. 9. nomine aliturus . vossius de histor . graecis l. ● . c. 8. cap. 5. lib. 5. hist. i ▪ vesp . c. 4. ah ●o acceperit epistolas septuaginta●duas &c. vos . loco citato . he was an egyptian born in oasis a city of aegypt , & alexandrinus vocari gaudebat , vossius de script graecis l. 2. c. 7. aegyptii op . inter pelusium & memphin . ad. ann. chr. 58. cap. 158. lib. 3. cap. ●9 . ad 〈◊〉 . 34. c. 2●6 . ad ann . 96. cap. ● sect. 47. 76. et 238. cap. 2. lib. 1. de bello jud. cap. 21. ib. lib. 2. cap. 4. lib. 18. antiq. jud. c. 2. bataues in the french original . chief city in media now called yerack . moreri dictionar . sect. 131. vossius de hist . graecis , c. 11. lib. 43. dig . tit . 3. leg . 1. par . 4. et lib. 44. digest . tit . 7. leg . 47. in pseud . i● gordian . vossias de historicis graecit . l. 2. c. 13. meth. hist . cap. 4. in vita cat. v. crimen plagium à plagis ( 1 ) à dolore quo is afficitur qui surreptus est . cat. lib. 5. et ● strom. lib. 9. cap. 2. & 3. geogr. lib. 17. procuratores caesaris , an office which resembles the charge of attorny general in england . * o●sus ab aeneâ , et ilio capto , percurrit illa tempara , usque ad romulum . inde accu●atius persequitur omnia usque ad augustum . quaedam etiam carptim atque obiter addit , usque ad trajanum . vossius loco citato . caellus secundus curio , in epistolâ dedicatoriâ , ad bonifacium amberbachium , versus finem . homo consularis . lucullus lived about 71 years , before christ , and about 23 , before julius caesar assumed the government of the roman empire . cicero . lib. 60. * these psylli are mentioned , to have been imployed by augustus caesar , to cure cleopatra of her poison , by sucking the venome out of her wounds , that he might carry her in triumph to rome-sueton . in aug. c. 17. lib. 66. lib. 67. a city of cappadocia . v. lib. 8. de vita apol. c. 10. ad ann. chr. 176. a latin historian . two roman emperors killed at rome a● . 237. universus mundus exercet historiam , sea. pharos vulgo dict . he was an historian that writ many books , whereof some are lost , by the injury of the times . he lived in the time of dioclesian the emperor . voss . de hist . latinis lib. 1. cap. 7. he was secretary of state , to theodore king of italy , an. dom. 584. he writ many books , and died it a monastery in calabria , to which he retired : legra●● dictionaire de morere . lib. 3. eccl. hist . cap. 41. l. de rom. hist . s●r . histor . eccles . l. 3. cap. 41. lib. 16. eccl. hist . cap. 41. & se● . lib. 2. lib. 2. lib. 4. lib. 5. ep. 124. & 129. ad. ann. chr. 395. art . 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . lib. 1. i●edita . thomas rivius , and gabriel trivorius . she was a common comedian before he married her . lib. 1. de bello pers . pag. 37. pag. 36. pag. 39. & 59. pag. 91. pag. 60. pag. 56. lib. 58. lib. 3. hist . cap. 32. anecd . pag. 28. pag. 58. lib. 3. hist . cap. 32. meaning the french. cap. 160. m. gueit . the french. places where ancient records were kept . notes for div a49146-e26170 mart. in apop● . a. gell. l. 1. c. 15. l. 9. inst . cap. 3. l. 2. inst . c. 5. & l. 4. c. 2. l. 3. c. 1. l. 4. c. 15. ●● l. 10. c. 20. l. 11. ep . 1●4 . l 5. satur. c. 1. l. g. hist . lib. 4. de re poet. cap. 24. lib. 10. inst . c. 1. orat. 22. vell. patere . in voce zenobius , l. 9. cont . decl . 1. in hadr. in sev. lib. 4. inst . cap. 1. lib. 17. noct. a●t . cap. 18. suet. de ill. gram. cap. 15. apud dionem lib. 42 & 43. maenechmi a comedy so called in plautus because of two of that name so called in it . praef. in tac. & not . in l. 1. pol. l. 28. advers . c. 22. justini●s l. 38. lib. 1. de l●g . l. 10. in s . c. 1. eodem animo dixisse quo bellavit . ascon . pedia . in caes . cap. 56. macr. 1. satur. cap. 14. 〈◊〉 l. 11. aea . in beuto . a gell. l. 1. noct. att. c. 10. & macr. l. 1. satur. c. 5. in caesar . 56. fr. floridus sabinus , et lud. carrio . l. 7. nat. hist . c. 25. ep. 101. lib. 10. inst . cap. 1. in claud. cap. 41. suetonius in claud. loco citato . quint. l. 10. inst . c. 1. ep. ad . jo. boc . l. 7. de hon . disc . ● . 12. l. 9. ● . 19. de hist . la● . in meth. hist . c. 2. anna 1451. suet. in calig . cap. 34. et in domit. c. 10. lib. 1. inst . cap. 5. lib. 9. inst . cap. 4. cap. 6. tr. 1. c. 4. l. 9. contr . decl . 1. lib. 1. de ira. c●ult . lib. de . tranq . c. 9. vide vossium de hist . lati. pag. 95. cap. 19. dec. 1. l. 5. et dec . 3. lib. 1. et 4. lib. 2. de consec . hist . jul. scal. l. 1. poet . c. 2. lib 4. annal . † priori nomine patavium appellata . * vicus ad euganeos colles in italiâ prope patavium . vide vossium de scriptoribus latinis . lib. 2. civitatem non muro , sed vallo fossaque &c. quam appellabant cicera , è nomine deae cisae , quam religiosissimè colebant . wolfangus lazius . lib. 1. de frag . velleii . lib. 3. ad q. fr. ep . ● . lib. 11. ann. lib. 7. ep . 27. ad suram . apud photium sect . 131. tr. 5. dell ' . arte hist . c. 2. ep . 3. lib. 6. & lib. 10. lib. 7. lib. 9. but this fierceness so admired and doubted by curtius , is not strange to us , that see the like courage in our mastifs on all occasions . lib. de reb . gest . alph. supposed to be vespatian . i suppose the author is mistaken in this computation , for vossisius speaks but of two years . extremum neronis biennium deest . de hist . latinis lib. 1. cap. 30. muret. or . de tac. epist . 1. l. 2. ib. ep . 11. l. 4. ep . 13. lib. 6. ep . 16. et 20. lib. 7. ep . 33. ib. ep . 20. in aurel. orat. 11. taciti facetiae . lib. 2. de re poet . c. 1. et l. 3. c. 1. virg. 2. georg. l. 1. hist . cap. 22. lib. 1. instit . c. 3. pag. 134. lib. 2. cap. 17. lib. 5. de trad . disc . lib. 1. ep . 18. lib. 5. ep . 11. ep. 19. cap. 10. in vita suet. var. lect . l. 5. c. 11. eadem libertate scrip●lt , quâ ips● vixerunt . parum abest à docente qui talia narrat . in ner. cap. 16. verulam de aug . scient . l. 2. c. 6. cap. 40. in aurelio . guards of the king of france his body . henr. valesius . lib. de virtute paganorum . meaning the french. in the section of agathias . lib. 2. cap. 8. herodian's history of the roman emperors containing many strange and wonderful revolutions of state in europe, asia, and africa : also, their most remarkable embassies, speeches, antiquities, &c. : together with the most solemn ceremonies us'd at the deification of the roman emperors : with a character of the ancient britains / done from the greek by a gentleman at oxford. history. english herodian. 1698 approx. 458 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 215 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2008-09 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a43430 wing h1581 estc r13737 12849271 ocm 12849271 94482 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a43430) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 94482) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 383:16) herodian's history of the roman emperors containing many strange and wonderful revolutions of state in europe, asia, and africa : also, their most remarkable embassies, speeches, antiquities, &c. : together with the most solemn ceremonies us'd at the deification of the roman emperors : with a character of the ancient britains / done from the greek by a gentleman at oxford. history. english herodian. gentleman at oxford. [2], 421, [4] p. printed for john hartley ..., london : 1698. advertisements: p. [2-3] at end. reproduction of original in library of congress. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng emperors -rome -early works to 1800. emperor worship -rome -early works to 1800. rome -history -empire, 30 b.c.-284 a.d. 2007-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-01 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-02 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2007-02 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion herodian's history of the roman emperors , containing many strange and wonderful revolutions of state in europe , asia , and africa . also , their most remarkable embassies , speeches , antiquities , &c. together with the most solemn ceremonies us'd at the deification of the roman emperors . with a character of the ancient britains . done from the greek , by a gentleman at oxford . london , printed for john hartley , over against grays-inn in holborn . 1698. herodian's history . book i. the preface . most men that have spent their time in collecting histories , and retrieving the memory of things transacted long ago , have made it their chief business to transmit to future ages the fame of their own learning , to distinguish them in the crowd of authors . for which reason they have not been so sollicitous about the truth of the things delivered , as that they might be handed down to us with all the advantages of eloquence and language ; perswading themselves , that altho in reporting matters of great antiquity , some part of their story should be fabulous , yet the reader would be charm'd with their eloquence , nor would the truth of what they related be call'd in question . others again , out of a private pique and hatred to tyrants , or in flattering princes , private persons , or communities , have stamp'd too great a character upon mean and little actions . but as for my part , i report things not taken upon trust from others , having few witnesses , and little authority to support them , but such as are fresh in the memories of all men , which i have collected with great care and fidelity in the ensuing memoirs , hoping that the knowledge of those great and many occurrences which have hapned within the compass of a few years , will not be unwelcom to posterity . for if we look back as far as the reign of augustus , from whence we date the roman monarchy , and from thence down to the times of marcus , which is about two hundred years , we shall not find so many changes in the succession to the empire , such various events of foreign and civil wars , such commotions of nations , reductions of towns , both roman and barbarous , such earthquakes , plagues , lives of princes so monstrously extravagant , that former ages are scarce able to furnish a parallel . some of these enjoy'd the empire a long time , but the power of others was but short-liv'd : nay , there are instances of those that were only just declar'd emperors , and lost the power the same day : for in sixty years there having been more emperors of rome than can be allow'd in common computation for so short a period of time , many things hapned which may deserve our admiration . the more aged emperors , being men of experience in affairs , govern'd both themselves and their subjects with great caution and diligence ; but others coming young to the crown , abandon'd themselves to ease and pleasure ; and in these a spirit of innovation was very prevalent ; and from this disparity in their age and measures of government , arose great variety in their actions and manners . these things i shall relate in order , having regard to the time and reign wherein they were done . an epitome of the first book . the emperor marcus being taken with a fit of sickness , and fearing lest his son commodus should degenerate from the vertue of his ancestors , as princes usually do , he commits him to the care and guardianship of his friends and relations , and dies . commodus succeeds him , and in the beginning of his reign all things are duly and regularly administred ; but afterwards being corrupted by flatterers , he leaves the pannonian war unfinish'd , and resolves for rome , notwithstanding the disswasions of pompeianus . at rome he is receiv'd with publick rejoycings , and having visited the temples , and return'd thanks to the senate , he goes back to his palace . then he appoints perennius , a man sordidly covetous , to the management of publick affairs , and abandons himself wholly to his pleasures . his person was comely , his diversions various , as hunting , fencing , chariot driving , &c. but at last he arriv'd at that pitch of madness , that he commanded the people to call him hercules the son of jupiter : and having call'd the months after his own name , he order'd his statues to be erected in all the parts of the city . then he chang'd his name a second time , and took up the name and family of a certain gladiator deceas'd . the calamities of those times were look'd upon as judgments from heaven , punishing the wickedness of the prince in the miseries of the people : such as was a great plague , in which he himself retir'd to laurentum ; and a famine , occasion'd by cleander's buying up the corn. his sister lucilla first form'd a design against his life , after her perennius , then maternus , and last of all his concubine marcia , by whose advice he was first poyson'd , and afterwards strangled , in the calends of january . the first book . the emperor marcus had a great many daughters , but only two sons ; the one , call'd verissimus , died very young ; he that surviv'd was named commodus : him his father educated with all the care imaginable , drawing together from the most remote parts , by the offers of considerable pensions , men famous for their learning , that being always with his son , they might instruct him in whatever was proper for him to know . his daughters , after they were of convenient age , he married to the most considerable men in the senate , not so much regarding in the choice of a son-in-law , ancientness of family , or largeness of fortune , as probity of manners , and innocency of life ; looking upon the endowments of the mind as the only true and lasting blessings . he liv'd in the constant practice of all sorts of vertues ; he was a great lover and successful studier of antiquity , insomuch that he surpass'd most of the greeks and romans of his time ; the truth whereof is attested by those learned remains which he left behind him , which are yet in being amongst us . as to his behaviour , he was extremely civil and courteous to all men ; he shook hands familiarly with all that came to him , and commanded his guards not to deny any man access to him that desir'd it . he is the only prince that was a philosopher , not in notion and speculation , but in his conversation and p●●ctice ; and hence it was that that age produc●d so many wise men ; for subjects usually propose their prince for their imitation , and still copy after that great original . whatever therefore marcus did , either at home or abroad , that may deserve the praise of courage or conduct , and how he behav'd himself against the northern and eastern nations , is abundantly recorded in the learned labours of others : but as for all those things which since the death of marcus , in the whole course of my life i have heard or seen , some whereof i have had more particular experience of , as being in publick employments at the time , these i have undertaken to deliver down to posterity . marcus being now weakned with age , and spent with the cares and fatigues of government , whilst he was in pannonia was seiz'd with a violent fit of sickness , and perceiving himself to be past hopes of recovery , was very sollicitous upon the account of his son , who was now entring upon the state of manhood , fearing lest in the heat and fervour of youth , being freed from the influence a father's authority might have over him , and set at large from every thing that might restrain him , he should disdain all honest and sober discipline , and give himself over to intemperance and riot : for the minds of youths are apt to fall from sobriety and vertue into the contrary extremes . besides , being a man of great reading and experience , he was the more apprehensive , in regard of the many miscarriages of princes that came young to the crown ; such as was dionysius , a man so wholly devoted to sensual pleasures , that he encourag'd with great rewards the invention of all things that tended to the improvement thereof . such were the successors of alexander , whose abuse of their power , and oppression of their subjects , reflected a lasting infamy upon his empire ; especially ptolemy was so scandalously wicked , that contrary to the known laws of the greeks and macedonians , he committed incest with his sister : and antigonus , that he might represent bacchus in all his extravagances , debas'd his scepter into a thyrse , and his macedonian diadem into a chaplet of ivy. his fears were also encreas'd by examples of a later date ; as by that of nero , who with unheard-of impiety murther'd his mother , expos'd himself publickly , and turn'd buffoon to make sport for the people : as likewise by domitian's , who equall'd the greatest tyrants in inhumanity and cruelty . having these images of tyranny in his mind , he was distracted between hope and fear : but the germans , a neighbouring nation , which he had not entirely conquer'd , encreas'd not a little his anxiety . some of these had been perswaded to enter into a league with him ; others he had subdu'd by force of arms : but some there were whom the terror of his arms had dispers'd only for the present ; these he thought , taking advantage of the minority of the prince , might renew the war : for 't is the custom of the barbarians to take up arms upon every little opportunity or advantageous conjuncture . lying under this distraction , he order'd such of his friends and relations as were near his person to be sent for , and after they were come together in his presence , he plac'd his son before them , and raising himself from his bed , spoke to this effect . i don't wonder , gentlemen , that you seem concern'd to see me in this condition ; for humane nature is apt to be touch'd with other mens calamities , those still affecting us the most sensibly to which we are eye-witnesses . but besides common humanity , there are other reasons for your compassion at this time ; that love and affection for you which i feel so plainly within my self , makes me hope , nay challenge a return of kindness from you . and now , gentlemen , is the time for me to see whether or no i have bestow'd that time in vain which i have spent in honouring and serving you , and for you to make your acknowledgments , and shew that you are not unmindful of the good offices i have done you . you see my son , whom your selves have educated , entring upon the estate of manhood , and standing in need of a pilot to direct him ( if i may so call it ) in the ocean of life , lest through unexperience of affairs , he be betray'd into sinful and dishonest courses . i entreat you therefore , instead of one , be to him many fathers , in instructing and advising whatever is requisite for him to know or to do : for it is not in the power of riches to satisfie the boundless appetites of tyrants ; nor can troops of guards , how numerous soever , stave off dangers from a prince , that has not gain'd the love and affections of his people . those only enjoy long and happy reigns , that are rather belov'd for their gentleness , than fear'd for their cruelty : and those mens services only that obey out of choice , not necessity , are free from the suspicion of artifice and design . these men are loyal at the bottom , and never depart from their duty unless they are provok'd to it by some violent and contumelious usage . but 't is hard for men to set bounds to their passions , where there are none to their power . sound therefore in his ears the precepts of vertue and goodness , and remind him often of the things he has heard this day , and hereby you will make your selves happy in a prince , and at the same time will do the greatest honour to my memory , which by this means you will make immortal . after he had spoke these words , his strength fail'd him , and being unable to support himself in that posture , he sunk gently into bed. this affected the company so extremely , that some of them broke out into undecent out-cries . he liv'd afterwards a day and a night , and then died , to the unspeakable grief and affliction of all men , leaving behind him the memory of his vertues , which all ages will have in veneration . after he was dead , and the report thereof was spread abroad , the whole soldiery and commons were seiz'd with a general sorrow , and a certain air of melancholy appear'd in all the parts of the empire , none receiving the fatal news without tears . all men bewail'd the publick calamity , and , as they were variously influenc'd , lamented the loss of their prince , under the different characters of a kind father , a valiant general , a gentle and prudent governour ; and so many were the excellent qualities of this emperor , that they justified all these complaints . after the ceremonies of the emperor's interment were over , the young prince's friends thought fit to bring him into the camp , that he might harangue the soldiers , and , as it is usual for emperors upon their accession to the empire , engage their hearts to him by the magnificence of a donative . so publick notice was given that they should assemble in the usual place , at which time commodus came , and having sacrific'd to the gods , ascended a bench of state , erected for that purpose in the middle of the camp ; and , his father's friends standing around him , many of which were persons of great learning , he deliver'd himself to the following effect . commodus his speech . i am perswaded , gentlemen , you are as much affected as i can be with this unhappy accident . my father lov'd us all equally , and while he was alive we all stood upon a level ; and i remember he was always more pleas'd with calling me fellow-soldier than son , because this denoted only a natural relation , but that a communication of vertue : and carrying me in his arms when i was a child , would often put me into your hands , and commit me as it were to your faith and protection . for which reasons i assure my self of your good-will and affections , seeing by the elder sort of you i have been educated , and to the younger i have been all along a fellow-scholar in feats of arms. for my father having an equal kindness for us all , took the same care of our institution in every thing that was honest or praise worthy . upon his decease chance has cast the sovereignty upon me , being no stranger to the imperial line , nor lording it in a new-gotten throne , as those have done that went before me . i am your only prince that have been born and bred up in the imperial court , untainted , as i may say , with private education : the royal purple receiv'd me at my coming into the world , and i commenc'd at the same time man and prince . reflect upon these things , and love and honour your emperor , who is not the creature of a faction , but claims the empire of the world by blood and birth-right . my father is taken up into heaven , and has taken his place among the gods. the care and administration of humane affairs is left in my hands , and the successful discharge of so important a trust will depend entirely upon you . now if we prosecute with vigour the remainder of the war , and enlarge the roman empire by our conquests , till it stretch it self to the ocean , not only each man will have the glory of his respective atchievements , but we shall all in some measure honour the memory of our common father , who hears and sees in his exalted state all we say or do here below ; and happy we , that have such a witness to our actions ! and know , gentlemen , you have stronger inducements to be valiant now than ever ; for in my father's life time the glory of all great actions was attributed to his wisdom and counsels : but under me , a young unexperienc'd prince , your courage and bravery will be the most conspicuous , there being no abatement to be made upon the score of a general . besides , your valour at this time will have another good effect , 't will gain authority to my youth , and make me formidable to the barbarians , who , if vigorously repuls'd in the beginning of my reign , will not only be quieted for the present , but restrain'd also from the like attempts for the future . having thus spoke , he gave great sums of money to endear the soldiery to him , and return'd to his palace . 't was but a short time that the late emperor's friends had the superintendency of publick affairs ; during which time , they were always with the young prince , giving him good advices and instructions , and allowing him no more time for recreations than was thought requisite for his health : but after a while , some of the courtiers insinuating themselves into his acquaintance , endeavour'd to debauch him . these were your table-flatterers , that make sensual pleasure the measure of happiness . they would often take occasion to commend to him the way of living in rome , telling him of the plays , musick-meetings , and other diversions of the town , and generally of the plenty of all things conducing to the pleasure or convenience of life . on the other hand , they cry'd down at the greatest rate imaginable the country about the ister , as well for the barenness of the soil , as the perpetual rigour and cloudiness of the weather : and would often be saying to him , how long will your majesty take up with frozen muddy water , whilst others enjoy the warm baths and cool streams , with the air , and refreshing breezes so peculiar to italy ? with these and the like suggestions they rais'd unruly appetites in the youth : so he call'd his friends together , and gave them to understand , he had a great inclination to visit his native country ; but was asham'd to discover the reasons inducing him thereto , and pretended violent apprehensions of danger from some of the nobility , that might seize the imperial palace , and drawing together a body of men , might as it were from a well-fortified castle attack the empire ; adding withall , that there might be a sufficient force rais'd out of the people for the effecting such an enterprise . all men were in perfect amazement to hear him talk in this manner , but durst not speak their thoughts to him upon so tender a point ; till pompeianus , the eldest of the company , and one that might challenge more authority over him than the rest , in regard of his alliance to him , having marry'd his eldest sister , spoke to him in these words . pompeianus his speech . i don't wonder , my lord , that you desire so passionately to see your native country : we our selves desire it as much as you ; but cannot comply with our inclinations at this time , because matters of a more pressing and important nature require our stay. as for the satisfaction of living at home , you may enjoy it more securely hereafter ; tho' indeed every place is rome where the emperor has his court. but to leave the war unprosecuted , will not only be a dishonour to our empire , but may be also of dangerous consequence : for it will animate the barbarians to new attempts ; who will think us rather influenc'd by our fears , than any regards to our country , in this sudden removal . on the other hand , consider how glorious it will be for you , after a total defeat of your enemies , and enlargement of your empire as far as the ocean , to return in triumph to your country , pompously attended by kings and nobles in chains ? these things made the ancient romans so much celebrated in all ages . and as for the jealousie you have entertain'd of some of the nobility , 't is altogether groundless , and you need apprehend nothing from that side , for here are the most eminent persons of the senate , here is the imperial treasure , and the whole military force of the empire , bravely venturing life and fortune in defence of it . and besides , your father's memory has confirm'd to you the love and loyalty of all men. this speech of pompeianus diverted the young prince , and shook his resolutions for the present . the words of the old man weighed much with him , and at this time he had nothing to alledge to justifie his intention . therefore he dismiss'd his friends , and told them he would consider of it : but at last being overcome by the importunity of his courtiers , he would no longer consult his friends , but immediately sent letters to rome , to signifie his resolution to return ; and having appointed such persons as he thought fit , to guard the banks of the ister , and restrain the incursions of the barbarians , gave publick orders to prepare for a march. after his departure , the persons entrusted with the affairs upon the ister were very vigilant in their respective posts , and in a short time conquer'd vast numbers of the barbarians by force of arms ; others by offers of money were easily brib'd into an acceptance of peace ; for the barbarians naturally love money , and despise danger , and live by inroads and ravages upon the neighbouring territory , or traffick peace for money . which commodus knowing , and being both able and willing to purchase security and repose to himself at any rate , comply'd with them in all their demands . after the proclamation was made , that they should march homewards , a sort of a confus'd joy ran through the whole camp ; every one being willing to change the toils and fatigues of war in an enemy's country , for the pleasures and gaieties of peace at rome . but after it was publickly known that the young prince was returning , the romans were visibly transported with joy , all men expecting great things from the presence of a prince , who they thought would emulate his father's vertues . his journey he perform'd with great expedition , being entertain'd with great splendor and magnificence in the towns he pass'd through ; and generally his presence gave great content and satisfaction to all men. but when he came near rome , the whole senate and roman people went out in full body to meet him : they march'd with great formality , carrying branches of laurel , and all sorts of flowers that were proper for the season . every man strove to be foremost in this ceremony , both to express his affection , and satisfie his curiosity , in beholding the greatest of princes in the most flourishing scene of his age. and the truth is , the romans had a real affection for him , in regard he was not only a native of their country , but had his whole education amongst them , and was of noble and imperial blood for three descents ; for by his father's side he was descended from persons of the most eminent quality in the senate : his mother faustina , the empress , sprung out of the loins of emperors , being daughter to antoninus surnamed pius , and grand-daughter to hadrian by the mothers side , and great grand-daughter to trajan . this is the account of commodus's parentage . but beside the advantages of youth , his person was very agreeable ; he had a manly beauty in his face , with a fine shape and figure of body : his eyes were languishing , and yet had a peculiar sort of lustre : his hair was curl'd , and yellow , resembling flame , when he walk'd in the sun ; which made some men fansie he was powder'd with dust of gold. others thought it a testimony of his divinity , looking upon these as the glories that adorn'd him at his nativity . he had no beard , but only down upon his cheeks . this was the figure the prince made when the people receiv'd him with huzza's and shouts of joy , scattering flowers and garlands all the way as he pass'd . after he had enter'd rome , and visited the temples , he render'd thanks to the senate in full assembly , and to the soldiers that were left in rome , for continuing steadfast in their duty and allegiance during his absence , and then retir'd to his palace . thus for a few years he paid all the deference imaginable to his father's friends , and transacted nothing without their counsel and direction . but after a while he took the government upon himself , and constituted perennius an italian , a man of great military skill , captain of the praetorian establishment . this perennius let the prince live at large , allow'd , nay encourag'd him in the greatest riots and excesses . by this means he drew all the affairs of the empire that require diligence and application to himself , till at last he got the whole . administration into his hands . he was a man insatiably covetous , his desires could never terminate in what he possess'd , but still grasp'd at something he had not . he constantly endeavour'd by calumnies and misrepresentations to create a jealousie in the prince of his father's friends , especially the most rich and noble amongst them , that the prince might be mov'd to cut them off , and he might enrich himself by their fall. but however the prince was restrain'd for a time by the memory of his father , and the regard he had to his friends ; but an unlucky accident hapned , which destroy'd all the remains of vertue and moderation which he yet retain'd , and utterly perverted the biass of his mind . the accident was this . lucilla , commodus his eldest sister , was formerly married to l. verus the emperor , whom marcus had made his collegue with him in the empire , thinking this alliance would be the strongest bond of a lasting amity between them . but it fell out , that verus dy'd , and her father married her to pompeianus , and yet she retain'd the port and grandeur of an empress . so it was , after commodus came to the crown , he suffer'd her to take the same state upon her , and she was in all respects honour'd as empress . but now commodus took a wife nam'd crispina , and lucilla was oblig'd to give place to her , which gave her great regrets : for she look'd upon all honours done to the empress , as indirect affronts to her self . this put her upon designs against the government ; but she knew her husband's love of commodus too well to communicate any thing of that nature to him : so she apply'd her self to quadratus , a young rich noble-man of rome , ( that lay under a suspicion of intriguing with this lady ) and after she had sounded how he stood affected , made her complaint to him , representing how she had been injur'd and disgrac'd ; till at last she perswaded him to enter into counsels fatal both to themselves and the whole senate . for among other senators that he drew into this combination , there was one quintian , a man of a dauntless spirit , and one that would undertake any thing ; him he perswaded to take a ponyard under his clothes , and observing time and place proper for the execution of his design , to assassinate the emperor ; adding , that if that was once done , what remain'd would easily be effected , by distributing money among the people . in order to the doing this , quintian posted himself in the entrance of the amphitheatre ; the darkness of the place he thought would help to conceal him , and favour the design . so when the emperor came by , he boldly assaulted him with his drawn sword , crying aloud , the senate has sent you this . as he was repeating these words , the emperor's guards laid hold of him , and made him pay dear for his madness , after he had rather discover'd , than accomplish'd his design . this was the first cause of the emperor's hatred of the senate . that saying made deep impression in him , and from that time he look'd upon all the senators as disaffected , still keeping in mind the words of this bold assassine . perennius made good use of this occasion to inflame the emperor against them . he had always advis'd him to cut off the leading men among them ; and whoever was crush'd by his displeasure , he still grew fat upon his ruines , and by this means easily became the richest man of those times . and now he made inquiry into this plot with great rigour and severity ; and lucilla , with the rest of the conspirators , and all such as were suspected to be concern'd ( how slight soever the ground of the suspicion was ) were put to death without mercy . and now perennius having taken out of the way all those that lov'd or were reverenc'd by the emperor , undertook himself the care of his person ; and having got an unlimited authority into his hands , began to aspire to the empire . and in order to the compassing his ambitious ends , by his interest with the emperor , he advanc'd his sons to the command of the illyrian army ; and in his ministry at home , amass'd a treasure sufficient at any time to shake the loyalty of the praetorian soldiers , and bring them over to his party . his sons in the mean time made secret levies , that as soon as perennius had assassinated the emperor , they might follow their father's blow , and seize the empire . this plot took air very strangely : it was the time when the sacred games instituted to the honour of jupiter capitolinus were to be celebrated . this drew together vast multitudes of people , as is usual in rome at the like solemnities . the emperor presides at these games , with the priests in their turns . commodus had seated himself in the emperor's box , to hear the most celebrated actors of that age : but when the theatre was full , and every man had taken his place according to his rank , before the action began , there stept out a man in a philosophers habit , half naked , with a staff in his hand , and a satchel hanging from his shoulder , into the middle of the stage , and commanding silence , address'd himself to the emperor , and told him , that this was not a time to quit the cares of empire , for the diversions of games and publick festivities ; that perennius his sword was drawn against him , and if he did not ward off the blow which would suddenly be made at him , it would certainly be fatal , and he would feel it before he was aware ; that perennius was raising forces and money to be employ'd against him , and that his sons by secret practices had sollicited the illyrian army to revolt ▪ and in conclusion , if he did not take care in time to break their measures , he was irrecoverably ruin'd . whether the man was urg'd by divine impulse to utter these words , or was mov'd meerly by the prospect of glory or reward , i can't determine ; but the adventure so shock'd the emperor , that he was not able to speak for the present . as for other men , tho' they believ'd the man might have ground for what he said , yet they pretended to give no credit to him ; and perennius in great rage commanded him immediately to be apprehended and burnt for a mad-man , and a reporter of vain stories . so the philosopher suffer'd for his unseasonable liberty . however , those that pretended to be zealous for commodus's interest , made use of this occasion to let themselves into invectives against perennius , whom they hated before for his intolerable pride and insolence of behaviour . and it pleas'd the gods that commodus should escape , and that the blow levell'd against him should return upon the heads of perennius and his sons : for a short time after some soldiers came privately from the illyrian camp to rome , bringing along with them pieces of money stamp'd with the image of perennius ; and having without his knowledge obtain'd access to the emperor , , ( tho' he was then captain of his life-guard ) they shew'd the pieces to him , and made a large discovery of the whole plot , with all the circumstances of it , and were well rewarded for so signal a piece of service . perennius was ignorant of the whole course of this business , and an executioner was sent by night to take off his head , when he expected nothing less ; which was done : and a courier is dispatch'd into illyria , and order'd to make all possible haste , that he might prevent the fame of what had hapned at rome . by him the emperor sent letters to perennius's son , wherein he made great expressions of his friendship , and satisfaction in his conduct , and told him , he would reward his services abroad with better preferment at home . the young man could not look thorough the disguise , but thought the emperor's invitation to return was sincere : for he heard nothing of the disaster of his family in rome , nor of any thing that had hapned there ; and he was confirm'd in his belief when the courier told him , that it was also his father's pleasure that he should return , and that he would have writ to him upon that subject , had he not known his entire resignation to the emperor 's will. he was extremely regretted to leave his designs unaccomplish'd , after he had made so great progress in them ; nevertheless , in confidence of his father's interest at court , which he thought continu'd still , he set out for rome . but when he came into italy , he was dispatch'd by the emperor's order . this was the end of these great men. and now commodus constituted two captains of the praetorian band. to intrust so great power with a single man , he thought was dangerous ; and the dividing of it he knew would weaken it , and make it less fit to encourage attempts against the government , than when it was united . but notwithstanding this caution , another conspiracy was set on foot in a short time : the account that is given of it , is this . maternus , a soldier that had committed divers outrages , about this time thought fit to leave the camp , and perswaded some other soldiers to desert with him : out of these , and others that came in to him , he soon form'd a party of men of the like desperate fortunes and tempers with himself . with these he first plunder'd villages , and ravag'd the country around : but after he had furnish'd himself with money for greater enterprises , and had drawn together a formidable body of men , by promise of reward and a share of the booty , they grew from a contemptible band of robbers , into a just and regular army . and now they attack'd and storm'd the greatest towns , broke open the prisons , and set at large all the prisoners , without distinction ; most of which , out of hope of impunity or reward , joyn'd themselves to them . and now with their whole force they made an inroad into gaul and spain , over-ran the whole country , took the most considerable towns , burnt and pillag'd them , and march'd off with the booty . when commodus heard of the swift advances of these rebels , he wrote to the prefects of his provinces in terms of anger and indignation , accusing their conduct for not opposing the growth of this rebellion , and commanding them instantly to levy a force to suppress it . the rebels had intelligence of this , and that an army was raising against them , and therefore judg'd it most advisable to leave the country where they had committed their ravages , and pass over into italy ; which they did by short by-roads , and in small parties . and here maternus's ambition began to fly high , and to have the empire in view . for he had found that all his designs had hitherto succeeded beyond expectation ; and he knew that in this juncture he had a desperate game to play ; therefore he resolv'd to risque at all , and either seize the empire , or die with glory in the attempt . but he knew the emperor's strength , and his own weakness , too well to engage with him upon equal terms : for the praetorian soldiers , and generally the whole roman commons , were thought well-affected to commodus ; which oblig'd him to have recourse to policy and cunning : so he form'd this stratagem . in the beginning of spring , upon a solemn day , the romans make a pompous procession in honour of cybele , at which time the richest furniture either prince or subject is master of , is carry'd before the goddess with great solemnity . this is a licentious time for all sorts of frollicks and gambols , which at this time have the publick countenance ; all men are permitted to use what disguise they please , nor is any magistrate's habit so sacred , but every person that has a mind may take it upon him ; so that during the festival 't is hard to distinguish a true magistrate from a masquerader . this maternus thought the fittest occasion for executing his treasonable purposes ; for he fansied if he could put himself and his men in the habit and equipage of the emperor's guards , he might easily in that huddle of ceremony crowd in amongst them , and seeming part of the emperor's retinue , might without danger of discovery assault him , and so accomplish his design . but before the day came for the execution of this stratagem , he was betray'd by some of his accomplices , that could not brook his advancement from a fellow-robber , to be their lord and sovereign . whereupon maternus , and all those that were engag'd in the same traiterous designs , were forthwith apprehended and put to death . commodus , after publick thanksgiving and sacrifice to the gods , was present at the celebration of the festival , which was perform'd by the people with extraordinary demonstrations of joy , upon the account of the emperor's deliverance . the reason why the romans had this goddess in such veneration , it won't , i think , be impertinent to insert out of their own histories , seeing it is so little known amongst the greeks . they say her image fell originally from heaven ; but out of what , or by whom it was made , remains uncertain ; tho' the opinion has generally prevail'd , that it could not be made by men. the tradition runs , that it fell , and was first found in phrygia , in a place call'd from thence pessinuns ; but i find this matter differently related from other hands . according to these , there was heretofore an engagement here between ilus the phrygian and tantalus the lydian . the occasion is reported variously . some say , it was for taking away ganymede by force : others , that it was only upon a dispute about a way . whatever was the occasion , both sides maintain'd the fight with great obstinacy , without any apparent advantage to either . the slaughter was great on both sides , and from hence , say they , the place took its name . and here it was that ganymede was torn in pieces by his brother , in that fatal endeavour to rescue him from his lover , and immediately disappear'd ; which gave occasion to the report of jupiter's carrying him into heaven , and of his consecration consequent thereupon . here also the phrygians celebrated their orgia upon the banks of the river gallus ; from whence the gelt priests of this goddess receiv'd their name . but when the roman power advanc'd towards its ascendant , and they had receiv'd information from the oracle , that the possession of the pessinuntian goddess ▪ would conduce to the effectual establishment and encrease thereof , they were resolv'd to demand her image of the phrygians , and immediately dispatch'd ambassadors with instructions to that purpose , enforcing their demand by pretensions of affinity , and a descent from a common ancestor , viz. aeneas of phrygia . in short , the romans easily obtain'd what they came for , and the goddess embark'd for rome : but when she arriv'd at the mouth of the tyber , which serv'd the romans then in stead of a harbour , the vessel by divine appointment stood still , and the whole united force of the romans could not haul it from the place , till a vestal priestess perform'd what the rest had attempted in vain . she had vow'd perpetual chastity , and now was charg'd with a violation of that vow ; and fearing the execution of the law upon her , she offer'd to stand to the award of the goddess , whether or no she was guilty of the fact whereof she stood accus'd ; which being accepted by the romans , she took off her girdle , and pray'd the goddess , if she knew her to be a spotless virgin , and that the calumny she lay under was undeserv'd , she would command the vessel to move ; and immediately fastning her girdle to it , she drew it after her with great ease , to the wonder and amazement of the spectators , who look'd upon it as an unquestionable testimony of the divinity of the goddess , and the innocence of the maid . thus much i thought fit to insert about the pessinuntian goddess , with more exactness and accuracy perhaps than the thing deserv'd : however i hope the relation will not be unpleasant to those that are unacquainted with the roman story . but to return to commodus : after he had escap'd these traiterous designs of maternus , he augmented his guards , grew shie , and seldom appear'd in publick , liv'd for the most part in his country-houses which were most remote from the city , gave over the exercise of all imperial jurisdiction , and laid down in a manner the very figure and character of an emperor . at this time all italy was visited with a great plague ; but it raged the most in rome , in regard it was a town very populous of it self , and of a vast resort of strangers from all quarters ; whereupon ensu'd a great mortality of men and beasts . the emperor by the advice of his physicians retir'd to laurentum , where the air was more cool and temperate , and the groves of laurel too frequent in those parts , as is imported by the name of the place , which it took from thence , preserve the country from infection by the fragrancy of their smell , and the delightfulness of their shade . and upon the same reason the people in the city , by the prescription of their doctors , fill'd their noses and ears with sweet ointments , and always carried perfumes about them ; for they fansied these would close up the pores by which the infection was to enter , so that either it should not enter at all , or , if it did , it might be expell'd or vanquish'd by a contrary force . but notwithstanding this , the plague grew more outrageous , and men and beasts dy'd in great numbers . at the same time the romans were afflicted by an evil of a different nature , viz. a famine and dearth of all things . the occasion was this . there was a certain man call'd cleander , a phrygian , and one that had been publickly sold by the common cryer . his first advance was to be the emperor's slave ; afterwards he became his favourite ; till at last he arriv'd to so great a sway and interest at court , that he got to himself at once the honourable charges of gentleman of the emperor's bed-chamber , captain of his life-guard , and general of his armies . and now his wealth and affluence of all things put him upon projecting how he might gain the empire . hereupon he ingrossed prodigious quantities of corn , and lock'd them up in his granary , that when the roman army and people should be reduc'd to extremity for want of sustenance , so seasonable and surprizing a relief might win and endear them to him for ever . he built also a famous place of exercise , and maintain'd a publick bath at his own charge , thinking by these popular arts to please and cajole the multitude . but they hated him upon an old score , for his insatiable covetousness ; and now they look'd upon him as the author of their late calamities , which inflam'd them to that degree , that they openly in the theatre vented their spleen against him in satyrical touches and reflections upon his behaviour , till at last the whole mobb went to the emperor's palace with full cry against him ; nor could any thing appease their clamours , besides the delivering up this minister to them . while the people were in this ferment , and the court was fill'd with noise and tumult , the emperor lay in the inmost rooms , dissolv'd in pleasure , and , as matters were manag'd by cleander , utterly ignorant of the present posture of things : when upon a sudden , when no man expected it , the horse-guards issued out upon them by cleander's order , and bore down and trampled under foot the defenceless multitude ; for being without horses and unarm'd , they were unable to sustain the impression , but betook themselves immediately to their heels , and fled back to the city . great numbers were slain upon the spot ; not only such as fell by the hands of the soldiers , or were trod to death by the horses , but a great many that were press'd to death by the crowd in the hurry of the action . they pursu'd them to the gates of the city without resistance , and made a very great slaughter . those that were left in the city being advertiz'd of the misfortune of their friends , planted themselves upon the tops of their houses , and threw down stones and tiles upon the horse-men , and in a moment the scales were turn'd ; for here was no engaging near at hand , but the whole multitude securely and advantageously posted , made a battery upon them from above , till at last being cruelly gall'd and wounded , they were forc'd to quit their ground , and retire with precipitation . a great many were struck down dead with stones , that were plaid upon them continually with great vigour , which afterwards rolling down into the streets , extremely annoy'd the horses , and frequently occasion'd the overthrowing both of horse and man. there were also some foot-soldiers quarter'd in the town , that out of a private pique to the horse-men , fell in with and reinforc'd the mobb . while all things were thus embroil'd by civil fury , commodus was kept in ignorance of all that hapned ; nor durst any man acquaint him , for fear of cleander ; till fadilla , his eldest sister , who had free access to him upon all occasions , ran to him in great haste , with her hair dishervell'd , flung her self upon the ground , and making indeed a very deplorable figure , spoke to him in these words , deliver'd with all the concern and passion imaginable . fadilla's speech . my lord , while you enjoy your ease , and know nothing how affairs are manag'd , your sacred person is brought into imminent danger . we that are of your blood and family , are in danger of being extirpated and ruin'd , with the whole roman people in general , and a great part of the army . what we could not expect from barbarians , we suffer from your own ministers . those to whom you have been the greatest friend , are become your most inveterate enemies . cleander endeavours to exasperate the army and populace against you , by the first of which he is belov'd and supported as much as he is hated and oppos'd by the other . they are both in arms , combating with great fury and outrage , and filling the streets of rome with blood and slaughter . whoever is vanquish'd , 't is we and the community must suffer , unless you instantly execute justice on this wicked minister , who has been the cause of this publick disorder , and , if he be not provented , will certainly occasion some notable disaster to the imperial family . after she had spoke , she rent her clothes ; and this boldness of the princess inspir'd others with courage to come in and confirm what she had said : which gave the emperor such terrible apprehensions , that he thought the storm did not menace him from afar , but was that moment breaking over his head. so immediately he summons cleander to appear before him , who knew nothing certainly of this discovery beyond conjecture and suspicion ; and after he was come , commanded him instantly to be seiz'd ; and his head struck off , was afterwards fix'd on a spear , and expos'd to publick view , to the unspeakable satisfaction of the people . thus this storm was blown over , the civil fury was asswag'd , and all sides laid down their arms. the soldiers saw their leader slain , and began to apprehend the emperor's displeasure ; for they perceiv'd now that he had been abus'd in the whole course of this affair , and that cleander had acted without his authority or commission . the clamors of the people were appeas'd , they sat down contentedly under their miseries , after they had been reveng'd upon the author of them . but cleander's calamity involv'd all his dependents , and his two sons ; they were all butcher'd without mercy , and their dead bodies dragg'd about the city , after which indignities they were thrown into the common sewers . this was the period of cleander's greatness , and of all those that were supported by his interest : and i am apt to believe , nature design'd him for a remarkable instance of the mutability of our condition , and has shew'd in him how men may be lift up from the most abject state , to the very utmost pitches of humane greatness , and how easily they may be tumbled down again from this elevation , by a single turn or double of a capricious and inconstant fortune . and now commodus , tho' he was violently afrai of an insurrection of the people , yet he was prevail'd upon by his friends to return to the city , where he was receiv'd by a great appearance of people , and loud acclamations of joy , and then lodg'd himself in the imperial palace . but this series of dangers he had encounter'd , had this bad effect , that it created in him a jealousie and distrust of all men , which betray'd him to a merciless disposition of mind , and made him inclinable to hearken to all manner of calumnies and accusations , tho never so false : he would not let any man have the least share in his favour , that had the reputation of wisdom or vertue . as for himself , he departed from every thing that was honourable and good , suffer'd his animal nature to get the ascendent over his reason , which was sensibly impair'd by his immoderate indulging sensual pleasure . in conclusion , he banish'd all men his court , that had the fame of being moderately learned or vertuous , under the notion of being plotters and conspirators ; suffer'd himself to be led and manag'd by a set of rascals and buffoons ; gave himself over to chariot-driving , and combating with wild beasts , which he pursu'd with greater application than was suitable to his dignity and character ; and from his performances of this kind it was , that his flatterers ascrib'd to him the reputation of valour . at this time there were prodigies discover'd in the heavens , stars appear'd in the day-time , some of which of an oblong figure , seem'd to hang in the air. there were also a great many extravagant births of various sorts of animals , contrary to the ordinary measures of nature . in some of these , the whole frame and structure of the body was monstrous ; in others , the parts were strangely disproportionate . but what gave the greatest wound for the present , and fill'd men with the most dreadful apprehensions for the future , was the burning down of the temple of peace , being the most beautiful and stately fabrick that was in the city . before this dismal accident , there had been no rain and few clouds , only the earth was just perceiv'd to tremble ; and whether it hapned by lightning in the night , or by fire which might burst out in that extraordinary movement of the earth , is uncertain : but however it was , the richest temple in the city was burnt to the ground , with all the ornaments of gold and silver with which it was beautified , far beyond any of the rest ; for it was look'd upon as a very secure place , and was at that time the universal repository for things of value ; so that by this nights calamity several rich men were reduc'd to extreme poverty , and all men lamented the publick loss , and each man his own particular . besides this temple , a great many other graceful and magnificent buildings perish'd in the conflagration : amongst these was the temple of vesta , insomuch that the image of pallas was laid open to publick view . to this the romans pay a singular veneration , and secret it from the eyes of the people . the tradition is , that it came originally from troy , and this was the first time it was seen in publick since it was brought into italy ; for no sooner was it arriv'd , but the vestal virgins convey'd it privately along the sacred way , and lodg'd it in the imperial palace . a great many other beautiful and well-built parts of the town were laid in ashes : nor could the fury of the merciless element be check'd , till it was done by a shower from heaven . and now the whole business was imputed to a superintending providence , and the people were generally perswaded that the fire began and ended by divine appointment ; and it was a common remark , that this burning the temple of peace portended wars to ensue . nor was the observation vain , as appear'd by what hapned afterwards , as shall be related in order . this series of disasters and misfortunes coming one upon the neck of another , extremely abated the affection of the people to commodus , to whose cruelty and enormous way of living they imputed all the miseries they had labour'd under ; for they knew of all his irregularities , nor did he endeavour to conceal them ; but what he was censur'd for acting in private , he boldly own'd and avow'd in publick ; and at last arriv'd to that degree of madness and folly , that he grew asham'd of his own name , and in stead of commodus the son of marcus , commanded the people to call him hercules the son of jupiter . he laid aside too the garb and ensigns of roman majesty , wrapt himself in a lions skin , carry'd a club in his hand , and , what was most ridiculous , put on withall purple robes flowr'd with gold , insomuch that he became the subject of the publick scorn and derision , having attempted to join in the same habit the softness of a woman and the manly roughness of a heroe . in this equipage he appear'd every day ; and now with a peculiar strain of vanity he chang'd the names of the months , calling them after his own sur-names , most of which referr'd to hercules , as being a heroe of the most celebrated valour . he likewise commanded his statues to be erected in all the parts of the city ; particularly , one was set up over against the senate ; the posture was drawing a bow ; for he affected that even the air of his statues should carry something of terror and menace in it . this statue was taken down after his death , by order of the senate , and the vacancy supply'd by another of liberty . and now commodus could not master his vanity any longer ; so he caus'd proclamation to be made , that he would entertain the people with a publick shew , wherein he would encounter the wild beasts in person , and kill them with his own hands ; adding defiances and challenges to the roman youth , and declaring that he would fight with any that durst appear in single combate . the fame of this entertainment drew a vast resort of people out of italy and the adjacent countries , all men being eager to see what they had not so much ▪ as heard of before : for 't was reported that commodus levell'd a dart with that dexterity and address , that he seldom fail'd of hitting his mark. he had parthians with him on purpose to instruct him in the mystery of arching , and numidians to teach him how to throw the javelin ; and he had made such prodigious improvement , that he surpass'd them both in their respective arts. and now the day was come for the grand entertainment , the theater was extremely crowded , and a terrass was built for commodus round the place where the beasts were to be shewn , from whence , without any hazard to his person , he might dart upon them , to the infinitely greater proof of his skill than his courage . as for bucks and does , and other horned beasts , except bulls , he gave them chace himself , and with the fatal shaft o'ertook and slew them in their flight ; but lions and panthers , with the more generous sort of salvages , he shot from the terrass ; and so great a master was he of this diversion , that every dart gave wounds , and every wound was mortal ; for as soon as the beast was rous'd , and had put himself in posture to insult him , he immediately struck him in the heart or head , which were the only parts he aim'd at , so that the beast infallibly dy'd . and now we had an opportunity of seeing what before we had only admir'd in picture ; for whatever beast of portentous size or form , the south or the north , india or aethiopia , could furnish , was shewn and slain in publick by the emperor upon this occasion ; all the spectators being in perfect amazement and admiration of his matchless skill . sometimes he would take a dart the point whereof was fashion'd in the shape of a half-moon ; with this he would strike a moresco estridge , a creature that by its swiftness of foot , and wings that serve it in stead of sails , runs at a most prodigious rate , and would take off its head with that force , that the bird would continue its career a considerable time after . and when a panther with incredible swiftness had seiz'd a man within the lists , and was about to tear him in pieces , the emperor came in seasonably to his rescue with an arrow , that struck the beast dead , and fav'd the man from the jaws of death . he also kill'd a hundred lions with the like number of arrows , their dead bodies fell in such regular order , that any person might number them with ease ; nor was any single shaft found that had not done it s design'd execution . these things , tho' they were unbecoming the majesty of an emperor , yet because they had in them some shadow and resemblance of skill and bravery , were not unpleasing to the populace : but when he came naked into the theater , and took upon him the figure of a common gladiator , this was an ungrateful spectacle : for how must it wound the eyes of every true roman , to see so illustrious and high-born a prince , and emperor of rome , after so many triumphs of his father and ancestors , not making war upon the barbarous nations , nor doing any thing worthy of that empire of which he was the head , but debasing his imperial dignity , by taking upon him a habit so notoriously scandalous and infamous ? notwithstanding this , commodus went on with his fencing , and easily baffl'd all those that enter'd the lists with him : but he did not proceed beyond wounds , all the combatants submitting to him , and confessing the power of a weapon in the hand of a prince , how mean soever his skill was in using it . and now he was so entirely given over to this extravagant humour , or rather madness , that he design'd to abandon his imperial palace , and to take his apartment in the fencing-school . he thought fit likewise to lay down his name of hercules , and to take up that of a certain gladiator of famous memory . he also took away the head of the colossus , or the statue of the sun , for which the romans have a peculiar veneration , and set up his own in the room ; and , rejecting the ordinary style of roman emperors , inscrib'd upon the basis , the vanquisher of a thousand gladiators ; preferring this vain character to all the titles deriv'd to him from his ancestors . but now it was time a stop should be put to the follies and madness of the emperor , and that rome should be freed from his tyranny . it was the new year , the first day of the year , at which time the romans celebrate a festival to janus , the ancientest of the italian gods. this janus is reported to have entertain'd saturn when he was forc'd out of his kingdom , and liv'd here incognito , for fear of the prevailing power of his son jupiter : and from hence the country was call'd latium , from a word of greek extraction , since become latin ; and for this reason the romans to this day celebrate the saturnalia to the absconding god , immediately after the feast of the new year , according to the ancient usage of italy . the image of this janus has two faces , because in him the old year ends , and the new one begins . during this festival , friends visit and entertain one another in an extraordinary manner ; presents are sent , and invitations pass amongst neighbours ; and , in short , an humour of generosity , hospitality , and freedom reigns all over the city : and at this time it is the principal magistrates appear the first time in their formalities . in the height of this solemnity commodus design'd to begin his procession , not from the imperial palace , ( as the custom was ) but from the fencing-school ; not in the imperial robes , but in the habit and equipage of a fencing-master , with a train of gladiators at his heels ; and thus attended , he design'd to make his appearance in publick . this resolution he communicated to marcia , one of his concubines of the first rate ; for he lov'd her far above all the rest , and paid her all the regard and deference that is due to a wife , allowing her all the honours of an empress , except that of having fire carry'd before her in state. she presently perceiv'd how ridiculous and extravagant his intention was in all the circumstances of it , and essay'd all the ways imaginable to divert him from it , flung her self at his feet , and besought him with tears , that he would not entrust his person with such a set of desperate bravo's , nor do a thing so highly inconsistent with the dignity of the roman empire . but when she found he was inflexible , and all her pray'rs signified nothing , she departed with tears in her eyes . after that he call'd to him laetus the captain of his life guard , and electus the gentleman of his bed-chamber , and commanded them to furnish up an apartment for him in the fencing-school , imparting to them his intention of marching from thence the next morning , to perform the sacrifices customary upon this occasion , and of appearing before the people in armour ; at which they were infinitely surpriz'd , and besought , and us'd their utmost endeavours to dissuade him from doing a thing so unworthy of his high station and character . but this only serv'd to incense him : whereupon in great rage he commanded them to withdraw , and retir'd into his bed-chamber , as if he had design'd to repose himself , ( as his custom was about noon ) and there took his table-book , and wrote down the names of those he had doom'd and mark'd out that night for destruction : the first of which was marcia , and after her laetus and electus , with a great many other eminent personages of the senate : for he design'd to remove all his father's friends , and especially those that were venerable for their age and gravity , lest their presence might give him some check in those infamous liberties which he resolv'd to abandon himself to . their riches and effects he intended to distribute amongst the soldiers and gladiators , that the first might protect , whilst the latter did divert him . this table-book , after he had wrote what he intended , he laid down upon his pallet , not imagining that any person would enter his chamber . now there was about the court one of that sort of boys that go naked , and are trick'd up with gold and jewels , being kept by persons of quality in rome for their diversion . this boy was a favourite of the emperor's , who doted upon him to that degree , that he frequently took him to bed with him , and call'd him philo-commodus , the very name expressing his peculiar fondness of him . this boy , when commodus was bathing , or engag'd at his revels , being at play , ran into the emperor's chamber , as he us'd to do , and taking up the table-book , began to play with that , and running out of the chamber again with the book in his hand , accidentally encounter'd marcia , who had also a kindness for the lad ; and now she took him in her arms , and kiss'd and caress'd him , but took the book away from him , for fear he should lose or deface something that contain'd matters of moment . she knew the hand very well , and her curiosity tempted her to look what was wrote in it : but when she found how fatal it was to her self , that she was to be the first victime , and that laetus and electus were to follow , and that there was a great massacre to be of other men , she broke out into this expostulation : ah commodus ! are these then the returns you make me for my kindness and passion ! have i deserv'd this at your hands ! have i for this born your drunken frollicks , and all the affronts and indignities you have been pleas'd to put upon me for these many years ? and must all this be tamely suffer'd ? no , his designs shall turn upon himself , and he shall find how unequal a match a drunken . sot is for a sober designing woman . after this menace , she sent for electus , with whom she had the opportunity of frequent conversations , as being gentleman of the bed-chamber , and was indeed suspected of familiarities with him which were not very honourable . when he was come , she gave him the book , and bid him look after what manner they were like to celebrate this festival . electus , after he had read it , was perfectly astonish'd : ( he was by nation an aegyptian , naturally bold , and of a fiery disposition . ) he sent the book seal'd up immediately to laetus , by the hands of a servant in whom he could repose a more than ordinary confidence . the adventure gave the same disturbance to laetus , it had done to the rest ; whereupon he came over to marcia , under pretence of adjusting by her advice the furniture of the emperor's apartment in the fencing school . under this colour they held their consult , wherein it was resolved , that this was no time for delays ; that they must instantly attempt something , or perish in the storm that threatned them . after debate about the ways and means , they resolv'd to poison commodus . this marcia undertook to do with a great deal of ease , because all his liquors were mix'd and given to him by her hand ; for he drank any thing with a peculiar rellish that was prepar'd by that dear creature . pursuant to the resolutions taken , when he return'd from the bath , marcia offer'd him poison mix'd with wine of a most excellent flavour , which he drank without suspecting any thing ; for he had made himself extreme thirsty by the diversions of bathing and hunting . after the fatal draught , he was seiz'd with a sudden drowsiness , which threw him into a slumber , and from thence into a sleep . this people attributed only to the fatigue of the day . hereupon marcia and electus commanded all the company to repair to their respective lodgings , for fear of disturbing him . and less notice was taken of this business , because he us'd to have these sleeping fits , which at other times were the effect of some inordinate debauch ; for he divided his time so between bathing and banquetting , that he had set none apart for his rest , but was still running on in a circle of pleasures , to which he was become so absolute a slave , that he often pursu'd them even against his inclination . but after a short repose , when the poison began to work upon his stomach , he was suddenly seiz'd with a dizziness , and after that , vomited most excessively . what the reason was , is uncertain ; whether he had gorg'd himself with meat before-hand , or the wine ; which he had drunk plentifully , combated with , and expell'd the malignity of the poison ; or whether he had taken something , as princes usually do , by way of antidote against it . however it was , when they saw him disgorge at this rate , fearing lest he should cast up all the poison , and recover , and consequently put them all to death , they perswaded narcissus , a young desperado , to strangle him in his chamber ; which h● did , whilst he lay in that condition , languishing under the malady which his late debauch , and the poison he had taken , had cast him into . thus dy'd commodus , after he had reign'd three years from his father's death . he was the noblest prince , and goodliest person of his age ; and if we may admit valour to consist in skill in shooting , or levelling at a mark , no man was more eminently possess'd of that vertue ; but the whole tenor of his life was made up of base actions , and dishonourable practices , as is before related . an epitome of the second book . commodus being slain , it is given out that he died of an apoplexy , and pertinax is elected emperor , as being the most worthy of that honour . he declines it , but is prevail'd upon at last by the instances of the people , and accepts it . the soldiery , senate , and people of rome proclaim him emperor . he makes a speech , sacrifices , and then goes to his palace . in his government he has a strict regard to equity and justice for which reason he is extremely belov'd by the people , both in rome and the provinces , and no less formidable to his enemies : but to the soldiers he is insupportable , because they are restrain'd from rapine and injury . so they form a conspiracy against him , and kill him , and then shut themselves up in the camp , and make proclamation that the empire is to be sold by auction . julian was the purchaser , and administer'd it as shamefully as he got it . whereupon niger , prefect of syria , is chosen , and holds his court in antioch : but being not so active as his affairs requir'd , severus seizes the empire , under colour of revenging pertinax's death , and is proclaim'd emperor in pannonia , from whence he marches directly to rome , where , upon his arrival , the senate confirm his election , and order julian to be put to death , who is executed accordingly by a tribune appointed for that purpose . severus cashiers all the soldiers concern'd in the assassination of pertinax : and having made albinus , prefect of britain , his collegue in the empire , advances against niger with a mighty army . the second book . commodus being slain , as we have related in the former book , the conspirators had a mind to keep this matter from taking air ; and for a blind to the guards that were then upon duty about the court ▪ they wrapp'd up his body in a course blanket , and gave it to two servants of known fidelity , to carry it out of the palace , as if it had been some unnecessary furniture , that only cumber'd the chamber . they did so , and pass'd the guards without difficulty , some of which were drunk , others so sleepy they were scarce able to hold their halberts , and the rest were not at all inquisitive about a matter which they thought did not concern them . so the emperor's body was convey'd away privately , and carry'd that night by coach to aristeum . and now laetus , electus , and marcia were in deep consult about what was to be done in this critical conjuncture . at last they fell upon this resolution , that it should be given out , that he dy'd suddenly of an apoplexy ; for they thought this report would easily gain credit , because of the notoriety of his luxurious and irregular way of living . the next point that came under debate , was about a successor ; and they resolv'd to chuse some grave old man , that had a competent degree of prudence and experience to recommend him , under whose government not only they might live securely , but all men might enjoy repose and quiet , which they had been so long depriv'd of by a tyrannical administration ; and after long deliberation about a person , none was found so fit a man , or so worthy of the empire , as pertinax . this pertinax was by nation an italian , much renown'd for his successful atchievements in time of war ▪ and his prudent ministry in time of peace . he had signaliz'd himself in his expeditions against the germans ; and the eastern nations , over whom he had obtain'd great victories ; and he was the only person surviving of those grave and wise men whom marcus honour'd with his friendship and confidence . the reason why he was spar'd , is uncertain : whether commodus rever'd him for the dignity and gravity of his deportment , or he had no regards of interest to move him to cut him off : for this also is part of his panegyrick , that though he had run through the greatest charges and employments of any , yet he had made the smallest improvement of his own fortune . to him laetus and electus , with some others of the conspirators , came at midnight , when all men were asleep ; and finding his gates lock'd , awaken'd the porter , who , as soon as he descry'd the soldiers , and laetus , captain of the guard , among them , in great consternation he runs back to acquaint his master . pertinax commanded him to conduct them to him , without any greater emotion than the saying , that now what he had so long expected , was come to pass . and he maintain'd all the time such a sedateness and constancy of mind , that he did not so much as move himself from the bed , or alter the air of his face . and when laetus and electus made their approach , tho' he concluded they came to kill him , yet he never chang'd colour , but spoke to them with a becoming boldness and gravity of countenance . i 've expected , says he , a long time that this period should be put to my days , being the only person remaining of the friends of the deceas'd emperor ; and i must confess , i have wonder'd why commodus has suspended the blow so long . and as for you , gentlemen , what do you stay of ? why don't you execute your warrant , and dispatch me out of this wretched state of anxiety and misery ? laetus reply'd , pray , sir , forbear speaking things so unworthy your character , and the former course of your life . we come not hither to be your executioners , but to compleat the preservation and deliverance of us , your self , and the roman people , from tyranny and slavery . the tyrant is slain , and has receiv'd the chastisement due to his extravagance and folly. we have prevented him , and he has suffer'd that from our hands , which he design'd we should undergo by his . and now we come to offer the empire to you , the leading man in the senate , as well in regard of your authority and age , as of the constant moderation and sobriety of your manners . we know also , that none maintains so great a share as you in the vogue and affections of the people , and for that reason assure our selves , that by this action of ours we shall not only provide for our own safety , but merit esteem and applause from every true roman . pertinax answer'd , pray , gentlemen , don't banter an old man at this rate : i am not sunk into such meanness and abjectness of spirit , as that you should thus abuse me before you kill me . nay then , said electus , if you won't take our word , pray read this book , ( you know and have been accustom'd to the emperor's hand ) and you 'll perceive how great a danger we have escap'd , and that what we say now , is not to ensnare , but to inform you of the true state of things . and now pertinax began to overcome his incredulity , and to believe what they said ; and understanding the whole matter , told them , he was intirely at their disposal , and would pursue such measures as they should direct . and they thought it the most advisable in the first place to go to the army , and sound the inclinations of the soldiers ; tho' laetus assur'd them , he could influence them to do what he pleas'd , in regard he was their commander , and upon that score might pretend to a more than ordinary authority over them . so they all went immediately to the army . and now the night was far spent , and the day for the celebration of the festival approach'd : but all things were adjusted before morning , and certain men were order'd to spread abroad the report , that commodus was dead , and that pertinax was to succeed him , and was gone to the army , in order to his election . after this news was publickly known , the people were visibly transported into strange emotions and ecstasies . a great many ran about the streets , and handed to their friends the welcome tydings , especially to those of the most considerable fortune or quality ; for they had the greatest reason to rejoyce upon this occasion , as being deliver'd from the most imminent danger . then they ran to the temples and altars , to render thanks to the immortal gods for this signal deliverance ; some crying aloud , the gladiator , others , the tyrant is dead . and some there were that broke out into far more bitter reproaches ; all which , during the late tyranny , were stifled , none daring even to whisper those things , which now they proclaim'd with great freedom and liberty . after this , great numbers of the people went in a tumultuary manner to the army , for fear the soldiers should oppose the promotion of pertinax ; for he was a man famous for temper and moderation , and therefore they fansied might not be very agreeable to the soldiers , who had minister'd to the lusts of tyrants , and under their shelter and countenance had committed the greatest violences and rapines . the purpose therefore of their coming , was to force them to a compliance , in case they should endeavour any opposition . after they were assembled in the camp , laetus and electus introduc'd pertinax , and presented him to them ; and having call'd the soldiers together , laetus made this harangue . laetus his speech . i am to acquaint you , gentlemen , that commodus your emperor is dead of an apoplexy , occasion'd by his own intemperance ; for he despis'd the wholesom and sober advices which we gave him , and living on at the rate which you very well know , was at last perfectly choak'd up with excessive eating . this is , gentlemen , the account of his death . indeed every man has not the same fate ; the causes of death are various almost as the casualties of life ; and tho' we must all die , yet we tread different paths to that common end. in his room , we and the roman people propose to you a man that has the recommendations of age , sobriety , great military experience . as to the last of these , i dare appeal to the testimony of all those that have been any considerable time in the army , and assure my self , they can't but speak honourably of his conduct in all his expeditions . nor have the rest of you less admir'd his prudence and moderation in the whole course of his ministry at home , tho' he govern'd the affairs of the city , in the capacity of praefect , divers years ; and now , by the bounty of heaven , he 's offer'd not to be only a prince , but a common father to you all . besides , this election will afford matter of great joy and contentment , not only to you that are here assembled , but to our army also that lies encamp'd upon the ister , bravely guarding the frontiers of our empire , which can't upon this occasion but make a comfortable reflexion upon those many great and glorious exploits of his to which themselves have been witnesses . we shall need no longer dishonourably to purchase a precarious peace with the barbarous nations ; the memory of his victorious expeditions against them , will awe them into subjection ; and the experience of his bravery in times past , will restrain them from provoking it for the future . after laetus had spoke , the people impatient of delay , whilst the soldiers were debating and demurring upon the proposal , without waiting the result , proclaim'd him emperor , and father of his country , with loud acclamations of joy. the soldiers did the same , but not with the same chearfulness and affection , but rather as if they had been constrain'd to it by an over-powering multitude ( surrounding them on every side ) and had comply'd with a thing which was impossible to oppose ; for , in regard it was a festival , they were without their arms. however , they took the oaths of allegiance to him , and sacrific'd to the gods ; after which , the whole army and people , carrying branches of laurel , accompanied him to the imperial palace with great solemnity . and here his cares and fears gave him great uneasiness ; for tho' he had always discover'd great constancy and presence of mind in all emergencies , yet now he was extremely shock'd upon duely weighing the present condition of affairs : not on the account of any personal dangers which he might apprehend to himself ; for he had contemn'd far greater at other times , than he had now any reason to fear . but he consider'd the sudden change of tyrannical government ; that his promotion might occasion great resentments in some of the nobility , who would not brook , that a man so meanly born , should succeed a prince so nobly descended as commodus : for tho' he was much celebrated for his moderation and civil prudence , and had gain'd also great renown by his military atchievements , yet a great many excell'd him in the nobility of their lineage . therefore in the morning he went to the senate , but would not suffer fire , nor any ensign of imperial dignity to be carried before him , till the senate had declar'd themselves in the point of his election . after he had enter'd the senate , by the unanimous suffrage of the house he was declar'd emperor ; but he declin'd the honour , saying , it would draw too great a weight of envy upon him ; and earnestly entreated to be excus'd , alledging his inability for so great a charge , upon the account of his age ; and that there were a great many of the senators far more worthy of so great and honourable a trust ; and taking out glabrio , would have plac'd him on the imperial throne . he was the most nobly descended of all the senators , deducing his pedigree from aeneas , the son of venus and anchises , and had been twice consul . but he excus'd himself very handsomly , and told him , since he was pleas'd to single him out as the most worthy of the empire , he did freely resign all his title and interest to him , and with the concurring voices of the whole senate , declar'd him emperor . after which pertinax , being unable to resist the violent and pressing instances of all men , with a kind of reluctancy ascended the imperial throne , and deliver'd himself in the following words . pertinax his speech . gentlemen , this signal honour which you do me , and that extraordinary zeal and affection which you discover on this occasion , by preferring me to so many noble peers , does not only exclude all suspicion of flattery , but is a strong argument of your good-will and sincere intentions . such assurances of your favour would encourage another man chearfully to accept so great and gracious an offer , and make him conceive hopes of an easie and a happy reign , where he should meet with such good dispositions in the subject . but these things have a contrary effect upon me , and rather administer matter of wonder and amazement , and fill me with a fear and diffidence , when i consider the difficulty of making a return suitable to so great a merit . for in the intercourse of good offices , if the requital be greater than the benefit , it is not so much valu'd for that , as for the intention with which it is made . but in the case of a prior obligation , if the return be not proportionate to the benefit receiv'd , we presently fall under the censure and imputation of ingratitude , and shall be rather thought insensible of the kindness , than unable to requite it . and now i see what almost insuperable difficulties i am to encounter , to make my future behaviour worthy of the present honour you have done me : for it is not dignity of place , but of manners , that gives a true preheminence ; and the more men detest the vices of the past age , the more they wish for a reformation of this . for injuries make a lasting impression ; but the very ideas of benefits receiv'd , are soon lost and defac'd . nor are men so sensible of the enjoyment of liberty , as of the want of it : for where 's the obligation , say they , if we have the free use of what is our own ? 't is only our right . and few will be found that will make any acknowledgments upon that score : but if their properties come to be invaded , and their goods are taken away by force , this they can never forget . another thing is , few private persons have a due regard for the publick good , or think their own interest involv'd in that of the community : but if they be aggriev'd in their own particular , they presently exclaim against the government , and think they 're hardly dealt with . on the other hand , those that have been supported by the profuse largesses of tyrants , if you consider the general want of money , and thereupon retrench the publick expences , won't commend your prudence or frugality in this regulation ; but will presently accuse you of a sordid meanness and narrowness of spirit ; never considering , that those extravagant donatives can't be furnish'd without extortion and oppression of the subject : whereas he that proportions his rewards to the merit of the persons , is not only not injurious in this particular , but reads a lecture of frugality to the people . think therefore , gentlemen , of these things , and assist me in the administration wherein your selves are to have a share ; let us be as united in our endeavours , as we are in our interests ; and seeing you are not to live under tyranny and arbitrary power , but under the freedom of an oligarchy , you may not only hope for happiness your selves , but may also give assurances of it to others . this declaration of pertinax highly satisfied the senate , after which he was receiv'd with loud acclamations of joy , and the greatest marks of honour and respect ; and having visited the temples of jupiter and the other gods , and sacrific'd according to the custom , he retir'd to the imperial palace . after this speech was made publick , and the people had read a declaration of his that was directed to them , they discover'd great signs of a general contentment and satisfaction ; for all men were of opinion that he would make a prudent and a gentle prince , and a father rather than an emperor : for he had already commanded the soldiers , under severe penalties , not to offer any rudeness to the people , nor to affront any person that pass'd by ; and design'd to reform the whole discipline , and restore all things to their ancient course and order . whenever he appear'd abroad , or sat in the courts of judicature , he still discover'd a spirit of mildness , humanity , and good-nature . and now the government began to be influenc'd by the same gentle principles that were observ'd by marcus , whose princely vertues he emulated in all things ; which gave him the general esteem and approbation of all the old men that remembred marcus : nor was he less dear to the rest , whom he easily won to him by that happy change which he had introduc'd in the government , wherein every subject might enjoy security and repose , in stead of the fears and molestations they were liable to under the late tyranny . the fame of these things being carried to distant nations , excited the people as well as the soldiery , and not only our own , but those of our allies , to decree him divine honours . and the barbarians , some of which were actually revolted , and others upon the point of running into the same disorders , were reduc'd to terms of obedience and submission , partly by the fear of his bravery , whereof they had had experience in the late wars , and partly by the fame of his clemency , honour , and justice , from which he was never known to have departed . ambassadors were also dispatch'd from all parts to congratulate the happiness of the romans in so incomparable an emperor . but this gentle and well-order'd government , which gave such general satisfaction to the people , as they express'd both in publick and private , bred a great deal of ill blood among the soldiers that quarter'd in rome , and guarded the emperor's person : for being restrain'd from rapine and injury , and bound to their good behaviour , and the rules of strict discipline , they thought these measures of gentle and regular government reflected a kind of reproach and disgrace upon them , and were a manifest encroachment upon their privileges ; and at last resolv'd , they were insupportable , and not to be suffer'd . so at first they grew by degrees insolent and mutinous , and would not render that obedience to the commands of their superiors which was expected from them ; and before two months of his reign were compleated , after the dawn of a prudent government had display'd it self in several discreet and wise regulations which he made , and after the hopes and expectations of all men were rais'd to the utmost height , by one stroke of a cruel invidious fortune , all was dash'd and overthrown ; and all those admirable designs which he had form'd , which would have been of so universal advantage to the publick , were defeated before they were ripe for execution . in the first place , he took care that all the desarts and waste grounds in italy , and the provinces , should be cultivated and improv'd : in order to this , he gave all these lands ( without exception even of such as belong'd to the crown ) to the occupiers , to every one so much as he should manure and cultivate , vesting the property of the soil in him that was at the charge of the improvement . and by way of encouragement , he granted them an immunity from all taxes for ten years , and freed them as long as they remain'd proprietors from all molestations and avocations whatsoever . those grounds that were crown-lands , he would not suffer to be call'd so , in regard they were not ( as he said ) the private possessions of the crown , but belong'd to the collective body of the roman people . he remitted all tolls and imposts laid upon banks of rivers , harbours , and publick ways , to raise funds to support the extravagances of tyrants , and restor'd them to their ancient freedom ; and had he liv'd longer , would have done a great many other things of the same nature and quality . he banish'd all common informers from rome , commanding them to depart the city under severe penalties , that no man might be in danger of false accusations . and now the senators , and indeed all orders and degrees of men , propos'd to themselves great happiness and satisfaction under the government of a prince that did not set himself proudly above his subjects , and yet was so sollicitous for their welfare ; for so exemplary was the humility and modesty of pertinax , even in his highest exaltation , that he would never suffer his son to approach the imperial palace , but order'd him to remain at his private house , from whence he repair'd , as he us'd to do , to the schools and places of exercise , in the quality of a private person , conforming in all points to the ordinary rules and discipline , and was in all respects and circumstances as the children of private men , without the least appearance of the state and grandeur of a prince . whilst all men admir'd the wise and sober conduct of pertinax , the praetorian soldiers were so much dissatisfied with the present posture of affairs , that they began to wish for a revolution , and that the same tyranny might take place , under which they had committed what spoil and violence they pleas'd , without controul : and in the height of a debauch they concerted to take pertinax out of the way , as being a great check and curb to them , and to set up one in his stead , that would restore them to , and maintain them in those scandalous privileges and liberties which they usurp'd during the late reign : and accordingly , when all things were in a profound calm , they came down suddenly to the palace-gates at high-noon , breathing fury and revenge , in a very tumultuous manner , with their spears mounted , and their swords drawn , as if they would have insulted the imperial palace . this sudden uproar put those that were of the emperor's houshold in great consternation ; but being few , and without arms , they durst not make head against so numerous and well-appointed troops , but deserted every man his post , and made the best of their way out of the palace , some one way , and some another . indeed those that had a more than ordinary affection for the emperor , gave him notice of this outrage of the soldiers , and advis'd him withal to consult his own safety , by forsaking the palace , and demanding the assistance of the people . he thought these advices pertinent enough in the present exigent ; however , he look'd upon it as dishonourable , and unworthy his former life , and the majesty of a roman emperor , to fly or step behind the screen at the aproach of danger , and immediately resolv'd to oppose himself to their fury , hoping that if he went out and spoke to them , he might allay their present heats , and prevent any further consequence of so unnatural a rage . whereupon he left the palace , and boldly walk'd out , and demanded of them the reason of this concourse , endeavouring to reclaim them to their duty and allegiance . and this he did with all the unconcern imaginable , composing his countenance to a grave and majestick air , without uttering any thing that was mean , or in the strain of a timerous obnoxious person , he spoke to them as follows . pertinax his speech . gentlemen , tho' you take away my life , yet neither will you be any great gainers , nor shall i be any considerable loser , having liv'd to this age , and arriv'd to these honours : for there is a necessary term and period of humane life . but for you , who are appointed to guard and protect your prince against the attacks of others , to fall upon him your selves , to murther your own charge , and stain your hands not only with the blood of a fellow-citizen , but your leige-lord , will not only be a crime of a very heinous nature for the present , but may also prove very fatal to you in its consequences . and as for my part , i am not conscious that i have done you any injury . if you lay to heart commodus's death , it is no strange thing that a man should die ; and if you suspect any thing of violence in his death , i can plead not guilty to any arraignment for that fact ; and you your selves know , i was not so much as suspected to have had any hand in it , being as utterly ignorant of what was done then , as you were . if you therefore think that there was treason in that affair , you must transfer the charge upon some other person . however , gentlemen , tho' commodus is dead , you may satisfie your selves , that you shall want nothing that is reasonable or convenient , if you don't seek it by violence and rapine . this gentle rebuke , together with his august presence and age , which exacted a kind of reverence from his hearers , had its desir'd effect upon some who began to relent , and draw off in great numbers , whilst others more remorseless assaulted him in the middle of his harangue , and kill'd him . after the commission of this horrid treason , fearing the resentments of the people , which they knew would be very high upon this occasion , they resolv'd to withdraw themselves from their fury , and retir'd in great haste to the camp , and kept themselves within the walls , disposing soldiers upon the ramparts , to repulse the mobb , if they should make any attack upon the wall. thus dy'd pertinax , after he had liv'd in great reputation for his integrity and vertue , as is before related . after it was nois'd abroad that the emperor was assassinated , all places were full of sorrow and confusion ; the people in a strange ferment ran about the streets , as if they had been seiz'd by some sudden epidemical madness , seeking the authors of this detestable villainy , but in vain ; for they could not find them ; and if they had , they were out of their power . but the senators were the most sensibly affected ; they saw how deep a wound it had given to the publick , and what a loss they had sustain'd , not only of a gentle prince , but of an indulgent father ; and now they look'd for a re-establishment of tyranny and arbitrary power , which they knew would be grateful to the soldiers . but after two or three days , the people took counsel of their fears , and were dispos'd to be quiet . those amongst them that were of eminent quality , left the city , and retreated to their country-houses which were at the greatest distance from it , to avoid all inconveniences which their presence might expose them to in the next reign . the soldiers , after they found the popular rage abated , and perceiv'd that no man would be so hardy as to revenge the emperor's death , kept themselves within their trenches , and appointed such as had the best lungs to make proclamation upon the walls , that the empire was to be sold by auction , that he that offer'd the most should be the purchaser , adding , that they would invest him with the imperial dignity by force of arms , and conduct him in safety to the palace . this proclamation did not move any of the senators that were men of reputation and authority , nor any of those few rich men that had surviv'd the tyranny of commodus : none of these approach'd the wall , but scorn'd even the empire of the world , where the means to attain it were so dishonourable . the news of this proclamation was brought to julian , a man of consular dignity , and one that had the reputation of great possessions , when he was at supper , carowsing and regaling himself ; for he was censur'd for being very often guilty of these excesses : hereupon his wife and daughter , falling in with a multitude of parasites that were there , advis'd him with all speed to rise from the table , and inform himself of this matter , perswading him all along as he went , not to suffer the-empire to lie expos'd for want of a purchaser , and telling him , that he was able to give as good a price as the best of them , if any person should dispute that point with him . as soon as he came near the wall , he cry'd aloud , that he would give whatsoever they demanded , and withal gave in a particular of his estate , and of the vast treasures which he possess'd . hither also repair'd sulpicianus , with the same intention . he was too a consular man , and had been praefect of the city , and was father-in-law to pertinax ; but they would not hearken to any proposals of his , because of his alliance to pertinax , which gave them a jealousie that there was some fraud or collusion at the bottom , in order to revenge pertinax's death . hereupon they put down a ladder , and took julian up to the top of the wall , but would not open the gates till the bargain was struck up , and the sum ascertain'd : after which having enter'd the camp , he engag'd his faith and honour to them for the restitution of the memory , honours , and statues of commodus , which were taken down by order of the senate ; as also for the restoring all those privileges which they had enjoy'd during his reign . he gave to every soldier more than he did expect , or could have demanded ; which he promis'd to pay down in ready cash , giving out that he had the money in bank. these things highly satisfied the soldiers , and buoy'd them up into mighty expectances ; insomuch that they immediately proclaim'd him emperor , and honour'd him with the surname of commodus ; then flourishing their ensigns , and restoring the images of commodus , they prepar'd to conduct him to the palace : whereupon he sacrific'd according to the custom , and march'd out of the camp with a stronger guard than ordinary ; for having by force , contrary to the inclinations of the people , by base means , and shameful condescentions , obtain'd the empire , he had too just reason to fear the insults of the mobile . therefore the soldiers put on their whole armour , and form'd themselves into a regular body , that if occasion should require , they might be in condition to engage any that should oppose them . they receiv'd the emperor into the middle , and bearing their spears and targets over their heads , to shelter them from the stones which might be thrown upon them from the houses , in this manner they guarded him to the palace , none appearing to make any resistance . but the people did not receive him with those acclamations of joy which are usual upon the like occasions ; but standing at a distance , bestow'd a great many curses and execrations upon him , for shamefully trucking the roman empire for gold with those base mercenaries . and from hence it is that we must date the total corruption of the roman soldiers , their sordid and insatiable desires of money , with their contempt of sovereign power ; for no body appearing to execute vengeance upon them for this barbarous assassination of their prince , or to oppose this ignominious auction of the empire , from this time they grew proud and arrogant : their avarice with their contempt of princes , encreas'd , even to the offering violence to their persons . julian after he had obtain'd the empire , fell into an eager pursuit of sensual unmanly pleasures , became regardless of publick concerns , and abandon'd himself to luxury and dissoluteness of manners : he also disappointed the soldiers , being unable to perform his promises ; for he had not those vast treasures which he boasted himself to be master of , and the exchequer was exhausted by the late profusions of commodus . the soldiers were in great wrath to be thus bubbl'd ; and the people understanding how they were affected , began also to slight and despise him , insomuch that they would revile him as he pass'd along , and upbraid him with his debaucheries , and in the publick cirque , where there is the greatest concourse of people , reproach'd him openly , and call'd upon niger to deliver the roman empire from so infamous a governor , and to undertake the administration of it himself . this niger had been consul heretofore , and was at this time governor of syria , which is a place of the greatest trust and honour in the roman empire ; for the phoenicians and all the country as far as euphrates , is under his government . he was past the meridian of his age , and by his conduct in several actions and expeditions had gain'd the reputation of gentleness , and dexterity in affairs . he was a great imitator of pertinax , whose life he made the standard of his own : this made him a powerful interest amongst the people , insomuch that in all their assemblies they repeated their clamours and demands of him to be their prince , loading julian with reproaches to his face , and at the same time extolling niger , tho' he was absent , with the highest demonstrations of good-will and affection . after niger was advertis'd how violent the people were for him , which they had declar'd by their constant actings and proceedings in their assemblies , he began to flatter himself that he had a very fair prospect , and that it was in his own power to make the issue answerable to it ; especially when he consider'd how julian was slighted and disregarded by the soldiers , whose creature he was , because he had not kept touch in the payment of the money according to the contract ; as also how much he was despis'd by the people , who esteem'd him unworthy of the empire , which he had so dishonourably purchas'd . upon these encouragements he began to entertain hopes of advancing himself to the empire . and , in the first place , he sent for certain tribunes , with other principal officers and commanders of note , with whom he discours'd this matter , giving them to understand in what posture affairs were at rome , and afterwards sent them home one after another , with design that these rumours should by this means be dispers'd far and near over all the eastern countries ; for he thought more men would favour and adhere to him in this enterprize , if they were perswaded that he was not prompted by his ambition to invade the empire , but was call'd by the romans to their aid and assistance . upon these rumours the people came in to him in great numbers , importuning him with repeated sollicitations to take the sovereign authority upon him : for the syrians are a capricious people , and naturally prone to innovation and change ; and niger was a man that was very popular , in regard of that uniform gentleness and equity with which he had govern'd them . he us'd also very often to exhibit publick shows for their diversion , the syrians being naturally very much delighted with these kinds of entertainments ; and in antioch , a great and flourishing city , there are games and festivals celebrated almost every day in the year , either in the city or the suburbs . by this exhibiting publick shows , by ruling them with a gentle hand , and allowing them leisure and liberty to pursue their recreations , he engag'd the people entirely in his interests , and was generally belov'd and respected by all men. this niger knew very well ; and now he issu'd out his orders to the soldiers to appear at a day appointed , at which time vast numbers of other people were assembled , to whom he spoke as follows , from a rostrum erected there for that purpose . niger's speech . i suppose , gentlemen , i need not inform you of the gentleness of my nature , and of the conduct and caution which i have always us'd in undertaking matters of importance . i should not have detain'd you with this harangue , had i been led by private inclination , ambition , or any vain imaginary prospect : but now i am call'd by the unanimous and incessant clamours of the roman people , to assert the publick honour , and not to suffer the empire , which has been so glorious from all antiquity , to lie under such infamy and disgrace . now , gentlemen , as it would be the highest presumption and rashness to attempt a thing of this nature without an occasion offer'd ; so in my case , to neglect the cries and petitions of the people , would cast upon me the imputation of cowardice and treachery ? and the true motive of this address is to know your sentiments , and concert with you what is proper to be done in this conjuncture ; for 't is your counsels must be the measure of my proceedings in this affair . the issue , if fortunate , will have a good influence upon our common interest , and will redound to your benefit , as well as mine . they are not slight grounds we go upon ; we are invited by the roman people , whom the gods have impower'd to dispose and administer all things below . the succession remains unsettled , and no man is yet establish'd in the empire . there is no hazard in this enterprize , as well by reason of the zeal and affection of our own party , as that there are none to oppose us : for all our advices from rome agree , that even those soldiers that advanc'd julian to the empire , are not firm to his interests , in regard he has not perform'd the conditions of his advancement . i desire you therefore to declare your selves upon this subject . no sooner had he spoke these words , but the whole army and people that were there assembled , in the height of their zeal proclaim'd him emperor , and immediately put purple robes upon him , with the other ornaments of majesty ; after which they conducted him to the temples of antioch , and from thence to his house , carrying fire before him all the way with great formality . his house they did not look upon any longer as private , but adorn'd it on the out-side with all the marks and characters of imperial majesty . niger was much delighted with the zeal and affection which the people both at rome and antioch testified for him , and began to think himself secure of the empire . after the report thereof was spread abroad , all the nations bordering upon europe came in , to tender him their homage and service ; and embassies were sent from all sides to antioch , as to a just and lawful emperor . the nations also that inhabit beyond tygris and euphrates dispatch'd their envoys to him to make the congratulations usual upon the occasion , and to promise him their succour and assistance in case his affairs should require it . he rewarded them all very splendidly , and thank'd them for the zeal and affection which they had discover'd for him , affirming , that as his affairs then stood , he had no need of their succour , forasmuch as the empire was assur'd to him ; and added withall , that he would take especial care that his reign should not be defil'd with blood. this security made him grow remiss and negligent , insomuch that he entertain'd the people of antioch with shows and publick games , and resign'd himself wholly to ease and pleasure , not marching directly to rome , as it would have behov'd him in the first place to have done , nor certifying the illyrian army of what had been transacted here ; whereas it ought to have been his principal effort to gain so considerable a party over to his interest : but he suppos'd that they would not dissent to what the roman people and the eastern army had so unanimously approv'd . whilst he was lift up in this manner by groundless hopes , and false estimates of things , the fame of what had hapned reach'd pannonia and illyria , and the armies that lay encamp'd upon the ister and the rhine , to restrain the inroads of the barbarians , and to cover the frontiers of the roman empire . severus was at this time general of the pannonian forces ; for they were all under one commander . he was by nation an african , a hot and violent spirit , that had been inur'd to toils and hardships , and was indefatigable in labour , quick too at inventing , and ready in executing what he had contriv'd . upon intelligence that the empire lay expos'd to any person that had courage to seize upon it , he contemn'd the pretenders julian and niger , the one because he had neither power nor strength to effect any thing ; the other , because he did not make use of what he had his confidence was also heighten'd by dreams , oracles , and predictions , which are then the most believ'd when they are made good by the event . most of these he has recorded in the history of his life , and preserv'd in statuary representations . the last , being that which made the strongest impressions upon him , and gave him the greatest assurances , ought not to be pass'd over in silence . when the news came to severus that pertinax was elected emperor , after he had sacrific'd , and taken the oaths of allegiance to him , he return'd home , and fell asleep , and was presented with this visionary scene ; he saw a stately horse adorn'd with imperial accoutrements , bearing pertinax on his back through the city , along the sacred way but when he came to the entrance of the forum , where the assemblies of the people were held whilst the government continued under the form of a popular state , he began to flounce and caper till he had thrown him to the ground , and immediately making his submission to severus , receiv'd him upon his back , and carried him very quietly into the middle of the forum , where he stood aloft , and commanded the eyes and admiration of the multitude . this vision is yet to be seen in the very same place , represented in a large statue of brass . severus having his hope 's rais'd to this pitch , and flattering himself into an opinion that the gods had made choice of him to govern the empire , resolv'd to try the inclinations of the soldiers ; and to this end call'd to him certain tribunes , and other officers of principal note , with these he enter'd into discourses concerning the present state of the roman empire , and represented to them how the sovereign power was prostituted to all persons that durst usurp it , and that none appeared worthy or able to execute so high and important a trust : he would also take occasion to inveigh against the praetorian soldiers , for the having violated their military oath , by spilling the blood of their emperour ; adding , that so heinous a crime shou'd be aton'd for , and that pertinax's death ought to be reveng'd : he knew very well they honour'd his memory , in regard of the many victories they had obtain'd under his command against the germans , in the reign of marcus ; and when he was governour of illyria , he had given many eminent proofs of his bravery and conduct in several engagements , and had practis'd an uniform gentleness , humanity , and justice towards his subjects in the whole tenor of his publick actions in that station ; for which reasons they had a peculiar veneration for his memory , and resented very highly that inhuman butchery committed upon his person . in short , he made so good use of this occasion , that he easily led and manag'd them as he pleas'd , pretending still to move on a far different spring from what he did ; that the empire was what he neither thought of , ●or affected , and that the utmost of his ambition was to revenge the death of so great a prince . these artificial colours easily impos'd on the people , for the natives of this country as they are tall of stature , of a strong make of body , and fit for service and action , so they are generally very stupid , and slow of apprehension , which is the reason that they very rarely suspect any thing of collusion or intrigue in any thing you either say or do . so when severus declar'd that his intention was only to do justice on the murtherers of pertinax , they all so unanimously espous'd his interest , that they instantly proclaim'd him emperor , and put the sovereign power into his hands . having thus discover'd the sentiments of the pannonian soldiers , he immediately made his court to the neighbouring nations , and to the praefects of the northern provinces , whom he easily allur'd by fair promises ; for no●man in the world made professions of kindness and friendship with more art and address than severus : he was no●man of nice conscience , but wou'd lye and falsifie without scruple to serve a turn , and wou'd even stretch an oath if his affairs requir'd it : his words being always different , and often opposite to his intention . and now having secur'd to himself all illyria , and the praefects of the neighbouring provinces , he rais'd vast numbers of soldiers from all parts , and took upon himself the name of pertinax , which he thought would be acceptable both to the illyrians and the romans , after which , having order'd them to rendezvous in a certain place , he spoke to them as follows , from a throne there erected . severus his speech . gentlemen , you have abundantly testify'd your piety to the gods , by whom you have sworn , and your reverence of crown'd heads , by the abhorrence you 've exprest of this barbarous and unnatural treason committed by the praetorian soldiers , a band of wretches corrupted by peace , and unserviceable in war , and much fitter to adorn a triumph than to obtain a victory ; and so just are your resentments on this occasion , that i cannot but comply with what you desire ; nor do i doubt of success in an enterprize which you all fall into with so much zeal and chearfulness , tho' before this time i never durst conceive a hope of atchieving so great a work , there is none i believe amongst you , but will render a testimony to the loyalty of my principles ; but at this time the honour of the empire is concern'd , which ought to be asserted from the scandal and infamy it now lies under . our ancestors had always especial care of the administration , that it might be free from all abuses and corruptions tending to its dishonour , and then we commanded respect and reverence from all the nations around us , even in the reign of commodus , tho' the publick might suffer through the inadvertencies of his youth , yet the memory of his father , and his own high birth , gave a coak and varnish to those errors , and upon review of his actions , we shall find that they ought rather to move our compassion than our hatred ; for he is not to be esteem'd the author of what was done then , but his flatterers and counsellors that advis'd and assisted him in all his unwarrantable proceedings . and when pertinax , whose worth and virtue you all remember , was elected emperor , they were still unquiet , grew insolent and factious , nor would any thing satisfie them till they had remov'd that excellent prince by an inhumane violence acted upon his person . and now julian , that has purchas'd the empire by an infamous bargain and sale , is hated ( as you hear ) by the people , and not supported by the soldiers , with whom he has violated his faith and honour ; and tho' they should adhere to him , yet neither are they equal to us in number , nor in the personal bravery of their men. you are veterane soldiers , train'd up in a course of military actions ; you have repress'd the insults of barbarous enemies , are inur'd to the hardships of war , have born the extremities of heat and cold , have march'd over frozen rivers , drunk puddle-water , chas'd wild beasts ; and i must say this in your commendation , i don't believe that there are this day in the world soldiers that are able to stand against you : for 't is labour is the test of a good soldier , and not pleasure , with which they are so soften'd and emasculated , that even your warlike shouts will shock their courages , and scare them into a submission . and as for the syrian faction , if any among you apprehend any thing from that side , t is evident in how weak a condition they are , and to what a low ebb their hopes are sunk , because they keep themselves within their own country , and dare not so much as enter into debate whether or no they shall march to rome , but content themselves to live at large during the confusion and licence of an unsettled government ; and it s well known , that t is the talent of the syrians to rally with a bon grace , and that they are generally better drolls than soldiers . those that live in antioch are they which appear the most zealous for niger . the other cities and provinces do declare for him at present , because no other pretender appears that is worthy of the empire , or is able to govern it with prudence and resolution : but if they be advertis'd that the illyrian army have set up a competitor , and shall hear my name , which is very well known amongst them since i govern'd in those parts , believe me , gentlemen , they are too well acquainted with my courage and conduct to despise either : nor will they be willing to sustain the force of your arms , or the vigour of your attacks , being so much inferiour to you in stature of body , and military discipline . in fine , my advice is to march directly to rome , and possess our selves of the city and palace , and then we shall easily accomplish what remains , having human force and divine prediction to support us in this affiance . the soldiers signify'd their approbation of this speech , in loud acclamations of joy , calling severus sovereign and pertinax , with all the testimonies of an extraordinary forwardness and zeal for him . severus gave them not time for their affections to cool , but instantly commanded them to put themselves in readiness , and to march directly to rome , distributing victuals to them , with all other provisions and necessaries for a march. this expedition he perform'd with incredible swiftness , not so much as halting at any place , unless it was to let the soldiers take breath , that were fatigu'd with constant marching . he himself shar'd the toil of the journey , lying always in an ordinary tent , and living upon the same course fare that serv'd the other soldiers , without any thing of the luxury of courts , or the delicacy of kings . this confirm'd to him the benevolence of the soldiers ; for when they saw him undergo the same hardships , or rather greater than they underwent , they could not but reverence him , and were upon the vie amongst themselves who should appear the most ready to serve him . after he had march'd through pannonia , and was come to the mountains of italy , preventing all intelligence of his approach by the swiftness of his march , he appear'd in italy before it was known that he was upon his way . this sudden descent of so puissant an army , put the cities of italy into a terrible consternation ; for the people of this country having been long disus'd to the tumults and alarms of war , had apply'd themselves to the tillage of the ground , and other arts of peace . indeed while the roman government remained under the form of a democracy , and the senate granted commissions to their generals , the italians were always in arms , and having conquer'd the greeks and barbarians , gain'd an entire sovereignty of land and sea. nor was there any country or climate in earth or heaven , whither the romans had not extended their conquests . but when augustus became emperor , he disarm'd them , and put an end to their toils , and committed the guard and defence of the empire to mercenary forces , which he maintain'd in the nature of a standing army , to be a wall and barrier to his dominions , which were also naturally fortify'd by great rivers , deep ditches , craggy mountains , vast and unpassable desarts . for these reasons the approach of severus with so formidable an army , being a thing so unusual , put the people into a terrible confusion , for they were unable to oppose or give him any diversion , and therefore they went out to meet him with branches of laurel , and receiv'd him with open gates ; he stay'd no longer with them than till he had sacrific'd , and harangu'd the people , and then proceeded on his march to rome . julian was in great consternation upon the intelligence which he receiv'd of the progress of severus , and of the strength and number of the illyrian army ; he knew that he was universally hated by the people , and could repose no great confidence in the soldiers , with whom he had apparently broken his promise : however he amassed what money he could , part whereof was his own , part he borrow'd of his friends , besides what he had got by pillaging temples , and other publick places ; and distributed it among the soldiers to retrieve his credit and interest with them ; but they , though they receiv'd very considerable summs , thought themselves under no obligations to him , looking upon them not as free gifts , but as payments of just debts . those that favour'd julian , advised him to draw out his army , and block up the streights of the alps. these alps are vastly high mountains , the like to which are none in these parts , bounding italy like a wall , nature having added to those other bounties which she has heaped upon this country , that of an impregnable fortification , extending from the northern to the southern seas ; but julian durst not leave the city , but entreated the soldiers to betake themselves to their arms and military exercises , whilst he provided ammunition , and put all things in readiness to give severus battle in the city . the elephants which were kept for state and parade , he endeavoured to manage , and make fit for service , supposing that the illyrian men and horses wou'd be terrify'd by the monstrous size , and uncouth shape of these beasts , the like to which they had never seen ; and all the city was busied in making arms and engines of war. while julian's soldiers were thus imployed in making themselves ready for the battle , the news came that severus was upon them ; for he had detach'd a great part of his army , with orders to convey themselves into the city secretly in small unobserv'd parties , which they did at night , entring by different ways , and concealing their arms under the habit of country peasants ; and now the enemy was in the heart of the city before julian was aware , or knew any thing of the matter . whereupon the people , fearing the power of severus , immediately fell in with that faction , and declar'd for him , vilifying and reproaching niger and julian , the first for his lazyness , and the latter for his cowardice , and extolling in the mean time severus to the skies , who was then advancing towards the city . julian at this time being irresolute , and uncertain what counsels to pursue , call'd a senate , and sent letters to severus , wherein he made overtures of a treaty to him , and offered him a partnership of the empire . the senate readily concurred with him in this proposal ; but when they saw him reduc'd to this height of despair , made a general defection to severus ; and within two or three days after , when the report of his arrival was confirmed , disowned his authority , and were conven'd by order of the consuls , to whom the administration of affairs is committed while the supreme power is under contest . being thus assembled , they enter'd into debate about the measures to be taken in this conjuncture . julian still remaining in the imperial palace , bewailing the present catastrophe of his fortune , and requesting that he might renounce his claim to the empire , and render up his power and authority to severus . but when the senate understood that he was in this consternation , and that his guards had all deserted him for fear of severus , they determin'd to put him to death , and to declare severus sole emperor , and instantly order'd an embassy to severus , compos'd of the principal magistrates , and such as were of the greatest consideration in the senate , to make a tender of the imperial honours to him , and at the same time commission'd a certain tribune to dispatch julian , ( that miserable wretch that by his money had purchas'd his ruin. ) he found him forsaken and abandon'd by all men , and executed his warrant upon him ; his deportment in this last scene arguing the same meanness of spirit which he had discovered in the whole course of his former life . after severus was inform'd of the proceedings of the senate , and of the death of julian , he began to have greater matters in view , and made use of this stratagem to get all those into his power that were concern'd in the murder of pertinax . he sent letters to the tribunes , and other principal officers , importing , that they should perswade the praetorian soldiers to a submission to all his commands ; and promis'd them great rewards , provided they should effect what he had given them in charge . afterwards he put out an edict , commanding the soldiers to leave their arms in the camp , and to march out attir'd ( as they were wont to be when they attended the emperor at a sacrifice or festival ) and to take the oaths of fidelity to him , as if they were to have been continu'd in the post they were then in . they easily believ'd all this , and were prevail'd upon by their officers to leave their arms according to the tenor of the edict , and march'd out with branches of laurel , in the habits which they appear in only at publick solemnities . after they were arriv'd at severus's camp , he commanded them to assemble in the field , as if he had design'd only some civilities to them upon the interview : they obey'd ; and as soon as they saw him ascend the bench of state , they all broke out into acclamations of joy ; and that very moment the signal being given , were all made prisoners . for severus had order'd his soldiers , as soon as their eyes were fix'd upon him , and their minds were in suspence and amuzement , to surround them in martial manner , but not to wound or strike any of them , but only to keep them hemm'd in , and mount their spears and present their javelins to them , that being few , and without arms , they might not attempt any opposition , for fear of being wounded . when they were thus encompass'd , in a loud voice , and full of wrath and anger , he spoke to them as follows . severus his speech . gentlemen , i suppose you find by experience , that we are superior to you as well in conduct , as in the strength and number of our forces . you are all reduc'd here , and made our prisoners , without striking a blow . 't is in my power to do with you what i think fit , and , if i please , to sacrifice you to my present resentment . if i should endeavour to proportion a reward to the greatness of your villainy , 't would be in vain ; for your crime exceeds all measures and degrees of punishment . you have basely murther'd a good and gracious prince , whom you ought to have guarded and defended . and whereas our ancestors in the choice of emperors were chiefly moved by highness of birth , and the excellent qualities of the pretenders , you have basely and infamously barter'd the empire for gold , as if it had been your own property : and moreover , when you had set up an emperor , you durst not protect him , but by a singular instance of perfidious cowardice betray'd and abandon'd him . for these crimes you are worthy of a thousand deaths , would i inflict a punishment equal to the heinousness of your guilt : this is what in justice you ought to suffer . i will pardon you so far , as not to imitate your own cruelty ; but it is neither just nor fit that after you have thus manifestly broken your oath , and defil●d your hands with the blood of your emperor and fellow-citizen ; after you have violated your faith , and betray'd this your trust , that you should yet guard the body of your prince . your lives and liberties you shall owe to my clemency ; but i shall command these my soldiers to strip you of all your military equipage , and to send you away naked . and moreover , i command you all to depart this city , and from henceforward do make it capital for any of you to appear within a hundred miles of rome . as soon as these orders were given , the illyrians immediately flew upon them , and plunder'd them of their bagonets , which were curiously adorn'd with gold and silver , and made only to be worn in solemn pomps and processions ; tore off their belts , coats , &c. with all their other military equipage , and sent them away naked . they were forc'd to submit , being caught and over-reach'd by this politick fetch of severus : for what could a few naked men do against a numerous and well appointed army ? they march'd off bewailing their hard fortune , but were pleas'd however that they had escap'd with their lives , nothing regretting them so much as that they should be thus shamefully decoy'd and caught by parting so easily with their arms. severus made use of another stratagem ; for he was afraid that being thus stripp'd , they might grow desperate , and return to their camp , and so rally again . therefore he detach'd some of the best of his troops , commanding them to march by secret ways , and possess themselves of their camp , while it lay open and unguarded , and secure their arms , that in case they should attempt to re-enter , they might be able to repulse them . this was the end of the murderers of pertinax . severus , with the remainder of his army rang'd in order of battel , march'd directly to rome . this struck terror into the roman people , when they consider'd his bold and fortunate exploits . the people and senate went out to meet him , with branches of laurel , being the first of emperors or men that had accomplish'd so great a work without shedding a drop of blood , or striking so much as a stroke . he had many excellent qualities , which commanded veneration and respect : of this number were his sagacity , his indefatigable industry , his assurance and courage in embarking in great adventures . after the people had receiv'd him with acclamations of joy , and the senate had complemented him at the gates of the city , he repair'd to the temple of jupiter , where he sacrific'd , as he did also at the other temples , in conformity to the custom ; and from thence he retir'd to the imperial palace . the next day he appear'd in the senate , where he spoke to them with a great deal of mildness and temper , giving them great assurances of future blessings . he treated all men in publick and private with an obliging respect , declaring , that the intent of his coming was to revenge the death of pertinax , and establish an aristocracy ; that no man's life should be taken away , nor any man's goods confiscated , without legal trial ; that he would not give ear to informers ; that he would make it his principal study and endeavour , that his subjects might be happy under his government ; that he would govern by the same measures that marcus had rul'd by before him ; that he would not only assume the name of pertinax , but that he would also imitate his excellent qualities . these and the like professions , won to him the affections and confidence of the people : indeed some of the old men that were acquainted with his temper , inform'd them secretly , that he was an old practis'd hypocrite , that he manag'd all things by art and intrigue , that he would lie , falsifie , dissemble , do any thing in the world to serve an interest ; all which they found to be true afterwards by experience . severus made only a short stay in rome , during which he gave a large dole to the people , and donatives to the soldiers : out of these he chose such as had signaliz'd their bravery above the rest , to guard the empire , in the room of those that had been cashier'd ; and then prepar'd for his expedition into the east ; for niger , thoughtless and undesigning , lay still in antioch , dissolv'd in luxury and pleasure ; and severus intended to surprise him , before he had intelligence of his coming , or could put himself in condition to oppose him . so he issu'd out orders to the soldiers to be in a readiness to march upon the shortest warning ; he drew together his army from all parts , made new levies in italy , and commanded that part of the illyrian army which was left , to joyn him in thrace ; he also equipp'd a navy , and mann'd out all the italian ships that were fit for service ; and these mighty levies , as well for sea as land , were compleated in a short time : for he knew he should have occasion for a very formidable force , to reduce all that continent which lies opposite to europe , which universally adher'd to niger . these were the preparations he made for the war. but being a man of great wisdom and foresight , he was jealous of the british forces , which were very numerous , and consisted of gallant men : they were under the command of albinus , a man nobly descended , and one that had liv'd from his youth in pleasure and plenty . severus therefore resolv'd by a strain of court-skill to gain this man over to him ; for he fear'd lest having so many incentives to ambition and desire of rule , ( as his wealth , his birth , the strength of his army , his reputation with the romans ) he might be induc'd to seize upon the empire , and surprize rome , which is not far from britain , while he was engag'd in a war in the east . he thought the best way to allure him , was by a shew of honour and deference ; for he was at all times very weak and and open to the practices of designing men , and now readily believ'd severus's promises , which he enforc'd with oaths , and all the solemnity imaginable . he therefore declar'd him his collegue , anticipating his ambition , by offering him a share in the empire , and sent him letters full of professions of friendship and amity , and entreated him to apply himself to the administration of the empire ; adding , that the publick affairs requir'd a man that was nobly descended , and in the flower of his age ; that he was very old , and afflicted with the gout ; that his children were young , and unfit for business , &c. albinus was easie of belief , and readily catch'd at the proposal , being highly satisfied to have attain'd the ends of his ambition without any hazard or trouble in the attaining . severus acquainted the senate with his intention ; and that he might satisfie them and the world of his sincerity , he commanded moneys to be stamp'd with albinus's image , and order'd his statues to be erected , and all other imperial honours to be paid to him : and after he had made all things secure on that side , by his politick management of albinus , and had freed himself from the apprehensions of a diversion from britain , and the illyrian armies were united , and he had order'd all things at home as he thought most convenient in the present conjuncture , he advanc'd with his army against niger . now , as for the halts he made in his march , his speeches in the towns which he pass'd through , the signs which appear'd from heaven , the countries through which he march'd , his engagements , the number of the slain on both sides , these you will find related with more accuracy by the historians and poets , who undertook only the single life of severus . but i have taken upon me to report down to posterity all the remarkable occurrences which have hapned within my memory and observation , under divers reigns , in the whole course of 70 years . the principal therefore , and most memorable of severus's atchievements , we shall relate in the prosecution of this history , not extolling any thing out of favour or devotion to a party , as the writers of that age have done ; nor omitting any thing that is worthy to be recorded . an epitome of the third book . niger being advertiz'd that severus had seiz'd the empire , and was advancing against him , makes all the preparations he can to oppose him . severus enters asia , defeats niger's army at cyzicum , and afterwards in bithynia , and takes cappadocia by siege : then forcing his way through the fortifications of the taurus , he marches through cilicia , and in the bay of issicum engages niger , and after a sharp dispute , routs him , and puts him to flight : he escapes to antioch , and is there kill'd . afterwards animosities breaking out between severus and albinus , occasion a war between them . lions is the scene of action ; where after an obstinate fight , severus vanquishes his enemies , and takes the town , and cutting off albinus's head , sends it to rome . then severus makes war again in asia , invades armenia and arabia the happy , and entring the country of the atrenians , sits down before atrae , and besieges it a long time , without effect ; but being forc'd in his return upon the coasts of parthia , obtains a victory which he little thought of , and returns to rome in triumph . at rome he applies himself to business both publick and private ; marries his son antoninus to a daughter of plautian's , who enters into conspiracy against him , and is discover'd by saturninus a tribune , and put to death . his last expedition is into britain , where the war lasting longer than he expected , he dies before 't is ended . the empire descends upon antoninus and geta , who leave britain , and return with their father's ashes to rome . the third book . the account of the violent deaths of pertinax and julian , with severus his march to rome , and his expedition against niger , is finish'd in the former book . but when niger heard the unexpected news , that severus had surpriz'd rome , and was declar'd emperor by the senate , and that he was advancing against him with the whole illyrian army , and with other mighty forces , both by sea and land , he was in a terrible consternation , and immediately issu'd out orders to the praefects of the provinces , to take all possible precautions for the blocking up all the ports and approaches , and sent to the kings of parthia and armenia , and to the king of the atrenians , to demand succours . the armenians return'd answer , that they would not espouse any party , but would content themselves to defend their own territories . the parthian promis'd to give out commissions to his peers to levy forces , which is their method , when the necessity of their affairs oblige them to raise an army ; for they don't maintain any standing force in constant pay. the atrenians sent some companies of archers to their assistance , by order of their king barsemius . the rest of his army was compos'd of the soldiers that were under his command , and of the citizens of antioch , great numbers of which being push'd on by their natural levity , and zeal for niger , listed themselves in his service , rather rashly , than upon due consideration of the present juncture of affairs . niger also commanded the streights of the taurus to be block'd up with a strong wall and fortification , supposing that the impassable cragginess of this mountain would be an impregnable screen and bulwark to the eastern countries . this taurus lies between cilicia and cappadocia , and divides the northern from the eastern nations . he detach'd also part of his army to take in byzantium , the greatest and most flourishing city of thrace , by reason of the wealth as well as number of its inhabitants : it is situated upon the narrowest fret of the propontis , and has considerable revenues from the sea , arising out of imposts , and the fishing trade : her possessions also at land are of large extent , and fertile soil ; so , in short , both elements pay her tribute , and conspire to make her rich . this city niger had a great mind to be master of , in regard it was the strongest town in those parts , and he suppos'd would give him an absolute command of the narrow sea through which all ships pass out of europe into asia . this city is encompass'd with a strong wall , built of square milesian stones , so closely cemented , that it might easily impose upon a man for a solid intire rock : and if at this day you survey ●e ruines of this wall , you cannot ●ut admire the incomparable skill of 〈◊〉 that first built it , and the puissant force of those that afterwards demolish'd it . these were the precautions which niger took , very wisely and providently , as he thought . in the mean time severus with hasty marches advanc'd with his army , without halting or resting ; and hearing that the enemies had possess'd themselves of byzantium , and knowing that that city was strongly fortified , he march'd to cyzicum ; of which aemilian being advertis'd , whom niger had intrusted with the highest command , and in truth with the whole conduct of the war , he march'd also to cyzicum with his whole army , compos'd of his own levies , and the soldiers which niger had sent him . when they were come together , after divers sharp engagements , severus obtain'd an intire victory , niger's army being routed and put to flight . by this success the illyrians were flush'd and took courage ; but the hopes of niger's army began sensibly to sink and abate . but some say niger was betray'd by aemilian from the beginning , and assign two reasons for this his treachery : the first , that niger was malign'd by aemilian upon his promotion to the empire , in regard he had been his successor in the government of syria , who was now to be his lord and sovereign . others say , he was mov'd to it by the prayers of his children , beseeching him by letters to have regard to their safety . these children were arrested in rome , and then held in custody by severus , which was a very useful project , and a piece of policy that had been practis'd by commodus , who us'd always to retain the children of such men as were sent to govern in distant provinces , as hostages for their father's loyalty . severus knew this very well , and as soon as he was proclaim'd emperor , while julian was yet alive , he sent certain persons to steal his children out of rome , to prevent their falling into other hands ; and as soon as he enter'd rome , seiz'd upon all the children of such men as had commands or were in authority in the east , or in asia , and at that time detain'd them in custody , hoping that the ties of nature would cancel those of loyalty , and that their tenderness to their issue would make them traitors to their prince ; or , in case they should persist in the interests they had espous'd , he might have it in his power to punish the obstinacy of the fathers , by his cruelty to their children . after the defeat at cyzicum , niger's soldiers fled in great haste , some to the mountains of armenia , others through asia and galatia , to the mountain taurus , to get within the fortifications . severus's army march'd through the territory of cyzicum , into bithynia , and the adjacent countries . after the report of severus's victory was spread abroad , presently in these parts feuds and intestine divisions broke out in divers cities ; not so much out of hatred or affection to either of the parties engag'd in the war , as out of a spirit of envy , animosity , and contention , then very powerful amongst them . this was the old distemper of the greeks , who were always torn into jarring factions , and still levelling at that head , that had arriv'd to any uncommon eminency amongst them ; and by this means they utterly unhing'd and destroy'd the graecian government . and being thus inveterate and imbitter'd one against the other , they first lost their liberty to the macedonians , and afterwards became vassals to the romans . this disease of strife and envy hath already seiz'd some of our most flourishing cities . after the battel of cyzicum , the nicomedians revolted to severus , and sent an embassie to him , to let him know , that they were ready to receive his soldiers , and afford him what assistance they could . the niceans , out of an implacable . enmity to the nicomedians , adher'd stiffly to the contrary side , and receiv'd niger's soldiers , as well such as fled thither , as those that were sent for the defence of bithynia : and soon after these soldiers , sallying out of both these cities , as if they had issu'd out of regular camps , began a fierce engagement , which was maintain'd on both sides with great vigour and obstinacy ; but at last severus had manifestly the better , and such soldiers of niger as surviv'd the battel , fled with great precipitation to the streights of the taurus , contenting themselves to be upon the defensive , and to guard the fortification . and niger leaving such a garrison as he thought sufficient for the defence of the place , went to antioch , to raise recruits of men and supplies of money . severus's army marching through bithynia and galatia , came into cappadocia , and sitting down before the fortification , began to assail it . here he struggl'd with great difficulties , the way being narrow and rugged ; and besides , he was incommoded in his ascent by stones which were thrown down upon him , and by the gallant resistance which the defendents made from the ramparts ; for upon that advantage of ground , a few men might easily repulse the attacks of whole battalions , the way being narrow , and the one side defended by a high mountain , and the other full of water continually rolling from a vast precipice . besides , niger had block'd up all the avenues , and obstructed the approaches of his army on all sides . this was the posture of affairs in cappadocia , when the cities of tyre and laodicea , ( the first in phoenicia , the latter in syria ) fell desperately at variance with the people of antioch and the berythians , being urg'd forward by an inveterate rancour and envy ; insomuch that the two former , upon a settled aversion to the latter , understanding that niger was fled , defac'd all the marks of publick honour that had been done him , and declar'd for severus . niger who was then in antioch , being advertis'd of this procedure , tho' at other times a man of incomparable temper and mildness , was highly exasperated , and sent immediately his moorish darters , with a band of archers , to the two cities before-mention'd , with peremptory orders to put all to the sword , and to sack and burn the towns. these moors are naturally cruel , and inur'd by frequent use to despise the encounters of death and danger ; and now falling upon the laodiceans before they apprehended any such matter , made an entire destruction of the city and people ; and marching from thence to tyre , burnt and plunder'd the town , and made a great slaughter of the inhabitants . while these things were doing in syria , and niger was raising an army , severus had invested and was making his attacks upon the fortification , his soldiers being very much disheartned , and despairing of success , in regard the fortification was not only very strong , and almost impregnable of it self , but was also defended by a high precipice . the besieged , in the mean time , thinking themselves secure and out of danger : when suddenly in the night there fell a prodigious quantity of rain and snow , ( for the winters in cappadocia are very severe , especially upon the taurus ) the consequence whereof was a sudden torrent of water , which broke out with great rage and fury , which was encreas'd by the fortifications , that check'd its course , and made it still more violent and outragious ; till at last nature grew too powerful for art , and the cement being dissolv'd , the walls were unable any longer to resist the shocks of the raging element , which easily forc'd it self a passage , making a wide breach for the enemy to enter at ; which was the more easily done , because the fortification was irregular , and thrown together without care or contrivance . as soon as the besieg'd saw this , fearing lest they should be surrounded , and so made prisoners by the enemy , as soon as the waters were fordable , they all abandon'd the place , and shifted for themselves . this extraordinary piece of fortune put new life into severus's soldiers , and buoy'd them up into a confidence , that all they acted was under the immediate direction and conduct of heaven ; and understanding that the enemy had forsaken the place and were fled , they easily pass'd the taurus , there being none to oppose them , and made an impression into cilicia . niger , upon advice of what had hapned , levy'd a mighty army , but without experience , and undisciplin'd , and with hasty marches advanc'd at the head of this multitude , which was very numerous , by reason the youth of antioch had almost universally listed themselves in his service , and were ready to hazard all things for him , and even equall'd the illyrians in forwardness and disposition of mind , but were by no means comparable to them in personal bravery and military skill . both the armies met in a place call'd the bay of issicum , which is a spacious plain , bounded on all sides with a chain of hills , in the form of a theater . the shore along the sea is stretch'd a great way up into the continent , as if nature in the first contrivance had design'd it for a scene of action . here , they say , the great decisive battel was fought between alexander and darius , wherein the latter was defeated and made prisoner , and the men of the east routed by those of the north. here remains yet the city of alexandria , situate upon the eminence , and alexander's statue of brass , as monuments of this memorable victory . and as the place of the battel was the same , so was the event also . in the evening the armies were embattell'd one against the other , and spent that whole night amidst the agonies and disquiets of a sollicitous fear . in the morning , as soon as the sun rose , each general exhorted and animated his soldiers , representing to them , that this was to be the decisive battel , that upon the issue hereof all their hopes depended , that the fortune of this day would determine the fate of the empire . but in short , after they had fought a long time with great courage and resolution on both sides , and great numbers were slain , insomuch that the rivers were not slightly tinctur'd , but seem'd to carry a greater quantity of blood than water , niger's soldiers turn'd their backs , and fled in disorder . the illyrians pursuing , drove some of them into the sea , others they chas'd to the tops of the hills , where they kill'd them , together with great numbers of peasants that were drawn together out of the adjacent cities and villages , and had posted themselves there , as in a secure place , from whence they might survey the armies , and be spectators of the engagement . niger being mounted upon a swift horse , fled with a small party to antioch , where he found a very melancholy face of affairs : that remnant of the people which was left , were about to abandon the place ; nothing was to be heard but an universal grief , parents lamenting their children , and sisters their brothers . besides , niger himself was in the utmost despair and confusion ; in which condition he fled from antioch , and conceal'd himself in a country-house not far from the city , where he was found by certain horsemen that pursu'd him , and beheaded . this was the fate of niger , which he drew upon himself by his slowness and inactivity , tho' otherwise his deportment , both in his publick and private capacities , was always spoken of with honour . severus having thus dispatch'd niger , cut off all his friends and adherents without mercy or distinction , not regarding whether they were such by choice or necessity . but those soldiers that ( he heard ) had pass'd the tygris , and were going over to the barbarians , he endeavour'd to bring back by promises of pardon and indemnity . however , great numbers went over to them , which was the true reason why they became more able from henceforward to combate with the romans in a set battel ; for formerly they never wore compleat armor , seldom us'd sword or spear in the fight , were lightly and loosly habited , and fought with bows and arrows on horseback , and most commonly in their flight , shooting back upon the enemy that pursu'd them : but now they were instructed by these roman refugees , amongst which were a great many artizans , who chose to spend the remainder of their days amongst them , not only to use arms , but also to make them . severus having settled his affairs in the east as he thought most advisable in the present conjuncture , intended to have made a descent upon parthia , and the territories of the atrenians , both which he charg'd with the supporting niger against him : however he relinquish'd this design for the present , and began in the first place to consider of ways and means to settle and entail the roman empire upon himself and his family . niger being remov'd , he thought albinus was useless to him , and embarrass'd him in the prosecution of his designs ; and he had heard that the name of caesar had inspir'd him with proud and haughty images , and that a great many of the most eminent men in the senate had secretly by letter sollicited him to come to rome , when severus was absent and employ'd abroad . and , in truth , the whole nobility favour'd him more than they did severus , because he was sprung from illustrious ancestors , and had gain'd the reputation of gentleness and temper . severus had intelligence of these things , but would not fall openly at variance with him , nor proclaim a war against him , being destitute of a pretext to justifie such a proceeding ; but resolv'd to attempt his life by the secret ways of fraud and stratagem ; and sent immediately certain imperial couriers , in whom he could repose the last confidence , with secret orders as soon as they should be brought into his presence , to deliver the letters to him in publick , and withal to entreat him to withdraw with them , for that they had something to impart to him in private ; and as soon as they had drawn him from his guards , they should fall upon him suddenly , and dispatch him . he gave them also certain poysonous drugs , and commanded them to try if his cooks or butlers could be engag'd in an attempt to poison him . albinus his friends had already entertain'd a jealousie of severus , and advis'd him to beware of his frauds and stratagems . his unjustifiable deportment towards niger's captains , had cast a blemish upon his reputation ; for having perswaded them , by means of their children , as is before related , to betray their master's counsels , after he had abus'd their service , and compass'd his ends , he put them all to death , both fathers and children ; the various folds and windings of his temper displaying themselves still in his actions . these advices made albinus encrease the number of his guards ; and from this time he would not suffer any man that was sent to him from severus , to approach his person , unless he first put off his sword , and was search'd , for fear he should conceal some secret weapon under his clothes . as soon as the couriers arriv'd at albinus's court , they deliver'd their letters to him in publick , and , in pursuance of their orders , desir'd him to retire from the company , because they had something to communicate to him in private . he presently suspected their intention , and commanded them all to be apprehended , and upon examination of the matter , discover'd the whole scheme and course of the design . the couriers receiv'd condign punishment . and now he prepar'd against severus , as against a declar'd enemy . severus upon advice of this discovery , being naturally hot and violent , and apt to be transported with anger , could not disguise his thirst of revenge ; but calling his army together , spoke to them to this purpose . severus his speech against albinus . gentlemen , let no man , when he reflects upon my former actions , accuse me of levity , or of ingratitude and treachery , to one whom i have treated as a friend . i have punctually discharg'd all the duties of friendship on my part , even to the inviting him to a partnership of my empire , after i had establish'd it ; which few men are willing to share even with their own brothers . that power which you lodg'd solely in me , i was content to hold in common with him . and after all these signal obligations laid upon him , consider , gentlemen , what ungrateful returns he makes . he levies an armed force against us , contemns the fame of your bravery , neglects the ties of faith and justice with respect to me , and being push'd forward by wild ambition , chooses rather to engross the whole power with toil and hazard , than to enjoy his share in safety and quiet ; neither reverencing the gods , by whom he has so oft and solemnly sworn ; nor sparing you , after you have fought and fatigu'd your selves with so much courage and reputation for our joint interest : for he , as well as i , has a share in the honour and benefit accruing from your victories , which had been greater , had he not thus openly departed from the principles of faith and honour . now , gentlemen , as it is unjust to offer the first injury , so it is beneath a man of honour to sit tamely under an injury receiv'd , without requiring satisfaction . the reasons of our war upon niger , were not so specious as they were necessary in that critical juncture : he did not invade a power whereof we were actually possess'd ; but the empire lying between us , and our pretensions to it being the same , we both strove to gain it to our selves with an equally warrantable ambition . but albinus has broke through oaths and a●liances ; and tho' he has obtain'd by my free gift , what other persons only bestow on the issue of their own bodies , yet , after all , he chooses hostility before friendship , and the name of an enemy before that of an acquaintance . how ought i then to resent this behaviour ? as i have heretofore studied to serve and honour him , so now ill chastise his perfidy and cowardice with the sword. his few undisciplin'd men will not pretend to oppose the force of your arms : for , can any man imagine that an army that has reduc'd all the kingdoms of the east , flush'd by a course of so many victories , and reinforc'd by almost the whole power of the roman empire , will not easily vanquish a band of men commanded by a dissolute and a cowardly general ? for who is a stranger to the fame of albinus's luxury , and his way of living , more resembling the brutishness of a hog , than the life of a soldier ? in conclusion , let us advance against him with our wonted alacrity and courage , relying upon the gods , whom he has offended by his perjuries , and remembring the trophies which we have so often rais'd , and he thinks fit to despise . after he had spoke , his soldiers unanimously declar'd albinus an enemy ; and applauding severus , express'd the zeal of their minds in the alacrity of their acclamations . this infus'd new courage into severus , and afforded him good ground of confidence . he dealt a magnificent donative amongst his soldiers , and then took his march against albinus , having before detach'd a party to reduce byzantium . this place was held by niger's soldiers that fled thither , and was afterwards taken by famine , and totally demolish'd , with all its theaters , baths , and all the beauties and ornaments of the city . it was reduc'd into the form of a village , and given to the perinthians , as antioch was to the laodiceans . he also sent money to rebuild the cities which niger's soldiers had destroy'd , while he march'd on with his army without intermission , equally regardless of the celebration of festivals , and the toils of the march ; of the most parching heats , and the most rigorous cold. he would often march bare over the highest mountains , in the midst of snow , in the coldest season of the year , to excite his soldiers to alacrity and patience by his own personal deportment , that they might be mov'd to surmount all difficulties , not so much by fear of authority , as by an ambition to imitate the behaviour of their general . he sent out also a strong body to possess the streights of the alps , and secure that important inlet into italy . albinus , who had resign'd himself over to pleasure and repose , was exceedingly alarm'd when he heard that severus was ready to invade him ; and immediately leaving britain , embarqu'd his army for gaul , where he encamp'd , and issu'd out orders to the praefects of the neighbouring provinces to send in contributions of money , and other provisions for his army . some obey'd the orders , and their compliance prov'd fatal to them afterwards . others refus'd , rather by good fortune , than upon any politick reasons , and hereby escap'd the storm that ensu'd ; the issue of the war discovering whose conduct was the more advisable in this affair . after severus had enter'd gaul with his army , several slight skirmishes pass'd between them ; but the decisive action was near lions , a great and flourishing city , where albinus had shut up himself , and sent out his army to give severus battel . the engagement lasted a long time , both armies disputing the point with great obstinacy , without any apparent advantage to either . the british soldiers were no way inferior to the illyrians in force or courage , or thirst of blood ; so both being gallant armies , it was no easie matter to put either of them to the rout. tho' the historians of that age , that made a true report of the matter of fact , without favour or partiality , do affirm , that albinus had much the better of that part of severus's army where he commanded in person ; insomuch that he fairly fled , and falling from his horse , was forc'd to throw off his imperial cloke , and owe his safety to a disguise . while the britains were pursuing and triumphing over their enemies , as if they had gain'd a compleat victory , laetus , severus's general , appear'd with a fresh army ; for 't was thought that he affected the empire , and for that reason commanded his soldiers to march slowly , that he might preserve them in their full strength and vigour , till he saw what would be the issue of the battel , not so much as offering to come up till he heard that severus was slain : and it appear'd afterwards , that this was no ill-founded suspicion , inasmuch as severus , after he had put all things in good order ▪ and establish'd the peace and quiet of his empire , very nobly rewarded all his other captains , but put laetus to death ; having respect , as was thought , to the treason intended this day . but these things hapned long after . laetus at this time appearing with so considerable a reinforcement , retriev'd the declining vigour of severus's men. severus re-mounted , and put on again his imperial cloke . albinus's soldiers suppos'd they had intirely defeated the enemy , and being in great disorder , were unable to sustain the attacks of these fresh forces , which fell upon them with incredible fury , and after a short resistance put them to a precipitate flight . severus's army pursu'd them , making a great slaughter of them , even to the gates of the city . the number of those that were kill'd and taken on both sides in this engagement , is variously related by the historians of those times . after the victory , severus's soldiers burnt and plunder'd lions , and having taken albinus , cut off his head , and presented it to severus . thus he erected two mighty trophies , the one in the east , the other in the north ; and i doubt whether any thing we meet with in story will bear a comparison with his victories and battels , whether you consider the puissance of his armies , the commotions of nations , the number of his engagements , or the length and swiftness of his marches . the battels between caesar and pompey , between augustus and antony , or pompey's sons , were great and memorable actions ; as also were the atchievements of sylla and marius in civil and foreign wars : but for one man to cut a passage to the empire through three emperors actually invested in the sovereign dignity , to overcome the praetorian soldiers by reach of policy , to murther an emperor in his own palace , to vanquish another in the east , where he had sat at the helm divers years after he was proclaim'd in rome ; to make a third his prisoner , that was in actual possession of the empire , is still more wonderful and extraordinary ; and you 'll scarce find any thing upon record that is able to parallel the greatness of the adventure , or the course of prosperous fortunes by which it was atchiev'd . thus fell albinus , after he had enjoy'd his fatal dignity for a short time ; and severus soon pour'd out the fury of his revenge upon his adherents in rome , and sent the head of albinus to be nail'd publickly upon a gibbet . he sent also letters giving an account of his victory , and adding by way of postscript , that he sent that head to be fix'd upon a gibbet , and expos'd to publick view , that it might be a token of his displeasure , and signifie how highly he was enrag'd against them . and having put all things in order in britain , he constituted two governours to take care of that island , and leaving the affairs of gaul in such a posture as he thought most convenient , he put to death all those that had espous'd albinus's interest , not regarding whether they had done it by choice , or were determin'd to it by necessity ; and confiscating their estates , he took his march for rome , drawing with him his whole army , that his appearance might be the more terrible . he perform'd his march with his usual speed , and made his entry into rome , his breast still glowing with a malignant heat against the remainder of albinus's faction . the people bearing branches of laurel , receiv'd him with acclamations of joy , and all the marks of honour and respect . the senate too complemented him on this occasion , tho' most of her members expected nothing at his hands but death and destruction . they knew the implacable cruelty of his nature , and upon what slight occasions he would proceed to the most injurious rigours , tho' now he had plausible reasons to justifie his indignation . severus after he had paid a visit to jupiter's temples , and perform'd the sacrifices customary on the occasion , retir'd to his palace , threw a largess amongst his soldiers , and gave a dole to the people on the account of his victory . to the first of these he granted divers privileges , out of his meer grace and bounty , being such as they had never before enjoy'd ; he encreas'd their allowances of corn , authoriz'd them to wear rings of gold , and permitted women to live with them . these things were heretofore judg'd inconsistent with the rules of military discipline , and that unincumber'd freedom and readiness for action which is requir'd in a soldier . he was the first that alter'd their course and wholesom diet , the consequence whereof was a sensible decay of force and vigour , and utterly destroying the ancient discipline and authority of generals . he engag'd them in dissolute courses , and taught them to love money . after he had made these alterations , he came into the senate , and ascending the imperial throne , broke out into a vehement impeachment of albinus's friends , some of whose secret letters he produc'd and laid before them , which were those he found in albinus's cabinet ; others he upbraided with the curious presents which they had made him ; others again he tax'd with the having favour'd the eastern faction : so that upon the whole matter , he put to death all the most eminent men in the senate , with all such as were most considerable for wealth or family in the provinces . he pretended to act in this affair by the dictates of revenge , tho the truth is , he was urg'd on by a more prevailing passion , which he had for money , to which none of the emperors was ever so totally enslav'd : for as in strength of body , vigour of mind , and conduct of military affairs , he equall'd the most renowned generals ; so he was excessively covetous , insomuch that he sought money by all , even the most unwarrantable means , as by injury , oppression , murther , &c. he was rather fear'd than belov'd by his subjects , tho' it was the principal study and endeavour of his life to be popular : to this end he frequently exhibited publick shows , which were both various and magnificent : in these a hundred wild beasts were often slain at a time , which he procur'd from all parts of the world. he made frequent and noble largesses to the people , and entertain'd them with publick games , wherein wrestlers , stage-players , &c. were drawn from all parts to contend for the prize : and i have seen in his time shews of all sorts represented in all the theaters in rome , with sacred rites and ceremonies solemniz'd after the manner of the mysteries of ceres . these were the ludi seculares , which are never renew'd till three ages be compleat from the last celebration ; at which time cryers go through rome and italy , to make proclamation , that the people may come and behold what they had never seen before , nor could ever see again : which is a plain intimation , that the distance of time between the former and the ensuing celebration , exceeds the utmost limits of humane age. having staid some time at rome , he assum'd his sons into a partnership of the empire ; and being willing that some foreign atchievements should contribute to the glory of his arms , which had hitherto been employ'd in a civil war , from whence he declin'd an occasion of triumph , he led his army into the east , giving out , that the cause of this invasion was to punish barsemius the king of the atrenians , for sending succours to niger , to be made use of against him : and being on the frontiers of armenia , he was about to ravage that country ; but was prevented by the king of the place , who voluntarily sent hostages , with money , and other rich presents to him , and entreated him to establish a friendship and good understanding between them . severus finding all things succeed according to his wishes in armenia , bent his course towards the country of the atrenians ; and here his strength was encreas'd by the repair of augarus king of the osrhoeni , who deliver'd up his children by way of hostage for their father's fidelity , and joyn'd him with a considerable force of archers . severus crossing mesopotamia , and the country of the adiabeni , over-ran arabia call'd the happy , by reason of the fertility of the soil , which produces in great abundance those sweet herbs which we use in our perfumes . he pillag'd a great many cities and villages , and wasting all the country , march'd forward into the territories of the atrenians , and sat down before atrae . this city is founded upon the eminence of a rock , and fortifi'd with a high and regular wall. the garrison was numerous and brave , and consisted for the most part of archers . this city severus invested with his whole army , and assail'd it with his utmost fury : engines of war of all sorts were drawn to the wall , and nothing omitted that is of importance in the storming of towns. the atrenians made a brave defence , and throwing stones and shooting arrows at the assailants , extremely incommoded severus his army . they fill'd also earthen vessels with small winged insects and other venemous creatures , and threw them upon the enemy ; these fastning upon their eyes , or any other part that was naked , and secretly crawling up and down , extremely gall'd and wounded them . they could not bear the heat of the climate , the air was too soultry , and the sun burnt them excessively , and threw them into divers and desperate maladies , insomuch that severus lost more men by these casualties , than by the sword of his enemies . severus seeing his soldiers disheartned and tir'd with the siege , which was carried on with more loss than advantage to the besiegers , took care to draw off his army before it was totally destroy'd , without effecting what he purposed . the issue of this attempt coming so far short of his expectations , gave him great regrets . not to vanquish , was in effect to be vanquish'd , to him who had always been accustom'd to victory . but a prosperous gale of fortune , which soon after hapned , easily blew this damp off his spirits , and made this expedition so far from being fruitless , that it crown'd it with greater successes than he at first expected ; for putting to sea with his whole army , composing a strong naval force , he was driven from the roman , and forc'd in a rough sea upon the coast of parthia , but a few days journey from ctesiphon , where the king keeps his court : at this time he liv'd in perfect tranquillity , undisturb'd by war , or the fears of it , not imagining that severus's expedition against the atreni did any ways concern him , nor apprehending any attempt to be made upon him in this juncture . but severus being thus driven by stress of weather upon his coasts , landed his men , and ravag'd the country , carrying off all the cattel he met with , that he might be secure of provisions ; and burning the villages that fell in his way , he advanc'd into the country , till he reach'd the city ctesiphon , where the great artabanus held his residence , and falling by surprize upon the barbarous people , who were unprepar'd , kill'd all the men they found , and made the women and children prisoners , the king only escaping , with a few horsemen . but the romans possess'd themselves of his treasure , and royal furniture and ornaments , and return'd with them to their ships . thus severus atchiev'd his parthian victory , rather by good fortune than conduct . this enterprize being thus fortunately accomplish'd , he immediately dispatch'd an express to rome , giving an account of his success , and magnifying the exploit . he set up also publick pageants , wherein his engagements and victories were represented . the senate upon this occasion decreed him all the honours imaginable , and gave him surnames from the nations which he had conquer'd . severus , after he had settled his affairs in the east , hastned to rome , bringing along with him his sons , who were now good big youths ; and having put the affairs of the provinces in a right course , and review'd the mysian and pannonian forces , he enter'd rome in triumph , being receiv'd by the people with loud acclamations , and the highest testimonies of honour and respect . after his entrance , and some time spent in sacrificing and celebrating festivals , and exhibiting publick shews and games , he distributed a magnificent donative among the people , and made certain publick entertainments on the particular account of his victories . after this he staid a great many years at rome , administring justice , and applying himself wholly to the care of the civil government , and the institution of his children in vertue and good manners : but they were vigorous and young , and falling in with the humour of the town in their delicate and refin'd way of living , and pursuing with too great eagerness the diversions of balls , plays , chariot-driving , &c. were early debauch'd . the brothers began to jar and interfere , first out of a childish humour or ambition , at quail-fights , cock-fights , or the wrestlings of boys , where they would frequently wrangle and fall out . if any thing was spoke or represented upon the stage , they always varied in opinion , and never favour'd the same actor ; but whatever pleas'd one , infallibly distasted the other . their flatterers and ministers made it their business to cherish and foment these quarrels , saying any thing that would please the young princes at that age , and give them credit and interest with them . severus being inform'd of these things , employ'd his utmost endeavours to accommodate all differences between them , and to make them friends . his eldest son ( whose name was bassian , afterwards chang'd into antonine , marcus's surname , upon his alliance to the imperial line ) he marry'd , upon a notion that it would tame him , to a daughter of plautian's , who was captain of the praetorian band. this plautian , they say , was originally of a mean fortune , and had in his youth been convicted of seditious practices , and divers other misdemeanours , for which he was banish'd ; nevertheless , being by nation an african , and fellow-citizen , and , as some say , a relation to severus , ( tho' others tax him with the having prostituted his body to him in the flow'r of his age ) severus from a low and mean condition , promoted him to great wealth and honour , conferring upon him the estates of such persons as were put to death , sharing every thing with him except his empire : but he abus'd this power and dignity , not abstaining from the highest acts of oppression and violence , in the advancing his own interests or designs , out-doing all the princes that went before him in barbarity and cruelty . with his daughter severus match'd his son , by this alliance uniting the two families . antoninus was very much dissatisfied with the match , which was made up rather by concert amongst friends , than by consent of parties , and conceiv'd a mortal aversion both to the lady and her father ; insomuch that he would neither lie in the same bed , nor live in the same house with her ; but thunder'd out repeated menaces against them both , which he threatned to execute as soon as he should get the sovereign power into his hands . the lady told all these things to her father , remonstrating to him how implacable his hatred was against her , which put the old man into a mighty rage ; how seeing that severus was old , and weakned by a long indisposition , and knowing the natural fierceness and impetuosity of antoninus , began to fear lest he should some day fulfil his threats : whereupon he resolv'd to be beforehand with him , esteeming it better to be upon the offensive , than tamely to expect the accomplishment of these menaces . he had a great many motives to spur on his ambition to an affectation of the empire : his estate was greater than ever any private man possess'd , the soldiery was entirely at his beck , the whole roman people paid a singular honour and deference to him ; he always appear'd in the senatorian robes , embroider'd with large studs of gold , and was always rank'd with men of principal note , and such as had been twice consuls : when he came abroad , he was attended with all the circumstances that might encrease the terror or grandeur of his appearance ; he had a sword by his side , with all the ensigns of sovereign dignity : no man was suffer'd to approach his person ; and if any encounter'd him by accident , he was oblig'd to retire . certain gentlemen of his retinue always march'd before him to make proclamation , that no man should presume to draw near or look upon him , but that they should all turn out of the way , and fix their eyes on the ground . plautian by this deportment incurr'd the high displeasure of severus , and became odious and insupportable to him ; insomuch that he retrench'd his authority , and exhorted him to abate something of his pride and arrogance : which incens'd him to that degree , that he resolv'd to attempt the empire by policy and intrigue ; and in order to it , form'd this design : there was a certain tribune of plautian's , by name saturninus , who had abandon'd himself to an implicit obedience to the will and pleasure of his general , which in truth all the rest had done as well as he ; yet he by a shew of an extraordinary veneration for him above the rest , had insinuated himself the most intimately into his affections . this man he thought the most fit to be trusted with , and the most proper to execute his secret orders , and commanded him to attend him in the evening , after all other persons were withdrawn ; and when he was come , told him , that this was the time for him to give the last proof of his zeal and devotion to his interest , and for him to make a requital proportionable to so great a merit ; that it was in his choice whether he would succeed him in the post he was now in , and be such a man as he saw he was at that time , or die instantly , and receive the rewards of his contumacy and disobedience ; that he ought not to be stagger'd with the greatness of the enterprize , or startle at the name of emperor , in regard of the free entrance which he should have alone into the imperial bed-chamber , when his turn should come to be upon the night-guard , at which time he might easily effect what he propos'd to him , without opposition or discovery ; that he should not expect any further orders from him , but should go immediately to the imperial palace , as if he brought advices of importance and secresie from plautian , and so should fall upon the old man and his son , and kill them ; adding , that the matter was very feasible to a man that would acquit himself with bravery ; and assuring him , that as he had a share in the hazard , so he should also have in the honour and dignity to which this enterprize would make way . the tribune was infinitely surpriz'd with the proposal , but not so much as to lose his understanding in that juncture ; but , like a man that had his senses about him , ( for he was a syrian , and 't is observ'd that the eastern countries produce generally very clear heads ) considering the violence of his rage , together with the extent of his power , thought not fit to oppose him in any circumstance of what he open'd to him , for fear of being sacrific'd instantly to his displeasure ; but hearing the whole proposal with seeming joy and rapture , as if he was ambitious to be an instrument in the execution , and adoring him as if he had been already emperor , desir'd of him a copy of his commission ; for 't is the custom of tyrants , when they command any man to be cut off without legal process , to give their orders in writing , that some footsteps might remain of the authority by which the party was put to death . plautian , blinded with ambition , gave him a commission under his hand , and dispatch'd him away instantly to execute it , strictly charging him to send for him as soon as the business was done , and before it was nois'd abroad , that he might appear in the palace before it was known that he had invaded the empire . matters being thus concerted between them , the tribune left him , and walk'd through all the rooms of the palace , as he us'd to do , without controul : but considering that it was absolutely impracticable for one man to assassinate two emperors that were lodg'd in different apartments , he went directly to severus , and calling to the guards of the imperial bed-chamber , desir'd admittance to the emperor's presence , in regard he had something to impart to him that nearly concern'd the safety of his person . they immediately inform'd the emperor hereof , and by his command the tribune was brought before him : after he was introduc'd , addressing himself to severus , he accosted him with this surprizing relation . may it please your majesty , i don't come here as a traytor to assassinate your person , as he that sent me imagines ; but according to my own hopes and desires , to be your preserver and deliverer . plautian seeking by intrigue and policy to gain the empire , has commission'd me to murder you and your son , and that not only by word of mouth , but by warrant in writing ; [ then he laid the commission before them , ] which i readily undertook , lest if i should decline it , he might meet with some other person forward enough to engage in the enterprize ; and now i am here ready to make discovery of what i know , and to bring to light his secret designs . this he spoke with tears in his eyes , and a mighty appearance of concern . nevertheless , severus gave but slow credit to him ; he lov'd plautian most passionately , and suspected forgery and subornation in the whole business ; he fansied his son , out of an inveterate malice to plautian and his daughter , had invented this artful calumny to take away his life ; and sending for him , charg'd him home with it , reproving him most severely for these unwarrantable practices against the life of his friend and domestick . antoninus at first protested he was ignorant of the whole matter ; but when the tribune press'd his depositions , shewing forth his commission , antoninus spurr'd him on , and animated him to impeach him of the fact , and be evidence against him . and the tribune seeing into what imminent danger he had brought himself , and fearing the overweening kindness of severus to plautian , and being satisfied if the plot was not fairly discover'd , and the criminal convicted , that he should undergo the most exquisite torments , said to them , i beseech you , my lords , what clearer proof or stronger evidence can you desire ? permit me only to go out of the palace , and by some trusty friend of mine let him know that the business he gave me in charge is accomplish'd , and he will speedily be here , expecting to find the palace abandon'd ; and then you your selves may judge of the truth of what i have depos'd . only command silence in the palace , for fear he should have intelligence of what has pass'd , and so defeat the design . all this being agreed to , he sent a particular friend of his to plautian , to tell him , that he should make all the haste he could ; that both the emperors were dispatch'd ; that it would behove him to be in the palace before the thing had taken air ; that having made himself master of the citadel , and establish'd his empire , he might constrain the people to render obedience to him , as to an actual sovereign . plautian easily believ'd all this , and full of hope , in the evening put on a coat of mail for the defence of his body , and throwing his other robes over it , drove with all speed to the palace , accompanied only by a few servants , who fansied he went upon a summons from court , about affairs of importance . he enter'd the palace without any difficulty , the guards knowing nothing of what had hapned . here the tribune met him , and designing to trepan him , accosted him by the title of emperor ; and taking him familiarly by the hand , told him he would conduct him into the chamber where the dead bodies of the emperors were bestow'd . here severus had order'd certain of his guards to stand ready to lay hands upon him , as soon as he should come in . so plautian , to his unexpressible disappointment , saw both the emperors standing in the room ; and being seiz'd upon by the guards , and infinitely astonish'd with the encounter , began to beg and entreat , and to vindicate himself , protesting , that it was all a lye , a meer forgery and contrivance devis'd against him . severus upbraided him with his good offices , and the honours he had conferr'd upon him . plautian , on the other hand , reminded him of his faith , loyalty , and the good services he had render'd him ; till at length severus inclin'd to credit what he said , until an unlucky rent in his garment discover'd the ▪ coat of mail that was under it : whereupon antonine , a fiery audacious youth , and naturally very inveterate against the man , demanded of him what answer he would give to these two points , why he came to court at that time without orders ; and , what was the meaning of that coat of mail. is it usual , says he , for any man to come armed to a collation ? at which words he commanded the tribune , and the other soldiers that were present , instantly to draw their swords , and cut him in pieces for an avow'd enemy . they presently obey'd his orders , and killing him , flung out his dead body into the publick street , there to lie open to the view of all men , and expos'd to the indignities of those that hated him . thus the ambitious plautian ran his period , being betray'd by him who made the greatest professions of friendship and devotion to him . severus from henceforth created two captains of the praetorian band , and spent the remainder of his days for the most part in his country houses that were near the city , or on the sea-coasts of campania , distributing justice , and regulating the affairs of state. he was extremely desirous that his children should have the benefit of a vertuous education . he saw they pursu'd the vain amusements of shews and games , with greater eagerness than was suitable to their character . he saw too , that about these they constantly thwarted and oppos'd one another with great zeal and warmth , which bred ill blood amongst them , and afforded incentives to fewds and animosities : especially antonine became insupportable after plautian was remov'd , ( tho' the reverence of his father restrain'd him from actions that were of a very flagitious nature ) he endeavour'd to kill his wife , and left nothing unattempted to effect it : whereupon severus sent her away with her brother into sicily , and allow'd them a large and honourable maintenance ; imitating herein augustus , who took the same course with anthony's sons after he was declar'd an enemy . severus endeavour'd as much as in him lay to compose all these quarrels , and to create a friendship and good understanding between them ; and in order to this , frequently put them in mind of the old tragedies and fables , wherein private animosities between brothers jointly invested in supreme power , were generally the source of all their miseries ; and represented to them , that the exchequer and temples were very full of money ; that no foreign potentate would have force or treasure enough to attack them from without ; that their funds at home would abundantly supply them with donatives to distribute amongst the soldiers , as often and in what quantities they pleas'd ; that the praetorian band was four times as strong as it was at his accession to the empire ; that the army that was posted before the city , was of that strength , that no foreign force was equal or comparable to it , whether you consider the plenty of money , or the strength , stature , or number of men ; remonstrating to them upon the whole matter , that all this would signifie nothing , as long as there were civil feuds and intestine divisions among them . these admonitions he often repeated , sometimes mildly entreating , at other times as sharply rebuking them , leaving no way unessay'd to allay these unnatural heats , and make a firm and sincere reconciliation between them . but they , regardless of all his counsels , liv'd in open defiance of him and his authority , making still more desperate advances in sin and vice ; the heat and fire of youth , the licentiousness of princes , the fairest opportunities , and the most powerful incentives to pleasure , all concurring to push them forward to the greatest extravagancies . besides these , they were led by buffoons and sycophants , who by inveagling arts endeavour'd to allure and win them to themselves , not stopping at a servile compliance with their most dishonest actions or appetites , but still inventing something in favour of the prince they follow'd , which could not delight him more than it regretted his brother . severus took some of these men , and punish'd them severely for these servile compliances . while severus was thus concern'd for the lewd courses of his sons , and that indecent application with which they had follow'd plays and games , the governor of britain notified to him by letter , that the britains were in open rebellion , that they had ravag'd and laid waste the country , that he must either send him a strong reinforcement , or come in person to reduce the place . these advices were very agreeable to severus , who was naturally very desirous of glory , but had a peculiar ambition to crown his victories in the east and north , and his titles of honour merited by his successes in those parts , by erecting new trophies in britain . this expedition also offer'd him an occasion which he extremely wish'd for , of drawing his sons from rome , that being remov'd from the luxury and gaieties of the town , and making a campaign in britain , they might be accustom'd in their youth to a temperate course of life , as that which is most proper for a soldier . soon after he caus'd proclamation to be made of his design'd expedition into britain . he was old , and much afflicted with the gout ; but the faculties of his mind were active and vigorous , far excelling all the young men. he travell'd for the most part in a calash , making no considerable halts in his march ; and having reach'd the end of his journey by land , he cross'd the seas sooner than he could have expected , and landed his men in britain , and appointing a general rendezvous for his forces , drew together a formidable army , and made all necessary preparations for the war. the britains were exceedingly alarm'd at the sudden arrival of severus ; and understanding what a mighty power was rais'd against them , they immediately sent ambassadors to make overtures of peace , and to excuse their late miscarriages : but severus was inflexible ; he was ambitious of a victory over the britains , and enflam'd with the surname of britannicus , and was loth to return to rome without atchieving the one , and deserving the other : so he contriv'd delays and difficulties , to gain time , and detain the ambassadors in suspense ; but dismiss'd them at length , after a final rejection of their proposals , and put all things in posture and readiness for a battel . it was his principal care to build bridges over the morasses , that his men might run over them with ease , and fight upon a solid bottom . of these there are great numbers in this island , covering vast extents of land , occasion'd by the frequent inundations of the sea. the natives often swim or wade into them up to the waste , in water and mud , which they don't regard , the greatest part of their bodies being naked . they are not acquainted with the use of clothes , but wear iron about their necks and wastes , which they esteem an ornament , and a sign of riches , as the other barbarous nations do gold. they paint their bodies with an agreeable variety , drawing upon them all sorts of creatures ; which is the reason they wear no clothes , their vanity not permitting them to draw a veil over so much beauty . they are a very warlike and a bloody people . their arms are only a narrow shield and a lance , with a sword that hangs at their naked side . they know nothing of the use of a breast-plate or helmet , looking upon them as an useless luggage , which would only hinder them in passing the bogs , out of which continually ascend thick vapors , by reason whereof the face of the heavens seems always overcast . severus in this interval made provision of such things as would the most annoy the enemy , and be of the greatest use to his own men. and now all things seeming in good state and condition for the war , he left geta to administer justice in that part of the island which was not revolted , and to make such regulations as the civil government should require , appointing him a council compos'd of the most aged , and the most experienc'd of his friends : and taking antonine along with him , he advanc'd against the rebels ; and having pass'd his army over the rivers and fortifications which divided the roman frontier from that of the enemy , there hapned divers rencounters between them , wherein the britains always had the worse ; but having the advantage of being throughly acquainted with the country , they could retreat at pleasure out of danger , into the fastnesses of the woods and bogs ; all which being against the romans , retarded the prosecution of the war. about this time severus being arriv'd to a great age , was seiz'd with a lingring illness , which constrain'd him to stay at home ; by which means the character of general devolv'd upon antonine , whom his father sent to prosecute the war : but he being not very sollicitous how matters were carry'd on against the rebels , us'd his utmost endeavours to ingratiate with the soldiery , and to exclude all others from any share in their affections and esteem , affecting immoderately to be sole monarch . in order hereto , he loaded his brother with calumnies and reproaches : but the long indisposition of his father , and the slow approaches of death , afflicted the spirit of the young man , insomuch that at length he grew impatient , and fell to practices with his servants and physicians to shorten his life ; till at last severus dy'd , rather through anguish of mind , than indisposition of body , after he had run a glorious course , far transcending all his predecessors in the glory of military atchievements , none of which were victorious in so many and so great engagements both in civil and foreign wars . he reigned eighteen years , and was succeeded by his own sons . he left behind a greater treasure than ever any prince did before him , with an army of that puissance , that no force was able to encounter it . antonine had no sooner got the supreme power into his hands , upon his father's decease , but he began a most bloody massacre , putting to death all the physicians that refus'd to comply with the proposal he made to them of taking off his father , as also all those persons that had the conduct of his own and his brother's education , because they earnestly endeavour'd to mediate a reconciliation between them . nor did any of those ministers weather this storm , whom his father in his life-time had honour'd with his esteem and confidence . the chief officers in the army he endeavour'd to engage in his interests by great gifts and greater promises , to the end they should influence the army to declare him sole emperor , setting a foot all manner of practices to destroy his brother . but he could not over-rule the soldiers in this point ; they remembred how equally severus had deported himself towards his sons while he was alive , keeping them both upon a level in the whole course of their education , and therefore thought themselves oblig'd to render an equal loyalty and deference to them both . antonine finding that his project did not take in the army , concluded a peace , and taking hostages for the observance of it , left the enemies country , and advanc'd with all speed towards his mother and brother . after they came to an interview , their mother employ'd her utmost efforts to reconcile them ; all the men of most eminent dignity , and such as had been of his father's council , joining with her in an endeavour so important to the publick quiet . so antonine seeing all things conspire to thwart the bent of his humour , agreed at last , rather by necessity than choice , to the outward forms of a reconciliation , tho' there was little sincerity at the bottom . after this they administer'd the government jointly ; and parting from britain , set sail for rome , and carry'd along with them their father's ashes , which , mix'd with perfumes , they put into an urn of alabaster , and convey'd to rome , that it might be plac'd amongst the sacred monuments of the roman emperors . and embarking their army as conquerors of britain , cross'd the sea , and arriv'd in gaul . thus we have given account in this book , how severus dy'd , and how his sons succeeded him in the empire . an epitome of the fourth book . severus his ashes are brought from britain to rome , where they are buried , and he is deified . antonine and geta undertake the government , and fall into such quarrels and jealousies , that they were once about dividing the empire , and stating the limits of their territories , had not julia disswaded them . but after a while , their animosities flaming more and more ; antonine kills geta upon the breast of his mother , and flies to the camp , where the soldiers , corrupted by a largess , declare him sole emperor . he exercises great cruelties towards the people and senate : afterwards he makes several progresses , one to the banks of the ister , where he follows the fashions of the germans ; a second into macedon , where he personates alexander ; and a third into asia , where he imitates achilles . then going to alexandria , by a singular instance of treachery and barbarity , he cuts to pieces all the citizens ; and afterwards entring parthia , under colour of a marriage to be solemniz'd there , surprizes the parthians , and breaking the league , makes a great slaughter of them , the king escaping with great difficulty . at last he is assassinated by a soldier , whose brother he had put to death , at carrae in mesopotamia ; and his ashes are sent to antioch to his mother julia. then macrinus is chosen emperor , and gives battel to artabanus king of parthia , which continues for three whole days , neither side obtaining any victory . afterwards he makes a league with him , and the parthian returns home , and he marches with his forces to antioch . the fourth book . what severus did in those eighteen years in which he was emperor , is related in the foregoing book . his sons , who were now young men , hastned to rome with their mother ; but there arose such bickerings and quarrels between them upon the road , that they would neither eat at the same table , nor lodge in the same apartment ; and so powerful was the spirit of jealousie , that they apprehended poison in all their meats and drinks , either from the hands of one another , or from servants corrupted to that purpose : for which reason they made the more haste to rome , where they expected to live in greater security , by reason of the largeness of the palace , which consisted of a vast range of stately buildings , exceeding the rest of the city in its extent . this being divided between them , they thought they might hold their courts asunder , and live at pleasure . when they arriv'd at rome , the people receiv'd them with the solemnity of carrying branches of laurel , the senate complimented them in full body , and at the head of this glorious train they march'd in their robes of purple : the consuls follow'd , bearing the urn wherein the ashes of severus were laid ; and complimenting the new emperors , pass'd by them , and worshipp'd the urn , which , attended with all the pomp and ceremony imaginable , was by them plac'd in the temple , where the sacred monuments of marcus and his predecessors are to be seen . after the young emperors had perform'd the sacrifices customary upon the accession of new princes to the empire , they retir'd to the palace , which was divided into distinct courts , and with mighty caution shut up all the by-ways and passages , suffering only the great court-gates to be made use of in common . each of them had his respective life guard , and rarely came together , unless it was for a short time , when they appear'd in publick . their first care was to pay the honours due to their deceas'd father ; it being a custom amongst the romans to deifie those emperors that die in the life of their sons and successors . this honour they term an apotheosis . during the solemnity there is a various face of things , resulting from a combination of joy and sorrow in the city : for the dead body of the emperor is interr'd with great magnificence , according to the funeral rites here on earth . his effigies , wrought in wax , as like the original as the most exquisite art can make it , is laid upon a high and stately couch of ivory , plac'd before the entrance of the palace , and cover'd with cloth of gold. the effigies looks pale , and has the ghastly air of a sick person . on the left side stand all the senators in mourning ; on the right , matrons of the most eminent quality by birth or marriage , divested of their neck-laces , jewels , and all the gaieties of dress , and attir'd in narrow white manteaus , appearing like so many mourners . this ceremony is repeated for seven days successively . the doctors come in every day , and approaching the couch of state , view the patient , and make the report still that the malady encreases . when it is given out that he is dead , certain gentlemen and noblemen of rome are chosen out of the most illustrious families , to support the couch ; these carry it along the sacred way with solemn pace , till they bring it into the old forum , where the magistrates of rome take their oaths , upon quitting their offices . here are steps rais'd on both sides in the form of stairs ; on the one side stands a chorus of noble patrician youths , opposite to these are ladies of condition , both which sing in honour of the dead hymns and songs set to doleful and majestick airs , which are favour'd by the cadence of the verse . after this , they take up the couch again , and carry it out of the city , into the middle of the campus martius , where there was a pile erected of quadrangular figure , all the sides being equal , and the materials only vast pieces of timber , fastned together into the form of an house . the inside is fill'd with dry combustible matter ; the outside is adorn'd with cloth of gold , statues of ivory , and curious painting . below this stood another , exactly of the same model , and beautified as the former , with its gates open ; and so a third , and a fourth ; every one being somewhat less than that which is next above it ; and so on till you came to the last , which is the lowest of all . the model of these piles was not unlike the towers that are built over harbours , to direct mariners by lights set out , where they may put in and lie securely . the couch was plac'd upon the second pile , after which sweet gums and all sorts of perfumes , with fruits and flowers of the most fragrant scent , were heap'd upon it in great abundance : for there is no nation , city , nor private person of any considerable quality or note , but is very zealous upon this occasion to testifie his respect to his prince by these last presents . after the place was fill'd with these spices and gums pil'd up to a vast heighth , all the gentlemen of rome , gallantly mounted , pranc'd and curvetted about the pile in a kind of figure and order , according to the measures of the pyrrhick dance . the chariots also went the same round , observing the like decorum and order . the charioteers , clad in purple robes , represented the persons of the greatest generals and emperors of rome . then he that is to succeed in the empire , takes a flambeau , and puts it to the pile ; after which the multitude set fire to it on all sides , and in an instant the whole is in a bright flame , by reason of the infinite quantity of spices , gums , and other combustible matter : and immediately after , from the lowest and least pile , as from a turret , an eagle is let go , and towring with the flame , takes his flight towards heaven , carrying along with him , as the romans perswade themselves , the soul of the deified emperor ; and from this time they pay adoration to him , as to one of their gods. as soon as the apotheosis was finish'd , the young emperors return'd to the palace , and from that time were perpetually clashing and jarring , and managing practices one against the other . each sought by all means to destroy his collegue , and lodge the supreme power solely in himself : the people also that bore any dignity or employment in the city , were torn into different factions ; both the emperors by secret sollicitations and promises seeking to draw them to their separate interests . but geta's party was far the stronger ; he discover'd at least a dawn and semblance of honour and vertue , was courteous and affable to all that came to him ; his studies were generous , he entertain'd and encourag'd learned men , pursu'd wrestling and other gentleman-like diversions ; and his conversation was always extremely easie and agreeable : by these means he became popular , his reputation and good fame gaining him the love and esteem of the people . on the other hand , antonine was rough and violent in his whole deportment , utterly averse to all the aforementioned qualities , a pretended admirer of a military life , and the hardships of a campagne . he did every thing in wrath , more by menaces than perswasions , rather affrighting than alluring men to his friendship . the mother had long endeavour'd to reconcile her two sons , that were thus constantly interfering even about the most trivial matters : but all her efforts prov'd ineffectual . they had once determin'd to make partition of the empire , to the end they might be less expos'd to the attempts of one another , than when both liv'd in rome : and assembling their father's friends , this point was debated in the presence of their mother ; and they came at last to this resolution , that europe should be allotted to antonine , and asia to geta ; these continents being as it were by divine providence disterminated by the propontis . it was also agreed upon , that antonine 's army should lie encamped at byzantium , and geta 's at chalcedon in bithvnia ; that lying opposite one to the other , they might guard their several frontiers , and hinder any descent which might be made upon them . a third article was , that such senators as were europeans should remain at rome ; that the rest should repair to geta 's court , which he design'd to keep in antioch or alexandria , looking upon those cities as little inferior to rome in bigness . of the african provinces antonine was to have the moors and numidians , and the bordering nations ; and geta the rest , as far as the east . while this matter was in agitation , the whole assembly seem'd mightily concern'd , and fix'd their eyes upon the ground ; but julia broke out into this tender expostulation : o my sons , says she , you have found out means to divide the lands and seas , and the propontis , you say , will separate your territories ; but how will you divide your mother ? how shall wretched i be apportion'd and carv'd between you ? first kill me and cut me to pieces ; then take each of you a part , and bury it with you ; so i shall be shar'd between you , as well as the land and the sea. this she spoke with all the affection and concern imaginable , shedding tears all the time ; and as soon as she had done , flinging her arms about them , and embracing them with all the endearment and tenderness of a fond mother , essay'd all possible ways to make them friends . this stirr'd up compassion in all that were present , and immediately the council was dissolv'd , and the proposal rejected , both the emperors returning to their palaces . but these heats and quarrels were more and more inflam'd every day : whether an employment civil or military was to be elected into , each stickled for the promotion of his own creature . if they were upon the bench doing justice , they always disagreed in opinion , to the no small prejudice of the parties in the suit depending before them ; their decrees being always more influenc'd by their own passions than by any regard to what was equitable and just . at publick games they constantly espous'd different sides , and set all engines at work against one anothers life , even to the corrupting their cooks and butlers to poyson their several masters : but when these designs did not succeed so fortunately as they could have wish'd , in regard both the emperors were extremely cautious what they eat or drank , antonine grew impatient , and being driven forward by an irresistible desire of ruling alone , fell into bloody and dangerous designs ; and finding that his secret machinations fail'd of bringing about his ends , he judg'd it necessary to betake himself to counsels that were more hazardous and desperate , by reason of his mothers extreme fondness of geta , and geta's designs upon him . this resolve being form'd , he rush'd into geta's chambers , and gave him his mortal wound upon the breast of his mother , who was all besmear'd with his blood. antonine , after the commission of this horrid murther , ran through the court , crying aloud , that he had with great difficulty escap'd an imminent danger ; and commanded the soldiers that guarded the palace instantly to conduct him to his army , affirming , that he should infallibly be kill'd if he staid in the palace . the guards believ'd him , not knowing what had hapned , and ran along with him ; the people being infinitely surpriz'd to see the emperor run through the city in the evening in that confusion . as soon as he reach'd the camp , he went directly to the place where the statues and gods of the army are kept , and falling down before them , render'd thanks , and sacrific'd to them , as for some signal deliverance . as soon as the report of this adventure was spread about the camp , the soldiers , some whereof were in the baths , others in their beds , ran all to the place in great astonishment . here the emperor came out to them , but did not presently discover the truth of the matter , but cry'd aloud , that he had avoided a danger ; that he had escap'd the attempts of an enemy , ( meaning his brother ) that after a long dispute , his adversaries were vanquish'd ; that both of them had been in manifest peril , but fortune had at last declar'd him sole emperor . thus giving indirect hints of what had hapned , and willing rather that they should suspect what was done , than that he should inform them . and now for the security of his person , and the establishment of his empire , he promis'd every soldier 2500 attick drachma's by way of donative , and augmented their allowance of corn by an addition of half as much as they usually receiv'd ; commanding them to march to the temples and exchequers , and be their own paymasters ; thus squandring in one day all the treasure which severus had amass'd in eighteen years , by the ruin and oppression of his subjects . the lure of so considerable a sum easily tempted the soldiers , who understanding the truth of the matter from the reports of those that fled out of the palace , and took care to publish an account of the murder , proclaim'd him sole emperor , declaring geta a traytor . antonine remain'd that night in the temple of the army ; but the next day , trusting to the efficacy of his largess upon the soldiers , he adventur'd to go to the senate , attended by his whole army , somewhat better appointed than is usual upon the like occasions . after he had entred the senate , and sacrific'd , ascending the imperial throne , he spoke to the following effect . antonine's speech . gentlemen , i am not ignorant that at first sight men look upon the murder of a domestick with abhorrence and detestation : the very name , upon the first mention , is apt to draw the severest censure on those that are guilty of the crime . envy does not oftner pursue the victor , than compassion attends the vanquish'd : these always seem to be injur'd , and those are still the wrong-doers . but if a man would impartially consider , and without prejudice in favour of him that is dead , weigh the matter of fact , with the occasion and design of it , he will find , that it is both rational and necessary to anticipate a mischief we have just reason to apprehend , by a timely revenge , rather than tamely to attend till it fall upon us . in this case , the misery of the wretch that suffers , is aggravated by the reproach of cowardice : whereas , on the other hand , the reputation of valour which accrues to the conqueror , enhances the benefit of his deliverance . now , gentlemen , what attempts he has made against my life by poyson , and what other plots he has form'd against me , you may examine , by putting his servants to the question , whom for that reason i have commanded to give their attendances in this place , that you might be throughly inform'd of the truth . some of them have been tortur'd already , whose confessions you may order to be read . but at last , in the presence of my mother he set upon me , being seconded by several ruffians with drawn swords , who were prepar'd to commit this villainy . i had indeed , by my extraordinary caution and sagacity , discover'd his traiterous intentions , and treated him as a profess'd enemy , after he had renounc'd all that affection and kindness that is due from a brother , and acted very unsuitably to that relation . to chastise an unlawful aggressor , is not only just , but what is approv'd by the general practice of mankind . an instance of this we have in romulus the founder of this city , who could not put up the affront of his brother , that only reflected upon what he had built . i pass over germanicus , brother to nero ; and titus , brother to domitian . marcus himself , tho' a man of great wisdom and temper , resented the indignity put upon him by lucius his son in-law so highly , that nothing less than his ruine could atone for it , which he afterwards contriv'd . but i , justly alarm'd by the manifest danger i was in from the poyson and sword that threatned me , have executed vengeance upon an enemy , his behaviour having pronounc'd him such . 't is your duty , on this occasion , to return thanks to the immortal gods , for the preserving one of your emperors , to suppress the spirit of faction and division reigning amongst you ; and having only one prince , unanimously to support his interests , and enjoy the common benefit of repose and security . as jove alone hath all the power above , so 't is his pleasure there should be one only potentate on earth . having thus spoke in a loud voice and great rage , frowning all the time upon his brother's friends , he return'd in haste to his palace , leaving most of the senators under great terrors and apprehensions , and instantly massacred all his brother's adherents , ministers , and menial servants , that were in or about his palace , without any respect to age , his cruelty extending even to infants . their dead bodies were contemptuously thrown into carts , and hurried out of the city , where they were burnt in heaps , without the decency of common ceremonies . no man escap'd that had the least acquaintance with geta. all wrestlers , charioteers , players , buffoons , singers , dancers , that had any way contributed to his diversion , were all sacrific'd to his present fury . men that were of the highest consideration in the senate for quality and estate , he put to death for slight or no reasons , upon any trivial information exhibited against them , under the notion of geta's adherents . he also put to death commodus's sister , an aged lady , to whom the other emperors had paid a singular deference , in regard of her near alliance to marcus , whose daughter she was . her crime was , the condoling with his mother upon the murder of her son geta. besides these , he caus'd to be murder'd plautian's daughter his late wife , who was at that time in sicily , his own cousin-german severus , together with pertinax's son , and the son of lucilla commodus's sister ; and , in short , utterly extirpated and extinguish'd the imperial line , with the whole patrician nobility . from hence his fury pass'd over into the provinces , where , by his orders , were dispatch'd all the prefects and procurators , whom he charg'd with the having been in geta's interests . whole nights were spent in the executing his cruel decrees . he buried the vestal virgins alive for pretended breaches of their vow of chastity , which he arraign'd them of . lastly , ( which was a cruelty absolutely without precedent ) at the circensian games , where he was present in person , when some of the mob threw out some words to the disadvantage of a charioteer that he favour'd , considering this as a contempt offer'd to himself , he pour'd his whole army upon them , with positive order to cut in pieces all those that had presum'd to say any thing against his charioteer . the soldiers having thus a power put into their hands to slay and pillage the people with authority , and it being impossible to distinguish the innocent from the guilty , in so great a multitude , where none would confess the fact , they murder'd all without mercy or distinction , or took what they had from them by way of ransom , and then suffer'd them to escape , tho' with great difficulty . antonine , upon review of these actions , felt great remorses of conscience , and his stay in the city became irksom and uneasie to him ; insomuch that he determin'd to leave it for some time , which he did under pretence of regulating affairs relating to the army , and of visiting the provinces . so he parted from italy , and came to the banks of the ister , and the northern parts of the empire , where he exercis'd himself in chariot-driving , and combating with all sorts of wild beasts . he seldom sat in the courts of justice ; and when he did , his judgments were hasty , often passing sentence before he had heard the merits of the cause . he won the hearts of all the germans , and made a strict league and friendship with them ; he made them also his confederates in his wars , and chose the goodliest and strongest amongst them to be of his life-guard . he often put off his roman habit , and dress'd himself after the fashion of the germans , frequently appear'd in a german cloak , curiously flower'd with silver , according to the mode of that country : he likewise wore yellow hair , which had also the german cut. these condescensions gain'd wonderfully upon the germans , and made the emperor the darling of that barbarous people . nor was he less dear to his own soldiers , whose affections he gain'd chiefly by the profuse largesses which he dealt amongst them , and by his reducing himself to a level with the rest of his soldiers : for if a trench was to be made , or bridge to be built , or rampart to be cast up , or any thing to be done that requir'd bodily labour , he was still the first man that set the rest an example . he eat at a very mean table ; the cups and dishes he was serv'd in were made of wood ; his bread was course ordinary cakes ; his custom was to grind as much corn with his own hand as was sufficient for one man , and to knead it into a cake , and bake it upon the coals . he abstain'd from all sorts of delicacies , and confin'd himself to as course a fare as serves the poorest common soldier . he always appear'd more pleas'd when they call'd him fellow soldier , than when he was accosted by the title of emperor . for the most part he travell'd on foot , very rarely rid on horseback or in his coach , carry'd his own arms , and sometimes the standard , which was adorn'd with bosses of gold , and was so heavy , that 't was a load for the strongest soldier in the army . for these and the like reasons he was extremely belov'd and admir'd by his army , as a brave man , and a good soldier ; and 't was almost a miracle that so small a body as his was should endure such mighty hardships . after he had review'd his army on the ister , he pass'd over into thrace that borders upon macedon . here he commenc'd an alexander redivivus , and endeavour'd by all means to renew the memory of that prince . he commanded his images and statues to be erected in all the cities ; rome it self , the capitol , and all the temples were fill'd with them . these honours were paid him in consideration of an alliance to him which the emperor pretended to . i have seen very ridiculous pictures , with one entire body and head , and two half-faces , the one representing alexander , the other antonine . he appear'd abroad in a macedonian habit , with a turban on his head , and slippers fastned to his feet . he had a regiment compos'd of the flower of his army , which he call'd the macedonian phalanx , and commanded the officers to take upon them the names of alexander's captains . he also sent for young men to sparta , and call'd them the laconick and pitanite bands . after he had done this , and put all things in the cities in as good a method as they were capable of , he took his way for pergamus , a city of asia , in order to have the benefit of aesculapius's healing influence . after he was arriv'd here , and had follow'd his own caprichio's as long as he thought fit , he set out towards ilium : here he survey'd the ruines of that place , and visitted achilles's tomb , which he adorn'd most curiously with chaplets and flowers of all sorts . here he set up for a second achilles , and being at a loss for a patroclus , supply'd the want by this shift . festus , his favourite freed-man , and remembrancer-general , dy'd while he was at ilium ; some say indeed he was poyson'd , to the end he might be interr'd in the same manner that patroclus had been ; yet others say he dy'd naturally . his dead body was order'd to be brought out , and a funeral pile to be rais'd of wood ; the corps was laid upon the middle of the pile , and beasts of all kinds were slain ; after which the emperor set fire to the pile , and holding a vial in his hand , sacrific'd wine , and pray'd to the winds . his hair was extremely thin , and it was very ridiculous to see the emperor cut it off and cast it into the fire , and very much diverted those that look'd on . he extoll'd the roman sylla , and african hannibal , above all the generals of all ages ; and to demonstrate his high opinion of them , commanded their statues to be erected . departing from ilium , he pass'd through asia and bithynia , and the other provinces ; and taking such measures as were necessary for the settlement of affairs in those parts , he arriv'd at antioch . here he was receiv'd very splendidly ; and having staid some time , took his journey for alexandria , pretending a mighty desire of visiting that city , of which alexander was the founder , and of consulting a deity , to which the inhabitants pay so singular a veneration . these were the colours he gave to this expedition . and to the end it might give no jealousie to the people , he order'd provision to be made of hecatombs and all manner of sacrifices . the alexandrians , upon notice of the visit which the emperor design'd them , being naturally light , and apt to be mov'd by every breath of air , were perfectly ecstasy'd , especially when they understood what zeal and affection the emperor had testified for them . and now preparations were making for his reception , which they had resolv'd should be more magnificent than ever had been made for any prince . in order to this , masters of musick were dispos'd in all parts of the city , with instruments of differing kinds ; and from this variety of sounds resulted a most delightful harmony . the air was sweetned with perfumes and sweet gums in all the entrances into the town . flowers were strew'd , and flambeau's were carried before him . he made his entry with his whole army , and went in the first place to the temple , where he sacrific'd great numbers of victims , and heap'd incense upon the altars . from hence he went to the tomb of alexander , where he offer'd up his purple robes , and belt , and rings set with stones of great price , and whatever else he had about him that was of extraordinary value , and laid them upon the tomb. the people seeing this , were overjoy'd , and dedicated their whole time to revelling and jollity , little suspecting the secret intentions of the emperor . but all this was only a varnish to disguise his hidden purposes , which were utterly to destroy all the inhabitants . the cause of his secret hatred to them was this . he had been inform'd while he was in rome , that both before and after his brothers death , they had often jested very irreverently upon him . they are a people naturally addicted to drolling , and making satyrical touches on things and men , not sparing even the most eminent . they look upon it only as pleasant raillery ; but it galls those to the quick who are made the subjects of it , especially if it have some ground of truth ; for those jests still make the deepest wounds , that touch upon a real guilt . they had frequently made very scurrilous reflections upon him , not waving even the subject of his brother's murder . his mother they call'd in contempt jocasta , and ridicul'd him for pretending to personate achilles and alexander , the mightiest and most valorous hero's of antiquity , himself coming so far short of the ordinary proportion of men. these things were highly disobliging to him , and incens'd him to that degree , being naturally cholerick and sanguinary , that he resolv'd to contrive their destruction . after the festival jollity was over , the town being very full of people which resorted thither from all quarters , he put out an edict , commanding all the young men in the city to rendezvous on a certain plain , setting forth his intention of constituting a phalanx in honour of alexander , that as he had a spartan and a macedonian phalanx , so he would have another which should bear the name of that heroe . he order'd them also to marshal themselves into ranks , and to stand at a convenient distance one from another , that he might the better take a view of them , and upon consideration of their age , stature , and make of body , judge which would be the fittest for his service . the alexandrian youth easily believ'd him , and conceiv'd mighty hopes , as they might do upon very good grounds , by reason of that extraordinary respect which he had shewn the city ; and assembled in great numbers at the place appointed , together with their fathers and brothers , very much rejoicing at their fair prospects . when they were rang'd , the emperor walk'd in amongst them , laying his hand upon them as he pass'd by , and commending one thing in one man , and another thing in another , till they were all enclos'd by his army before they were aware of any such design . as soon as the emperor perceiv'd that his army had encompass'd them , and that they were all enclos'd as it were in a net , he withdrew from amongst them with the guard that attended him , and giving the signal to his soldiers , they instantly fell upon them , being without arms , and surrounded and cut them all to pieces , with all the other multitude that were there assembled . some of the soldiers carried on the tragedy of the day , others dragg'd the dead bodies into the pits that they had dug for that purpose ; after which they rais'd over them a great tumulus of earth . some that were hurried into these pits , were but half dead ; others were not so much as wounded . great numbers of the soldiers also perish'd ; for those that had any remains of life and force , fastned upon those that push'd them into the pits , and pull'd them down along with them . the slaughter was so great , that all the plain was floated with blood , which discharging it self into the sea and the nile , discolour'd the mouth of that mighty river , and all the neighbouring shore . after the emperor had thus executed his revenge on the alexandrians , he left that city , and return'd to antioch ; and soon after extremely affecting the surname of parthicus , and the glory of conquering the eastern barbarians , in the profoundest tranquillity he fram'd this project . he sent ambassadors with letters and rich presents to artabanus king of parthia ; in his letters he demanded his daughter in marriage , and set forth at large , that he was an emperor , and the son of an emperor ; that he could not marry the daughter of a private person ; that his station in the world oblig'd him to match with some queen or princess of high birth ; that the roman and parthian empires were the greatest in the world ; that if the two crowns were united and cemented by this alliance into one empire , without any rivers or boundaries to divide them , as heretofore , the whole world beside would not be able to balance their powers in conjunction ; that the barbarous nations that are subject to both empires would be easily kept within the bounds of their duty , provided they were suffer'd to enjoy their own governors and constitutions ; that the roman infantry and pike-men were the best in the world for a close engagement ; that the parthians excell'd all other nations in the force of their cavalry , and the dexterity of their archers ; that these things concurring with a provision of all war-like stores , would put them in a capacity of establishing and maintaining with ease an universal monarchy ; that whereas heretofore the parthian spices and silks , and the metals and curious manufactures of the romans , were only imported by merchants , and that very rarely , and by stealth , that after this union there should be a free and open use and intercourse of all things whatsoever between the two nations . upon receipt of the letters , the parthian at first refus'd to accord him his demands , and remonstrated to him the inconveniences of a match between a roman and one that was barbarous ; that it would be impossible for them to agree , each being an utter stranger to the others language , and their diet and habit so vastly different ; that he had noble men in rome whose daughters he might take to wife , as he had his arsacidae ; that it was not convenient their blood should be corrupted by any foreign mixture . these were the reasons he alledg'd for the rejecting his proposal . but antonine making fresh instances to him , and enforcing them with rich presents , and repeated protestations of his great kindness and passion for the princess , the parthian was at last prevail'd upon , and promis'd to give him his daughter , and began already to call him his son-in-law . the news whereof being carried up and down , the barbarous people were putting all things in posture for the reception of the roman emperor , and beheld with joy the near prospect of an everlasting peace . antonine pass'd the rivers without impeachment , and enter'd the parthian territories , which he look'd upon as his own ; the people all along sacrificing , and offering incense upon crowned altars , with which civility he appear'd extremely satisfied , and advanc'd up into the country , till he drew near to the parthian court ; at which time artabanus march'd out into a spacious plain that lies before the city , to receive his son-in-law . here were great numbers of parthians , adorn'd with chaplets of flowers of their own growth , and gowns of silk flower'd with silver , and curiously dy'd . they were celebrating a festival , and dancing with artful motion , and due observance of time , to the musick of flutes , pipes , &c. which is an entertainment they are extremely delighted with , especially when they are enflam'd with wine . the multitude were no sooner drawn together upon the plain , but they forsook their horses , threw aside their bows and quivers , and abandon'd themselves to revellings and festival gaieties . the concourse of people was very great , and , as luck would have it , they stood very disorderly , without the least jealousie or apprehension , every man pressing forward to get a sight of the new bridegroom . the opportunity being thus favourable , antonine gave the signal to his men to begin the massacre , having before given positive orders to put all to the sword. the barbarians amaz'd with the unexpected encounter , soon turn'd their backs , and the romans gave them chase , killing many , and wounding more . artabanus was born off by his guards , and being set upon a horse , made his escape , with a small party , and great difficulty ; all the rest were cut to pieces . they wanted their horses , which are of the greatest service to them in a battel ; for they were dismounted before , and had turn'd them to graze : nor could they betake themselves to their heels , which were entangled in the loose garments that came down to their feet . bows and arrows they had none , nor was there any occasion for them at the celebration of a marriage . antonine , after he had made a great slaughter , return'd with great numbers of prisoners , and a vast booty , without any opposition , burning the cities and villages to the ground , and giving all up to the plunder and ravage of his soldiers . such was the calamity which befel the parthians , in an hour when they least expected it . antonine , after he had spoil'd and harrass'd all the country , and his soldiers were tir'd with ravaging and killing , return'd into mesopotamia , from whence he sent an express to the senate and people of rome , with the news , that he had made an entire conquest of the east , and reduc'd all those kingdoms under his dominion . the senate , tho' they had had true accounts of the whole progress of this expedition , ( for 't is impossible for the actions of princes to be conceal'd ) yet out of fear or flattery they decreed him all the honours of victorious generals . after this , he staid some time in mesopotamia , following the diversions of hunting and chariot-driving . antonine had two generals , audentius and macrinus ; the first was an old man , reputed an excellent captain , but utterly unacquainted with civil business ; the latter was a good lawyer , and an able pleader . the emperor would often upbraid him publickly with want of courage and military conduct , proceeding sometimes to the bitterest reproaches . he had been inform'd , that macrinus kept a good table , and esteem'd himself above a course and common diet ; which the emperor , out of a martial humour , was extremely delighted with . he heard also , that he wore a cloak , and dress'd after the city-fashion , which gave occasion to the imputations he threw upon him , of softness and effeminacy , and to his threatning to kill him . which things touch'd macrinus so sensibly , that he was not able any longer to bear them . about this time it hapned , that antonine , being naturally very curious , and considering that he must die sooner or later , was very desirous to enlarge the view of his understanding beyond the bounds of humane knowledge , and to dive into the secrets of gods and demons . he fansied every body had a design upon his life , consulted all the oracles , and summon'd all pretenders to the mystery of astrology and fortune-telling , to rendezvous at his court ; and herein he was so diligent , that not one of that kind of impostors escap'd him . but suspecting that they did not tell him what was most probable , but what they imagin'd would please him most , he sent to maternian in rome , where he sat at the helm of publick affairs , being the emperor's greatest favourite , and the only man whom he us'd with an universal confidence . him he order'd to call a council of the most eminent of the magi , and by necromantick art to enquire about the end of his life , and whether any designs were a-foot against the government . maternian readily executed his orders , and whether the spirits that were rais'd made any such discovery to him , or he did it out of a private pique to macrinus , remains uncertain ; but he gave the emperor to understand by letter , that macrinus was in an intrigue to gain the crown , and that it would behove him speedily to cut him off . the letter he seal'd , and gave it amongst other letters , as he us'd to do , to the post , who knew nothing of the contents , but perform'd his journey with his usual expedition , and came to the emperor when he was in his driving equipage , and just ready to mount his chariot ; he deliver'd the whole packet to him , and amongst the rest was the letter which concern'd macrinus . the emperor was so set upon his sport , that he commanded macrinus to take the letters , and to withdraw from the company , and peruse them , and if there was any thing of moment , to acquaint him with it ; if not , to do the duties of his office as captain of his life-guard ; which was an admonition he frequently repeated . after he had given these orders , he fell to his sports . macrinus withdrew and loos'd the letters , and lighting upon that which was of fatal importance to himself , saw how imminent the danger was , and knowing the emperor's violence and cruelty on these occasions , especially when he had any pretence for it , wisely suppress'd the letter , and gave him an account , as he us'd to do , of what was material in the rest : but apprehending a second letter from maternian upon the same subject , he thought it better to be active than passive in a case of this nature , and laid this plot. there was one martial , a centurion of the emperor's life-guard , that always attended him , his brother had been put to death by the emperor , upon an information against him , without any conviction . the emperor had also revil'd martial himself , calling him cowardly rascal , and macrinus his tool . so macrinus sent for him , being in great affliction , as well for his brother's death , as his own ill treatment , not doubting but he would be fit for his purpose , because he was under great obligations to him , and had always been very ready to serve him . he imparted to him his design of taking off antonine , and desir'd him to give the blow as soon as a favourable opportunity should offer it self : which was no sooner propos'd than undertaken by martial , macrinus's promises , his brother's murder , and his own resentments , all conspiring to push him forward to the attempt . it fell out , that soon after this assassination was projected , the emperor being then at carrae a city of mesopotamia , resolv'd to visit the temple of the moon , which is held in extraordinary esteem by the natives . this temple stands at a great distance from the city , so the emperor only took a few horsemen with him , that he might not harrass his whole army , designing to return as soon as he had sacrific'd to the deity of the place . in the middle of the journey he had a motion to stool , and order'd all his retinue to withdraw , and went aside to ease nature , attended only by one servant , all the rest retiring , and standing at a great distance , out of respect . martial , that warily observ'd all his motions , seeing him alone , ran to him in great haste , as if he had beckon'd to him to hear or see somwhat , and watching his opportunity , when he stood with his back to him , and was busied in pulling down his breeches , stabb'd him with a ponyard which he had secretly about him , of which he instantly died . thus antonine receiv'd the fatal stroke , when he was the least aware of it , none of his guards being near enough to defend him . martial , as soon as the business was done , leap'd upon his horse , and attempted to make his escape ; but the german horsemen , whom the emperor held in great esteem , and had appointed to be of his guard , being the nearest his person , and the first that discover'd what was done , instantly pursu'd him , and levelling at him with their javelins , struck him dead . the rest of the soldiers , as soon as they heard of it , ran together in great disorder ; nor was any man's sorrow more remarkable upon this occasion than macrinus's ; no man seem'd more affected , or shed more tears over the dead body . the disaster extremely afflicted the whole army ; they consider'd in him the loss of a companion and fellow-soldier , more than that of a prince . but no suspicion was entertain'd of macrinus , no man doubting but martial was led by a private resentment to the commission of this murder , and so every man return'd to his own tent. macrinus burnt the body , and depositing the ashes in an urn , sent them to his mother in antioch to be buried . these misfortunes of the children were laid so to heart by the mother , that she offer'd violence to her self ; but whether voluntarily , or by compulsion , remains uncertain . thus fell antonine and his mother julia , after they had liv'd as is before related . he reign'd six years after the death of his father and brother . after the death of antonine , the army was in great irresolution and uncertainty what to do : so there was an inter-regnum for two days , which were spent in debates and deliberations about a successor . they had receiv'd advice , that artabanus was advancing against them with a mighty force , being resolv'd to pursue his revenge , and to sacrifice them to the ghosts of his subjects , whom they had treacherously murder'd in a time of peace and festival solemnity . the choice fell upon audentius , who was reckon'd upon as a man of great courage , and experience in the art of war ; but he excus'd himself , alledging his incapacity for so important a charge , by reason of his great age. then they chose macrinus . this election was very much influenc'd by the tribunes , in favour of macrinus , who were after his death look'd upon as his complices , and privy to his designs against antonine , as will appear in the sequel of this history . so macrinus succeeded ; the army in this election being determin'd rather by the necessity of the conjuncture , than by any esteem or confidence they had in the person elected . while these things were in agitation , artabanus approach'd with a great army , compos'd of a great force of cavalry and archers , and cuirassiers that rode upon camels , and fought with long spears . whereupon macrinus call'd his soldiers together , and harangu'd them to the following effect . macrinus his speech to the army . i don't wonder , gentlemen , that you are all so deeply afflicted with the loss of such a prince , or rather of a fellow-soldier : but it is the part of a wise man to bear all the traverses of fortune with steadiness and moderation . his memory shall for ever be preserv'd in our breasts , and handed down to posterity , with the immortal glory of his great and noble atchievements ; nor shall we ever forget his singular love of you , which he testified in so unusual a condescension , even by stooping to the common duties of the meanest soldier . but now that we have paid the honours due to his memory , and discharg'd all debts of that nature , it concerns us to consult our own welfare and security . artabanus is advanc'd against us with the whole power of the east , and seems to have just grounds of quarrel against us . we were the aggressors ; we infring'd the treaty , and made war upon him in the profoundest tranquillity . and now , gentlemen , the whole roman empire relies upon your courage and fidelity . the point in dispute is not about rivers or boundaries . our whole fortunes lie at stake . a mighty potentate comes against us , to execute revenge for the murther of his children and relations , who , he says , were unjustly massacred , and in manifest violation of the most solemn leagues . my advice is , that you stand to your arms , and be careful to keep your ranks according to the roman discipline . the barbarians are an unform'd , irregular multitude ; their very numbers will be an hindrance to them ; whilst your order and military skill will not only preserve you from danger , but give you great advantages over the enemy . take heart therefore , and behave your selves as romans ought to do , and you have done hitherto . if you vanquish , you will not only reap the glory which this action deserves , but this will be the most effectual method of convincing rome , and the world , that your former victory over them was not gain'd by treachery and surprize , but by true valour and force of arms. after he had spoke , the soldiers seeing the necessity of the present juncture of affairs , rang'd themselves in battel-array , and stood to their arms. as soon as the sun rose , artabanus came in sight with a vast army ; and the barbarians , after they had worshipp'd the sun with the usual ceremonies of those countries , made the onset with terrible shouts . the cavalry begun the charge with a volley of arrows . the romans were marshall'd with great caution , and stood in very good order . the moorish cavalry was plac'd in both the wings ; in the lanes between the ranks were posted light-horsemen , that were ready to sally out upon occasion . thus imbattell'd , they supported with great firmness the charge of the barbarians , who gall'd them extremely with the multitude of their arrows , and the long spears which the cuirassiers fought with from their horses and camels . on the other hand , whenever they came to close combate , the romans had still the better : but when they found themselves press'd by the enemies horse and camels , which were very numerous , they feign'd a flight , and so decoy'd the barbarians amongst sharp iron stakes , and other engines that were prepared beforehand . these stakes were cover'd with sand , so well , that they were not discover'd ; which made this stratagem prove very fatal to the enemies horse : for as soon as they rode amongst them , their horses , but especially their camels , that have very tender hoofs , began to halt , and throw their riders to the ground . now the parthians as long as they are on horseback behave themselves very manfully ; but whenever they come to dismount or fall from their horses , they are easily taken , and are not able to bear the shock of a close engagement . beside , they are so encumber'd by a loose garment about their legs , that they can neither fly nor pursue . the engagement lasted two whole days , from sun rise to sun-set , till the night coming on put an end to it ; at which time they return'd to their respective camps , each esteeming the advantage to be on his own side . the third day both sides drew their armies out into the field , and the parthians , who were far the most numerous , endeavour'd to surround the romans ; but they disappointed them , by enlarging the front of their army to a great breadth , without any considerable depth . the numbers of the men and beasts that were slain was so great , that they fill'd the field . the dead bodies were pil'd up to a vast height , especially the camels , that fell one upon another in great numbers , which cut off all possibility of engaging ; for the armies could neither see nor come at one another , by reason of a vast and almost unsurmountable heap of dead bodies that lay between them . so both retir'd to their several camps . and now macrinus understanding that the reason why artabanus fought with so much fury and obstinacy , was because he thought antonine was his enemy , [ it being generally observ'd , that the barbarians are soon discourag'd , and sink as it were under the fatigue , if they don't meet with fortunate success in their first rencounters ; but now they stood it out , and were resolv'd to renew the battel as soon as the dead bodies were remov'd and burnt , not knowing that the author of all this quarrel was dead , ] he sent ambassadors to him with letters , wherein he gave him to understand , that the emperor who had violated his oath and league with him , was kill'd , and had receiv'd the punishment due to his offence ; that the romans , to whom the empire of right belong'd , had put the sovereign power into his hands ; that he disapprov'd the late proceedings of his predecessor , and therefore would restore all the prisoners that were alive , with the whole booty that he had brought away , and would enter into a strict league and amity with him , which should be ratified by oaths and sacrifices . artabanus read the letter , and receiving a particular account from the ambassadors of the assassination of antonine , thought he had paid dear enough for the infraction of a league ; and being well satisfied with the restitution of the prisoners and booty , without any farther bloodshed , concluded a peace , and return'd home ; and macrinus leaving mesopotamia , march'd with his army to antioch . an epitome of the fifth book . opilius macrinus gives an account by letter to the senate of the course and conduct of affairs , and is declar'd emperor by that assembly , to the great satisfaction of all men. he remains in antioch , where his effeminacy renders him odious to the soldiers : so a commotion being rais'd , they betray him , and he is kill'd in chalcedon a city of bithynia , being vanquish'd by bassian the priest of the sun , who is brought into the camp , and being suppos'd the son of antonine , is call●d after him , and proclaim'd emperor . in the very beginning of his reign be abandons himself to the most profligate courses , exposing both himself and the roman religion to calumny and contempt . he worships his god heliogabulus , and in his behaviour both publick and private , in matters sacred as well as profane , is guilty of the greatest folly and madness . so he falls under the displeasure of the soldiers , and is kill'd by them ; and alexander , who was lately declar'd caesar , is set up in his room , and proclaim'd emperor . the fifth book . the account of antonine ' s reign and death , of the plot that was laid against him , and of the establishment of the succession upon his decease , is delivered in the former book . macrinus remain'd still in antioch , from whence he sent letters , directed to the senate and people of rome , the substance whereof was , that he thought it needless to use many words to them , who were so well acquainted with the principles on which he had all along acted , with his natural disposition to gentleness , and with his constant moderation in the whole course of his late ministry , wherein his authority was little inferior to that of the emperor , whose person was committed to his faith and protection , as captain of the life-guard . they knew very well his dislike of the emperor's proceedings , and that he had often interpos'd on their behalf , with no small hazard to himself , when the emperor by false suggestions , which he very much hearkned to , was urg'd on to violent counsels : that he had often cast aspersions upon him , and had publickly reproach'd him on the score of his mildness and love of the people , and had therefore accus'd him of laziness and dissoluteness of manners : that he always entertain'd flatterers , and such as inflam'd him by their calumnies , and spurr'd him on to cruelty , looking upon them as his truest friends , and the warmest zealots for his interests : that for his own part , he always approv'd gentle methods ; that therefore he had put an end to the war with the parthians , which had made the whole empire tremble : that in the action of the war they came no way short of the enemy in prowess and gallantry : that by the peace which he had concluded , a formidable enemy , that was advanc'd against them with a puissant force , was become their friend and allie : that as long as he should be their prince , a stop should be put to effusions of blood , and alarms of war ; the prerogative should be lower'd , and the privileges of the subject advanc'd , and arbitrary power should sink into an aristocracy : that there was no reason why they should esteem him unworthy of the empire , or judge it the error of a blind chance , by which he was exalted from a private gentleman of rome , to this high station : that there was no advantage in high birth , unless it was accompanied with moderation and clemency : that the gifts of fortune were often cast on those that did not deserve them ; but the vertues of the mind stamp'd a real value and dignity on all that possess'd them : that estate , luster of family , &c. might make a man happy , but were not good topicks of commendation , because they are deriv'd from others ; but gentleness and humanity are not only admir'd by all men , but redound to the real praise of those whom they adorn : that the publick had receiv'd no benefit from the noble parentage of commodus , nor from antonine's succeeding his father : that these princes take the empire as it were by right of inheritance , and abuse it as their own patrimony ; but those that receiv'd it from the free gift of the people , will always remain sensible of the infinite obligation , and will still be meditating returns proportionable to so great a merit . besides , this nobility dispos'd them to arrogance , and a contempt of their subjects , as their inferiors ; whereas those that advanc'd through inferior employments to this high dignity , would endeavour to defend it as the reward of their industry , and will pay the same respect and deference which they us'd to do to those who were their superiors before this elevation . as for his part , he would do nothing without their approbation ; they should be his counsellors , and have a share in the conduct of all publick affairs , and should enjoy their ancient liberty and repose , which their high-born princes had depriv'd them of , and which marcus , and after him pertinax , both men of mean extraction , had endeavour'd to restore : concluding , that it was better to be the first of a noble family , than to debase that nobility which was transmitted from glorious ancestors , by declining from the generous paths in which they trod . as soon as the letter was read , all the senators broke out into acclamations of joy , and unanimously decreed him imperial honours : but they were more overjoy'd that antonine was dead , than that macrinus succeeded him ; which was express'd by publick rejoycings made on that occasion . all common informers , and servants that had accus'd their masters , were publickly gibbeted ; and what by proscriptions , what by capital punishments inflicted on profligate villains , the city , and indeed the whole empire was pretty well purg'd . those that lay conceal'd , were quiet , for fear of the justice of the government . so the people liv'd in security , and enjoy'd at least an appearance , and as it were a first dawn of liberty , during that one year in which macrinus reign'd . macrinus commitred a great soloecism in not disbanding and dispersing the soldiers , and in that he did not hasten to rome , where his presence was greatly desired , and whither he was invited by the daily repeated clamours of the people : but he staid in antioch , where he began to affect a long beard and slow gate . he would scarce vouchsafe to speak to those that came to him ; and when he did , he often spoke so low , it was a hard matter to tell what he said . in these particulars he copied after marcus , and they were the only actions of that prince which he imitated ; for he abandon'd himself to dissolute courses , became a great frequenter of plays and musick-meetings , neglected publick affairs , and appear'd always in publick with buttons , and a belt curiously embroider'd with gold and precious stones . this luxury was by no means pleasing to the army , that look'd upon it as an unmanly softness , better becoming a woman , or the barbarous nations , than the emperor of rome . these things , i say , gave great disgusts to the soldiers ; they dislik'd his course of life , as too effeminate ; and calling to mind antonine's way of living , which was such as became a soldier and a man of business , they condemn'd macrinus's luxury . besides , they murmur'd extremely that they were not permitted to return home , but were constrain'd to live in a camp in a foreign country , where sometimes they wanted necessary provisions , and that too after a peace was concluded . they observ'd too at the same time , how softly and delicately the emperor liv'd . so , in short , things tended to a rebellion . they began to speak disrespectfully of him , and only sought for some sort of pretence to remove this author of their grievances . thus it pleas'd the fates that macrinus having revell'd it in imperial dignity for the space of one year , should lose his life and empire together ; fortune soon affording a slight occasion to the soldiers for the effecting what they desir'd . there was a certain lady call'd maesa , born in phoenicia , in the city emesa . she was sister to julia , severus's wife , and mother to antonine , and had liv'd many years in the emperor's court in her sisters time , both in the reign of severus and antonine ; but after her sisters death , and the murder of antonine , was commanded by macrinus to depart into her own country with her effects , which were very considerable , by reason of her living at court so many years . maesa obey'd the orders , and return'd into phoenicia . this old lady had two daughters , the elder soaemis , and mammaea the younger : each of these had a son ; soaemis call'd hers bassian , mammaea's was nam'd alexian : both the youths were bred up under the care of their mother and grandmother . bassian was about fourteen years old , alexian had just enter'd his tenth year . they were both priests of the sun , which is the god of the phoenicians , and in their language is call'd heliogabulus . they have a magnificent temple built for him , adorn'd with gold and silver and precious stones . nor do the natives only worship this god , but all the neighbouring princes and potentates send rich presents to him every year . they have no statue made with hands in the likeness of the god , as is usual amongst the greeks and romans , but only a huge stone , that is round at the bottom , and grows sharper by degrees towards the top . the colour of it is black , and the figure conical . the tradition is , that it fell from heaven . it hath some little rudenesses and marks upon it . they say 't is the image of the sun , not made by any mortal artificer , and esteem it as such . bassian was ordain'd his priest , and performed the functions of the priests office , as being the elder , appearing publickly in his barbarous formalities , which were a gown of purple silk flower'd with gold , that came down to his feet and hands , all his legs being cover'd with under-vestments of the same silk . upon his head he wore a crown , richly adorn'd with precious stones of several colours . besides , he was then in the flower of his age , and the goodliest youth of his time. so youth and native beauty being set off with all the advantages of a soft and charming dress , might well give occasion to his admirers to compare him with the beautiful images of bacchus . while he was sacrificing and dancing about the altars , according to the barbarous rites of the country , with flutes , pipes , and all sorts of musical instruments , all the people , but especially the soldiers , took a stricter view of him than ordinary , either because they knew he was of the imperial line , or the charms of his beauty drew the eyes of all men upon him . there was at that time a great army near the town , that lay there to cover phoenicia , but was afterwards commanded away , as shall be related in due time . the soldiers came every day to town , and to the temple for the sake of divine worship , and were wonderfully pleas'd with seeing the lad. some of these were maesa's acquaintance , that were fled from rome , amongst whom she whisper'd , when she perceiv'd how much they admir'd the youth , that he was antonine ' s natural son , tho' he was reputed another man's : that when she liv'd at court in her sisters time , the said emperor had intrigues with her daughters , that were then young and handsom . whether this was true , or only an artifice , remains uncertain ; but however it was , as soon as they got hold of this report , they handed it from one soldier to another , till it was publish'd through the whole army . it was also given out , that maesa had a prodigious fond of money , and that she would freely distribute it amongst them , provided they would re-establish her family in the empire . hereupon it was concerted , that if she would come privately by night to the camp with her family , they would receive her , and proclaim the son of antonine emperor . which was no sooner propos'd to the old lady , but she determin'd instantly to put her self into their hands , being resolv'd to run any risque , rather than live privately , and be thus neglected . pursuant to these counsels , she got out of the city privately with her daughters and grand-children , and was conducted by the said soldiers of her acquaintance that were fled from rome , to the fortifications of the camp , where she easily gain'd admittance ; and the question being put , the soldiers were all unanimous , that their young emperor should be called antonine : after which , they put upon him purple robes . then they laid in provisions , and took in their wives and children , and all their effects that were in the adjacent country or villages , and shutting up their gates , began to put themselves into a posture of defence , so as to endure a formal siege , if occasion should require . macrinus receiv'd advertisement hereof when he was in antioch ; and the news was carried to all the other armies , that a son was found to antonine , and that julia's sister distributed money to the soldiers . they took things upon trust , and thought every thing true that was related to them for such , and were in great uncertainty of mind . their disaffection to macrinus , and a kind of compassion which they had for the memory of antonine , were of some force to make them desire a revolution ; but the hopes of gain had the greatest weight , and influenc'd great numbers to fly over to the new antonine . macrinus look'd upon all this as a childish enterprize , and retaining his usual gaiety of temper , staid at home , and sent julian , one of his generals , with a sufficient force , as he thought , to reduce the rebels ; who no sooner approach'd their walls , but they shew'd their young emperor upon the turrets and ramparts , and shouted aloud , behold the son of antonine ! they also held up bags full of money , well understanding , that nothing was a more effectual bait to tempt traytors . and so it hapned ; for julian's soldiers easily believ'd he was antonine's son , and perswading themselves that he extremely resembled him , cut off julian's head , and sent it to macrinus , and were receiv'd with open gates into the camp. after this reinforcement , the rebels were in condition not only to hold out a siege , but to engage in a pitch'd battel : their numbers also encreas'd every day , by deserters that came over to them . as soon as macrinus receiv'd advice of this disaster , he appointed a general muster of his forces , and advanc'd with his whole army against the rebels , resolving to force their trenches . antonine found that his soldiers would not stay to be attack'd in their camp , but were ready to march out against macrinus , and give him battel : so he drew his whole force out into the field . the engagement was in the confines of syria and phoenicia . antonine's soldiers were alarm'd by the fears of punishment for their traiterous practices , in case they should be vanquish'd , and therefore they exerted their utmost vigour ; but macrinus's men fought more lazily , great numbers deserting , and going over to the rebels ; insomuch that macrinus fearing lest they should all abandon him , and he should be made prisoner by the rebels , and apprehending that his usage would not be the best if he should fall into their hands , when it was almost night , and his soldiers yet maintain'd the fight , he threw off his imperial cloak , and all the other badges of majesty , and fled , being accompanied only by a few captains , whom he esteem'd the most faithful to his interests . he shav'd his beard , that he might not be discover'd , and putting himself in travelling equipage , he posted both night and day with his head cover'd , preventing even the fame of his bad fortune . the captains were very diligent in pressing the coaches , as if macrinus had still been emperor , and they had been sent on some important dispatches . thus macrinus escap'd : the engagement continu'd ; the praetorian band , which is a select number of the tallest men , chosen out of the whole army to guard the emperor's person , maintain'd their ground , and sustain'd the fury of all the enemies forces ; the rest were all for antonine . but when macrinus had not been seen of a long time , nor any ensigns of imperial majesty could be descry'd , and his men knew not what was become of him , whether he was slain or fled , they were in great uncertainty what measures to take , but resolv'd at last to hazard themselves no longer for a man that was no where to be found ; and yet they were afraid to render themselves , and be cast on the faith of the enemy . as soon as antonine understood by deferters that macrinus was fled , he sent heralds to signifie to his men , that it was in vain to fight for a coward and a fugitive ; and offer'd them a pardon and oblivion of what was past , and swore he would observe it , and constituted them his life-guard . they accepted the terms , and submitted : whereupon antonine sent out a detachment to pursue macrinus , who was got a considerable way before them . they found him at chalcedon , a city of bithynia , extremely indispos'd by the fatigue of so long a journey , and took him in his concealment in a countryhouse-near the city , and beheaded him . 't was said , he was making what haste he could to rome , in confidence of the zeal and affections of the populace ; but as he was passing over the propontis into europe , he was forc'd back by contrary gusts when he was near byzantium , even the winds conspiring to draw him back to his destruction . so near he was escaping his pursuers . he died most infamously . he would have gone to rome now , when it was too late ; whereas he ought to have done it as soon as he was declar'd emperor . thus fell macrinus , both his fortunes and his counsels failing him , together with his son diadumenianus , whom he had made caesar . after this , the whole army came over to antonine , and own'd him emperor : so he took upon him the supreme authority , and his grandmother , with the assistance of her friends , made such regulations in the east as the state of affairs did most require , ( for the emperor was very young , and unskilful in business and letters ) after which the army was presently commanded to march , maesa being impatient to visit the roman court , where she had liv'd so long . as soon as these things were notified to the roman people and senate , they were by no means satisfied ; but the necessity of affairs determin'd them to a submission to what the army had been pleas'd to ordain . nevertheless , all men condemn'd macrinus's remisness , and his loose and dissolute manners , and look'd upon him as the sole author of his own miseries . antonine march'd out of syria , and the season of the year oblig'd him to winter in nicomedia . here he ran into the most prodigious riots and excesses , turn'd the worship of his god into a scene of buffoonry , was beyond measure luxurious in his clothes , wore purple silks flower'd with gold , and was always nicely deck'd with jewels , bracelets , and coronets made in the fashion of a turban , and embelish'd with gold and great variety of precious stones . his habit was between the sacred robe of the phoenicians , and the soft apparel of the medes . he scorn'd the attire of the greeks and romans , because it was made of cloth , which he us'd to term a vile manufacture . nothing would please him but syrian silks , in which he often appear'd abroad with a consort of flutes and pipes , to celebrate the orgies of his god. this conduct of his did not please maesa by any means ; she laid out her utmost efforts to reconcile him to the roman habit , and remonstrated to him , if he should enter the city and senate in that garb , how offensive it would be to the romans , who are not accustom'd to these fopperies , esteeming them unworthy of a man , and tolerable only in the weaker sex. but he took little notice of what she said , nor would hearken to any lectures that were read to him upon that subject by any body else : for he admitted none into any degree of intimacy but flatterers , and men of his own morals , that would make no scruple to extol even the worst of his vices . moreover he resolv'd to use the senate and people of rome to the sight of his garb , and try how they would bear it , before he came amongst them ; and to this end caus'd his picture to be taken at length in all his formalities , in which he appear'd in publick , or when he sacrific'd . his god was represented in the same piece , and he was drawn sacrificing to him . this draught he sent to rome , and order'd it to be plac'd in the middle of the senate , above the image of victory , in the highest part of the house , that when the senators were assembled , they might offer incense and sacrifice wine to it . he also gave out injunctions , that all the roman magistrates , and such as perform'd publick sacrifices , should invoke their new god heliogabulus , before any other god ordinarily mention'd at those solemnities . when he arriv'd at rome , the people were not much startled at the original , having been so well us'd to the copy . here he threw a largess amongst the people , as is ordinary for emperors upon their accession to the crown , and exhibited shews of all sorts with great magnificence . then he built a large and beautiful temple for his god , and commanded a great many altars to be rais'd about it , on which he sacrific'd every day hecatombs of bulls , and great numbers of sheep . he heap'd spices upon them , and pour'd out many casks of the oldest and best wine , insomuch that streams of wine mix'd with blood ran all over the temple . after this he fell to dancing about the altars , to a consort of all sort of musical instruments , and the phoenician women fell in with him , and tript it about with cymbals and timbrels in their hands . during this solemnity , the senators and gentry of rome stood about him in the form of a theater . the intrails of the victims , and the spices , were carried in vessels of gold , upon the heads , not of servants , or men of mean condition , but of his generals , and of persons in the most honourable employments , that were habited after the phoenician fashion , in robes that came down to their hands and feet , and wore linen shooes , in imitation of the prophets of those countries . he thought he conferr'd a signal honour on those whom he permitted to assist at those solemnities . tho' the emperor seem'd thus entirely devoted to a humour of dancing and sacrificing , yet he put to death several rich and eminent men , who , as he was inform'd , dislik'd his course of life , and had presum'd to make him the subject of their raillery . he took to wife a lady of the most illustrious quality amongst the romans , but divorc'd her soon after , divested her of all imperial honours , and confin'd her to a private sphere . afterwards , that his actions might have something of the man in them , pretending to be mightily in love with a vestal priestess , that by the sacred constitutions of the romans is oblig'd to perpetual chastity , he took her by force out of the temple , and married her : but that it might be done with as good a grace as the thing would bear , he wrote to the senate , to extenuate the guilt of an action which was in it self so criminal : the substance of his apology was , that humane frailty had betray'd him into the sin ; that his passion for the maid was extreme ; however , no match could be more congruous or sacred , than that of a priest with a priestess . not long after he divorc'd this wife also , and married for his third a lady of commodus's family . nor did he only play at fast and loose with humane matrimonies , but was now seeking out for a wife to his god. so he remov'd the image of pallas , ( which the romans worship , but are not allow'd to see ) into his bed-chamber . it had never been mov'd since it was brought from troy , but once when the temple was in a flame , till now it was fetch'd into the imperial palace in order to be married . but afterward the emperor reported , that his god had no great affection for such an arm'd virago ; and therefore he sent for the image of urania , which is held in great veneration by the carthaginians , and all the nations of africk . it is suppos'd to be erected by the phoenician dido , when she founded carthage on the ground which she encompass'd with the bulls hide . the africans call it urania , and the phoenicians , astroarch , or the moon : whereupon the emperor remark'd , that the match would be very suitable between the sun and moon ; and commanded the image to be brought to rome , with all the rich ornaments of the temple , and a very considerable treasure , which he order'd to be given with the goddess as her portion . upon her arrival she was plac'd at a small distance from the god , and the emperor issu'd out orders to the people in rome and italy , to celebrate a festival , with all the demonstrations of joy , publick and private , for the marriage of the gods. he built also a large and magnificent temple near the city , whither he made an anniversary procession with his god about midsummer . he exhibited all sorts of publick entertainments , as stage-plays , chariot-races , banquets , &c. which he thought were of a popular nature , and serv'd to amuse the multitude . the procession was in this manner . the god was seated in a chariot richly adorn'd with gold and precious stones ; in this he was carried out of the city , with great solemnity , to the temple . the chariot was drawn by six white horses , that were above the ordinary proportion , and richly accouter'd : the god held the reins . no mortal ever sat in the chariot , but all stood around and attended the divine charioteer . the emperor held the bridle , and ran all the way backward , keeping his eyes fix'd upon the image . the way was strow'd with filings of gold , and he was supported by soldiers on both sides , to prevent his falling or stumbling , his eyes being so engag'd , that he could not see his way . the people ran on each side with torches , flowers , and garlands . then came the images of all the gods , with all the ensigns of imperial majesty , and the richest furniture of the palace , and the most magnificent ornaments of the temple . all the gentry of rome , and the whole army , march'd before the god with solemn pace , and conducted him to the temple , where when he was plac'd , and the sacrifices and solemnities whereof we have before made mention were perform'd , the emperor from vastly high turrets , erected there by his direction , scatter'd , by way of largess amongst the multitude , tickets for goblets of gold and silver , for clothes and linen of all sorts , for all kinds of beasts , wild and tame , except hogs , from which he abstain'd in conformity to the phoenician customs . great numbers perish'd in the scrambling for these tickets , being trod to death in the crowd , or push'd upon the spears of the soldiers ; so that it prov'd a fatal festival to many . he often danc'd and drove in publick , disdain'd to cloak his follies , and appear'd abroad with his eyes and cheeks painted , disfiguring that beauty which nature had bestow'd upon him , by an uncomely varnish . maesa in this interim observ'd how much the soldiers were disgusted with the extravagances of their prince ; and fearing , if any thing should befall him , that she should be forc'd to relapse into her private condition , she perswaded the light headed youth to adopt mammaea's son , that was his cousin-german , and her grandson , and declare him caesar . to compass which , she accosted him with a cajolling harangue , wherein she represented to him , how suitable it would be to his character to attend religious rites and ceremonies , to perform the functions of his office , and assist at the worship and adoration of his god ; that in the mean time some person should be impower'd to take care of the civil government , to take from him the burden of a crown , and free him from the avocations which the affairs of the empire might otherwise give him ; and that this trust ought rather to be committed to an ally and a relation , than to a stranger . hereupon alexian was alter'd into alexander , the name of that renown'd macedonian who was so highly esteem'd and honour'd by antonine , the suppos'd father of both these princes : for both maesa and her daughters , with a sort of pride and vanity , publish'd their unlawful amours with him , to inflame the affections of the soldiers to their sons . so alexander was declar'd caesar , and join'd with antonine in the consulate , after which he enter'd into the senate , and this matter was ratified by the authority of that assembly . the point was carried without any opposition , all men concurring in the decree , tho' nothing could be more ridiculous and absurd , antonine , who was only sixteen years old , being made father to alexander , who was then in his twelfth year , by vertue thereof . no sooner was he declar'd caesar , but antonine had a mind to train him up in his own method : he would have him dance , and bear a share in the priest's office , wear the same habit , and do the same thing that he did : but his mother had an eye upon him , and restrain'd him from all indecencies that might ill beseem a man in his station , sent privately for masters in all sorts of learning , infus'd into him honest and sober notions and principles , accustom'd him to wrestling , and other manly exercises , and instructed him in the greek and latin learning . these things highly offended antonine , insomuch that he repented that he had adopted him , and made him his collegue . he commanded all his masters instantly to depart the court , some of the most eminent he put to death , others he banish'd , ridiculously alledging for reasons to justifie these severities , that they corrupted his son , that they would not suffer him to dance and revel , that they ty'd him up to modesty of behaviour , and instructed him in manly duties . yea , his infatuation ran so high , that he advanc'd stage-players and common actors to the highest dignities in the empire . he gave the command of the praetorian band to one that had danc'd publickly on the theater ; he took another from the stage to superintend the education of youth , and to approve and admit such as were elected into the order of gentlemen or senators . he committed to chariot-drivers , comedians , and buffoons , the execution of the most important trusts in the government , and gave the lieutenancy of provinces to such of his slaves and freed-men as had the greatest vices to recommend them . these things bred discontents and ill humours in the people , but especially the soldiers ; they despis'd him for his niceness in adjusting the air of his face , which was such as a woman could not be guilty of , without forfeiting her claim to modesty . he wore necklaces of gold ; his clothes and garniture were wonderfully effeminate ; and thus attir'd , he danc'd frequently in publick . so the army and people were alienated from him , and biass'd strongly in favour of alexander . they conceiv'd greater hopes in a youth that was soberly and vertuously educated , and guarded him with great diligence , to defeat the practices set afoot by his brother against his life . his mother mammaea would not suffer him to eat or drink any thing that was sent to him from that hand . he did not make use of the cooks and butlers that ordinarily serv'd the court , but of such as his mother made choice of , after manifold proofs of their fidelity . she also sent money to be distributed privately amongst the soldiers , to minister fuel to their present zeal for alexander , and to link them to his interests by money , the spring which gives life to their most vigorous motions . antonine had intimations of all these things , and left no stone unturn'd to accomplish the ruine of alexander and his mother ; but maesa manag'd matters with that dexterity , that he miscarried in all his designs against them . she was a woman of a subtil brain , and had liv'd many years at court with her sister julia , wife to severus , and was now let into all antonine's intrigues , who was naturally shallow , and still discovering himself , and betraying his own counsels . when he found that all his projects to ruine his brother fell to the ground without effect , he resolv'd to take from him the title and dignity of caesar , and would not suffer him to be complimented , nor permit any respect to be paid him in publick . the soldiers enquir'd diligently after him , and murmur'd extremely at his disgrace . so antonine spread a report that he lay at the point of death , to try how the army would take it ; which gave a deep wound to them , especially when he was no where to be found , and put them in so violent a rage , that they refus'd to send the ordinary guards to the emperor , but shut themselves up in the camp , and sent their demands to court , requiring a view of alexander in the temple . this infinitely alarm'd antonine , so that without delay he took his brother with him in his imperial chariot , that was richly adorn'd with gold and precious stones , and drove with great haste to the camp. the soldiers receiv'd them both with open gates , and conducted them to the temple in the camp ; and alexander was extravagantly caress'd by the whole army , and receiv'd with shouts of joy ; but antonine was treated with coldness and neglect . this struck him to the heart ; so lodging that night in the temple of the camp , and being not able to brook the indignity , he commanded the men who had been the most forward in bestowing their applauses upon alexander to be seiz'd upon , as the authors of a sedition and a riot , in order to be brought to condign punishment . this begot a general resentment in the army ; they hated antonine on a foreign score , and had long wish'd that an end could be put to his infamous deportment ; they also thought themselves bound in honour to rescue their companions that were under arrest ; and at this time they seem'd to have just grounds , and a favourable opportunity to effect what they desir'd . so they kill'd antonine and his mother , who was there present , by reason of her character and alliance to the emperor , and massacred all the tools and instruments of his villainies , that were then assembled in the camp. the dead bodies of antonine and his mother were deliver'd over to the scorn and indignities of the mob , who after they had mangled and dragg'd them contemptuously about the city , threw them into the common sewers that discharge themselves into the tyber . thus fell antonine , after he had reign'd six years , and liv'd as we have related . then the army proceeded to proclaim alexander emperor , and conducted him to the imperial palace , being very young , and remaining as yet under the care and tuition of his mother and grandmother . an epitome of the sixth book . severus alexander remains under the care of his mother and grandmother , and administers the empire with great moderation . he has a council appointed of grave men , chosen out of the senate , by whose advice and assistance all things as well sacred as profane , are restor'd to their former state and condition . then he marries a lady of noble birth , and divorces her soon after , being influenc'd in this proceeding by his mother , whom in all things he obey'd . afterwards artabanus king of persia stirs up a quarrel , and embassies are sent to and fro , but without effect . so he marches an army into asia , and dividing his forces into three parties , enters the enemies country ; and after great losses and misfortunes , returns to antioch : from whence he is call'd back suddenly to oppose the germans , who had pass'd the rhine and danube , and were entring in hostile manner the roman territory ; but meeting here with the like ill fortune , he is kill'd by the soldiers , and maximine , a man of great military skill , who then commanded the new levies , is elected in his room . the sixth book . the account of antonine's death is deliver'd in the former book : after which alexander assum'd the title of emperor , and appear'd in the imperial robes ; but the regency and conduct of publick affairs was in the hands of the women . they endeavour'd a reformation of all abuses , and to put all things in a more prudent and regular course than they had been in the late reign . and to this end , in the first place , they made choice of sixteen of the most aged men in the senate , and such as were in the greatest reputation for integrity and probity of manners , who were to compose the young emperor's privy-council , and nothing was said or done without their concurrence and approbation . this change in the form of government gave general satisfaction to the army , populace , and senate , a sort of aristocracy being introduc'd in the room of tyranny and arbitrary power . then they restor'd the images of the gods , that had been remov'd by antonine , to their respective temples and fanes : and all those that had in the late reign been advanc'd undeservedly , or upon the bare recommendations of their vices , to honours and dignities , were turn'd out , and order'd to betake themselves to their former mysteries and vocations . all civil offices , and employments appertaining to the law , were fill'd with men famous for their learning and eminency in that knowledge ; and offices military were bestow'd on captains of the greatest experience in the art of war. thus was the empire administred for a long time , when maesa having arriv'd to a great age departed this life . her funeral was solemniz'd with imperial ceremonies , and she was deified according to the roman custom . mammaea seeing the sole guardianship of her son devolv'd upon her self , endeavour'd to bear the same sway , and govern him still by the same measures : but now he had the authority of the government in his hand , she was afraid lest being then in the heat of youth , and conscious of his own unlimited power , he might be push'd on to some vices and irregularities incident to his blood and family , and therefore set a strong guard about the court , and would not permit any person to come near him that was censur'd for any immorality in his conversation , for fear they should debauch his native innocence , and spur on nature , now he was vegete and young , to dishonest passions and appetites . she advis'd him to attend principally the administration of justice , and to set apart the best portion of his time for the discharge of that trust , that being employ'd about greater affairs , and more important to the publick welfare , he might not have leisure to pursue vain and sinful amusements . alexander had a mild and benign nature , disposing him always to humanity and compassion , which was manifested in the ensuing course of his life . his government was so gentle , that in fourteen years not one man was put to death , tho' many were convicted of crimes of the highest nature . he would never proceed to capital punishments ; a clemency so exemplary , that never any prince since marcus came up to it ; and i 'm confident no man can affirm , that in the whole course of his reign ( tho' it continu'd many years ) any man suffer'd death without a fair and legal trial. he censur'd his mother extremely , and was highly offended at her unmeasurable covetousness , and indecent zeal in heaping up money ; for she pretended to act in this matter with a different view from what she did , ( viz. ) that the emperor might never find his exchequer unfurnish'd , whenever he had an occasion to distribute munificences amongst the soldiers ; whereas she was laying in a private fund for her self at home . this cast a great blemish upon his government , that a woman should presume to pillage the subject , and make invasions on their property , notwithstanding the emperor disapprov'd , and in his own judgment oppos'd it . about this time mammaea marry'd her son to a roman lady of high birth , whom she afterwards by insupportable usage constrain'd to leave the court , tho' she was passionately belov'd by the emperor . she affected the title of sole empress , and envy'd her a share in that honour , and proceeded at length to those outrages , that the father of the young empress , who was then in great esteem and credit with the emperor , impatient of the injuries with which she loaded both himself and his daughter , retir'd from the court to the camp , where he made publick acknowledgments of the great respect which had been always paid him by the emperor , but complain'd of the insolent deportment of mammaea ; which exasperated her to that degree , that she instantly gave out orders to put him to death , commanded his daughter to depart the court , and banish'd her into africk . alexander acted in this affair by compulsion , contrary to his own judgment and inclination ; for so arbitrary was mammaea , and so absolute and ascendant had she over him , that he render'd an universal obedience to all her commands . this easiness and obsequiousness to his mother , even to a crime , in things which he manifestly dislik'd , was the only thing for which this prince could justly be blamed . having thus for thirteen years ( as to what respected himself ) administer'd the empire so as not to afford subject of complaint , in the fourteenth year of his reign there came letters from the praefects of syria and mesopotamia , with the following advices , viz. that artaxerxes king of persia having conquer'd parthia , and subdu'd the kingdoms of the east , and kill'd the great king artabanus , ( who was the first that had bore that title , and wore a double diadem ) had reduc'd under his dominion all the barbarous nations on that side , and made them tributary ; and not being content with his acquisitions on the other side the tigris , had pass'd the river , made an impression upon the roman frontiers , over-run mesopotamia , threatned syria , and all the continent that lies opposite to europe , which is call'd asia , and is bounded by the propontis and the aegean ; pretending , that these vast tracts were the possessions of his ancestors , and as such he would re-unite them to the persian empire : and farther setting forth , that from the reign of cyrus , who first translated the empire from the medes to the persians , to the times of darius , who was vanquish'd and depos'd by the macedonian arms , all those countries as far as ionia and caria were govern'd by persian vice-roys ; and that he esteem'd himself in honour bound to cause restitution to be made of all the ancient dependences of the persian empire . this unexpected news extremely alarm'd alexander , who had been bred up in the softness and luxury of rome , and had enjoy'd hitherto an uninterrupted calm : however , his council was conven'd , and he communicated to them his intelligence ; whereupon it was resolv'd , that ambassadors should be dispatch'd with letters , which 't was believ'd would check the hopes and attempts of these barbarous invaders . in pursuance of these resolutions , letters were sent , purporting , that they ought to content themselves with their own territories , and not endeavour to enlarge them by new conquests ; that they should not suffer themselves to be lift up by vain hopes , to engage in a war with a powerful enemy ; that they could not expect the like fortunate issue of their combates with the romans , which they had found against their barbarous neighbours ; and reminded them withal of the victories heretofore obtain'd over them by augustus , trajan , lucius , and severus . these letters the emperor thought would either perswade or terrifie the barbarian into a disposition to be quiet ; but they made no impression upon him . axtaxerxes thought it was not words but the sword must do his business , and therefore he push'd on the war with greater vigour , spoiling and wasting all the roman territory . mesopotamia he ravag'd both with his foot and cavalry , and began to carry off the plunder , attack'd the roman camps which were pitch'd on the banks of the rivers , to cover the frontiers of the empire ; and being naturally arrogant , and at this time elevated by his late unexpected successes , he thought easily to surmount all opposition . many and weighty motives conspir'd to make him desire an elargement of his empire : he was the first that had dar'd to make a war on the parthians , and had after a long interval retriev'd the persian monarchy : for after the overthrow of darius by the arms of macedon , the macedonians , and those that succeeded alexander for a long series of time , shar'd asia and the kingdoms of the east among themselves , exercising regal authority in their respective territories , until arsaces the parthian , taking advantage of their animosities and frequent wars , by which the macedonian force was considerably weakned , perswaded the barbarians on that side to a general revolt , and was elected their ruler by the unanimous consent of parthia and the adjoining countries ; and accordingly he reign'd over them , and his empire continu'd in his family for several ages , descending in an uninterrupted course of succession , till it devolv'd on artabanus , who lived in our times : so artaxerxes having slain this artabanus , and re-established the persian monarchy , and subdu'd all his barbarous neighbours , had opened an easie passage for his forces to assail the roman empire . alexander being in rome , was advertis'd of the hostilities committed by the barbarians , and their insolence , which was now insupportable even in his own judgment ; and being press'd by the instances of his generals in those parts , began to put all things in readiness for an expedition against them , tho' with some reluctancy , and after much struggling with his natural aversions to a war. accordingly he proceeded to make his levies in italy , and all the provinces of the empire , requiring all men whom age or habit of body had not rendred uncapable , to enter into his service . so musters were made with great vigour and application throughout the whole empire , to raise an army sufficient to cope with the barbarian force ; and alexander having given out orders for the praetorian soldiers to assemble in the field , delivered himself to them in the following speech , from a throne there erected . alexander's speech . i could wish , gentlemen , that what i 'm going to say to you might produce the same happy effects which my speeches have hitherto done , that it might redound to the reputation of the speaker , and give universal satisfaction to those that hear me . 't is possible that after so long a peace , you may be startled at the news of an unexpected war : but 't is the part of wise and valiant men to wish for the best , but to bear what happens , and acquiesce under all the dispensations of heaven . pleasure is sweet in the enjoyment , but glory 's the reward of vertue . as he that offers an injury , must needs be sensible of it , and feel remorses within himself ; so he that repels an unlawful aggressor , is animated by his conscience , and the goodness of his cause gives him the strongest assurance of success . artaxerxes having murder'd artabanus , his royal lord and master , contemns the terror of our arms , and the glory of our empire , and openly spoils and ravages our provinces . i first essay'd by reasoning and debate to divert him from this insatiate madness , and exhorted him to be content with his own possessions , for which end i sent letters to him ; but he , out of the abundance of his barbarous arrogance , disdains to stay within his own territories , but defies us , and provokes us to a battel . 't is my opinion clearly , that we advance against them with all possible speed . to the veterans among you my advice is , that you reflect upon the conquests you have gain'd over them under the conduct of severus and my father antonine : and you that are in the flower of your youth , cherish , i exhort you , the generous thirst of fame and glory , and make it apparent to the world , that you can be as brave soldiers in the action of war , as you have been good subjects in the leisures of peace . the courage of the barbarians encreases and declines in proportion to the cowardice and bravery of their enemies . if these fly , they pursue ; but never support the shocks of a gallant army , that attacks them with vigour ; for they dare not hope for success in a pitch'd battel , but make sudden inroads and ravages , and content themselves to carry off the plunder of the countries they invade : and we have the advantage of them , not only in order and discipline of our armies , but in that we have been train'd up in a constant course of victories over them . when he had concluded his harangue , all the soldiers express'd their forward dispositions to the war , by their acclamations , which were very unanimous on this occasion . then he distributed a magnificent donative amongst them , and commanded all things to be put in posture for a march. after that , he went into the senate , and made a speech , much the same in substance with what he had spoke before , and signified his pleasure as to the day when he would begin his march. when the day was come , he perform'd the sacrifices customary upon the undertaking any expedition , and parted from rome , being accompanied by the senate and people of rome in full body . he often look'd back upon the city with tears in his eyes ; nor was there any of his subjects but was in grief upon his departure : for he was universally belov'd by the populace , in regard he had been educated among them , and had govern'd so many years with so much gentleness . having perform'd his march , which he did with incredible diligence , he review'd the illyrian army and country ; after which he rais'd a considerable force in those parts , and retir'd to antioch , where he made provision of all things necessary for a war , exercising his soldiers , and discharging all the duties of a general . however , he thought it advisable to send a second embassie to the persian , to make overtures of an accommodation . he imagin'd the terror of his presence would influence him to close with his offers . but artaxerxes would hearken to no proposals that were made : so the roman ambassadors return'd to their camp ; and artaxerxes made choice of four hundred of the tallest men in his army , whom he dispatch'd to alexander with the character of his envoys . they were richly and splendidly attir'd , well mounted , and armed with bows and arrows , to the end the romans might be terrified by the garb and august presence of the persians . their instructions were , to require the roman emperor and people , in the name of the great artaxerxes , from thenceforth to renounce all claim and title to syria , and that part of asia which lies opposite to europe , and to suffer the persians quietly and peaceably to exercise dominion as far as ionia and caria , and over all the countries that are divided by the aegean and pontick seas , being the ancient possessions of the crown of persia . after the ambassadors had made their demands , alexander commanded them all to be arrested , and divesting them of their splendor , sent them away into phrygia , where he assign'd them houses to inhabit , and lands to manure ; for he would not inflict any farther penalty than the prohibiting them to return home , looking upon it as a manifest breach of the laws of honour and natural justice , to put them to death , being no prisoners of war , and having done nothing but in execution of their royal master's injunctions . these measures being taken , alexander prepar'd to pass the river , and carry the war into the enemies country ; at which time some aegyptian soldiers revolted , and a plot was set on foot in syria , that threatned a revolution in the empire ; but was happily defeated , and the conspirators punish'd : after which he detach'd several strong parties into other countries , to restrain the incursions of the barbarians in those parts . things being in this posture , and the roman army very numerous , and not inferior to the enemies , the emperor call'd a council of war , and the result was , that the army should be divided into three parties : the first was commanded to march to the northward , through armenia , which country was in league with the romans , and to make a descent upon media on that side . the second was also commanded northward ; but they were order'd to direct their march through the enemies country where tygris and euphrates meet , and are swallow'd up in vast pools and lakes , which gives occasion to an opinion obtaining in the world , that 't is unknown where those rivers discharge themselves . the third , and strongest of the three , he undertook to lead in person against the enemy , and took the middle road. by this means he thought to amuse the enemy , and surprize them before they were aware of , or had provided against any such attempt . he thought too , the persians receiving so many powerful diversions from different quarters , would be weaker and more irregular than if they advanc'd in an entire body : for the barbarians have no stipendiary force , or standing army , that is kept in constant pay , and practis'd in the art of war ; but all their men , and , if the occasion 's more extraordinary , the women too , upon the king 's signifying his pleasure to them , repair to a general rendezvous . after the war they return home , receive no pay , but content themselves with a share in the spoil of the countries they invade . they use bows and horses , not only in time of war , as the romans do , but are bred up to it from their childhood , and live by hunting , and very seldom ungird their quivers , or alight from their horses , but make constant use of them either against their enemies , or the wild beasts of the country . alexander's measures seeming now so wisely laid , as to promise almost certain success , fortune interpos'd to baffle humane policies . the army that was order'd to march through armenia pass'd with great difficulty the steep and rocky mountains of the country , ( tho' they were favour'd by the season of the year ) and made an inroad into media , where they burnt divers villages , and laid waste the country ; whereof artaxerxes being advertis'd , advanc'd against them with all his strength , but could not drive them out of the country , which being rough and mountainous , afforded firm footing and easie passage to the infantry , but gave great inconveniences to the barbarians horse . about this time an express arriv'd at artaxerxes's camp , with advice that another roman army had invaded parthia towards the east . this gave him great jealousie , that as soon as they had ravag'd parthia , which they might easily do , they would make an impression into persia . therefore leaving a force sufficient , as he thought , to cover media , he hastned with the gross of his army to the eastward . the romans finding no opposition , and no enemy appearing , were not so careful in their march as they might have been ; they suppos'd that alexander had fallen upon the barbarians with his army , which was the strongest and most numerous of the three , and therefore thought there was no occasion for hasty marches , and look'd upon themselves as out of danger , not doubting but all the armies were advancing to the general rendezvous , where by concert they were to re unite , and bring all the booty and prisoners they had taken in this expedition . but alexander disappointed them , and neither came in person , as 't was concerted , nor sent the army . 't is uncertain whether his own natural cowardice made him so unwilling to venture his life in defence of the empire , or he was over-rul'd in this affair by mammaea . the timorousness of a woman , and the fondness of a mother , might influence her to do it ; and 't is well known she always endeavour'd to repress all generous impulses in her son , and still perswaded him rather to let others hazard themselves for him , than to expose his sacred person to the chance of war. however it was , it occasion'd the total overthrow of the roman army that had enter'd the enemies country : for artaxerxes , with the whole power of his kingdom , fell upon them by surprize , and surrounded them , and galling them with arrows from all quarters , obtain'd an entire victory : for he over-power'd them with his numbers ; it was all they could do to cover the naked parts of their bodies against the enemies arrows . so they contented themselves to be upon the defensive , and rather to preserve themselves than annoy the enemy : but after they had defended themselves for a short space , by joining their targets together , being attack'd on all sides , like a beleaguer'd town , at last , after a gallant resistance , they were all cut to pieces . this was a fatal stroke to the romans , perhaps scarce parallell'd in story ; a gallant army , not inferior to any of the most celebrated in former ages , for fidelity and courage , cut off entirely , and as it were at one blow . but the fortunate event of so considerable an enterprize , animated the barbarians to undertake greater . the news of this overthrow was brought to the emperor when he was very ill , either through some disease of mind , or indisposition of body , occasion'd by the climate , to which he was not accustom'd . it gave him great mortification , and exasperated the whole army against him , insomuch that they declar'd openly , that his personal miscarriage in not coming up with his army , pursuant to the determination of the council , had drawn this calamity upon them . but alexander , finding he could not any longer struggle with his malady , which encreas'd upon him in that sultry climate , and the greatest part of his army being sick , especially the illyrians , who dropp'd away in great numbers , in regard they feed plentifully , and are us'd to a colder foggy air , resolv'd to march back to antioch ; and orders were sent to the army in media to return : but the greatest part perish'd in re-passing the mountains , or were frozen to death by the rigour of the climate . alexander led back the remnant of his army to antioch ; for he also had lost great numbers of his men. the success of this expedition bred great discontents among the soldiers , and sunk the emperor's reputation extremely in the opinion of the world : he was baffled in all his designs , and return'd home ingloriously , after he had lost the best part of three armies by cold , sickness , or the sword. after he arriv'd at antioch , the change of air soon restor'd his health , and the cool springs frequent in this city refresh'd him after the parching heats of mesopotamia . here he gave a magnificent largess to the soldiers , to buoy up their spirits under their present affliction : for this he esteem'd the only specifick to re-inflame their dying zeal and affection for his interests . after this , he apply'd himself to the making new levies , as if he intended a second expedition against the persians , in case they should give him any disturbance : but news came that artaxerxes had disbanded his army , and commanded the soldiers to repair to their respective homes . and tho' in the issue of the war the persians seem'd to have the advantage , yet their forces were very much diminish'd by several rencounters in parthia ; and of those soldiers that surviv'd , many were wounded , and others extremely harrass'd and broken : for the romans behav'd themselves very bravely , and made often great slaughters of the enemy , and had vanquish'd them , had they not been over-power'd by their numbers . neither can the persians pretend to have excell'd them in personal valour , the number of the slain on both sides being very near equal : and their being so quiet for three or four years after this victory , amounts to a demonstration , that their losses were very considerable . this news deliver'd the emperor from his fears , and he began to display a new gaiety of temper , threw aside the cares of war , and abandon'd himself to the pleasures and luxury of the town . he thought the persians would not again disturb his repose , or at least it would be a long time before their disbanded forces could re assemble into an army , in regard they don't consist of regular disciplin'd troops , nor can they properly be term'd an army , but are rather a disorderly multitude ; they have no provisions , but what every man carries from home , for his own occasions ; and besides , they are very unwilling to leave their wives , children , and native country . but while he was thinking of the persians , there suddenly arriv'd a courier from the prefects of illyria , with letters for him , which put him into a greater consternation . these brought advice , that the germans had pass'd the rhine and danube , and enter'd the roman territories in hostile manner , had assail'd the roman camp upon the danube , sack'd and plunder'd all the cities and villages in those parts , whereby illyria ( that borders upon italy ) was in imminent danger ; concluding , that in this exigency of affairs it would be requisite that he came in person , with the whole power of his empire . these advices exceedingly alarm'd the emperor , and afforded matter of great regret and grief to the illyrian soldiers . this was a second calamity coming upon the neck of a former . they had lost great numbers of men in the expedition against the persians , and now the germans over ran their native country . these things put them into a violent rage against the emperor ; for they charg'd the bad success of the persian expedition wholly upon his ill conduct , or his fear ; and now they accus'd his slackness in succouring the illyrians , as proceeding from the same base passion . the emperor and his council began to apprehend that italy was in danger . the german invasion seem'd to be of far more dangerous consequence to the empire , than the persian ; for in distant regions of the east , which are disjoin'd by a vast tract of land and sea , the name of italy is seldom heard ; but germany is only parted from italy by illyria , which contains but a small spot of ground , subject to the illyrians . therefore with great reluctancy the emperor proclaim'd his march , being driven to it by the extremity of his affairs ; and leaving a force sufficient for the defence of the roman frontiers on that side , he view'd the camp and fortified towns , repair'd their fortifications , and put strong garrisons into them out of his army , and then advanc'd with the remainder of his forces against the germans . he perform'd his march with great expedition , and encamp'd on the banks of the rhine , where he made preparations for the war. he built a bridge of boats over the rhine , for the more easie passing his army over that river . this river and the danube are the greatest rivers in the north. the rhine runs through germany , and the danube through hungary . they are very deep and broad , and in the summer navigable ; in the winter , by reason of the extremity of the cold , they are frozen so hard , that the people ride over them , as if they were part of the terra firma . the ice is so firm , that it not only bears men and horses , but those that come for water don't bring pails , or other vessels , but spades and axes , with which they hew out the water , and carry it away like a piece of a solid rock . this is the nature of those rivers . alexander had great numbers of moors and archers in his service , which he brought with him out of the east ; they consisted mostly of the osrhoeni , and parthian deserters , and such as were tempted to come over to them by hopes of gain . these men annoy'd the germans the most of any . the moors throw their darts a prodigious way , and charge and retire with wonderful agility . the archers would level at the naked heads and bodies of the over grown germans , and seldom fail'd of hitting their mark. sometimes they came to a pitch'd battel , wherein the romans could seldom get any advantage . things being in this posture , alexander sent ambassadors to the enemy to treat of a peace , and to let them know , that the emperor was willing to furnish them with whatever they wanted , and to supply them with money , than which nothing has a more powerful influence over the germans , provided they would lay down their arms , which they are always ready to do upon the terms now propounded to them . so alexander enter'd into a negotiation with them , thinking it more prudential to purchase peace with his money , than expose his person to the hazards of war. the roman soldiers were much offended that they spent so much time to so little purpose , without having any opportunity of signalizing themselves by some brave action . while the emperor gave himself up to his pleasures , and to the driving of chariots ; whereas he ought to have pursu'd his revenge , and chastiz'd the late insolence of the germans . there was at this time in the army one maximine , a man half-barbarous , born in the heart of thrace , and in his youth he was a shepherd ; but when he came to mans estate , for his strength and extraordinary stature he was made a trooper , and from thence was led by the hand of fortune through all the inferior posts and offices , to the government of provinces , and the command of armies . to him , being a man well practis'd in the art of war , alexander gave the command of his new levies , to train and fit them for his service . he was very industrious in the discharge of this trust , which won him the general love of all the soldiers . he not only directed them what to do , but observ'd himself those directions in his own personal deportment , to the end they might learn their duty , not only by obeying his orders , but by following his example : and that he might join them more firmly to his interests , he omitted no opportunity of honouring and rewarding them ; and he gain'd his point : for all the young soldiers ( being for the most part pannonians ) became great admirers of his bravery , and took all occasions of vilifying alexander , often saying of him in contempt , that he was led by the nose by his mother , and submitted the conduct of publick affairs to the direction of a woman . they reflected upon his sloath and cowardice in military matters , began to talk again very hotly of the memorable overthrow in the east , attributing it to be chiefly occasion'd by his laziness , which was also the reason that as yet nothing had been done in effect against the germans . besides , they are naturally desirous of revolutions and changes : this was a long reign , and they grew weary of it ; they could not expect to get any thing under the present government , in regard the emperor was not so sollicitous to procure their favour , as he was in the first years of his reign ; and they might reasonably hope for greater honours and advantages under a prince that was advanc'd to the throne solely by their interest , having no grounds himself to expect such promotion . these motives put together , made them resolve the death of alexander , and the advancement of maximine , who was their fellow-soldier and companion , and was the fittest man that could be pitch'd upon to prosecute the war against the germans , by reason of his personal valour and military experience . in pursuance of these resolutions , they assembled in the field arm'd , and maximine at the head of them , making as if he would only direct them in their ordinary exercises . some say he was privy to their designs , and others affirm the contrary : however that was , they proclaim'd him emperor , and invested him with the imperial robes . he at first declin'd and rejected the purple ; but when the soldiers drew their swords , and threatned to kill him if he did not comply , he chose rather to run a future hazard , than expose himself to a present danger , and so accepted the honour , and declar'd that he had had frequent intimations by dreams and oracles , that he should one day sit at the helm of the empire . he protested also to them , that his compliance in this particular was much against his will ; but he could not resist their importunity : and advis'd them , seeing they would needs have it so ▪ instantly to stand to their arms , and establish what they had done , by surprizing alexander before the news of what had hapned had reach'd his ears , and putting his guards and soldiers in consternation , by which means they might either be perswaded to join with them in pushing on the revolution , or they might easily be forc'd to a submission , being unprovided of all things for making a resistance . maximine was very careful to cherish that affection which they had express'd for him , by doubling their allowance of corn , by promising large donatives , and granting a general pardon of all crimes of what nature soever : after which he led on his men to the emperor's pavilion , which was not far off . this sudden and surprizing turn of affairs extremely alarm'd alexander , insomuch that he abandon'd his tent , and flew out like a mad-man , crying and trembling , and upbraiding maximine with perfidiousness and ingratitude . he ran out into a long enumeration of the favours he had conferr'd upon him , and reprov'd his adherents for rashly engaging in traiterous designs , contrary to the duty of their allegiance . nevertheless , he promis'd to grant all their demands , and redress all their grievances , provided they would lay down their arms. the soldiers that were about him encourag'd him in this exigency by their chearful acclamations , and promis'd to stand by him with their lives and fortunes . but as soon as that night was over , and the news came in the morning , that maximine was advancing against them , and a cloud of dust was descry'd afar off , and a noise as it were of a great multitude was heard , alexander came out again into the field , and call'd his soldiers together , and exhorted them to be firm to him , to protect their prince who had been brought up among them , and had govern'd for fourteen years with so much gentleness and equity , that not one subject had so much as cause of complaint given him . so all men seeming mov'd with compassion , he bid them stand to their arms , and put themselves in posture to receive the enemy : which they promis'd to do , but fell away by degrees , and deserted him . some there were that imputed this defection to the practices of the captain of the praetorian band , and of some of the emperor's confidents , and would have impeach'd them of that fact : others laid the blame on his mother , whose covetous temper and extreme parsimony in giving out munificences to the soldiers , had render'd her son odious . they staid for some time , debating the point to and fro , till maximine came in sight , and bid them abandon a wretched woman , and that easie dis-spirited boy , who could truckle so tamely to a mothers tyranny , and join themselves to a man of courage and conduct , who had been their companion in arms , and was an old and experienc'd captain . hereupon they all revolted from alexander , and unanimously proclaim'd maximine emperor . alexander in great fear and distraction made a shift to return to his tent , tho' with great difficulty ; and embracing his mother , he bewail'd his misfortune , and ( as some say ) accus'd her as the procuring cause of it , expecting every moment the messenger of death . maximine , as soon as he was proclaim'd emperor by the army , order'd a tribune and certain centurions to dispatch alexander and his mother , and all such as pretended to make any opposition . they forthwith executed their warrant , rushing into the emperor's tent , and killing him and his mother , and all those that seem'd to be honour'd and esteem'd by him , except such as fled and absconded for the present ; all which were afterwards apprehended by maximine , and put to death . this was the end of alexander and his mother , after he had reign'd fourteen years without spilling any blood , or giving the subject any just ground of complaint . he abhorr'd all cruel and tyrannical methods , and never put any man to death without legal process . he was naturally inclin'd to gentleness and beneficence ; and the whole tenor of his government had been without reproach or blemish , had not the sordid avarice of his mother thrown some scandal upon it . an epitome of the seventh book . maximine , a thracian , of prodigious size , and most bloody in his nature , opens his reign with great cruelties , being mov'd to it by the conscience of his own mean birth , and exasperated by a combination of the tribunes against him , and by the defection of the soldiers . he attacks the germans within their woods and morasses , defeats and puts them to flight . he is cruel to his enemies , but infinitely more tyrannical to his own subjects , whose estates he makes no scruple to seize , without any colour or pretence of right . he is universally hated . a commotion is rais'd in africk , where the procurator is kill'd , and gordian proconsul of africk is chosen emperor ; and having us'd means to dispatch vitalian captain of the praetorian band in rome , his election is ratified by the senate . soon after cappellian marches against him , and quells the commotion , and he is slain in africk , together with his son. maximine leaves pannonia , and takes his march towards rome with his whole army . maximus and balbinus are elected emperors , and gordian's nephew created caesar . a civil war breaks out in rome between the populace and the praetorian soldiers , of which gallicanus was the author . the seventh book . the account of alexander's life and death , after he had reign'd fourteen years , is declar'd in the former book . maximine succeeded him ; whereupon great changes ensu'd . he exercis'd great severities towards his subjects , endeavouring by this means to render himself formidable . so the government began to be influenc'd by new principles , and from mild and gentle , became cruel and tyrannical . he knew he was generally distasteful to the people , in regard he was the first that from the obscurest condition had ascended to the highest of dignities . he was barbarous as well in manners as extraction . his nature was cruel , agreeing with the thracian genius . so he pursu'd violent measures , thinking thereby most effectually to establish his empire . he was afraid that the senate and people of rome would despise him , that they would look back upon the meanness of his birth , and not consider him in his present exaltation . it was commonly known and talk'd of , that he had been a shepherd in thrace , and being a tall brawny youth was listed a soldier to serve among his country-men , and from thence was conducted by the hand of fortune to the roman empire . he remov'd all alexander's ministers and counsellors that were appointed by the senate . some he sent to rome , others he displac'd for malversation in their offices . his design herein was , that there might be no person in the army of nobler extraction than himself ; that being as it were a strong fortress , and having none about him to whom he ow'd the least deference , he might give himself over to a tyrannical administration . he turn'd out all the servants that belong'd to the court in the late reign , and put most of them to death , pretending apprehensions of a conspiracy form'd against him by them ; for which he had little ground , beside their sorrow for the death of the late emperor . about this time an accident hapned , which serv'd to encrease his rage , and made him more forward to drive things to extremities . a discovery was made of a combination form'd against him by the whole senate , together with divers centurions . magnus , a nobleman of rome , of consular dignity , was accus'd for endeavouring to raise a rebellion , and practising with the soldiers to make him emperor . the plot was laid thus . maximine had built a bridge , over which he design'd to pass his army against the germans : for he had a mind to signalize the beginning of his reign by some memorable action , well understanding , that his podigious stature and strength of body , together with his military skill and experience , had chiefly recommended him to the soldiers in the late election ; and therefore he was willing to establish his reputation , and confirm the opinion the army had conceiv'd of him , by some exploit answerable to it ; and by the same it would be apparent to the world , that alexander's fear , and slackness in pushing on the war , was not blam'd without just reason . he was very diligent in exercising his soldiers , appear'd often in his army , and exhorted his men with great vehemence to behave themselves valiantly . but when the bridge was finish'd , and he design'd to pass over his army , and advance against the germans , information was made , that magnus had corrupted some of his soldiers , not many in number , but chosen men , especially those who were appointed to guard the bridge , which he had perswaded them to break down as soon as maximine was got to the other side , and so he should have been betray'd into the hands of his enemies , all possibility of re-passing being cut off , by reason of the depth and broadness of the river , there being no transport vessels on the other side . this is the substa●●● of what was discover'd . whether it was true , or was only a forgery of maximine's , is uncertain : i can't say any thing positively , because it was never inquir'd into ; for none of the conspirators were brought to trial , or allow'd to make their defence ; but all that were suspected were instantly apprehended , and executed without mercy . soon after the osrhoene archers revolted : the death of alexander touch'd them sensibly ; so meeting accidentally with quartinus , a consular man , who had been deeply in the late emperor's interests , and was discarded by maximine , they constrain'd him to head them , which he did with great reluctancy . then they carry'd fire before him in state , and put upon him the imperial robes , ( ornaments which afterwards prov'd fatal to him ) and advanc'd him to the empire , which was an honour he was very far from aspiring to : but soon after he was assassinated in his tent , when he was asleep , by an intimate acquaintance , and one whom he esteem'd his friend . his name was macedon ; he was commander in chief of the osrhoeni , and 't was by his instigation that they revolted . there was no ground of distaste , nor so much as a misunderstanding between them , to stir him up to the commission of this barbarity on one whom he had compell'd to take upon him the empire ; but he thought the merit of this action would entitle him to a great share of the emperor's favour : so he cut off quartinus his head , and presented it to maximine . maximine approv'd the treachery better than he lik'd the traitor ; hereby he had one enemy less than he had before : but he order'd macedon to be put to death amidst his high expectances for so signal a piece of service , as an arch-rebel to his prince , and a traitor to his friend , whom by his pernicious counsel he had misled . these things exasperated maximine , and serv'd to encrease the standing cruelty of his nature . his aspect was very terrible , and his body so vastly big , that none of the greek or barbarous champions were comparable to him . his affairs being thus order'd , he boldly led all his forces over the bridge , and carry'd the war into germany . his army was very numerous ; he had with him almost the whole power of the roman empire , together with great numbers of moorish darters , and osrhoene and armenian archers , whereof the former are subject to the romans , the latter are their confederates . he had also a great force of parthians , consisting of deserters , and such as fought meerly for pay , together with prisoners of war , that were then in the roman service . this army was rais'd by alexander , and was considerably reinforc'd , and disciplin'd by maximine . the darters and archers are the most serviceable against the germans ; they fall upon them by surprize , and retreat again with wonderful expedition . maximine met with no opposition for a long time . the germans were fled : so he ravag'd the country without controul , tho' it was then the middle of harvest . the villages he burnt , and gave them up to the plunder of his army . all their cities and buildings are soon consum'd with fire ; for they very rarely use brick or stone , but their houses are a sort of sheds made only of boards fitted and fastned together . thus maximine for a long time spoil'd and wasted the country , giving all the cattel that was taken among his soldiers : but still no enemy appear'd ; for the germans had retir'd out of the plain open country , into the fastnesses of the woods and fens , to the end they might decoy the romans thither , where they might fall upon them among thick woods , which would shelter them from the enemies darts and arrows , and render them unserviceable , and where too the deepness of the bogs would be dangerous to them , in regard they were unacquainted with the country ; whereas they had the advantage of knowing which of them were passable , and which not , and run into them every day up to the knees . the germans also are excellent swimmers , having no baths beside the common rivers . notwithstanding these disadvantages , the romans gave them battel . the emperor with extraordinary gallantry made the onset in person ; for the germans had retreated into a deep morass , whither the romans were afraid to pursue them ; so maximine set spurs to his horse , and plung'd in up to the belly , making havock of all that pretended to oppose him . this bravery of the general had its due influence on the soldiers ; they were asham'd to betray their emperor , that hazarded himself so generously for them : so they all readily follow'd him . the number of the slain was very great on both sides ; but the romans had the better , the german army being almost entirely cut off . maximine acquitted himself very valiantly , insomuch that the whole morass , fill'd up with dead bodies , and discolour'd all with blood , seem'd to afford a just representation of an engagement at sea. maximine took care not only to send accounts of this engagement , and his own behaviour in it , to the roman senate and people , but caus'd it to be represented in a large pageant , and hung up before the senate-house , to the end the peoples eyes , as well as their ears , might be duly affected with the greatness of his exploits . this pageant was afterwards taken down by an order of the senate , which abolish'd all his publick honours . he had several other rencounters with the germans , wherein his personal deportment always deserv'd great commendations ; but the summer being far advanc'd , he return'd into pannonia with many prisoners and a rich booty . he winter'd in sirmium , which is the greatest city in those parts , and prepar'd there for a second expedition in the spring ; and he was often heard to threaten , ( and he seem'd to be in earnest ) that he would utterly destroy and subdue all the barbarous nations of germany , as far as the ocean . thus much for his military vertues . and he had certainly been a glorious prince , had not his cruelty at home cast a blemish upon his atchievements abroad : for , what signified the slaughter of enemies abroad , if greater was made of the subjects at home ? what did all the booty and prisoners of war avail , if the subject was despoil'd of all he had by injury and oppression ? common informers were not only licens'd , but countenanc'd and encourag'd by the government , to circumvent honest men , and , if occasion requir'd , to rake into secret crimes , that had been committed in former reigns , and had lain undiscover'd till these times . and so partial were the courts of justice , that if any man was impeach'd by a court-sycophant , he was certainly found guilty , and his estates declar'd forfeit ; by which means it often hapned , that he that reliev'd his neighbour to day , was constrain'd himself to ask relief the day following . thus were the subjects squeez'd under a griping tyrant , that still acted under a pretext of supplying himself with money to distribute among the soldiers . his ears were open to all sorts of calumnies , against whomsoever vented , without any respect to age or quality . several men of eminent condition , that were intrusted with the government of provinces , and the command of armies , after consular and triumphal honours , were suddenly arrested upon slight accusations , and by order of the emperor thrust into a coach , and constrain'd to travel night and day , without any attendants , from the east or west , or perhaps from the south , into pannonia , where the emperor at that time held his residence . upon their arrival they were disgrac'd and degraded , and then either put to death or banish'd . while these storms fell only upon single persons , and bounded themselves within private families , the publick did not seem much concern'd . the fall of great men is not only little regarded by the multitude , but some persons that envy the happiness of those that are above them , by a particular malignity of nature , rejoice at their misfortunes . thus the tyrant reduc'd several noble families from great wealth to extreme poverty . and yet all this was too little for him , his appetite was still craving ; so he began his rapines upon the publick , and seiz'd at once all the treasure of the city , to whatsoever uses design'd , whether it was to be distributed among the people , or was to furnish the publick granaries , or was to defray the expence of games and shews exhibited at the cities charge . then he commanded all the ornaments of churches and the other publick buildings , all the statues of gods and images of heroes , and , in short , whatever might be converted into coin , to be melted down . these things gave general discontent , and afforded matter of an universal grief : the city , without any war or foreign hostility , appear'd like a town besieg'd ; insomuch that there arose some generous patriots , who resolv'd to stem these oppressions , and to guard the temples , and rather to be sacrific'd upon the altars , than behold the ruine and desolation of their country . the ill humour of the people both in the city and provinces began to appear more manifestly than ever . the soldiers themselves could not approve what he did , being often reproach'd by their friends as the instruments of all his illegal proceedings . so he drew , as well he might , a popular odium upon himself : but no man dar'd as yet to do any thing ; they only pray'd to and invok'd the injur'd gods , until he had reign'd three years compleatly , at which time the africans , upon a slight occasion , ( such are the slips of tyrants ) took up arms and rebell'd . the occasion was this . the procurator of carthage was very rigid and cruel in his government : prosecutions were carry'd very violently against the subject , and he extorted great sums of money from them ; and all this was done to the end he might merit maximine's approbation , who always made choice of such tools as he knew were the fittest for his own purposes . the officers of the exchequer , tho' they were really honest men , ( which very rarely happens ) considering the insatiate avarice of the emperor , follow'd the example of the other ministers , tho' much against their will , well knowing the great hazard they were to run if they did not . this procurator among his other oppressions ▪ proceeded with great violence against certain young men of rich and noble families , and obtain'd judgment to be pronounc'd against them , intending to squeeze great sums of money from them , and to deprive them of the estates and inheritances of their ancestors . these things highly exasperated the young nobles ; however , they promis'd to pay the money , only they desir'd him to respite the payment for three days : in which time they form'd an association , and drew into it all those who had been oppress'd by the government already , or had reason to apprehend the like usage ; and prevail'd with the boors and peasants to come down in the night with clubs and axes , which they did accordingly , entring the city before the morning , and hiding their arms under their clothes , which were such as they could be furnish'd with upon so sudden an insurrection . their number was very great ; for africk is very populous , and great numbers of peasants are employ'd in cultivating the land. in the morning the young nobles commanded these boors to follow them in a body , as part of the mob ; but charg'd them strictly not to discover their arms , till they were assaulted by the soldiers or people for what they were about to do . then they went to the procurator , and made as if they would have treated with him about the payment of the money afore-mention'd ; but then they suddenly fell upon him , and kill'd him before he was aware of any such design ; at which the soldiers began to draw their swords , as if they would have reveng'd his death : but they were soon dispers'd by the boors , that came on very resolutely with their clubs and axes . after this fact , so openly and so audaciously committed , the youths grew desperate ; and having succeeded so well in their first enterprize , thought the only way to be safe , was to attempt greater , and therefore resolv'd to make the governor of the province embarque in the adventure , and then perswaded the people to a general revolt , which had been long wish'd for by all men , by reason of the general hatred of maximine , tho' their fears had hinder'd the putting of it in practice : so they led the mob at noon-day to the proconsul's house ; his name was gordian , he was eighty years of age when he was made proconsul , and had run through great employments , and superintended divers provinces ; for which reasons they thought he would not dislike the proposal they were about to make to him . the empire would come now very seasonably to crown his other dignities . they thought also the senate and people of rome would be satisfied with their choice , in regard he was not only sprung from illustious ancestors , but had advanc'd as it were gradually through inferior trusts and honours , to this supreme dignity . this business hapned at a time when gordian liv'd at his private house , in the enjoyment of a retreat from the fatigues and ceremonies of his publick character . the youths who headed the mob , as soon as they came to the house seiz'd the porters , and rush'd violently into the house with their swords drawn , where they found gordian reposing himself upon a couch , and instantly put robes of purple upon him , and declar'd him emperor with the usual solemnity . so surprizing an accident infinitely amaz'd him ; he presently thought 't was some design against his life : so he flung himself from his couch upon the ground , and besought them to spare an old man , who had done them no injury , and advis'd them to be cautious how they violated their faith and loyalty to their prince . and when they importun'd him , and held up their naked swords , so great was his present fright , and so utterly ignorant was he of the whole matter , that he could not apprehend what they meant , nor divine the reasons of the tumult . so one of the youths , that was sprung from a nobler stock than the rest , and was the most powerful orator among them , commanded silence , and laying his hand upon his sword , deliver'd himself to him in the following words . sir , you must take your choice of two dangers ; the one present and certain , the other future and contingent . we leave it to your discretion , whether you 'll be sav'd with us , and lay hold on this favourable conjuncture , to which we have all trusted , or be instantly murder'd by those hands that make you this tender of safety . if you chuse the former , you have many and rational grounds of incouragement . maximine is universally hated ; and by taking him off you 'll rescue us from the cruel administration of a barbarous tyrant , and will encrease the lustre of your former actions by a considerable accession of glory , the just reward of so generous an undertaking . you will receive also eminent acknowledgments for the same , and immortal honours from the roman senate and people . but if you refuse to concur with us , we will cut you in pieces this day , and sacrifice our selves ( if need be ) in the quarrel . we have done that which we can't imagine will ever be pardon'd : we have murder'd the procurator , that tool of villainy , and he has receiv'd that reward from our hands which his cruelty has long cry'd aloud for . in short , sir , if you 'll engage in this enterprize , and run the risque that it may expose us to , we will set you upon the imperial throne ; and so far shall this action of ours be from being condemn'd , that the whole world shall applaud it . in the middle of this harangue the mob grew impatient , and with the concurrence of the citizens , who were all drawn hither by the news of this days action , proclaim'd gordian emperor . he excus'd himself at first , and pretended his great age had render'd him unable to execute so important a trust ; yet he accepted it with all his heart ; for he was naturally very desirous of glory , and of the two dangers was willing to chuse that which only threatned him at a distance : nay , he was content even to die , so he might fall with the scepter in his hands , and signalize the last scenes of his life . then follow'd a formidable rising ; all africk was in arms , and maximine's images were demolish'd , and gordian's set up in all the towns and cities . they also honour'd him with the surname of africanus , the southern lybians being call'd afri , or africani , by the romans . while these things were doing , gordian was at thystrum , where he staid two or three days after he had taken upon him the habit and character of emperor : then he march'd to carthage , a rich and populous city , where he might in all points maintain a port and grandeur equal to the emperors in rome . this city for largeness , wealth , and number of inhabitants , disputes the precedence with alexandria of aegypt , and is inferior only to rome . there follow'd him all the pageantry of a crown . the soldiers and tallest of the citizens went after him , in imitation of the emperor's life-guard . rods of laurel also , and fire , marks of honour distinguishing princes from private persons , were born before him in state ; insomuch that carthage for a short time represented the imperial city of rome . gordian sent letters to the chief men in rome , and to the most eminent of the senators , the greatest part whereof were engag'd to him by friendships and alliances : he publish'd also declarations directed to the senate and people of rome , setting forth the unanimous consent of the africans in his election , and the barbarous cruelties of the present emperor , which he knew were universally abhorr'd . then he gave all the assurances that could be of a gentle and benign government , banish'd all common informers , revers'd unjust judgments , and allow'd the parties aggriev'd the benefit of a new defence . those that were exil'd he restor'd to their native countries , and promis'd a dole to the people , and a largess to the soldiers , greater than had ever been given before . he also laid a train to destroy vitalian the captain of the praetorian band , who was a cruel and a bloody man , and a firm friend to maximine and his interests , to which he was entirely devoted : for he foresaw that he would vigorously oppose his designs , and affright other people from stirring in his behalf : so he sent the quaestor of the province , a bold brawny youth , that was in the flower of his age , and ready to run any hazard in his service , and order'd certain centurions and soldiers to accompany him , and gave him letters seal'd with two seals , in which secret intelligences are wont to be imparted to the emperor . they were instructed to enter the city in the night , and go directly to vitalian in his office where he us'd to take and examine all secret informations and discoveries which any way concern'd the emperor's safety . as soon as they came to him , they were to acquaint him , that they had letters for maximine that contain'd secret advices , and that they were sent upon business that nearly concern'd the safety of his person : after which they were to desire a private conference , wherein they might lay before him their instructions in the affair they were sent about ; and while he was viewing the seals , they might pretend to speak to him , and so fall upon him with their ponyards and kill him : all which succeeded as he desir'd . they came to him before it was light , about which time he was commonly stirring , and found him unattended and almost alone : some were not yet come , others had been at his levy , and were gone again . he was at leisure , so they were easily admitted , and acquainted him with their business , and deliver'd the letters ; and while he was poring over the seals , they assaulted and kill'd him ; and when they had done , bolted forth with their naked ponyards , and escap'd ; the people that were before the door of his office retiring in astonishment , and giving them way ; for they suppos'd that all had been done by the emperor's order , who had often rewarded the services of his greatest favourites in the same manner . then they came into the sacred way , and dispers'd gordian's declaration , that was directed to the people , and deliver'd the letters to the consuls and the rest , and spread abroad rumors that maximine was slain : upon which the people ran about , as if they had been seiz'd with some sudden frenzy ; for the mobile in all countries is the same , fickle , inconstant , lovers of changes and revolutions ; yet of all nations under the sun , the romans are certainly the most capricious , in regard they are compounded of so many differing and foreign mixtures . in this sudden tumult all maximine's statues were pull'd down , all men flung off the masque , now they were deliver'd from the fears which had oblig'd them to wear it , and discover'd their hatred and detestation of the tyrant . the senate , without examining the grounds of the report concerning his death , conjecturing only from the present stream of affairs , proclaim'd gordian and his son emperors , and abrogated all the honours that had been heap'd upon maximine . all common informers and court-sycophants either fled , or were cut to pieces by those whom they had injur'd : the procurators and judges , those tools and instruments of tyranny , were dragg'd by the people into the common shore . beside these , many innocent men were sacrific'd during this publick disorder ; debtors kill'd their creditors ; and if any man had an adversary in a suit then depending , or the least ground of private resentment against a person , he boldly rush'd in upon him , and with force and arms rifled the house , and flew the master . thus , under pretext of liberty and peace , was the empire thrown into convulsions , and felt the effects of a civil war : and when sabinus , a consular man , and praefect of the city , endeavour'd to repress these insolencies , he had his scull split by a blow which he receiv'd on his head with a club : so great were the outrages committed at this time by the people . the senate too had proceeded so far , that they durst not retreat for fear of maximine : so they set all engines at work to make the provinces revolt : they sent ambassadors to the praefects men chosen out of the senate and gentry of rome , and gave them letters declaring the sense of the roman people and senate in relation to the present juncture of affairs , and exhorting them to join with them in asserting the liberty of their country , and of the great council of the empire , and in perswading the provinces to persevere in their duty and obedience to the people of rome , in whom the empire of the world had been lodg'd for divers ages , and to cultivate that amity which had been so happily begun and maintain'd by their ancestors . the ambassadors met with a kind reception in most places , and found a general disaffection in the provinces to the present government , which they improv'd into an actual and open rebellion . such magistrates as adher'd to maximine were kill'd , and the rest fell in with the faction in rome . some few indeed there were that kill'd those that were sent to them , or sent them away with a strong guard to maximine , who put them to exquisite torments . these were the dispositions of the people in rome . maximine upon receiving the news hereof was much troubled in mind , but would not reveal his secret agonies to the world , but pretended to despise all these things as the harmless efforts of impotent men : nevertheless , he staid at home all the first and second day after the news came , and advis'd with his council about the measures to be taken in the present exigency . the army and people in those parts knew very well the whole rise and progress of this rebellion , and were astonish'd at so bold an attempt ; but they held their tongues , and pretended ignorance of the whole business ; for so great were the jealousies of the emperor , that he set spies to observe not only the words but even the nods and motions of the people . on the third day he commanded the army to assemble before the gates of the city , where he read a short speech to them , which his friends had compos'd for him , in the following words . maximine's speech to the army . gentlemen , i have something to impart to you which is very strange , and almost incredible ; tho' truly , in my opinion , it deserves rather to be laugh'd than wonder'd at . 't is not the germans , whom you have so often vanquish'd , that contemn the reputation of your valour , and have taken up arms against us ; nor the sarmatians , who make such constant applications to this court for peace ; nor the persians , who some years ago over-ran mesopotamia , but are now glad to possess what they have in quiet : the glory of your arms , and their experience of our courage , when we commanded the army upon the river , has effectually deterr'd them from attempting any thing against us : but ( that i may say no worse ) an epidemical madness has seiz'd the carthaginians , and they have , either by perswasion or force , set up an old wretch , that is ready to drop into the grave , to act as it were the king in a play. for what army can they have to support his pretensions , who are forc'd to make lictors execute the commission of proconsul ? or , admitting they had men , what would that avail without arms ? and 't is well known they have none , besides the half-pikes which they use in hunting wild beasts . and for martial discipline , there is no such thing amongst them ; but in stead thereof , songs , dances , and loose raillery . nor would i have any of you disheartned by the advices which we receive from rome . vitalian is treacherously murder'd , and you are all acquainted with the levity and inconstancy of the roman people , and know very well how much their words are more formidable than their actions . three or four armed men would put them all in disorder ; and while every man shifted for himself , they would all abandon the common cause . as for the proceedings of the senate , 't is no wonder that my temperance hath been distasteful , and that his luxury is more agreeable to them , as suiting better with the vicious humour prevailing amongst them . there is nothing done worthy of a man or a prince , but they brand it with the black epithets of cruel and tyrannical ; and , on the other hand , the most scandalous immoralities are cry'd up under the popular names of gentleness and clemency . and this is the reason that they dislike the present government , 't is too regular and uniform for them ; and 't is on the same score that they extol gordian , to whose infamy , i suppose , none of you are strangers . these are the men with whom we are to wage war , if it may deserve that name ; tho' truly i and most men are of opinion , that as soon as we set foot in italy , they will all cast themselves at our feet with their children , and with olive-branches in their hands , entreat for mercy ; except such whose fears won't suffer them to do even that . their estates will fall into my hands , and i shall take care to distribute them amongst those whose services shall best deserve them . after he had deliver'd himself to this effect , and had by the way thrown many reproaches upon the senate and people of rome , menacing with his hands and countenance , which was as full of indignation as if the persons that had thus inflam'd him had been present , he proclaim'd his expedition for italy , and distributed great sums of money among the soldiers . the second day after he began his march , with a numerous army , and the whole military force of the roman empire . there follow'd him also several german regiments , consisting of such as he had either subdu'd by force , or prevail'd upon by perswasion to embrace his friendship and alliance . he carried with him also all the engines of war which he intended to make use of against the germans . he march'd the more slowly , because he was oblig'd to take up carriages and other necessaries by the way : for the expedition being sudden , due care had not been taken in providing things for the use and necessities of the soldiers ; the preparations , such as they were , being made in haste and confusion . so he judg'd it advisable to send out a strong detachment to surprize italy , before the gross of his army should arrive . for this important piece of service he pitch'd upon the pannonian cohorts , being those in which he most confided , because they were the first that proclaim'd him emperor , and had on all occasions declar'd their forwardness to venture all they had in his service . while maximine was upon his march , the designs of the carthaginian faction went not on so prosperously as was expected . capellian , a noble senator , was at this time governour of mauritania , which by the romans is call'd numidia , and had considerable forces under his command , which are maintain'd for the defence of the province against the insults of barbarous enemies . there was , and had been for divers years , a misunderstanding between gordian and this capellian , occasion'd at first by a suit in law : so when gordian was declar'd emperor , he nominated a person to succeed him , and commanded him to depart out of the province . netled with this indignity , and being besides a great stickler for maximine , ( for 't was he that rais'd him to this dignity ) he call'd his soldiers together , and exhorted them to preserve inviolate their faith and allegiance to maximine , and march'd directly to carthage with a gallant army , compos'd of brave men , in the flower of their age , well appointed and disciplin'd , and by reason of their frequent rencounters with the barbarians , forward enough to give the enemy battel . as soon as gordian was advertis'd of the approach of this army , he was in great consternation . the carthaginians were also alarm'd , and relying more on the number , than the order and disposition of their forces , march'd all out to meet capellian . some say , that gordian , as soon as he arriv'd at carthage , considering the great strength of maximine , and that there was no force in africk able to oppose him , strangled himself ; but the citizens concealing his death , made choice of his son to head them , and coming to an engagement , the carthaginians were superior to the enemy in number , but without order , and undisciplin'd . they had liv'd a long time in an uninterrupted tranquillity , and were enervated by ease and pleasure , to which they had resign'd themselves . besides , they were unprovided of arms , and all sort of ammunition ; only each man brought with him from home an ax , or a dagger , or a hunting lance , or a stake burnt and sharpned at the end , for the defence of his body . on the other hand , the numidians were expert archers , and excellent horsemen , insomuch that they ride without bridles , with a switch only in their hand , with which they could manage and command their horses as they thought fit : so they easily put the carthaginians to flight , who did not expect till the charge was given , but flung away their arms , and fled with such precipitation , that more of their men were kill'd by their own party , that trampled upon and ran over them in the disorder of the flight , than by the sword of their enemies . gordian's son was kill'd in this action , with all those that were near his person ; and so great was the number of the slain , that several persons of note , and amongst the rest gordian's son , could not be found to receive funeral honours . of those that fled , such only escaped as got into carthage , and put themselves into a concealment in that large and populous city ; but their number was but small . as for the rest , while every man press'd forward , and endeavour'd to enter the town , they stopp'd and hinder'd one another , and were all cut in pieces by the soldiers that pursu'd them , before the faces of their wives and children , who express'd all the degrees of grief that such a tragedy might justly occasion . others report , that as soon as gordian , who by reason of his age staid at home , receiv'd an account of the unfortunate issue of this engagement , and that capellian had enter'd carthage , considering his condition as desperate , he withdrew into his bed-chamber alone , as if he would lie down upon his couch , and there strangled himself in his girdle . this was the end of gordian , who after a long course of prosperous fortune , dy'd in an imaginary empire . capellian , immediately after his entrance into the city , put to death all the men of principal consideration that surviv'd the battel , and seiz'd into his hands all the treasure both publick and private , not sparing even the temples . he dealt also in the like manner with the other cities that had demolish'd maximine's statues , putting to death the leading men , and banishing the rest , giving up all the country to the plunder and ravage of his soldiers . this he did under pretext of punishing them for their defection from maximine ; tho' in truth his design was to ingratiate with the soldiers , that if any thing should happen to maximine , he might have at his beck a force sufficient to establish him upon his throne . this was the state of affairs in africk . upon the news of gordian's death , the senate and people of rome were in great consternation . he was the man they chiefly relied upon ; and they knew very well that maximine would never forgive them . he always hated them in his heart , and now he had just reason to proceed against them as his profess'd enemies . so a consult was resolv'd upon , wherein they were to debate about the measures to be taken in this hazardous conjuncture . the result was , that there should be a general insurrection ; that two emperors should be chosen , in whose hands the supreme power should be lodg'd , that their constitution might not a second time be endanger'd by tyranny . the assembly was not held in the senate-house , but in the temple of jupiter capitolinus , to which the romans pay singular veneration , as if nothing was to be done but in the presence and with the approbation and concurrence of the god. then some of the eldest and most noble of the senators were made choice of to be propos'd to the assembly ; after which they proceeded to vote , and the majority being found for maximus and balbinus , they were declar'd emperors . maximus had commanded several armies , had been praefect of the city , and acquitted himself very honourably in that trust ; by which means he establish'd the character of a good man and a prudent governor . albinus was of a noble family , and had been twice consul . he had govern'd divers provinces without blame or censure , and in his conversation was an open plain-dealing man. after their election , they were proclaim'd , and invested in the imperial dignity by decree of the senate . while these things were transacting in the capitol , the people came to understand what was in agitation , either by some rumours that were spread abroad , or by some intimation which they receiv'd from gordian's party . so they went up in a tumultuary manner with stones and clubs to the gates , and possess'd all the avenues to the capitol with a numerous mob , and endeavour'd to oppose the proceedings of the senate . they excepted chiefly against maximus , as being too severe and rigid for them . he had been very active in executing the laws upon bad men , so they were apprehensive of his government , and declar'd their dislike of him aloud , with their clamours mixing menaces to kill them both as soon as they came out . they demanded a prince of the race of gordian , that the empire might remain in that name and line . maximus and balbinus , with a guard compos'd of the city-troops , and some gentlemen of rome , attempted to force their way out of the capitol , but were beat back with stones and clubs , till at last somebody found a way to impose upon the people . there was a young lad , son to gordian's daughter , who was call'd after his grandfather : him they order'd to be brought to them , and sent certain persons to fetch him , who found him at home , and at play ; and setting him upon their shoulders , carried him through the middle of the mob , shewing him to the people as they went along , and crying aloud , behold gordian 's grandson ! and calling him often by his name . the people all the time express'd their affections to him in shouts of joy , and as a farther token thereof , scatter'd flowers upon him as he pass'd through them . the senate declar'd him caesar , in regard the tenderness of his age made him unfit to have the regency in his hands ; and the mob being appeas'd , the emperors elect were suffer'd to go quietly to their palace . about this time an accident hapned of very fatal consequence to the city of rome , occasion'd by the rashness of two senators . the senate met to consider of the state of the empire , and some of maximine's soldiers , that by reason of their age were excus'd from any further service in the wars , and were left in the camp , being desirous to inform themselves of the matters then under debate , came without their arms to the door of the senate , and mixing with the other crowd , staid there to listen ; and two or three at the most , that were more curious than the rest , press'd in , till they were got beyond the altar of victory : whereupon gallicanus , a carthaginian , who had lately been consul , and was then senator of rome , together with moecenas , who had been praetor , making up to them , stabb'd them to the heart with ponyards which they carried privately about them , before they could pluck their hands from under their cloaks ; so sudden was the assault , and so little were they aware of it . for about that time all the senators wore swords , and had worn them ever since the late tumult , either publickly or privately , for the defence of themselves against any attempt which might be made upon them by their enemies . the soldiers that were stabb'd fell down dead before the altar , and the rest were so terrified with the misfortune that befel their friends , and so apprehensive of the rage of the people , especially at a time when they were without their arms , that they betook themselves instantly to their heels . gallicanus rush'd out of the senate into the middle of the crowd , and held up his hand and sword all cover'd with blood , so as all the people might see it , and then exhorted them to pursue and put to the sword all maximine ' s creatures and adherents , as enemies and traytors to the senate and common-wealth . the mob was easily inflam'd , and applauding gallicanus , pursu'd the soldiers as far as they could , with great eagerness , pelting them all the way with stones : but they were too nimble , and got into the camp before them , and shutting the gates , resolv'd to defend themselves as well as they could ; for they were but few in number , and the most of those too wounded . gallicanus , after this unparallell'd boldness , was very industrious to embroil the empire in a civil war , which prov'd very mischievous to the publick weal : for he commanded the publick armories to be broke open , and order'd every man to take out arms for himself , tho' they were altogether unfit for service , and intended only for shew . the fencing schools were likewise open'd , and the gladiators order'd to march out in their proper armour . nor was there any sword , spear , ax , &c. in any shop or private house , but was seiz'd upon , and carried away by force : and so high ran the popular fury at this time , that every thing they laid hand upon , if it was possible , was presently converted into some sort of weapon . after they were arm'd , they march'd in a body to the camp , and invested it , as if it had been a town which they purpos'd to besiege ; but the defendants were old experienc'd soldiers , and made such use of their targets , and of the shelter which their ramparts afforded them , that the assailants could not annoy them ; but , on the contrary , they gall'd them with their arrows , and push'd them from the walls with long pikes , which they repeated as often as the enemy had courage to renew their attacks , till at last the people grew weary , and the greatest part of the gladiators being wounded , and the night coming on , all were willing to return into the city : which the soldiers in the camp perceiving , and observing how disorderly and unguarded their retreat was , ( for they did not imagine that so small a number of men durst sally out upon so great a multitude ) they pour'd out their whole force upon them , and cut off the gladiators entirely , with great numbers of the common people , which perish'd in the hurry of this action . after this success the soldiers did not think fit to pursue their blow , but retir'd to their camp , and kept themselves within their walls . this defeat serv'd only to exasperate the senate and people of rome : so their captains proceeded to the making their levies , and a general rendezvous was appointed , where all the youth of italy met , and were arm'd as well as the suddenness of the occasion would permit . the greatest part of them were led by maximus against maximine : the rest were left at home for the defence of the city . in this interval assaults were every day made upon the camp , but without success ; the place was still defended , and the assailants always shamefully repuls'd by the soldiers , who gave them very warm reception from the walls . 't was too about this time that balbinus , who staid in the city , put out an edict , wherein he exhorted the people to an accommodation with the soldiers , and promis'd the soldiers an oblivion of all that was past ; but both parties were inflexible , the people being ready to burst with indignation , that such a multitude should be thus out-brav'd by a handful of men ; and , on the other hand , the soldiers resenting as heinously the treatment which they receiv'd from the people , being more inhumane than they could expect even at the hands of barbarous enemies . in conclusion , after many fruitless attacks made upon the walls of the camp , it was resolv'd in a council of war , that all supplies of water should be cut off from the camp , by which means the soldiers would be reduc'd to such extremities for want thereof , as would oblige them to surrender . in order hereunto , all the rivers that supply'd the camp were choak'd up , and their water drawn into new channels : but the soldiers apprehending what danger they were in , and growing thereupon desperate , open'd their gates , and sally'd out in a body , and after a sharp dispute , put the multitude to flight , and pursu'd them into the city . the people now perceiv'd they were much inferior to the soldiers in a pitch'd battle ; so they fled into their houses , and threw down upon them stones and tiles ; the soldiers not daring to follow them , because they were unacquainted with the houses . the shops too , as well as the houses , were shut upon them ; so they set fire to the doors , and to the wooden porches , whereof there are great numbers in this city , and by reason of the closeness of the streets , and the great quantity of timber in the buildings , easily laid the best part of the city in ashes . a great many rich men lost in this fire all their precious movables , and indeed their whole estates , and were reduc'd to beggary . great numbers of men too perish'd in the fire , their houses being in a flame about their ears , and all the ways to escape possess'd by the merciless element . there was scarce any rich man's house that was not miserably pillag'd during this publick confusion ; for all the poor scoundrels , and profligate wretches about town , fell in with the soldiers , in hopes to make their fortune by the plunder : and , in short , there were as many houses consum'd by this fire , as would make a very large city . while these things were doing in rome , maximine arriv'd in italy , and having sacrific'd upon the frontiers , proceeded upon his journey , after he had order'd his men to keep their ranks , and march in their arms. thus we have given a summary relation of the african rebellion , of the civil war in rome , and of maximine's atchievements and expeditions . the rest we reserve for the following book . an epitome of the eighth book . maximine having pass'd the alps , sits down before aquileia ; but before he can make himself master of the town , is kill'd by his own soldiers , together with his son. their heads are sent to rome . maximus , one of the emperors , disbands maximine's army at aquileia , and returns to rome with his own forces . he and balbinus administer the empire till they are both slain by the praetorian soldiers . after their death , gordian caesar is made emperor . the eighth book . an account of what maximine did after the death of gordian , together with his expedition into italy , and the revolt of africk , as likewise a relation of the heats and animosities that hapned between the soldiers and people in rome , is deliver'd in the former book . maximine was now with his army on the frontiers of italy , and sent out his scouts before him , for fear of an ambuscade , which might be lodg'd in the thick woods on the alps , or in the vast inequalities of those mountains . then he led his army into the plain , and drew up his legions into a square body , not regarding in what depth they were rang'd , but taking care to extend his front , that they might take up the more ground . all the baggage , beasts , and carriages were taken into the middle ; then follow'd maximine with his guards to cover the rear . the wings consisted of horsemen in compleat armour , with whom were ranged the eastern archers , and the moorish darters . there were also divers auxiliary regiments of german horse , which maximine always oppos'd to the first shocks of the enemy , because they are very hot , and discharge their whole fury in the beginning of an engagement , and that the danger , if any were , might fall upon the barbarians , who might the best be spar'd . thus rang'd , he march'd over all that champagne country , till he came to the first city of italy , which is call'd by the natives ema ; 't is situated at the roots of the alps , on the utmost point of the level . here the scouts return'd to maximine with intelligence that the town was abandon'd , and that the inhabitants were fled , after they had burnt all the doors of the houses and temples , and carry'd away or destroy'd all they had in the city or country adjoining , and left neither provision nor forage for man or beast . maximine was glad to find the people under so great a terror , and hop'd to meet with the same dispositions in the rest , and that none would be so hardy as to abide his coming : but his soldiers were differently affected ; they thought it very hard that they should be oblig'd in this manner to conflict with a famine in the beginning of an expedition . part of the army lay that night in the city , in the open houses , the rest took up their quarters in the fields , and in the morning , as soon as the sun arose , they began their approaches to the alps. these alps are a chain of hills rais'd by nature to be a wall and a bulwark to italy : they are so high , that they seem to surmount the very clouds ; and so extended in length , that they run across the whole country , stretching on the left hand to the tyrrhene , and on the right to the ionian sea. they are all cover'd with thick woods , and are almost impassable , by reason of the narrow paths , craggy rocks , and steep precipices . some tracks indeed there are hewn out by the indefatigable labour of the old italians . here the army was under great apprehensions , that the tops of the mountains were possess'd , and all the ways block'd up by the enemy , to impeach their passage ; and not without just reason , as will appear to any man that considers the nature of the place : but after they had pass'd the alps without any difficulty , and encamp'd on the other side , they soon recover'd their wonted courage , and began to triumph as if they had already vanquish'd ; and maximine did not doubt of success now in whatever he should undertake , seeing the italians durst not use the advantages which the difficulties of the place afforded them , of laying ambuscades , and annoying the enemy without any hazard to themselves , and of engaging them from above with the benefit of a higher ground . no sooner had they pass'd the alps , but the scouts return'd with advice , that aquileia , the greatest city of italy , had shut her gates , and that the pannonian regiments that were sent before , had made several vigorous attacks upon her walls , but were always repuls'd with stones . spears , and arrows , which the besieg'd shot at them without intermission ; and that now being sore fatigu'd and harrass'd , they had rais'd the siege . hereupon maximine conceiv'd great indignation against the pannonian soldiers , for their behaviour in this late action , and hastned with his whole army to the siege , thinking to carry the place without any difficulty . aquileia is a city populous and large , and as it were the mart-town of italy , situate on the sea-coast , upon the frontiers of illyria . she supplies all the vessels that sail that way with provisions and other merchandise from the continent , which are brought down thither both by land and water ; and sends up also from the sea into the continent such commodities as will not grow in the midland country , by reason of the severe winters . her staple commodity is wine , whereof the product is so confiderable in this country , that all the neighbouring provinces , that have not so much as a vineyard amongst them , are supplied from hence : for which reasons not only the citizens are very numerous , but the resort of strangers and merchants is very considerable : and at this time their numbers were vastly encreas'd by the prodigious confluence of boors and peasants , who abandon'd all the adjacent villages , and retir'd thither , trusting to the largeness of the town , and the strength of its fortifications , which in truth were old and ruinous , and for the most part demolish'd : for the cities of italy , after the establishment of the roman empire , had no occasion for arms or fortifications , but enjoy'd for divers years an uninterrupted tranquillity , and were combin'd into one body politick with the capital city of the empire : but in this extremity of affairs they fell to repairing the walls , rais'd new towers and bastions , and encompass'd the city with a fortification , which the people guarded night and day with that skill and bravery , that they utterly baffled all the efforts of the enemy . on this occasion crispinus and menephilus , two consular men , were made choice of by the senate , and had the supreme authority put into their hands . they took all imaginable care to lay in provisions for a long siege ; and as for water , they could have plenty out of the pits , whereof were great numbers within the walls , and out of the river that ran by the town , affording not only supplies of water , but the protection of a trench to the besieg'd . these were the preparations in the city . maximine hearing that their gates were shut , and that the city was in posture of defence , thought it most advisable to send commissioners to treat with them , and try whether by that means they could prevail upon them to open their gates ▪ there was in his army at that time a tribune , a citizen of aquileia , whose wife , children , and family were amongst the besieg'd ; him therefore , and certain centurions , he sent to them , supposing that his advice would have such weight with his fellow-citizens , as would easily induce them to follow it . when they came to the wall , they spoke to them to this effect . gentlemen , maximine our leige lord commands you to lay down your arms , and to receive him not as an enemy , but a friend ; and advises you rather to sacrifice to the gods , than to spill the blood of men. he would have you duely affected with the ruine and desolation of your country , which , if you be obstinate , will certainly ensue . 't is in your own power to preserve at once both your country and your selves . so gracious is our prince , that he offers you pardon and indemnity for all that is past , being well assur'd , that what you have hitherto done , has intirely proceeded from the instigation and practices of others . these words were pronounc'd by the commissioners under the wall , in a loud voice , so that all the people that stood upon the walls or ramparts , except such as were upon duty in the remote parts of the town , heard what was said ; for they all kept silence , and gave attention ; insomuch that crispinus began to be afraid , and not without just reason , considering the instability of the multitude , lest they should be won upon by fair promises to make a peace with the emperor , and to open their gates : so he ran to and fro upon the walls , exhorting them to a gallant resistance , and beseeching them to hold it out to the last , and not to violate their faith and allegiance to the senate and people of rome . he re-minded them also of the glory of being the deliverers and protectors of italy , which they would merit by a brave deportment in this juncture ; and advis'd them not to believe the professions of a perjur'd and a faithless tyrant , who was then actually contriving their destruction , and made use of fair words only to disguise , and thereby more surely to effect his hidden purposes . he told them , that it was better to trust to the chance of war ; that a handful of soldiers had often baffled a formidable army ; and that a mighty host had been often vanquish'd by a small band of men ; that there was another reason why they should not be dismaid at his numbers ; for when soldiers fight for other men , to whom all the advantages of success redound , they are apt to fight but lazily , and as men not concern'd in the issue of the battel ; for they know very well , that tho' they are admitted to a share in the hazards and dangers that must be encounter'd in the obtaining a victory , yet when 't is obtain'd , the whole benefit of it accrues to other men ; whereas when men fight for the preservation of their country , besides that they have better grounds of hope than the others , ( in regard they don't invade other mens property , but only guard their own ) they go on too with more alacrity and chearfulness , because on this occasion they don't obey the commands of other men , but the dictates of their own necessity , and contend for a victory , the whole fruit and benefit whereof will be intirely their own . these and the like considerations crispinus suggested to them , sometimes addressing himself to the whole company , sometimes to particular persons . he was a man naturally of an august presence , and very powerful in the roman eloquence ; he was too universally belov'd , by reason of the great gentleness and equity of his government : so he confirm'd them in their first resolutions , and commanded the commissioners to depart from the walls without effecting what they came for . 't was said , that crispinus was animated to the making this resolute defence , by the soothsayers , who upon examination and view of the entrails of the victims , gave him great encouragement , than which nothing makes stronger impressions upon the italians . there was also a report handed about , that a god of the country , call'd by the italians beles , and suppos'd to be apollo , and had in great veneration in those parts , had foretold that he should be victorious . and some of maximine's soldiers affirm'd , that they saw the image of this god fighting in the air in defence of the city . whether this was true , or it was only a story contriv'd to lessen the reproach that would otherwise fall upon so great an army , for fighting so unsuccessfully with an undisciplin'd mob , inferiour to themselves in number , and therefore they would appear to the world to have been vanquish'd rather by gods than men , i leave a question . however it was , an event so strange and surprizing made all things more credible . the commissioners return'd to maximine , and their ill success serv'd only to inflame him to a higher degree of rage ; so he made swifter advances with his army towards the city : but when he came to a river about sixteen miles from the town , he found it exceeding broad and deep , it being the time of the year when the snow that is frozen upon the neighbouring hills in the winter , was melted , which had swell'd the river to so prodigious a height , that it was absolutely impossible to pass his army over it : for the aquileians had taken care to break down a large and goodly bridge , built there of square stone some ages ago by the emperors of rome : so there being no bridge , nor any transport-vessels to carry over his army , he was oblig'd to make a halt , being utterly at a loss what counsels to pursue . some of the germans , being unacquainted with the strong and rapid current of the italian rivers , supposing that they flow'd as gently as those in their own country , ( which for want of a quick and violent agitation are soon frozen ) ventur'd to take the river with their horses , which tho' they could swim very well , were all carried down by the force of the stream , and drown'd . maximine entrench'd his army , for fear of a surprize ; and having staid in his pavilion two or three days , went out to view the river , and contrive a bridge over it ; but wanting materials , viz. timber and boats , he was inform'd by his engineers , that in the abandon'd villages there were great numbers of round empty vessels of wood , which the inhabitants made use of to carry their wine in ; these were made hollow like ships , and they were of opinion , that they would float upon the water like so many wherries , and if they were fastned together , and cover'd with wicker , and good store of earth cast upon them , they would be firm enough to stem the violence of the current . by the help of this project maximine easily pass'd the river with his army , and advanc'd towards the city . they found all the country-villages , as they march'd along , forsaken by their inhabitants , and burnt and cut down all the vines and other trees , utterly destroying all the ornaments and glory of the country : for the trees are rang'd in such beautiful order , and the vines so artfully dispos'd , that their branches mingle as they grow , and afford a most delightful prospect ; the whole country appearing to the eye to be adorn'd with crowns and garlands , as at some solemn festival . but now all these were rooted up by the ravaging army , after which they advanc'd to the walls of the city : but in regard the soldiers were sore harrass'd in their march , maximine did not think fit to attack the town presently ; so he encamp'd out of the reach of the enemies arrows , and divided his army into cohorts and parties , assigning to each of them a part of the wall ; and allowing one day only for rest , prepar'd the day following for the general assault . accordingly at the day they made their approaches with all sort of warlike engines , and assail'd the walls with great fury , leaving no manner of assault unattempted . this was repeated almost every day , fresh attacks being made with great vigour and gallantry , and the walls surrounded by a powerful army . notwithstanding this , the aquileians made a brave defence ; the doors of the temples and houses were shut , and all the people , without excepting even women and children , mounted the towers and bastions to fight against the common enemy . there was no age of life so utterly useless and disabled for service , but on this occasion was actually in arms for the defence of their country . the suburbs , and whatever houses were without the gates of the city , were demolish'd by maximine , and the timber converted into battering engines , with which he essay'd to make a breach in the wall , at which his army might enter , being resolv'd to plunder the city , and lay it level with the ground , and to leave the country around waste and desolate . he thought it would not be for his glory and reputation , to proceed on his march to rome , before the destroy'd from its foundations the first city in italy that oppos'd his arms : so he rode through his army ( with his son whom he had made caesar ) mixing entreaties with promises , to raise and excite the courage of his soldiers . but the aquileians tumbled stones down upon them , and fill'd barrels , with long handles fix'd to them , with pitch , sulphur , and other bituminous matter , and when the enemy approach'd the walls , showr'd down upon them streams of scalding pitch , which , with the other combustible matter , lighting upon the naked parts of the soldiers bodies , spread it self all over them , insomuch that they instantly fell to stripping themselves : off went their coats of mail , and all their other armour , and happy he that could get rid of them ; for the iron was glowing hot , and the leather parch'd and shrivel'd with the fire . there you might see their arms lying on the ground , like spoils taken from them , not by force , but stratagem . the best part of the army had their eyes burnt out , and their hands , faces , and all the other naked parts of their bodies miserably scorch'd . moreover , they cover'd firebrands with pitch and rozin , and sharpned them at the ends like arrows , which being lighted and darted into the engines so as to stick fast , easily set them on fire . at the first fortune held the scales pretty equal ; but after a while , maximine's soldiers meeting with warmer entertainment than they expected , grew weary and disheartned . those who they thought could not withstand the first shocks of their assault , made a stout and resolute resistance . on the other hand , the aquileians receiv'd new accessions of courage and vigour , and by frequent rencounters arriv'd to a tolerable skill and address in military matters , and made so slight of the enemy , that they could not forbear drolling upon them , not sparing even maximine or his son , but reproaching and reviling them as they rid near the walls , and treating them with the last degree of scorn and contempt . this highly incens'd maximine ; so being unable to pour out his revenge upon his enemy , he was resolv'd his own officers should feel the weight of his hand : so he put most of them to death , pretending they had not push'd on the siege so vigorously as they ought to have done ; which cruelty only render'd him more odious to the army , and more contemptible to the enemy . it hapned that the aquileians had store of all sorts of provisions , great care being taken that the town should be well furnish'd with all things requisite for the support of man or beast : whereas the army was forc'd to struggle with a dearth and scarcity of all things ; for they had destroy'd all the fruit-trees , and ravag'd the country around . they had some tents indeed pitch'd in haste , in which part of the army lay ; the rest lay scatter'd in the open fields , expos'd to all the inclemencies of the weather . no provision or forage could be brought into the camp ; for the romans had block'd up all the ways into italy , and to strengthen the blockade , had built there walls and gates . consular men , and persons of the greatest consideration and worth in all italy , were appointed to guard the coasts and harbours , and to hinder the passing of any vessels by water , to the end that maximine might have no intelligence of what was done in rome . all the high-ways and roads were diligently watch'd , and no man suffer'd to pass ; by which means it fell out , that the army , which pretended to be the besieger , was it self besieg'd : for neither could they make themselves masters of the town , nor , if they rais'd the siege , could they go on to rome , for want of transport-vessels and carriages , all which were seiz'd upon before , and secur'd . there seem'd also some ground and colour for the rumour that was handed about , ( viz ▪ ) that the romans were in arms ; that all italy and illyria , as also the southern and eastern barbarians , were engag'd with them ; that they had concerted to raise a army , out of a general hatred and disaffection to maximine ; insomuch that maximine's soldiers began now to despair . they labour'd under a want of all things , even of water , those poor supplies which they had being out of the river that ran by the town , the water whereof was tainted by the blood and dead bodies which were thrown into it by the aquileians , for want of a convenience for burying them within the walls ; together with such as died in the army by sword , sickness , or famine ; of all which , this river was the common receptacle . the army being thus reduc'd to the utmost degree of despair and wretchedness , when maximine was reposing himself in his pavilion , ( there being a cessation of arms for that day ) and most of the soldiers were in their tents , or retir'd to their respective posts ; the soldiers that belong'd to the camp in rome under mount alba , and had their wives and children there , fell upon a sudden resolve , which was , to assassinate the emperor , that so they might deliver themselves from the fatigues of a long and almost endless siege , and that they might not contribute to the desolation of italy , to gratifie a tyrant so universally hated and abhorr'd : so taking courage , they march'd at high-noon to the emperor's pavilion , having made his guards accomplices in the design , and after they had torn his pourtraict out of the ensigns , they assaulted and slew both him and his son , as he was coming out of his tent to speak to them . the captain of the life-guard was sacrific'd at the same time , together with all the favourites of the tyrant : their carcases were thrown out to be spurn'd at and trampled upon , and afterwards to be torn in pieces by dogs and birds of prey . only the heads of the two emperors were cut off , and sent to rome . thus fell maximine and his son , receiving the just rewards of a cruel and tyrannical administration . as soon as the emperor's assassination was made publick , the army was in great astonishment . the news was not equally agreeable to all . the thracians and pannonians , who had been the chief instruments of his advancement , were the most deeply afflicted ; but in regard the loss could not be repair'd , they were resolv'd to be as easie under it as they could , and to partake at least seemingly of the general satisfaction which this massacre had given : so they laid down their arms , and approach'd the walls attir'd like friends , and declaring maximine's death , requested the besieg'd to open their gates and receive them , who were now their friends , tho' before they had been their enemies . the aquileians did not think fit to comply with this demand , but set out the statues of maximus and balbinus , and gordian caesar , adorn'd with crowns and chaplets of laurel , expressing their affection to them in shouts of joy , and exhorting the soldiers to do the like , and to own those emperors whom the senate and people had in their wisdom made choice of : the other gordians ( they told them ) were departed to another world , and had taken their places among the immortal gods. then they furnish'd out a market upon the walls of the city , well stock'd with all sorts of victuals and wines , as also with clothes , shoos , and whatever a rich and flourishing city could afford . at this the army was infinitely more amaz'd , when they consider'd , that the city had provisions for a long siege , and that the scarcity of all things in the camp was so extreme , that they must have perish'd by famine before they could have made themselves masters of so well provided a town . so the army sat still before the city , and was supply'd with whatever they had occasion for from thence . the soldiers and citizens conversing together , maintain'd an amicable correspondence , altho' the form of a siege remain'd , and the roman army lay encamp'd around the town . this was the state of affairs at aquileia . in the mean time , the couriers that were sent to rome with maximine's head , made all imaginable expedition , and were receiv'd with open gates by all the towns they pass'd through , the citizens meeting them with branches of laurel in their hands ; and having pass'd the lakes between altinum and ravenna , they found maximus in ravenna , drawing together the choicest of the soldiers both in rome and italy . he had also a considerable reinforcement of german auxiliaries , sent to him by that province , as an acknowledgment of his great care and diligence in his late government in those parts ; and was raising an army against maximine , when they arriv'd with the heads of the slain emperor and his son , and imparted to him the tidings of victory and success , and that both army and people were unanimous in their approbation of the senates choice of emperors . upon this news , so great and unexpected , the altars were loaded with sacrifices , and all men join'd in the celebrating a victory which cost no labour in the obtaining . maximus having sacrific'd , order'd the couriers to go directly to rome with the heads , and news of what had hapned . as soon as they enter'd rome , and fix'd the head of the common enemy upon the point of a lance , so that all the people might behold it , 't is impossible for words to describe the jubile of that day . no man staid at home ; but all , both young and old , throng'd to the temples and altars , and , as if some sudden frenzy had seiz'd them , ran about , congratulating one another , and gather'd together into the cirque , as upon some solemn assembly . balbinus sacrific'd hecatombs , and there was no magistrate or senator but felt extraordinary emotions of joy on this occasion , the sword that hung over their heads being now remov'd . couriers also with laurel branches were dispatch'd to communicate the news to the provinces . while these publick rejoicings were making in rome , maximus parted from ravenna , and came to aquileia , having pass'd the lakes which are made by the exundations of the poe , and the neighbouring fens , which discharge themselves here into the sea at seven mouths , for which reason these lakes are call'd by the natives the seven seas . upon his arrival the gates of the city were immediately open'd , and the aquileians receiv'd him with all the marks of respect . persons of condition were sent to him from all the cities of italy , with addresses of loyalty : their attire was white , and they had in their hands branches ' of laurel , and brought with them the gods of their respective countries , as also crowns of massie gold ; and in token of their affection , they scatter'd flowers upon him , which they seconded with wishes of long life and happy reign . the army too that invested aquileia met him with branches of laurel , in the habits of peace . tho' this publick honour which they did him , was not what any real affection , but an affected zeal and dissembled loyalty prompted them to , they put on a mask , that they might appear of a right complexion for the times : for most of them could not without indignation and resentment behold their own emperor basely murder'd , and the senates creatures sitting at the helm . but maximus , after he had spent two days in offering sacrifice , upon the third order'd the army to be drawn out into the field , where from a throne there erected , he deliver'd himself in the following words . maximus his speech to the army . gentlemen , that it was your true interest to submit to and fall in with the roman people , i doubt not but your own experience has inform'd you . you have exchang'd war for peace , and kept your military oath , that most sacred mystery of the roman empire ; and for the future if you preserve inviolate the faith and duty which you owe to the senate and people of rome , and to us your emperors , you may live in the quiet enjoyment of these advantages . we are your leige lords , elected by the roman people and senate , who were mov'd solely by the consideration of our archievements , and the ancient nobility of our linage : for the empire is not the private inheritance of any particular person , but belongs to the collective body of the roman people : we and you are only intrusted with the executive power or authority , to administer that empire . now if you behave your selves as becomes good and loyal subjects , and pay us the respect and honour that is due to the persons of princes , you may live happily under us , in the secure possession of all the necessary supports of life : and besides , your example will have a good influence upon all our cities and provinces , and will incline them to render a ready and chearful obedience to their several governours . you shall not any more be harrass'd in foreign countries , but shall live henceforth at home , according to your own humours and inclinations . to curb the barbarous nations , shall be our charge and province . the putting the supreme power into two hands , will facilitate the management of affairs in rome ; and if any thing happen in foreign parts , that may require the presence of an emperor , one of us will be always at liberty to observe the motions on that side . and i would not have any of you harbour a jealousie that any thing you have hitherto done hath left any impression upon our minds , or upon the minds of the roman people , or the provinces that revolted for injuries then receiv'd ; seeing what you did then was in obedience to the commands of your prince . let there be then a general oblivion of all that is past , and for the future a firm league of everlasting amity and friendship amongst us . after this harangue , he promis'd great sums of money to the soldiers ; and resolving after a short stay in aquileia to return to rome , order'd the remainder of the forces into their respective provinces and quarters , only taking with him to rome the praetorian soldiers , with the forces commanded by balbinus , and the german auxiliaries , of whose loyalty he had a singular good opinion , in regard he had govern'd in those parts with great moderation , before this advancement to the empire . at his publick entry into rome , he was met by balbinus and gordian caesar , accompanied by the whole senate and people , who receiv'd him with acclamations of joy and triumph . after this , they administer'd the state with great order and gravity , to the general satisfaction of all ranks and degrees of men. the people rejoic'd , and glory'd in their emperors , whose noble birth and personal merit render'd them worthy of the empire . but , on the other hand , the soldiers were violently bent against them ; they were offended with the very acclamations of the people , and the nobility so much cry'd up by them , minister'd matter of disgust to these , which was encreas'd by the odious circumstance of their being elected by the senate . the retaining also the germans , and the quartering them in rome , gave them great jealousie ; they foresaw they would oppose their designs , and suspected a project was afoot to disarm them , and that the germans were to execute it , and to have their places if they succeeded ; a late instance whereof there was in severus's reign , who cashier'd the guards that were concern'd in pertinax's assassination . so when the games instituted in honour of jupiter capitolinus were to be celebrated , and all mens minds were bent upon the shews and publick entertainments that were made on that occasion , upon a sudden the praetorian soldiers threw off the mask , and boldly publish'd their disaffection to the government , which they had till now industriously disguis'd ; and being hurry'd on by a wild rage , ran up to the imperial palace , and surpriz'd the persons of the emperors . it hapned at that time , there was no good understanding between the emperors themselves : for each strove to engross the sovereign power to himself ; so extravagant are our desires of rule , and so incommunicable is the nature of that power we desire . balbinus laid great stress upon his two consulships , and the illustrious family from whence he was sprung , and thought they gave him the preheminence : and on the other hand , maximus valu'd himself no less upon his government of rome , and his skill and address in the management of affairs : and , in short , high birth and great alliances push'd them both on to the desires of sole and uncontested dominion ; which thing ruin'd them both : for when maximus was advertiz'd that the praetorian soldiers were in arms , and resolv'd to sacrifice them to their present fury , he would have sent for the germans that quarter'd in rome to quell this commotion ; but balbinus oppos'd it , apprehending that some intrigue or practice was carrying on against him ; for he knew very well , that the germans were all devoted to maximus's interests , and declar'd openly , that they were not sent for to repress the insolence of the praetorians , but to wrest the sovereign power out of his hands , and lodge it entirely in maximus . during this heat and debate between the emperors , the praetorian soldiers ( those that guarded the gates giving way ) broke into the palace , and seiz'd the persons of the emperors , and tearing off their clothes , which were courser than they ordinarily appear'd in abroad , dragg'd them naked out of the palace , treating them with all the contempt and indignity imaginable , even to the striking , and calling them in derision the senates creatures : they pluck'd them also by the beard and eye-brows , and hal'd them through the middle of the city to the camp , not forbearing the most irreverent and barbarous usage . they were resolv'd not to kill them in the palace , but to reserve them for more exquisite torments , of which they would be longer sensible . the germans , upon notice of this outrage , arm'd themselves in great haste , and came running to assist the emperors ; whereupon the praetorian soldiers put an end to their lives and torments together , all the parts of their bodies being before most inhumanely mangled . their dead bodies they left in the open street , and mounting gordian caesar aloft , proclaim'd him emperor , ( because at that time they could find no body else ) and cry'd aloud to the people , that they had only destroy'd those emperors that were made such against their will , and had elected gordian , nephew to that noble patriot of the same name , who was constrain'd by the roman people to take upon him the empire . after this they retir'd with their new emperor into the camp , and shut up their gates , making no farther effort at this time : and the germans finding they were too late , and that they whom they came to rescue were slain , esteem'd it not advisable to engage in a fruitless war , on the account of men that were dead : so they return'd to their several quarters . such was the cruel and undeserved fate of these truly worthy and venerable patriots , who were justly rais'd to the empire , for their noble birth , and eminent vertues : and gordian caesar , who was then about the age of thirteen , was declar'd emperor , and began his reign . finis . books sold by john hartley over against gray's-inn in holborn . the blasphemous socinian heresie disproved and confuted : wherein the doctrinal and controversial parts of those points are handled , and the adversaries scripture and school-arguments answered : with animadversions upon a late book , call'd , christianity not mysterious . humbly dedicated to both houses of parliament . by j. gailhard gent. octavo . price 3 s. 6 d. the epistle and preface to the book against the blasphemous socinian heresie , vindicated ; and the charge therein against socinianism , made good : in answer to two letters . by j. gailhard gent. price 1 s. verdicts of the learned , concerning virgil's and homer's heroick poems . quarto . price 6 d. regular and irregular thoughts in poets and orators . quarto . price 6 d. a view of the admiral jurisdiction , wherein the most material points concerning that jurisdiction are fairly and submissively discussed , as also divers of the laws , customs , rights , and privileges , of the high admiralty of england , by ancient records , and other arguments of law , asserted . whereunto is added , by way of appendix , an extract of the ancient laws of oleron , for the better regulation and government of merchants , owners of ships and part-owners , masters of ships , and common mariners , in all maritime affairs : with a catalogue of all the lords high admirals that have been in this kingdom since king john's time , to the reign of his now most gracious majesty king james the second . by j. godolphin , ll. d. price 1 s. 6 d. utopia : written in latin by sir thomas more chancellor of england . translated into english , by bishop b. price 1 s. antonii le grand dissertatio de ratione cognoscendi : & appendix de mutatione formali , cum castigationibus errorum , calumniarum , praevaricationum , quibus j. s. in duobus libris , quorum prior methodus sciendi , alter solida philosophia intitulatur : cartesium , malbranchium , stas , quos vocat omnes . immo & aristotelem , non deum ipsum , multa cum futilitate , nec minore fastu , nuperrime adortus est . price 2 s. ☞ the history and fate of sacrilege , discover'd by examples of scripture , of heathens , and of christians , from the beginning of the world continually to this day . by sir henry spelman knight . wrote in the year 1632. a treatise omitted in the late edition of his posthumous works , and now published for the terror of evil doers . to which is added , an historical account of the beginners of a monastick life in asia , africa , and europe . by sir roger twifden knight and baronet . price 4 s. all the works of that famous historian salust containing, i. the conspiracy and war of cataline, undertaken against the government of the senate of rome. [2]. the war which jugurth for many years maintained against the same state. with all his historical fragments. two epistles to cæasar concerning the institution of a common-wealth and one against cicero: with annotations. to which is prefixt the life of salust. made english according to the present idiom of speech. sallust, 86-34 b.c. 1692 approx. 476 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 186 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2007-10 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a60419 wing s404 estc r218605 99830182 99830182 34632 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a60419) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 34632) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2019:06) all the works of that famous historian salust containing, i. the conspiracy and war of cataline, undertaken against the government of the senate of rome. [2]. the war which jugurth for many years maintained against the same state. with all his historical fragments. two epistles to cæasar concerning the institution of a common-wealth and one against cicero: with annotations. to which is prefixt the life of salust. made english according to the present idiom of speech. sallust, 86-34 b.c. caesar, julius. [12], 355, [1] p. : port. (metalcut) printed for r. wilde, at the map of the world in st. paul's church-yard, [london] : 1692. place of publication from wing. imperfect: failed to print "2" or "ii" on title page. reproduction of the original at the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng cicero, marcus tullius -early works to 1800. sallust, 86-34 b.c. -early works to 1800. rome -history -conspiracy of catiline, 65-62 b.c. -early works to 1800. 2006-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-09 john latta sampled and proofread 2006-09 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion all the works of that famous his ; torian salust . containing , 1. the conspiracy and war of cataline , undertaken against the government of the senate of rome . 2. the war which jugurth for many years maintained against the same state . with all his historical fragments . two epistles to caesar concerning the institution of a common-wealth and one against cicero : with annotations . to which is prefixt the life of salvst . made english according to the present idiom of speech . printed for r. wilde , at the map of the world in st. paul's church-yard . 1692. portrait of sallust to the reader . among the several histories that salustwrote when living , by which he acquir'd the title of prince of historians , there are none that have reach'd our times entire , nor many ages before , but only the conspiracy of catiline , and the war of jugurth . the rest were stifl'd , as some conjecture , by the admirers of cicero and livy , mortal enemies to the fame of crispus . the orations also in his fragments and his two epistles to caesar are without all doubt his own ; so that there is nothing to be question'd but his declamation against cicero . yet that stands fair too in the opinion of jerom and fabius . but let the nicer criticks dispute that point ; certain it is , that salustis one of the greatest latinauthors extant , both for stile and language . of whom quintilian says , that livy was fitter to be read by boys , then salust , as being the nobler historian of the two , whom rightly to understand both age and judgement were requir'd . conformable to which , l. vivesspeaking of this fam'd historian , salustsays he , the most florid writer of theroman atchievements , is very frequently thumb'd by school-boys , but in my opinion much more deserves to be handl'd by men of riper years and understanding . there are two things , for which salustis applauded and admir'd above all others , except thucidides of whom he was an imitator ; fidelity and conciseness . as to the first , vibius sequester and st. jerome gave him the encomiums of autor certissimus ; and st. austinstiles him an historian of ennobl'd truth . his conciseness and the gravity of his sentences acquir'd him by the unanimous consent of all the learned men of martial's time , to be romana primus in historia : and quintillian affirms the salustian brevity to be such , that nothing can be more perfect to a learned ear. nevertheless , and altho' these curtail'd sentenses , these unexpected cadences of periods , this obscure brevity of salust , might well be apprehended and understood by them whose mother language was the latine tongue , yet they that are not accustom'd to the natural idiom of any speech , will find it a hard task to unravel the sence of sentences including much in little . as if these mystic authors made it their strife to imitate nature , that holds her most precious treasures in the earth , to make us delve and labour before we can come at ' em . and therefore i cannot chuse but laugh at those who tell me 't is an easy thing to translate salust , translate ! there 's no such thing to be done . for to translate him word for word into english , were to set the two languages together by the ears : you may as well make brains and stairs to rime , as make that sense in english which is sence in the original . as may be seen by those hide-bound transtionss of heywood and cross ; especially the latter ; so pitiful , that the very ribbs of verbal deformity appear through the slender skin of the translation : especially when they come to the knotty orations and moral excursions of their author . for his compacted latin is like a solid piece of gum that must be melted into english phrase , before it will dlate it self . but nothing plagu'd me more then to observe that insipid clutter which that impertinent and trifling chiurm of pedants make , that call themselves expositors : a sort of pismires , whose laborious toyl produces nothing but the most chaffy and husky part of all learning . they fill the text with stars and little letters ; but when you think to meet with a clue to guide ye through the labyrinth of the obscurity ; heavens ! how your expectations are deceiv'd ! there 's nothing but a scuffle about the genitive or the ablative case , whether locupletum or locupletium ; whether locupleti or locuplete ; whether ac or et . when you look for the unravelling of a dark sentence , satis , cries thomas a didimus , is absent in four manuscripts . apage at , cries another in great wrath : another as furiously sends que to the gallows , or to use their own words , ad gemonias scalas . another storms , and says it must be written plancia and not plautia with a dipthong : another will have it right or wrong ab numidis , and not a numidis ; another tho' it cost him a fall will have it arteis and not artes ; omneis and not omnes . another finds that his changing ne into nec will do the business , and then he crows out like a cock of the game , heureca , heureca , as if he had made a new discovery of a fifth part of the earth : with a thousand more such fopperies as these . as if it were not better to cite the variations of manuscripts , for others to make a judicious choice , or else to be careful in correcting the truest edition , without such a deal of triffling ostentation , and bringing all the old roman engines upon the stage of an annotation to defend an autem or an etiam , in hazard of eternal extirpation , all this while not a word of the authors meaning : not the least dark-lanthorn light into the obscurity of the sence . besides when that there is a gapp indeed , there like hounds at a fault , they sinell about , and snuff up their noses i' th air , but all to no purpose ; they are got into a wood , and the game is lost . thus finding little aid from them , after a more serious study and meditation i found salust to be the best expounder of himself : only that it would take up a little more time and industry . both which produc'd at length this new attempt to make the choicest of the latine historians more moderately familiar with the english tongue . wherein however i do not think my self so absolute , but that i am ready to submit to any other , who may think to gain a better credit by correcting what i have done amiss . the life of c. salustius crispus . c. salustius crispus ( not to trifflle as vossius and others do , whether salustius were spelt with a double or single l ) was born at amiternum ( formerly a great city of the sabines ; now s to victorino a smallage in that part of italy called la sabina ) the next year after catullus was born at verona , or the same year that athens was taken and sack'd by sylla 's army . he was descended of the noble family of the salustii , which for a long series of years retain'd the splendor of its antient dignity . it is by all allow'd that from his childhood he had his education in rome , and that his genius led him to the milder studies of the liberal arts. but hapning to live in those unfortunate times of faction and popular siding , when vertue and learning wanted their due encouragements ( his inclinations being deprav'd in a city so corrupted ) he was easily vanquish'd by voluptuous allurements . so that being call'd to public employment , so soon as his years render'd him capable of it , he suffer'd many misfortunes , through the iniquity of the times ; in regard the commonwealth was then turmoyl'd and beset with sylla 's party . however this is certain that salust had a ready wit , and was well versed in all kind of learning , though his chiefest excellency lay in writing history . wherein he was much beholding to atteius philologus the grammarian , who furnish'd him with an epitome of all the roman atchievements to pick and choose what he pleas'd himself . he was a tribune of the people the same year that clodius was slain by milo , seven hundred and two from the building of the city ; at what time pompey the great was consul alone for several months without any collegue . in that tribuneship , wherein hs got no repute at all , he was a great enemy as well to cicero as milo ; for that being taken with fausta , the daughter of l. sylla , he was order'd to be well scourg'd by milo ; and not so discharg'd neither , till he had paid a sum of money . for which gellius brings the testimony of m. varro , in a book which he entitled de pace . and several other authors , among the rest the author of the invectives against salust ascrib'd to cicero , says , that he was expell'd the senate for his fornications and adulteries , by appius claudius pulcher , and l. calpurnius piso , then censors in the year from the city built 703. of which expulsion dio likewise makes mention . suetonius also in his book of the famous grammarians , relates how he was lampoon'd by leneus the enfranchiz'd bondman of pompey the great , who never scrupl'd to call him glutton , whoremaster , varlet and debauchee ; a monster of contrarieties in his life and writings : in confirmation of which , lactantius says of him , that he was a slave to his lusts , and defil'd his own sentences by the wickedness of his life . so hard a thing it is for a man to say well and do well . however by the favour of julius caesar , when he came to have the power in his own hands , he recover'd his senatorian dignity , was made questor ; and then pretor ; in which employment he was commanded by caesar , then bound for africa against scipio , to sail with part of his navy to the island of cercina , to fetch corn. afterwards , when juba was kill'd , and his kingdom reduc'd into a province , caesar left him with an army proconsul or deputy lieutenant of numidia ; where , by peeling and polling the country , he so well lin'd his coffers , that he bought a whole forum or market-place in rome , where now stands the temple of sta susanna ; the village of * tiburtum , and those gardens which still to this day retain the name of salustian . caesar forgave him his depredation ; but he could never wipe of the ignominy of being so sharp a reprover of other men's failings , who was so vicious himself . he marry'd terentia , cicero 's wife , after her being divorc'd from her husband ; and at the age of threescore years , some say threescore and two , died presently after the murder of his patron , julius caesar ; and was buried in the same place where he was born ; leaving behind him those living monuments , that will preserve his memory so long as learning endures . the war of cataline , by caius sallustius crispus . it behoves all men that labour to excel all other creatures , to make it their chief endeavour not to wast their lives in silence like the brute beasts , form'd by nature prone to the earth , and only slaves to their bellies . but our whole strength and vigor is sòated as well in the mind as in the body . we make more use of the command of the mind than of the service of the body . the one we share with the gods , the other is common to us with the beasts . whence it appears to be a nobler way to purchase glory rather by our ingenuity , than our strength of body ; and because the life it self which we enjoy is but of short continuance , to render our memories the longest that we can . for the spendor of form and riches is frail and transitory ; but vertue is accounted illustrious and eternal . 't is true the contest has been long among mortals which most prevail'd in war , vigor of mind , or strength of body . for first , before we begin , it behoves us to consult , and after deliberation , nothing more requisite than speedy execution . thus both defective of themselves , the one becomes effectual by the assistance of the other . therefore at the beginning kings ( for that was the first title of soveraign dignity upon earth ) predominant in several places , some made use of their parts and ingenuity , others exercis'd their bodies . then also was the life of man without ambition ; while every one was pleas'd with what himself enjoy'd . but after that in asia cyrus , in greece the lacedaemonians and athenians , began to subdue cities and nations , that they made ambition of dominion the cause and foundation of war ; and measur'd the extent of glory by the spaciousness of their territories , then danger and business taught the world that war was chiefly manag'd by wit and ingenuity . so that if the vertue and magnanimity of kings and emperors were alike in peace as in war , human affairs would be less subject to inconstancy ; nor should we see such changes , such revolutions , nor such topsy turvies in the world . for empire is easily preserv'd by the arts , by which it was at first acquir'd . but when sloth , instead of industry ; when ambition and pride , instead of equity and moderation , invaded once the breasts of men , then their fortune with their customs underwent a universal change . thus is empire always translated to every one that is most excellent from the inferiour and less brave . the toyls of plowing , hazards of navigation , and expence of building , all submit to vertue , as being obedient to her instigations . but many men addicted to luxury and sleep , illiterate and void of education , consume their lives like travellers upon the road ; to whom , quite contrary to nature , their body is a pleasure , but their soul a burden . now their living and their dying , i look upon to be the same , as being both buried in silence . but he it is , who seems to me to live and enjoy a soul , who finding himself employment , labours for the fame of some great action , or some noble science . though in such a vast variety of business , nature chalks out distinct and various roads for differing undertakers . among the rest 't is highly commendable to act well for the common-wealth ; nor is it absurd to speak well in its honour ; for thus may fame be purchas'd both in peace and war ; since many are applauded that acted themselves , and many that wrote the atchievements of others . and for my own part , although i never thought the same renown attended the writer as the accomplisher of great affairs , yet it seems to be no such easy task to commit to writing public and memorable transactions . first because that deeds require words to equal their grandeur : for that most people believe the reprehensions of crimes and miscarriages , to be the reprimands of envy or ill will : where the author insists upon the vertue and honour of good men , there , whatever every one deems easily perform'd he patiently endures ; but whatever is extraordinary , that he accounts as fiction . for my part from my youth , my inclinations carry'd me to public affairs , where i met with many crosses and obstructions of misfortune . for modesty , abstinency and vertue were over rul'd by insolence , profuseness and avarice . which though my disposition abhor'd , as unaccustom'd to the practices of evil , yet among so many vices , my weak and tender age could not resist the strong corruptions of ambition . and though averse to the lewd customs of the age , yet the same ambition tormented me as well as others , with thirst of fame and envy'd greatness . therefore , when after many miseries and dangers , my thoughts came once to be at rest , and that i had resolv'd to spend the remainder of my days remote from business , my intentions were not to consume a happy leasure in sloth and vanity , nor to waste my time upon those meaner and more servile employments of husbandry and hunting ; but returning to the same designs and purposes , from whence unruly ambition had before withdrawn me , i determin'd briefly to write the several transactions and atchievements of the roman people , as they occurr'd most worthy the remembrance of posterity : so much the rather , as knowing my self no way engag'd by hope or fear , nor any way byass'd by prejudice or interest . in pursuance of which determination i shall endeavour a concise , and to the utmost of my ability , a sincere relation of cataline's conspiracy . for that same perpetrated act of villany do i esteem most memorable , as well for the novelty of the crime as of the danger . of the manners and inclinations of which person it will be expedient in the first place , to give a short accompt before i begin my relation . l. cataline , descended of a noble family , was a person of great strength and vigour both of body and mind ; but of an evil and vicious disposition . from his early adolescency nothing was more grateful to him than civil war ; slaughter , rapine and domestic discord were the pastimes of his youth . he had a body enur'd to hunger , cold , and want of sleep beyond belief . daring beside , and crafty , inconstant , able to counterfeit and dissemble what he pleas'd himself ; greedy of other mens proprieties , prodigal of his own ; ardent in his desires , and burning in his lusts ; sufficiently eloquent , but his stock of prudence very small ; a vast mind that always thirsted after things exorbitant , incredible , and two high above his reach . this man , after the domination and tyranny of l. sylla , nothing would satisfie but an unreasonable desire of invading the common-weal . nor by what means he might obtain it , so he might grasp a kingdom to himself , did he at all regard or value . but every day his thoughts were more and more turmoyl'd , himself grown wild through his domestic wants , and the guilt of his crimes . both which he had accumulated by his deprav'd and vicious life , augmented moreover by the corrupted customs of the city ; which two the worst distempers of a common-wealth , and most directly opposite one to another , luxury and avarice , infected at that time . for which reason , the subject it self seems to require , since opportunity has put us in mind of the vices of the city , to go a little back , and take a short view of the constitutions of our ancestors ; after what manner they govern'd the common-wealth , how they left it , and how being alter'd by degrees , from most beautiful and famous , it became deformed and flagitious . the city of rome , as i have gather'd from tradition , at first the trojans built and then possess'd ; who under the conduct of eneas , fugitives from their native country , wander'd up and down without any certain habitations ; with whom also join'd the original off-spring of the land ; a savage sort of people , living at their full swinge of liberty and licence without laws or government . these after they were muster'd together within the same walls , of differing race , and different language both , and no less different in their manners and ceremonies of living , incredible it is to think how easily they embody'd . but when their power , enlarg'd with number of citizens , with constitutions and extent of territory , began to seem sufficiently prosperous and prevalent , as generally it happens among mortals , envy sprung from opulency . the neighbouring princes and states disturb'd 'em with invafions ; few of their friends would stir to their relief ; the rest dismay'd with fear kept far enough from danger . the romans therefore sedulous at home and no less diligent abroad , make hast , prepare , encourage one another ; march forth to meet the enemy , and with their arms protect their liberty , their country and their aged parents . afterwards , when they had foyl'd all danger , and repell'd it from their own walls , they lent their succour to their friends and allies ; and establish'd amity and leagues among the neighbours more by giving than receiving benefits . legitimate was their form of goverment ; and the title of their form was regal . certain persons selected , whose bodies were infirm with years , but active brains were vigorous in wisdom , consulted for the common good ; who either for their age , or the resemblance of their cares , were call'd fathers . afterwards , when regal dominion , made choice of at the beginning for the preservation of liberties , and enlarging the territories of the common-wealth , degenerated into pride and tyranny , changing their custom , they set up annual governments , and became subject to two supream commanders . for by that means they thought to prevent the pride of dignity from growing too exorbitant . but at that time every one began to advance himself more and more , and to shew the sharpness of his wit upon all occasions . for kings are still more jealous of the vertuous than the wicked ; and always that vertue which displays it self in others is most formidable . but the city , so soon as once it had recover'd its liberty , incredible it is to think how suddenly in grew into renown ; such was the universal desire of fame and glory . immediately the youth of the city were no sooner able to endure the hardships of war , but in the camp continual labour taught 'em the practice of military discipline ; while their delight was only in their burnish'd armour , and their warlike steeds , contemning effeminate lewdness and voluptuous riot . to such men therefore labour was no unusual thing , not any cliff seem'd steep and rugged , nor armed enemy frightful : their vertue subdu'd all things ; while the chiefest contests among them were only for fame and honour . every one hasten'd to give his enemy the first blow ; to scale the wall , and be conspicuous in the action . in such atchievements they plac'd their chiefest riches , their greatest honour , and most illustrious nobility . covetous of applause they were , but liberal of their money ; vast fame , but moderate wealth was their desire . i could call to mind in what pitch'd fields the roman people with a small handful of men have over-thrown most numerous armies of their enemies ; what cities fortifi'd by nature they have wrested from the defendants by bare fighting , but that i fear so great a task would draw me too far from my design . nevertheless fortune assuredly prevails in every thing , she celebrates or ecclipses all things more according to her own will and pleasure than adhering to truth . the actions of the athenians were sufficiently great and magnificent , in my opinion ; however somewhat less than fame reports ' em . but in regard that there it was so many writers flourish'd , matchless for their ingenuity , the athenian atchievements are those which are celebrated above all others over all the world. and the vertue and courage of those that perform'd those great actions are deem'd to be as great as those high soaring wits had with their eloquence extoll'd 'em to be . but the people of rome had never that abundance , because that the most prudent were still most publickly engag'd : no man exercis'd his wit without his body ; every one chose rather to act than speak ; and that his deeds of merit should rather be applauded by others , than that he should be the magnifier of other men's exploits . and therefore both in peace and war good customs were religiously observ'd . there was most of unity , the least of avarice . right and justice among them prevail'd by nature more than through the terrour of the law. their quarrels , their discords and their contentions were only with their enemies ; citizen with citizens contested only for preheminence in vertue : magnificent in their adoration of the gods , thrifty in their houses , and faithful to their friends . by these two never failing means , in war by daring boldness , and when at peace by justice , they preserv'd both themselves and the common-weal . of all which things i have these signal proofs to produce , for that in war , they more severely punish'd those , who disobedient to command adventur'd to fight the enemy , or latest left the field when order'd to retreat , than such as durst forsake their colours , or give ground to their adversary . on the other side , in peace they rather chose to oblige by beneficial indulgence , than constrain by fear : and having receiv'd an affront they rather chose to pardon than to prosecute . thus while the common-wealth enlarg'd it self by labour and justice , kings vastly potent were subdu'd by war , barbarous and populous nations were tam'd by force : carthage jealous of the roman empire was utterly ruin'd ; all seas and continents lay open ; fortune seem'd to rage and ranverse all the world . they who had undergone all sorts of labour , dangers , hardships and uncertainties of chance , leasure and riches so much desir'd by others , to them were but a burthen and affliction . first therefore thirst of money , then of rule encreas'd . they , were the materials of all ensuing mischiefs : for avarice subverted fidelity , probity , and all other vertuous practices : in stead of these it taught 'em pride , cruelty , to neglect the gods , and to put all things to sale. on the other side ambition enslav'd her captives to treachery ; to conceal one thing within their breasts , and utter quite the contrary with their tongues : to estimate friendship and hatred not as they are in themselves , but according to the dictate of interest : and to carry rather an honest countenance than an honest intention . these things at first insensibly grew up , and sometimes were punish'd . but when the contagion once began to spread , the face of the whole city was alter'd , and that government which was the justest and the best , became not only cruel but intolerable . but first of all ambition more than avarice employ'd the thoughts of men. a vice that approaches the nearest of the two to vertue . for that the sedulous and slothful are equally covetous of glory , honour , and dominion . however the one takes the right course to obtain his lawful ends ; the other wanting vertuous means , by fraud and treachery aspires to what he never deserv'd . avarice , toiles and labours after money ; of which no wise man ever coveted the superfluity . that vice , envenom'd as it were with poisonous mixtures , effeminates the body and the masculine soul of all mankind : 't is always unlimited and insatiable ; neither does abundance or penury exhaust it . but after l. sylla , having by force of arms laid violent hands upon the common-weal , turn'd good beginnings into ruinous events , then there was nothing but rending and tearing ; one must have a house , another lands ; the victours observ'd no bounds , no moderation , but fowl and hainous were there cruelties to their fellow citizens . to which we may add , that l. sylla , contrary to the custom of our ancestors , oblig'd the army which he had commanded in asia , thereby to render it more affectionate and faithful to his interest , by a toleration of all manner of luxury , debauchery ; and the delightful quarters where they wallow'd in pleasure and ease , had soon softn'd the fierce and martial dispositions of the souldiery . and then it was that the roman army first began to be in love , to drink , to admire pictures and emboss'd goblets of gold and silver , to commit public and private robbery , to plunder the very temples , and to pollute all things both sacred and prophane . therefore those souldiers , after they had once obtain'd the victory , left nothing remaining for the vanquish'd : for prosperous success never leaves tyring out the minds of wisest men with her importunities , least they themselves , their manners being corrupted , should moderate their conquests , or know which way to consult for the best . when opulency thus began to be in high esteem , and that renown , dominion , power attended upon riches ; vertue began to grow numb and stupid , poverty to be derided , and innocence to be taken for ill will. therefore from the source of riches , luxury and avarice together with immoderate pride first assail'd the roman youth . and then their business was to catch and snatch , consume , despise their own and covet other men's ; to cast off shame and modesty , make no distinction of divine or human , nor any reckoning of thrift or moderation . it might be worth the while for him that first has view'd so many houses and palaces , rear'd up as big as villages , to visit the temples , which our ancestors , the most religious of mortals , erected to the gods. you find 'em much the lesser fabricks ; yet they adorn'd their temples with piety , their houses with fame and honour ; nor did they deprive the vanquish'd of any thing but only the liberty of doing wrong . but these men , quite the contrary , of mortals the most slothful , most wickedly , and ingloriously wrest from their friends and allies those things which their couragious and victorious ancestors left their very enemies , as if doing wrong were the true exercise of dominion . for wherefore should i call to mind those things , which , unless to such as have beheld 'em , are hardly credible , that is to say , great mountains levell'd , and whole sea 's built over by several private persons , that in so doing seem'd to me to make a may-game of their riches ? since what they might have honourably enjoy'd , they made such hast in scorn to fling away . nor is the rage of adulterous lust , of brothel-haunting and other bestialities less prevalent , while men as women suffer , and women make public prostitutions of their chastity : to satiate their riot , they ransack sea and land : they sleep ere need of rest requires : nor will they stay in expectation of hunger or thirst , of cold or weariness ; but all those things their luxury prevents . and those exorbitances inflam'd the roman youth , when once their patrimonies fail'd , to seek for new supplies , by acts of horror and impiety : for when the mind is season'd thoroughly with evil courses , it never fails of loose desires ; and for that reason so much the more profusely raves after extravagant gain and wild expence . in so great and so corrupt a city , cataline , a peice of pomp most easily to be obtain'd , walk'd the streets attended by whole troops of dissolute ruffians and debauchees that follow'd his heels , like so many guards of his body . for whoever he were that void of shame , an adulterer , a glutton or a gamester had dissipated his paternal fortunes either with his hand , or kindness to his belly , venereal member , or run himself up to the ears in debt , to purchase the pardon of his villanies : all parricides , sacrilegious persons , convicts after sentence , or such as fear'd the judgment of the law for their misdeeds ; moreover such whose hands or tongues earn'd 'em their bread by perjuries or shedding civil blood ; and lastly , all whom villany , penury , or guilt of conscience agitated with continual terror , these were cataline's familiars and favourites . or if any person blameless and free from miscarriage happen'd to light into his friendship , by dayly practice and repeated allurements , he soon was taught to be alike and equal to the rest ; for above all he coveted the acquaintance of young men , whose disposition 's being soft and yielding , were easily entangl'd in the snares of crafty temptation . for still as he observ'd the flame of their youthful inclinations , some he dazl'd with the charms of curtezans ; while others were won with dogs and horses . nor did he spare for cost or to expose his own reputation , so he might render 'em obnoxious and faithful to himself . i know there were some people who shrewdly suspected , that the young gentlemen frequenting cataline's house , were somewhat too undecently lavish of their chastity : but that report was raiss'd and believ'd , rather upon other grounds , then that any person could affirm it upon knowledg . cataline had been guilty of several nefarious fornications , as having debauch'd a lady of noble extraction , and a vestal virgin , besides sundry other crimes , of the same nature , which he had committed in contempt of gods and men. at length , falling in love with aurelia orestilla , who had never any thing in the world to commend her in the opinion of any honest man , besides her form , because she delay'd to marry him for fear of her son-in-law that was of age , 't is certainly believ'd , that he murder'd the young man , and extinguish'd the family to enjoy an impious wedlock . which fact of his seems chiefly to me to have been the cause of hastning his villanous design . for his polluted soul abominable both to gods and men , could take no rest awake or asleep ; in such a manner did his conscience perplex and terrify his restless and destracted mind . therefore was his complexion pale and wan ; his eyes hollow , his pace sometimes swift , sometimes slow ; in a word , madness and fury display'd themselves in every lineament of his countenance . and for the young gentlemen whom he had thus debauch'd , he was not wanting so to instruct 'em , as to make 'em serviceable to all his pernicious purposes . for out of them he cull'd false witnesses and forgers of wills and deeds . them he taught to despise their credit , their fortunes and all manner of danger . and when he had thus ruin'd their honour , and their modesty , then he commanded other greater villanies . and if he could not meet with a present opportunity for mischief , they were to circumvent and massacre the innocent as if they had been guilty ; meerly to keep their thoughts and hands in ure ; while their tutour rather chose to exercise his cruelty gratis , then to lie idle in drowsy wickedness . confiding in such friends and associates as these , cataline began to consult how he might grasp the soveraign power , and subdue the common-weal : so much the rather because he knew his own retinue to be so vastly every where in debt , and for that the most of sylla's souldiers having spent their ill got plunder , and calling these victorious daies to mind , when they wallow'd in rapine and massacre , both the one and the other thirsted after civil war. in italy there was no army . pompey was waging war in the remote parts of the world ; he had great hopes , if he stood for the consulship , of obtaining it . the senate were careless and minded little business ; all things were quiet and a kind of calm of affairs : which were all seasonable opportunities for cataline . therefore about the first of june , lucius caesar , and caius figulus being consuls , first he discourses 'em in private one by one , encourages some , of others he feels the pulses , urges his own power , the unprovided condition of the common-wealth , and the vast rewards of a successful conspiracy : and when he had sufficiently tented every one in particular , he summons 'em all together , whom he knew to be most in want and daringly bold . upon this summons there appeared of the senatorian order publius lentulus sura , p. autronius , cassius longinus , caius cethegus , p. and ser. sylla , the sons of servius ; lucius vargunteius , q. annius , m. porcius lecca , lucius bestia , q. curius . moreover of the degree of knights , m. fulvius nobilior , lucius statilius , mar. gabinius capito , and caius cornelius . besides those there were also many out of the roman colonies , and municipal towns , who were of noble extraction at home . nor were there wanting a good number of other accomplices , who more privately and closely favour'd and abetted this design , excited rather by the hopes of domination , than through any want or necessity . however , the greatest part of the younger sort , especially the nobly descended , wish'd well to cataline's proceedings : who having sufficient wherewithal to live in pomp and luxury , yet rather chose uncertainties for certainties , and war instead of peace . there were also some at the same time who verily believ'd that m. licinius crassus was not ignorant of the design , in regard that pompey , whom he hated , then commanding a numerous army , he minded not what party he supported in opposition to his power : confident moreover , that if the conspiracy prevail'd , he should easily be able to make himself chief head of the faction . yet some few there were , who joyn'd in a conspiracy against the common-wealth before : of which design it is my purpose now , as truly as i can , to give a plain and unbyass'd account . l. tullus , and m. lepidus being consuls , p. autronius , and p. sylla being design'd consuls , being accus'd of using indirect means to attain their honour , had undergone the punishment of the law. a little after that , cataline being condemn'd for bribery , was forbid to stand for the consulship ; so that he could not give in his name within the days appointed by the law. at the same time there was also cn. piso , a young gentleman of noble and ancient extraction , most daringly arrogant , needy and factious , whose wants and wicked course of life , spurr'd him forward to disturb the common-wealth . with him cataline and autronius having consulted together upon the fifth of december , agreed upon the first of january ensuing to assassinate lucius cotta , and lucius torquatus , the two consuls , in the capitol . which done , they themselves , after they had seiz'd upon the fasces , or ensigns of consular dignity , were to have sent piso with an army to take possession of both the spanish provinces . but this plot having taken wind , they deferr'd the execution of the murder till the fifth of february following , but contriv'd in the mean time the massacre , not only of the consuls , but of most of the senators ; so that had not cataline been too hasty to give the signal to the rest of his confedrates , since the first foundations of rome were laid , never had an act of villany so execrable been perpetrated within her walls . but the conspirators not meeting so early as they ought to have done , that opportunity was lost . after this , piso was sent treasurer or questor into the hither province of spain , with praetorian power , crassus conniving at it , because he knew him to be a bitter enemy of pompey's . neither was the senate averse from decreeing him the province , as being desirous to remove from the city a person of his vitious principles . besides , they thought that many good men might relie upon him ; for that pompey's greatness began already to be formidable . but piso , in his journey toward his province , was slain by certain spanish horsemen that he carry'd along with him in his army . some there are who report , the barbarians could not brook his unjust , his haughty and cruel commands : though others say , that those horsemen , having been long patroniz'd by pompey , and being become his faithful clients , had by his connivance made that attempt upon piso : for that the spaniards had never enterpriz'd so foul a fact before ; although they had suffer'd formerly many more severities of lordly imposition : however it were , we shall leave the question undetermin'd : and so let this suffice concerning the first conspiracy . cataline , when he saw the persons , by me already mention'd , to be assembl'd all together , though he had frequently discours'd the point with every one apart , however , deeming it more advantageous to his design to bespeak and encourage'em all together , withdrew into the remotest part of the house , and there excluding all others that were not absolutely concern'd , he made 'em an oration to this effect . were i not sufficiently assur'd of your courage and fidelity , in vain this opportunity had happen'd ; in vain had i conceiv'd these noble hopes of absolute dominion ; nor should i go about to grasp at uncertainties upon the weak support of sloth , or fickle irresolution . but because i have found ye stout and faithful to me in many and most desperate attempts , therefore it is that my undaunted bravery has begun the greatest and noblest of designs : as also for that i understand you have no other felicity or miseries but what are still the same with mine ; for to have still the same desires , and the same disaffections , that 's the only firm and perfect friendship . now what it is i have been thus revolving in my mind , you have already severally heard . and i must tell ye , that this resolution of mine is every day still more and more enflam'd , when i consider what our future condition of life must be , unless that we our selves redeem our own endanger'd liberty . for when the common-wealth is once reduc'd under the power and jurisdiction of a few , then shall kings and tetrachs be their slaves and tributary vassals . people , nations must pay them their taxes and impositions : all others , as well the brave , the stout , the noble must be the vulgar herd , dishonour'd and without the least authority , in subjection to them , to whom , did but the common-wealth retain it's perfect health and vigour , we should be a terrour : while they engross to themselves all favours , honour , dignity and riches , or else bestow 'em where they please , but leave us nothing but dangers , repulses , condemnations and poverty : which how long will ye at length endure , most couragious of men ? is it not far more glorious to dye magnanimously and bravely , then ignominiously to lose a miserable and contemptible life , after ye have been the sport and scorn of others domineering pride ? but by the faith of gods and men the fault 's our own ; the victory is in our hands ; our years are in their prime ; our courage undaunted and vigorous ; they , on the other side , grown old and feeble with age and wealth . we only want but to begin , the rest would follow . for who among the race of mortals , endu'd but with a masculine spirit , would ere endure , that they should wallow in wealth , which they profusely lavish in rearing palaces upon the sea , and levelling mountains , while we are pinch'd at home with want of necessaries ? that they should have their change of sumptuous houses , while we can no where find a cottage of our own to harbour our misery ? they purchase pictures , statues , sculptures and embossments of all sorts to pamper their eyes ; pull down , build up again , and by all manner of extortions hale and torture money to themselves , unable still with all their luxury to subdue their wealth ; we starve at home , abroad our debts ore-whelm us ; miserable our condition , and our hopes more desperate : then what remains for us besides a wretched life ? why sleep ye therefore ? behold that same , that very liberty which ye have so often sigh'd for : moreover plenty , splendour , honour , shew themselves in view : for all those things does fortune offer to the victors . let the enterprize it self , the opportunity , the dangers , your own wants and the magnificent spoils of war inflame your courage beyond my oration . and whether you make use of me as your commander or a private souldier , my valour nor my person shall be absent from ye . for these are still the things which i intend to act in common consultation with ye ; unless perhaps my courage fail me , and you prove more prepar'd to serve , then to command . these things were heard by people abounding in misery , but to whom not any hope surviv'd : and though they look'd upon it as a sufficient recompence to be disturbers of public tranquillity ; nevertheless the greatest part desir'd him to declare the conditions of the war ; what rewards the success of their arms might challenge ; how their wants and how their expectations might every way be satisfi'd . then cataline promis'd 'em new tables , or the cancelling of their debts , the proscription of the wealthy , offices , priesthoods , rapines , plunder , and all those advantages which war and the victors fury render lawful . moreover he assur'd 'em that piso possess'd the hither province of spain , that in mauritania p. sitius nucerinus was lodg'd with an army , both privy to his design . that c. antonius stood for the consulship , and as he hop'd would happen to be his collegue , his familiar friend , and a person under the burthen of utmost indigency . that being consul with him he would then begin to act . moreover all whom he thought honest he loaded with invectives and reproaches : then calling every one of his own confederates by their names , some he applauded , others he put in mind of their penury , several of the danger of punishment and the ignominy that attended 'em ; and many of sylla's victory , especially those who had tasted the sweets of pillage and rapine . then beholding a chearful unanimity in their countenances , after he had admonish'd 'em to be mindful of strengthening his party against he stood for the consulship , he dismiss'd the assembly . some there were , who at that time reported , that cataline , after he had concluded his oration , when he took the oath of secrecy from his confederates , caus'd human blood to be mingl'd with the wine , and then to be given about to every man his cup. of which , when after the repetition of the curse , they had all sipp'd , according to custom at the solemn sacrifices , then he reveal'd the depth of his design , and told 'em the reason of his urging such a ceremony , which was to engage 'em to the greater secrecy and fidelity one among another , while sodder'd thus together , equal in guilt , and equal in their fears . yet some there were who deem'd these stories fain'd , and many things invented besides by those , who believ'd , that the antipathy conceiv'd against cicero , which brake out soon after , might be asswag'd by improving the hainousness of their crime , who had suffer'd punishment . however 't is my opinion , that had the crime been so great as was reported , it could not have escap'd our knowledge . but notwithstanding these precautions , there was in this conspiracy quintus curius , a person of no mean parentage , tho' infamously branded with all manner of lewdness and villany , whom therefore the censors had expell'd the senate as a public nuisance . this person was a man no less vain-glorious than insolently bold : he neither could contain the secrets which he heard , nor conceal the crimes which he himself committed . among the rest he had been long familiar with fulvia , a woman however of noble descent , to whom at length when he became impertinent and troublesom by reason of his indigency , that could no longer present and treat her as he was wont ; of a sudden , as if he had commanded all the world , he began to promise her whole seas and mountains ; at other times threatning her with his drawn sword , unless she comply'd with his desires ; and in short , to behave himself after a more lordly and domineering manner then formerly . fulvia therefore , having sifted out the cause of this unsual swaggering of her paramor , ne'er went about to conceal a danger that so nearly threatn'd the common-wealth , but suppressing her authors name , recounted to several whatever she had heard concerning catiline's conspiracy . this rumor first of all stirr'd up the favor and good will of most men , to procure the consulship for m. tullius cicero . for before that time the greatest part of the nobility burn'd with disdain , and thought the consulship defil'd by admitting a person but newly known to the world , though otherwise of soaring and egregious parts , to that degree of honour . but when danger was so near their doors , malice and pride were laid asleep . therefore upon the day of election m. tullius and c. antonius were declar'd consuls . which was the first thing that shook the abetters of the conspiracy . however , cataline's fury was nothing abated ; but every day made new progresses to advance his design ; making provision of arms in all convenient places all over italy : and taking up money either upon his own or the credit of his friends , sent it away to one manlius , then dwelling or residing at * faesulae , and afterwards captain general for the war. at the same time he is reported to have purchas'd to himself several men of all sorts and conditions ; nay , and some women too , who first of all had maintain'd themselves at a prodigious rate by the prostitution of their bodies ; but afterward , decay of youth and beauty limiting their gains , though not their luxury , had vastly run themselves in debt . by their assistance catiline thought to sollicite and inveigle the city rabble , to set the houses on fire , and either to gain or murder their husbands . in this number was sempronia , who had frequently committed several facts of masculine boldness . this woman was for her birth and beauty , in her husband also and her children sufficiently happy ; well acquainted with the greek and latin learning ; sung and danc'd with much more exactness and elegancy then was necessary for a woman professing chastity . with many other graces also that heighten lasciviousness was she endow'd ; but still she priz'd all other things above her modesty . whether she were more prodigal of her money or her reputation you could not easily discern ; and such was the heat of her lust , that she more often courted men , then men her. false to her promise , to her trust forsworn , and driving head-long where-ever the torrent of her luxury and poverty carry'd her . otherwise a woman of no mean wit : for she made verses , jested facetiously , could vary her discourse to modest or obscene according to her company : and in a word had all the charms of speech and breeding . all this provision thus far made , catiline nevertheless put in to be consul the next year , hoping if he were elected , that he should govern antonius at his own pleasure . nor was he idle in the mean while , but laid all ambushments imaginable for cicero , who on the other side wanted neither craft nor subtilty to guard himself ; for from the beginning of his consulship , making great promises by fulvia's means he had brought it to that pass , that quintus curius had already laid open to him catiline's designs . and besides that , he had made sure of his collegue antony , by confirming to him the grant of his province , that he should not dissent in any thing from him to the prejudice of the common-wealth . he had his guards of friends and clients also alwaies within call . therefore so soon as the day of election was past , and that catiline had not only miss'd of the consulship , but also fail'd in all the snares and plots which he had contriv'd against cicero , he resolv'd upon a war , and to make tryal of all extremities , since what he had clandestinly attempted , had prov'd so difficult and unsuccessful . therefore he dispatch'd away c. manlius to fiesoli , one septimius camertes into the * country of picenum , c. julius into apulia ; and some one way , others another , as he thought every one might prove most serviceable to him . in the mean while himself at rome had many irons in the fire , to get the consul murdred ; to order the firing of the city , to seize and fill convenient posts with armed men ; some he commanded ; others he encourag'd , to the end they might be always ready and prepar'd : day and night in a continual hurry ; restless , waking , and yielding neither to want of sleep , nor labour . lastly , when after many meditated mischiefs , nothing succeeded , again in a tempestuous night he summon'd the ring-leaders of the conspiracy by m. porcius lecca . who being met , he chid 'em first for their remissness , then gave 'em to understand , how he had sent manlius before to head such forces as he had got together ready to take arms : others to other convenient places : and that he was prepar'd to go to the army himself , so soon as he could but get cicero murder'd ; for that mainly obstructed his designs . thereupon , when all the rest were in a kind of amazement and tottering in their resolutions , c. cornelius , a roman knight , and with him l. vargunteius , a senator , promising their assistance , they agreed to go that night , with an armed retinue , as if it were upon a visit to cicero ; and ere he were aware to stab him unprovided in his own house . presently curius , when he understood the danger that so nearly threatn'd the consul , by fulvia gave him swift intelligence of the sudden plot upon his life . so that the assassinates not being permitted entrance into the house , they undertook in vain a fact so hainous . in the mean while manlius sollicits the rabble in tuscany , where want and the smart of former sufferings had prepar'd the people for change ; for that under the tyrannical usurpation of sylla , they had lost their lands and all their goods . nor did he leave uninveigl'd the very thieves and robbers , who were very numerous in that country ; and some that sylla himself had planted there by way of remuneration , who by their luxury and prodigality , had wasted what before they had got by plunder and rapine . when cicero had intelligence of these proceedings , startl'd at the apprehension of a double mischief , and finding he could no longer , by his single care and assiduity , protect the city from menacing contrivances , nor certainly knew how numerous manlius's forces were , nor what his councels drove at , he reports the whole matter to the senate , which had been toss'd already to and fro in common rumour and vulgar discourse . thereupon , as usually was done on all important occasions , the senate decreed , that the consuls should take care , least the common-wealth receiv'd any damage . which power , the greatest that could be , was granted by the senate to the supream magistracy , according to the roman custom ; to raise armies , carry on the war , and by all ways whatever to suppress and curb both subjects and allies : and both at home and in the field to exercise both soveraign empire and judicature . otherwise , without the command of the people , no consul has any authority to act in those affairs . some few days after , l. senius , read certain letters in the senate , which he said were brought him from fiesoli ; of which the purport was , that c. manlius had taken arms with a numerous multitude , about the beginning of november . and some there were , as is usual upon such occasions , that talk'd of great prodigies and wonders : others discours'd of frequent assemblies in several places , of arms carry'd to capua , and that the slaves would rise in apulia . thereupon by a decree of the senate , q. marcius rex was dispatch'd away for fiesoli , and q. metellus , sirnamed creticus , was sent into apulia and the neighbouring parts . both these returning to the city , were debarr'd their triumphal entrance , through the malice of some few detractors , whose custom it was to put all things to sale , whether honest or dishonest . but for the pretors , q. pompeius rufus , q. metellus celer , the first was sent to capua , and the latter into picenum , or la marca d' ancona , with power to raise an army according to the importance of the occacasion and the danger . moreover if any one should make any discovery of the conspiracy on foot against the common-wealth , rewards were promis'd ; to a servant his liberty , and two thousand five hundred crowns ; to a freeman , a general pardon and five thousand crowns . they also farther decreed , that the families of the gladiators should be separated and distributed into capua and such other municipal towns , that were most wealthy and populous ; that at rome the guards should be doubl'd through the whole city ; and , that the inferiour magistrates should take charge of the watches . these things put the whole city into such a consternation , that the countenances of the people were quite alter'd ; instead of jolity and wantonness , the effects of long repose , all men were seiz'd with sudden sadness and perplexity : all in a hurry ; all in fear ; not knowing whom to trust , or where to be secure ; neither at war , nor in peace , but every one measuring his danger by his fears . nay the very women too , to whom the terrors of war , in such a potent common-wealth , were altogether unusual , bemoan'd themselves ; spread their suppliant hands to heaven ; bewail'd their tender infants ; inquir'd the news ; dreaded all things ; and laying aside their pride and pleasures grew distrustful of their own and the safety of their country . but catiline's cruel fury acted still with the same vigor , notwithstanding the preparations of military opposition , and that he himself were impeach'd upon the plautian statute by l. paulus . but then to shew how well he could dissemble , or else to justifie himself , as if the quarrel had been pickt out purpose to teaze him , he went into the senate . at what time m. tullius , the consul , either dreading his presence , or incens'd with anger , made a splendid speech , highly to the benefit of the common-wealth , which afterwards he publish'd to the world. but so soon as he sate down again , catiline , who was a person well prepar'd for all manner of dissimulation , with a dejected countenance and suppliant tone , besought the fathers not over rashly to credit vain reports concerning him ; that the family was such from whence he was descended , and such the life which he had lead from his youth , that he had all things great and good to hope for : nor to believe that he , a person of patrician quality , whose own and the services of his ancestors had been so beneficial to the roman people , stood in need of a ruin'd common-weal , especially when m. tullius forsooth preserv'd it , an adventitious citizen of rome . which words being closely follow'd with other reproachful invectives , all humm'd him down , and call'd him enemy and parricide . then in a rage , because , said he , thus circumvented , i am driven head-long by my adversaries , i 'll extinguish the conflagration of my fortunes with ruine . and so saying he flung out of the senate , and made directly home ; there musing and revolving many mischiefs in his mind : for that he saw his plots upon the consul had no success ; and understood besides , that the city was sufficiently guarded from all attempts of fire . and therefore deeming it his wisest course to augment his army , and before the legions were enroll'd , to be beforehand with many things that might be useful to him in the war , with a few attendants in a tempestuous night , he posted to the manlian camp. but first he left strict orders with cethegus , lentulus and others , whose daring boldness he sufficiently knew , to strenghthen the power of the faction by all the ways they could ; to hasten the destruction of the consul , to provide for slaughter , conflagration , and all the dismal executions of war : and that he himself in a short time would appear before the walls of the city . now while these things were thus acted at rome , c. manlius sent certain commissioners selected out of his own number , to q. marcius rex , with instructions to the following effect : we call both gods and men to witness , noble general , that we have taken up arms , neither against our country , nor to terrify others with the fears of danger ; but only to protect our bodies from oppression . who miserable , indigent , and over-whelm'd with violence and cruelty of usurers , are most of us devested of our country , but all despoil'd of our reputation , and our fortunes . neither is it permitted any of us , according to the custom of our fathers , to have the benefit of the law ; nor after the loss of our patrimonies , to enjoy the freedom of our bodies . such was the severity of the bankers and the pretor . yet your forefathers in compassion to the roman people by their decrees reliev'd their wants : and lately , in our memory , by reason so vast a a number were every where endebted , by the consent of all good men , three parts of the silver credit were abated , and only a fourth part paid in brass . nor is it the first time that the common-people themselves , either affect dominion ; or provok'd to arms by the pride of the magistrates , have revolted from the fathers . but neither do we desire empire or wealth , the general causes of all the wars and contests among mortals : 't is only liberty we see , which no man of courage ever loses , but his life together with it . we conjure both thy self and the senate , that you will consult the good of your unfortunate fellow-citizens ; that you will restore us the benefit of the law , which the injustice of the pretor has wrested from us : and that you will not impose that dire necessity upon us , to seek which way to perish , chiefly in revenge of our own blood. to this q. marcius return'd for answer , that if they had any thing to petition the senate , they should lay down their arms , and repair in an humble manner to rome . that the senate and the roman people were endu'd with that meekness and compassion , that never any supplicant in vain implor'd their assistance . on the other side catiline , while he was upon the road , sent letters to all the consular personages , and the chiefest of the nobility , that being oppress'd with false aceusations , because he could not withstand the faction of his enemies , he had therefore submitted to fortune , and was retiring , a willing exile , to marseilles : not that he was guilty of so great a crime ; but for the repose of the common-weal ; and that no sedition might arise from his contending with the public . but q. catulus read other letters in the senate , quite different from these ; which he affirm'd to be deliver'd to him in catiline's name , and of which the following copy gives the sence . l. catiline to quint. catulus , greeting . thy singular fidelity , being assur'd of the thing it self , so grateful to me in these my threatning dangers ; gives me the confidence of this recommendation . * wherefore i have determin'd not to ground any defence upon new consultations ; yet i have decreed to propound satisfaction , as no way conscious of offending : which in good truth it is not improper for thee to know . at length provok'd with slights and contumelies ; for that being depriv'd the fruits of all my labour and industry , i could not obtain the dignity i stood for , according to my innate disposition , i have undertaken the public cause of the unfortunate . not but that i could pay my own debts by the sale of my lands ; and for what i stand engag'd for others , the liberality of orestilla has been such as to take care to discharge it out of her own and her daughters revenues ; but because i saw unworthy persons advanc'd to honour , my self neglected and thrown by , through jealousie and counterfeited suspicion . for that reason i have pursu'd those hopes for preserving the remainder of my reputation , which , considering my condition , i deem to be sufficiently honest . while i was about to have written more , intelligence was brought me , that force is preparing . i recommend orestilla to thy care , and deposite her in trust with thee , conjuring thee for the sake of thy own children , to protect her from all injury . farewel . but catiline himself after he had staid some few days with c. flaminius in * reatinum , to to arm the neighbouring parts , already sollicited and drawn to his party , he march'd directly to the camp , to joyn manlius with the consular fasces , and other ensigns of supream authority born before him . when these things were known at rome , the senate pronounc'd both catiline and manlius open enemies . to all the rest of the multitude , those only excepted that were convicted of capital crimes , they prefix'd a certain day , before which time , if they departed from their arms , they should incur no penalties . farther also they decreed , that the consuls should proceed to a muster , that antony should follow catiline with his army , and that cicero should stay to take care of the city . at that time , the vast dominion of the roman people seem'd to me beyond extreamly miserable . to whom when all the conquer'd world , from the rising to the setting sun , pay'd homage and obedience ; when they wallow'd at home in plenty and tranquillity , which mortals deem their chiefest blessings ; that among them there should be such a crew of fellow-citizens , so fatally , and with such obstinate fury bent to ruine themselves , their fortunes and the common-weal . for after two decrees of senate , among so vast a multitude , neither did so much as one , assur'd of great rewards , make the least discovery of the conspiracy ; nor any one desert the camp of their rebellious leader , catiline . such was the violence of the distemper , which like a contagion had infected the minds of all those people . neither did this pestilence spread it self , to alienate the affections of those alone , who were guilty of the conspiracy ; but even all the commonalty , covetous of innovation , applauded catiline's proceedings . but this they seem'd to do according to their usual custom . for alwaies in a city , they who labour under penury , envy the better fortune of others ; extol the wicked ; abominate the ancient constitutions , covet novelty , and detesting their own conditions , study change of all things : they are nourish'd , void of care , by tumult and sedition ; for that want is easily supported and cherish'd with public dammage . but many motives carry'd head-long the city rabble . first of all , who ever they were that in any corner of the country , surpass'd in impudence and debauchery ; whoever had wasted their patrimonies by expensive lewdness ; and lastly , all whom villany and crimes the most enormous had out-law'd from their native homes ; all these together empty'd into rome , as into the common sewer of all disorder . many others remembring sylla's conquests , while they beheld some rais'd from souldiers to the degree of senators ; others so wealthy , that they liv'd like princes in the height of ease and plenty ; promised every one to themselves the same enjoyments from successful victory . moreover the younger sort , that wrought hard for a poor living in the country , finding the sweets of private and public liberality , preferr'd the city ease before severe and painful labour . however both them and all the rest , the public calamity supported . so that it is the less to be admir'd that men so badly . principl'd , so wrapt up in expectation , should be as little careful for the common good , as for themselves . and then again , all those whose parents upon sylla's victory , were proscrib'd , who lost their estates , and were depriv'd of their right of freedom , had the same interest in the success of the war. to which i may add , that whoever sided with any other faction than that of the senate , rather desir'd to see the common-wealth disturb'd , than grow too potent . and this was a mischief , that many years after this time return'd again to the city . for when the tribunitial authority was restor'd to . cn. pompeius , and m. crassus , young gentlemen having got the supream power into their hands , whose years and courage were full of mettle and fury , by calumniating the senate , they began to put the vulgar into a ferment ; then by gifts and promises more and more to inflame 'em : and so became eminent and powerful themselves . against them the greatest part of the nobility contended with all their might , under colour of defending the honour of the senate , to support their own greatness . for to conclude in few words , whoever in those times disturb'd the public peace , made use of specious pretences ; while some made a shew of protecting the privileges of the people , and others pretending to advance the authority of the senate , had all their different aims to promote their own interest : neither did they observe any limits of moderation in their contests , both exercis'd cis'd their victories with cruelty . but when pompey was sent against the pyrates , and soon after against mithridates , the authority of the people fainted , and the power of a few encreas'd . these few dispos'd of magistracies , offices , provinces and all things else . they , not to be controul'd , and flourishing liv'd free from fear ; yet terrifying the tribunes with their sentences and condemnations , to prevent their exasperating the people against their proceedings ; to which purpose they were compell'd to abate of their former severities . but so soon as first the hopes of introducing change in dubious affairs was offer'd , then the old contest set their thoughts and courages at work : so that had catiline been victor in the first battle , or that the combat had been equal , certainly a most prodigious effussion of blood , and calamity had afflicted the common-wealth : neither would it have been in the power of the victorious to have made any advantage of their conquest ; for that whoever had been more prevalent would have wrested the supream dominion and the public liberty from the weary and enfeebl'd . however there were several without the pale of the conspiracy , who at the beginning went to joyn with catiline . in which number was fulvius , the senator's son ; who being apprehended upon the road , and brought back , his father commanded him to be put to death . at the same time lentulus also abiding at rome in pursuance of catiline's orders , made it his business to sollicite all such persons , whose loose manner of living , or decay'd fortunes rendred 'em fit for state-innovation ; not only citizens , but all sorts of persons whatever , that might be useful in the war. to that purpose he gave commission to one p. vmbrenus to tamper with the ambassadors of the * allobroges and if he could , to draw 'em in to be confederates in the war. believing , that in regard they were both publicly and privately vastly in debt ; besides that the gauls were naturally a warlike people , they might be easily inveigl'd to lay hold of the opportunity . this vmbrenus having traded much among the gauls , was known to most of the chief princes of the cities , and likewise knew them. therefore without delay , so soon as he beheld the embassadors in the forum , or place of usual concourse , after some few questions concerning the condition of the city , and as it were bewailing the public calamity , he began to ask 'em , what they thought would be the issue of such destructive beginnings . in answer to which , when he heard 'em complain of the covetousness of the magistrates ; accuse the senate , as from whom there was no hopes of redress ; and making lamentations , that only death could terminate their miseries ; but i , said he , will shew ye a way , provided ye will be but men , how ye may avoid all these great and terrifying misfortunes . the allobroges , their expectations thus screw'd up , besought vmbrenus to compassionate their condition ; assuring him , there was nothing too desperate or difficult which they would not most readily undertake , provided it might conduce to discharge their city out of debt . thereupon he carry'd 'em to d. brutus's house , as being near the forum , and not altogether a stranger to the conspiracy , because of sempronia , for that brutus him self was not then in town . moreover he sent for gabinius , to the end that credit might be given to his words . in his hearing he says open the whole conspiracy , names the confederates , together with several others , who were no way concern'd , to give the embassadors the more encouragement ; and having so done , after they had made him fair promises , he sent 'em to their lodgings . however the allobroges when they came to consider , were long uncertain and hesitating what course to take . on the one side , there was a ponderous debt , a prompt inclination to war , and a charming prospect of great gain from the hopes of victory . on the other side there was greater wealth and power , the safer course , and for uncertain hopes assur'd * rewards . and long they rowl'd and tumbl'd these considerations in their minds ; but at length the fortune of the common-wealth obtain'd the victory . therefore away they go to fabius sanga , and to him as patron of their city , discover'd the whole plot , as far as it had been laid open to them . cicero being inform'd of this discovery by sanga , gave order to the embassadors to dissemble strongly their approbation of the conspiracy ; that they should apply themselves to the rest , and to do their utmost endeavour to assure themselves of their names and persons . at the same time there were also some commotions in the a hither and b farther-most gaule , as likewise in c picenum among the d bruttii and in e apulia ; but they prov'd to be only tumults and no more . for the persons whom catiline had sent thither , acted without any consideration like so many mad men ; and with their midnight assemblies , their disposing to and fro of arms and darts , their hurrying and bustling about , occasion'd more of terror than danger . so that q. metellus celer the pretor , when he understood by the senates decree , the reason of their deligence , apprehended and imprison'd a great number of those busie fellows ; and the same did also c. murena in the hither gaule , being lord lieutenant of that province . but at rome , lentulus with the rest of the chief ring-leaders of the conspiracy , having as they thought a sufficient strength about 'em , resolv'd , that so soon as catiline was advanc'd as far as fiesoli with his army , bestia the tribune of the people , in a set speech should inveigh against cicero's proceedings , and lay the odium of a most terrible war upon the best of consuls ; which being the signal , the next night the whole body of the conspirators was to rise , and every one to act his part : though they were reported to have been thus order'd to their several posts . that statilius and gabinius , with a considerable number , should set fire to twelve convenient places of the city : to the end that in the hurry of that tumult , there might be the more easy access to the consul , and such others as were design'd to be murdred . that cethegus should beset cicero's house , and by main force make way to his person . others were to attempt others ; and the sons of the families , of whom the greatest part were of the nobility , were to murder their parents ; and thus when all the whole city was in a general consternation , dismay'd with fire and sword , the next work was to force their way through the guards , and march directly to meet catiline . in the midst of these preparations and counsels , cethegus often complain'd of the sloath and slackness of the confederates : that by hesitation and delay , they lost great opportunities ; that in dangers of that nature , execution not consultation was requir'd : and then proffer'd , if only a few would stand by him , since others were so faint and tender hearted , himself to lead the way into the senate house : for being naturally fierce , choleric , and prompt of hand , his chiefest confidence was in expedition . in the mean time the allobroges according to cicero's instructions , being introduc'd by gabinius , met the rest of the conspirators ; at what time they requir'd from lentulus , cethegus , statilius and cassius an oath which they might carry sign'd to their magistrates and fellow citizens ; for that else they would never be induced to engage in such a weighty enterprize ; which they , suspecting nothing , readily gave . cassius also promis'd to be with 'em in a short time , but left the city a little before the embassadors . but when they went , t. volturcius of crotona was order'd to attend 'em , and to procure a mutual confirmation of the league between the allobroges and catiline , and an exchange of the articles on both sides . he also sent a short letter by volturcius to catiline , to this effect . who i am thou wilt understand by the messenger i have sent thee . be sure to consider the vastness of the danger wherein thou art ; and remember that thou art a man. consider , what thy affairs require ; and beg assistance from all , even from the lowest . moreover he had instructions to admonish him by word of mouth , that seeing he was adjudg'd an enemy by the senate , for what reason would he refuse the worst of slaves ? that all things were ready in the city according to his orders ; and that he should not delay to make his approach a little nearer . having thus far in this manner proceeded , upon the night appointed when they were to go , cicero , who was inform'd of every thing by the embassadors , gave orders to the pretors , c. pomptinius , and l. valerius flaccus , to surprize the embassadors and their train so soon as they , arriv'd at the mulvian * bridge ; unfolded to 'em the reason , why they were sent , and bid 'em act in other things as they saw occasion . they being military men that understood business , having posted their guards without the least disturbance , as they were commanded , beset the bridge ; so that when the embassadors , together with volturcius came to the place , presently there was hideous bawling and tearing of throats on both sides . but the gauls understanding the design , yielded forthwith to the pretors . volturcius at first encouraging the rest , defended himself a while with his sword from the multitude ; but finding he was deserted by the embassadors , after he had with many imprecation's adjur'd pomptinius , with whom he was acquainted , to serve him with his interest , at length fearful and distrustful of his life , he surrendred himself to the pretors , as if they had been enemies . this being done , an exact relation of all things was sent to the consul ; who at the same time was no less over anxious than over joy'd . he rejoic'd , for that the conspiracy being now discover'd , the city was wrested from the jaws of danger . but his trouble was no less extream , seeing so many eminent citizen's the detected authors of so foul a crime , what was to be done . their punishment was greivous to him , and their impunity the ruin of the common-weal . but at length recovering his resolution , he commanded lentulus , cethegus , statilius , gabinius to appear before him ; also ceparias of tarracina , who it seems was gone for apulia , to raise the slaves ; the rest attended without delay . the consul himself , taking lentulus by the hand , because he was a pretor , lead him into the senate ; the rest he order'd to be sent to the temple of concord under strong guards . thither he summons the senate , and before a great appearance of that order , causes volturcius and the embassadors to be brought in ; and commands valerius flaccus to bring in the little pacquet of letters which he had receiv'd from the embassadors . volturcius being examin'd concerning his going out of town , and the letters , what was his design , or what the cause of his journey ; at first fram'd several fictitious stories , and shifted off the conspiracy ; but being commanded to delare the truth upon the public faith , he unfolded all things as they were transacted ; that he was some days before drawn in by gabinius , and ceparius ; but that he knew no more than the embassadors ; only he had heard from gabinius , that p. autronius , ser. sylla , l. vargunteius , and many others were involv'd in the same confedracy . the gauls confess'd the same things . but as for lentulus , who dissembl'd and veil'd the truth , they convinc'd him not only by letters , but from several brags that he was wont to make in public , that the kingdom of rome was ascertain'd to three cornelii by the prophesies contain'd in the sibilline books . that cinna and sylla had had their turns , and that he was the third , whose fate it should be to rule the roman people : moreover that from the burning of the capitol , the twentieth year was now arriv'd , which the soothsayers from several prodigies had foretold , should be deeply dy'd with civil blood. therefore the letters being read , after the criminals had all acknowledg'd the seals to be lentulus's , the senate decreed , that lentulus , being degraded from the magistracy , and the rest , should be confin'd in free prisons . therefore lentulus was committed to the custody of p. lentulus spinther who was * edile , cethegus to the care of q. cornificius ; statilius to c. caesar ; gabinius to marcus crassus ; ceparius ( for by this time he had been apprehended upon the road and brought back ) to cn. terentius the senator . and now the conspiracy being detected , the common people , who before , out of their usual desire of change , had too much favour'd the war , now vearing about , curs'd catiline's designs , applauded cicero to the skies , and as if they had been snatcht from the jaws of bondage , by their gestures and their countenances fill'd the streets with joy and exultation . for other acts of war would rather afford 'em the advantages of plunder , than bring detriment to them ; whereas they lookt upon firing of cities to be cruel , excessive and chiefly pernicious to themselves ; since all their riches consisted in their cloths and houshold-stuff . the next day after , one l. tarquinius was brought before the senate , who was reported to have been apprehended upon the road , going to catiline . this man promising to make great discoveries of the conspiracy , if he might be assur'd of his pardon ; and being thereupon commanded by the senate to declare his knowledge , inform'd the senate the same things which volturcius had done , concerning the firing of the city , the massacre of all the honest party ; and the march of the enemy ; and farther , that he was sent by m. crassus , to give him an account of what had happen'd , least he should be deterr'd to hear that lentulus , cethegus , and so many others of the conspirators were in custody ; and to advise him so much the rather to hasten his march to the city , as a means to revive the spirits of the rest , and the better to secure 'em from the danger they were in . but when tarquinius named crassus , a person illustrious by extraction , vastly rich and most eminently potent , some deeming the thing incredible , others , tho' they thought it true , yet because at such a conjuncture , the power of so great a man was rather to be appeas'd and qualify'd , than exasperated , the most part obnoxious to crassus , upon the score of their private concerns , unanimously cry'd out , that the witness was perjur'd , and demanded a reference upon the whole matter ; therefore by cicero's advice , it was decreed in a in full senate , that the evidence was lookt upon as false , that tarquinius should be laid in irons : and that he should never be admitted more to give his testimony , unless he discover'd the person who had put him upon inventing such a falshood . some persons at that time were of opinion , that this same evidence was contriv'd by p. autronius , to the end that crassus being impeach'd , might be the more ready to protect the rest by his power , when involv'd in the same danger . others reported that tarquinius was suborn'd by cicero , least crassus , undertaking the patronage of wicked miscreants , according to his custom , should joyn with them to disturb the public peace . and i have afterwards heard crassus himself declare , that the affront , though of so high a nature , was put upon him by cicero . at the same time neither q. catulus , president of the senate , nor c. piso could either by favour , importunity or bribes prevail with cicero , that c. caesar might be falsely accus'd either by the allobroges , or any other evidence : for they were both his mortal enemies . piso , as being * condemn'd upon an impeachment of bribery , under pretence that he had unjustly punish'd with death a certain piemontane . catulus burning with revenge , for that upon his standing for the supream pontificate in his hoary years , c. caesar a young man had carry'd against him . and now they thought they had an opportunity put into their hands , for that caesar , partly through his excessive liberality in private , and partly through the profuseness of his public presents , had run himself deeply in debt . but when they could not perswade the consul to such a dishonourable compliance , they themselves by running personally from place to place , and spreading false reports of what they had heard from volturcius and the allobroges , had heap'd no small odium upon him , insomuch that some of the roman knights , who guarded the temple of concord with their partisans in their hands , whether mov'd thereto by the greatness of the danger , or the inconstancy of their own affections , to make their zeal for the common-wealth the more remarkable , threatn'd him with their naked weapons as he came forth of the senate . while these things were transacted in the senate , and that rewards were decreed to the embassadors of the allobroges and volturcius , lentulus's enfranchiz'd slaves , and some few of his clients taking several roads , made it their business to sollicite handicraft tradesmen and slaves , and incense 'em to his rescue ; while others sought out every where for the ring-leaders of the rabble , who for money were wont to perplex the common-wealth . cethegus also by messengers , besought his family and his enfranchiz'd slaves , all fellows cull'd and exercis'd in insolence , to make a body , and by force of arms to break in upon him . the consul therefore understanding how these plots were laid , having plac'd his guards as the time and the occasion requir'd , after he had summon'd a senate , made a motion what should be done with those prisoners that were under custody . for not long before a full senate had adjudg'd 'em to have acted against the commonwealth . upon that motion therefore d. junius silanus , being first of all desir'd to deliver his opinion , in regard he was at that time design'd consul , had declar'd , that not only they who were in prison , but also l. cassius , p. furius , p. vmbrenus , and q. annias , so soon as they were apprehended , should be put to death . though afterwards being mollify'd by caius caesar's oration , he had protested his compliance altogether with tiberius nero's vote , which report he did not think however fit to have been made till the guards were doubled . but caesar being ask'd his opinion by the consul , deliver'd himself in these words . it behoves all men whatever , conscript fathers , who deliberate in dubious affairs , to be void of hatred , friendship , anger and compassion : for where these things obstruct , the mind can never have a perfect prospect of truth : neither was there ever any man who at the same time , could indulge his private desires and the public good . when we fortify our resolution , it grows vigorous ; if passion possess us , that prevails , and resolution languishes i want not plenty of presidents , conscript fathers , to shew what kings , and people upon the motives of anger or pity , have ill consulted in the main . but i rather choose to cull out what our ancestors have done in opposition to their passions . in the macedonian war , which we wag'd with king perseus , the city of the rhodians , mighty and magnificent , and grown up to that height by the assistance and support of the roman people , became treacherous and injurious to us. yet when the war was ended , and that the rhodian ingratitude came to be debated , our ancestors , least any might say hereafter they had begun a war in thirst of riches , rather then sensible of suffer'd wrongs , they dismiss'd the rhodians home unpunish'd . also in all the punic wars , when frequently the carthagenians , both in peace , and by breach of treaties , had perpetrated many abominable acts , never did they , when opportunity offer'd , do the like ; they rather sought what might become their own dignity , then what they might justly retaliate upon them . this therefore , you are to take care of , conscript fathers , that the impious crime of lentulus and the rest , do not sway your passions more prevalently then your honour ; and that you be not more indulgent to your anger , then your flame . for if there might be found a punishment to equalize their misdeeds , then i approve your counsel newly taken ; but if the vastness of their crimes surpasses all our invention , 't is then my judgment , that we make use of those which are provided by the law. most of those persons , who before me , have declar'd their opinions , have sedately and nobly compassionated the condition of the common-wealth : they have number'd up the cruelties of war , and what most usually befalls the vanquish'd : rapes of virgins , and young boys ; infants torn from the embraces of their parents ; mothers of families at the lustful pleasure of the victors ; temples and private houses robb'd and and plunder'd ; nothing but fire and sword ; all placed lastly strew'd with scatter'd arms and carcasses , besmear'd with blood , and fill'd with lamentations . but by the immortal gods , what did that long oration drive at ? was it to raise your antipathy to the conspiracy ? that is to say , who e're he be , whom so prodigous , and so terrible a fact cannot exasperate , that same oration shall incense . it cannot be so ; neither does any man look slightly upon his own injuries : nay , many bear 'em with less patience then they ought to do . but , consceipt fathers , there is one sort of liberty to some allow'd , another sort to others . they who lead their lives in obscurity , if at any time they commit an error in heat of anger , few take notice : their reputation and their fortunes are alike . but they who being arriv'd to large command , live in the soaring height of greatness , are always in view , and their actions are beheld by all men . so that in fortunes most conspicuous , there 's the least of liberty ; there 's no permission to love or hate , much less to be in wrath. what is call'd anger among others , in government bears the name of pride and cruelty . i must confess , 't is my opinion , conscript fathers , that all the tortures in the world are far inferior to their crimes . but most men still remember what was last ; and in the sufferings of the most impious , forgetting the fact , discourse of nothing but the punishment , if more severe then ordinary . as for decius silanus , a man most brave and stout , i am certainly convinc'd , that what he has said , he has spoken out of his affection to the common-wealth ; and that he is byass'd neither by favour nor enmity , in a concern of this importance ; so well i have been acquainted with the conditions and moderation of the person . but his judgment in this case seems to me not cruel , no , ( for what can be thought cruel when inflicted upon such men ) but without president in our common-wealth . for certainly , silanus , either fear or injury orerul'd thee , being the design'd consul , to decree an unusual sort of punishment . to talk of fear is altogether now superfluous , seeing that by the propitious diligence of our most illustrious consul , such numerous guards are up in arms. as to the punishment , i shall say no more , then what is obvious from the thing it self ; that in sorrow and affliction , 't is death not torment that surceases all our miseries : that puts an end to all the sufferings of mortals : beyond that , there is no room for care or joy. but wherefore , by the immortal gods , didst thou not add this farther to thy sentence , that first they should be rigorously scourg'd ? was it because the * porcian law forbids it ? however there are other laws that privilege condemn'd citizens from loss of life , commanding only banishment . or was it because it is more grievous to be whipt then to be put to death ? pray , what can be too grievous or severe for men to suffer , once convicted of so great a crime ? but if it be the slighter punishment , why so observant of the law in the lesser infliction , when thou hast broken it in the greater ? but who dares question what shall be decreed against parricides of the common-wealth ? a time , a day to come ; nay . fortune her self , that at her pleasure governs all the world : then , whatever happens will deservedly befall ' em . but as for you , conscript fathers , consider what ye decree against these men. all bad examples derive their original from bad beginnings . for when the government shall fall into the hands of the ignorant and unjust , that new example will be transferr'd from the worthy and fit , to the unworthy and unfit to rule . the lacedaemonians having vanquish'd the athenians impos'd upon 'em thirty persons to manage the public affairs . these , first of all , began to put to death , though uncondemn'd , the worst of men , and only such as had deserv'd the general hatred : at this the people rejoyc'd , and cry'd t was justly done . but when this liberty augmented and grew bold , then will and pleasure raigning , good and bad were put to death without distinction , and the city under bondage and oppression , pay'd severely for their foolish joy . in our remembrance , sylla then victorious , caus'd damasippus and others that were grown up to the prejudice of the commonwealth , to beput to death ; and , who did not applaud the fact ? such as they , they cry'd , men impious and factious , that with sedition did nothing but dicturb the public peace , deserv'd a public execution . but that very thing was the beginning of horrid calamity and bloodshed . for as every one had a fancy to this or that neighbours house or farm , his furniture or his cloaths , he took care to get him listed in the number of the persons that were to be proscrib'd . and thus , they who rejoyc'd at the death of damasippus , soon after themselves were dragg'd to massacre . nor was there any end of slaughter , till sylla had gorg'd his followers with the wealthy spoils of the innocent . not that i am jealous in the least of m. tullius , or fear the same confusion in these times . but in a spacious common-wealth , there are men of various inclinations and designs . at another time , and by another consul , that has an army at his heels , something may be believ'd that may beget misunderstanding . and when the consul once by virtue of this president has drawn his sword in pursuance of a decree of senate , who shall then limit his ambition , or moderate his passion ? our ancestors , conscript fathers , never wanted either counsel or courage : nor was their pride so great , but that they could imitate foreign customs when they found 'em advantageous . their military weapons and darts they borrow'd : from the samnites ; and most of their ensigns of majesty from the tuseans . lastly , whatever they beheld proper and useful either among their enemies or their allies , that they put in execution with an eager industry , choosing rather to imitate then to despise . therefore at that time , they only scourg'd offending citizens , and those that were condemn'd for greater crimes they put to death . but when the common-wealth encreas'd in power , and factions became potent through multitude of citizens , then the porcian law and other statutes were ordain'd which only punish'd capital offenders with exile . which is the reason , conscript fathers , that i take to be of highest importance , why we should not make any innovations in our counsels . for certainly their wisdom and vertue was greater , who rais'd so vast an empire from such small beginnings , then ours who hardly can preserve what they so bravely won . would we therefore have the prisoners set at liberty to encrease the number of catiline's army ? no , but this is my opinion , that their estates be put to sale ; their persons kept in durance apart , in the several municipal towns , which are most responsible for their forth-comming : that after this , the senate be no farther mov'd , nor the people tamper'd with in this matter , and that whoever shall do otherwise , the senate shall adjudge him to act against the common-wealth and the public safety . after caesar had made an end of speaking , some by word of mouth , others to various opinions variously delivered their assents . but m. portius cato , being ask'd his judgment , made the following oration . i am quite of another opinion , conscript fathers , when i consider our affairs and our dangers , and ponder in my mind the judgements of some persons . they seem to me to have discours'd concerning the punishment due to those persons who have rais'd a war against their own country , their own parents , their religion and liberty . but the conjuncture admonishes us to debate , rather how to preserve our selves from their attempts , then what penalties to inflict upon ' em . for other mischiefs we may prosecute when acted ; this , we must take care to prevent ; least after it has done the fatal execution , it be too late to consult opinions . but by the immortal gods , i appeal to you your selves , who always had a greater value for your houses your mannors , your statues and your pictures , then for the common-wealth , if you have a desire still to hold fast those things whatever they be , which you embrace and hug with so much affection and content ; whether this be a time of leasure for your pleasures : therefore for shame awake at length , and save the common-wealth . neither our tributes , nor the wrongs of our allies , but our liberty and our lives lye now at stake . frequently , conscript fathers , i have deliver'd my self in this assembly : often have i complain'd of the luxury and avarice of our fellow citizens ; and for that reason have contracted the enmity of many men. i who never pardon'd in my self the least error of my own thoughts , could not easily forgive the misdemeanors of passion and ambition in others . of which though you took little cognizance , yet such was then the same condition of the common-wealth , that it's united power could brook your negligence : but now the question is not whether we shall be able to support our selves by good and laudable customs ; nor how large , nor how magnificent the roman empire is ; but whether these things , whatever they be , shall be ours , or that our enemies must be allow'd their share . in this case , shall any man talk to me mildness and pity ? certainly we have long since lost the true significations of words . since the prodigal disposal of other mens estates is call'd liberality ; and boldness in evil enterprises goes by the name of fortitude . and between these two extreams the common-wealth is seated . well then , since their good natures are such , let 'em be liberal of their friends estates ; let 'em be merciful to those that rob the public treasury ; let 'em not be prodigal of our blood ; and while they are so sparing to a few notorious villains , go about to ruin all honest men. well and learnedly has c. caesar discours'd of life and death in this assembly ; deeming , as i believe , those things to be fables , which are taught us concerning hell ; that the wicked are reserv'd in places horrid , dark and frightful , at a distance from the just . therefore it was his opinion that their estates should be put to sale , and their persons be sent to the particular municipal towns , least if they should be kept in rome , they might be rescu'd by their confederates in the conspiracy , or by the tumultous rabble . as if all the profligate villains were only at rome , and not dispers'd over all italy ; and as if audacious boldness were not like to be more prevalent in places where there was less power to oppose it . wherefore certainly this advice was very frivolous , if he have any fear of them , as dangerous persons ; but in the general consternation of all men , if he alone be not afraid ; the more it concerns me to look both to my self and you . therefore when you shall make any decree concerning p. lentulus and the rest , assure your selves the same decree will reach both catiline's army and all the conspirators : the more sedulously and vigorously you act in those affairs , the more their courage will be daunted ; but if they find you once remiss and timorous , there 's nothing then will stop their fury . never believe our ancestors enlarg'd our common-wealth from small to great by force of arms. for were it so , it would be much more spendid now , since we are much more numerous in allies and number of people ; far better provided with weapons and horses : but other things were those that made them great ; all which we want : sedulity at home and just command abroad : a mind in consultation free , nor favouring the crime , nor obnoxious to passion : instead of these , we flourish in luxury and avarice ; in public want , and private opulency : wealth we applaud , but follow sloth : between the good and bad there 's no distinction : but ambition enjoys all the rewards of vertue . nor is it a thing to be admir'd ; because you never advise together for the common good , but separately consult your own interests : because at home you serve your pleasures , and here enslave your selves to profit or favour . from whence it comes to pass that violence invades the empty common-wealth . the most illustrious of our fellow-citizens have conspir'd to burn their countrey ; to revolt and war they inflame the gauls , the mortal enemies of the roman name ; and the general of the rebels himself is with his army almost at our doors . and do ye now at such a time as this sit lingring and staggering what to do with enemies apprehended within your walls ? my opinion is , ye should take pity of ' em . they are young men that have offended through ambition ; and therefore give 'em their liberty and their weapons to boot ; but assure your selves , this clemency and compassion of yours , if they have liberty to use their armies , will turn to all our sorrows . 't is true , misery is a grievous thing , but you are not afraid of it . yes , most of all ; but through sloth and want of courage , you sit staring one upon another , expecting help from the immortal gods , who oft have sav'd this commonwealth in all her greatest dangers . but the assistance of the gods is not obtain'd by female importunity and supplication : prosperity attends on watchfulness , activity , and well consulting . when we abandon our selves to sloth and pusillanimity , 't is in vain to implore the gods , who are offended and angry . among the rest of our progenitors , a. manlius torquatus , caus'd his own son to be put to death , because he had fought the enemy contrary to his command ; so severely was the valiant youth chastiz'd for his over-hasty courage . and do you hesitate what to decree against the most cruel of parricides ? oh! but 't is pity to punish 'em , considering their former vertuous lives : however , i 'll give ye leave to be merciful to lentulus's dignity , if ever he were merciful to his own chastity , his own honour ; if e'er he spar'd the gods or men. pardon cethegus's his youth , because this is but the second time he has rebell'd against his country . for what do i talk of gabinius , statilius and ceparius , who had they had the least grain or sence of vertue and reputation , would never have engag'd in such designs against the commonwealth . lastly , conscript fathers , were there any room for an oversight , readily would i brook that you should be corrected by the matter of fact it self , since you so little regard my words ; but we are every way surrounded . catiline with his army is advanc'd to the very passages of the apennine ; other enemies we have within the walls of the city , and even in our bosoms ; no private preparations can be made , no secret consulations taken : for which reason , we must use the greater diligence . therefore 't is my opinion ; since the commonwealth is now upon the brink of danger through the sacrilegious machinations of profligate and impious wretches , who being detected by the discoveries of volturcius , and the embassadors of the allobroges , have confess'd their joynt confederacy to murder , burn , and utterly destroy their country and their fellow-citizens , together with other enormous cruelties and publick havock by them intended , that capital punishment be inflicted upon them confessing , as if they had been actually convicted of the crimes . so soon as cato sate down , all the consular personages , and the greatest part of the senate applaud his opinion , and extol his courage to the skies ; while others are upbraided with the name of cowards ; but cato is look'd upon by all as great and famous ; and a decree of senate passes in compliance with cato's opinion . and here , as being a person who have heard and read much more of what renown'd atchievments the roman people have perform'd both in peace and war , by sea and land , by chance it came into my mind to consider , what it was that upheld the management and accomplishment of such glorious actions . i knew , that frequently with inconsiderable bands they had vanquish'd numerous legions of their enemies : that with small forces they had wag'd war against potent princes ; moreover , that they had many times experienc'd the violence of fortune : that for eloquence , the greeks ; in military glory , the gauls were superior to the romans . but after many serious reflexions and considerations , it was plain to me at length , that the surpassing courage of a few citizens had brought all things to pass ; and thence it fell out , that poverty overcame opulency , and multitudes were vanquish'd by a few . but when the commonwealth was once corrupted by luxury and sloth , then the commonwealth by her own vastness supported the vices of her commanders and magistrates ; for that , like a woman that has done bearing children , for several intervals of time , rome could not shew a famous person : but in my memory there were two great men of different dispositions and manners of living , yet in vertue both surmounting ; m. cato , and c. caesar ; whom therefore , since so fair an opportunity offer'd , i could not think it became me to pass by in silence , before i had given a true character , as far as my wit would reach , of the genius and nature of both. for nobility of descent , for years and eloquence , the difference of equality was very small between ' em . in magnanimity likewise equal , as also in glory , thô treading different paths to purchase fame : for caesar's bounty and munificence made him great ; cato , his integrity of life . the first , his clemency and compassion render'd illustrious ; the other was admir'd for his severity : caesar , by giving , relieving , pardoning ; cato , by bestowing nothing , got renown : in the one , the miserable found a sanctuary ; the other was a terror to the wicked : the one for his easie temper , the other was applauded for constancy of resolution . caesar had made it his business to labour and watch ; intent upon the occasions of his friends , to neglect his own ; to deny nothing that was worthy giving ; thirsting after great command , an army and a new war , that so the lustre of his courage might shine brightly forth . on the other side , cato study'd modesty , temperance , decency , but austerity above all the rest : he never contended for riches with the wealthy , nor with the factious for command : but who was most couragious with the stout ; most modest with the bashful ; and with the most abstemious , who more temperate and continent ? he rather chose to be , then seem to be good ; so that the less he courted honour , the more she follow'd him . now then so soon as once the senate had approv'd the opinion of cato , the consul , believing it the safest way to take the advantage of the night approaching , for fear of any unexpected accident in the mean time , commanded the a capital triumvirs to make ready the place and instruments for execution . he , after the guards were set , brings lentulus himself to the prison , as the praetors also did the rest . within the javl there is a certain place call'd b tullianum ; after a small ascent to the left hand about twelve foot under ground , being wall'd about on every side , with an arch of stone over head ; but nasty , dark , offensive to the smell , and frightful to the sight . into this dungeon lentulus being let down , the lictors or executioners , according to their orders , strangl'd him with a halter . thus fell that great patrician , descended from the illustrious family of the cornelii , that frequently had held the consular dignity of rome , meeting that fatal end which the course of his life , and his actions justly merited . in the same manner also cethegus , statilius , gabinius and ceparius were executed at the same time . while these things are thus transacted at rome , catiline , of all the men which he had rais'd himself , and those that manlius had muster'd together , made two a legions , and fill'd up his b cohorts proportionable to the number of his men. then as voluntiers or friends came in to him , he made an equal distribution of their number ; insomuch , that in a short time he compleated both his legions , whereas before he had but two thousand in all . of these , not above a fourth part were arm'd with souldier like weapons ; the rest supply'd by chance and fortune , carry'd either country pike-staves , javelins , or stakes made sharp at the end . but when antonius approach'd with his army , catiline keeping the mountains , bent his march sometimes towards the city , sometimes towards gallia , carefully avoyding combat with his enemy ; for he was in hopes of numerous reinforcements , so soon as his confederates had accomplish'd their work at rome . in the mean time , he refus'd the assistance of slaves and servants , of which , a great number had resorted to him at the beginning , confiding in the strength of the conspiracy ; and deeming it might also disadvantage his interests , to have intermix'd the complaints and cause of free citizens with * slaves . but afterwards , when news was brought to the camp that the conspiracy was discover'd , and that lentulus , cethegus , and the rest were executed , the greatest part , whom hopes of plunder , and desire of new revolutions had inveigl'd to the war , dropt from him : with the rest catiline swiftly retires through the rough and difficult passes of the hills , into the territory of the a pistorienses , with a design to steal away privately under the shelter of the woods and mountains into lumbardy : but q. metellus celer lay with three legions in the territory of picenum , rightly conjecturing catiline's intention , considering the distress of his affairs . therefore having intelligence of his march , by certain fugitives , he presently raises his camp , and posts himself at the foot of the mountains , where catiline must come down in his march for hither gallia . nor was antonius far behind , as he that follow'd the nimble fugitives with a numerous army through more level and less incumber'd ways . catiline therefore , when he perceiv'd himself enclos'd with hills and numerous enemies , that all things had fail'd his expectations in the city , and that there was no safety in flight , nor hope of succour , believing it his wisest course in such a condition , to try the chance of war , he resolv'd to hazard his fortune with b antonius : and to that purpose , at the head of all his army he made this oration to his souldiers : i am convinc'd by truth of history and experience , fellow souldiers , that words afford no addititon of courage unto men ; or that a generals harangue renders a sloathful army stout , no cowardly numbers valiant . only what courage is by nature or generous practice inherent in the soul of every man , so much displays it self in battle . the person whom neither glory nor dangers can excite , in vain we seek with speeches to inflame : for consternation stops his ears . however i have call'd ye here together , partly to inculcate some few things into your breasts , but chiefly to unfold the cause of this my suddain resolution . you understand too well , fellow souldiers , how great a calamity the sloath and negligence of lentulus has brought upon himself and us ; and how i am debarr'd from marching into gallia , in expectation of considerable succours . and now you likewise know , as well as my self , what is the desperate condition of our affairs at present . two armies of the enemy , one from the city , another from gallia lie posted in our way . to stay longer in these parts , had we never so great a desire , scarcity of provision and other necessaries will not permit . and wheresoever we design our march , we have no other way but what our swords must open . wherefore i exhort ye , be resolute , and still prepar'd for vigorous encounter , and when ye are ready to joyn battle , that you carry riches , honour , grandeur , your liberty and your country in your hands . if we vanquish , all these things will be secure , plenty of provision , municipal towns and colonies , will be at our devotion . but if through cowardice we turn our backs , then all the world will be our enemies ; no place nor friend will shelter them , whose arms could not protect ' em . moreover , fellow souldiers , the same necessity binds not them , that strictly obliges us . we combate for our country , our liberty and lives , 't is only a superfluous kindness in them to defend in fight the usurpation of a few ; the reason wherefore you should be more daringly mindful of your ancient vertue . you had your choice to spend your ignominious lives in shameful exile ; or else to live at rome , your patrimonies and fortunes lost in expectation of other mens estates . but because these things seem'd base or not to be endur'd , you determin'd to follow these resolutions . if these your last determinations please not , the more need of courage at this time . for no man but the victor , exchanges war for peace . and to expect security in flight when we have thrown away our weapons that were the protection of our bodies , that 's a peice of real madness . always in battle they are most in danger who are most afraid , for daring boldness guards yee like a wall. when i consider your persons , fellow souldiers , and put an estimate upon your actions , my hopes of victory are exceeding great . your valour , age and stoutness , all encourage me . moreover , your necessities which renders even cowards valiant : nor will the nature of these narrow passages permit the enemy to surround us with their numbers . however if fortune frown upon your valour , beware , that unreveng'd you do not lose your lives , or choose to be taken , and be massacred like sheep , rather then fighting like men , to leave the enemy a bloody and mournful victory . having thus spoken , after he had made a little pause , he commanded the trumpets to sound , and leads down his men in good order into a champion ground . then , sending away all the horses , to the end , the danger being equal , the souldiers might be the more encourag'd , himself a foot embattles his army , as his number and the nature of the place would permit . for finding that the plain lay between mountains on the right , and rugged and steep rocks on the left , he made a front of eight cohorts . the rest he drew up more close in reserves . out of these he brings all the choice centurions and honorary reformades , together with the stoutest of all the common souldiers well arm'd , into his first array . to c. manlius he gave the right , to a commander of fiesoli the left wing . himself with his enfranchiz'd bondmen , and some of sylla's old souldiers , that had been distributed into * colonies , he posted himself next to the eagle , which as they said , had been the standard which marius made use of in the cimbric war. on the other side , c. antonius being then sick of the gout , because he could not be present at the battle , gave the command of his army to his legate , m. petreius . he plac'd the veterane cohorts , which he had rais'd of a suddain , in the front ; and behind them , the rest of his men for a reserve . himself riding about from rank to rank , calls every one by their names , encourages , and intreats 'em to be but mindful , that they fought against unarm'd robbers , for their country , their liberty , their altars and their houshold gods. this man , an old souldier , who had been for above thirty years together , either a a tribune , or b prefect , or c legate or pretor , and all along acquitted himself with great honour , knew most of the souldiers , was acquainted with their stoutest actions , and by bringing 'em fresh to their memories , greatly inflam'd their courages . now then petreius having diligently observ'd the enemies array , and given out his last orders , by sound of trumpet commands the signal of battle , and the cohorts at the same time to move slowly forward . the same did the enemy ; but when they were so near to one another , that the lighter arm'd might well begin the fight with their missive weapons , the legionaries never stood to throw their d piles as they were to do , but running with a hideous shout on both sides to the combat , began a close fight foot to foot with their swords . the veteranes , mindful of their pristine bravery , bore vigorously upon the enemy ; nor did their opposites make a timorous resistance , so that the combat was sharp on both sides . all the while catiline , with the most active and smartest of his followers kept still in the head of his men ; succour'd those that were over-power'd , supply'd the places of the wounded with fresh men ; frequently charg'd in person , and perform'd all the duties of a stout souldier , and experienc'd commander . petreius therefore perceiving that catiline made a stouter resistance then he expected , orders the pretorian cohort to advance and charge the very thickest of the enemy ; and then it was that all things went to wrack on catiline's side , his men being every where disorder'd , and every where put to the sword : which done the legate flew upon both the enemies wings at the same time with the same fury . manlius and the faesulane fell among the first . but as for catiline , when he saw his army routed , and himself left naked with a small remainder , remembring his descent and his ancient dignity , he threw himself into the thickest of his enemies , and was there slain with his sword in his hand . but after the battle was over , then you might see the wonderful audacity and resolution that had reign'd in catiline's army . for generally the place which every one had stood on when alive , the same when dead he cover'd with his body . some few indeed , whom the pretorian cohort had routed in the middle , lay more dispers'd , yet all had receiv'd their wounds before , and no man turning his back . only catiline was found at a distance from his own men among the carcases of his enemies , with some remainder of life , retaining in his countenance that fury and fierceness of mind which inspir'd him when alive : and the last thing remarkable is this , that of that whole number , neither in the fight nor in the pursuit was any free-born citizen taken prisoner , so equally merciful had they all been to their own and the lives of their enemies . nor can we say that the army of the roman people enjoy'd a victory to be rejoyc'd at , or at the expence of little blood. for not a man of forward bravery , but either fell in the battle , or was carry'd off desperately wounded . so that of many , that either out of curiosity or greedy of plunder , going to view the field of battle , turn'd up the carcases of the slain , there were hardly any but either knew their friends , their guests , or their kindred : and some there were who knew their enemies . thus joy and sorrow , mourning and gladness variously affected the victorious army . the end of the catilinarian war. c. crispus sallustius's jugurth or , jugurthine war. 1. falsely does human kind complain of the condition of life , as if it were too frail and short , and rather under the dominion of chance then vertue . for entertaining contrary thoughts , we shall find that there is nothing greater , nothing more excellent then man himself , and that he neither wants power nor length of years , but only industry . for the captain and commander of human life is the soul , which while it journeys with an eager pace toward glory , through the paths of vertue , is sufficiently prevalent , powerful and eminent , not needing fortune's aid ; which neither can bequeath or take away from any man his probity , his industry , or any other vertuous endowments . but if enslav'd to lewd desires , we plunge our selves in luxury and corporeal pleasures ; by degrees accustom'd to pernicious sensuality ; when we have once mispent our parts , our strength , our precious hours in sloath and oscitancy , the infirmity of nature is then accus'd , for that the guilty lay the blame of their folly upon the difficulty of business . whereas if men were but as sedulous in laudable professions , as they are eager in the pursuit of things unprofitable , and many times extreamly hazardous , they would rather govern then be govern'd by fortune ; and would advance themselves to that degree of grandeur , that instead of being mortal , they would become eternal in glory . 2. for as all mankind is compounded of soul and body , so do also all our affairs and all our studies follow , some the nature of the body , others of the soul. therefore lovely form , superfluous riches , strength of body , these in a short time all decay ; but the glorious atchievements of wit and parts , are like the soul , immortal . lastly , as there is a beginning , so there is an end of all the blessings of body and fortune ; all things rising set again ; and as they grow , grow old . but the soul , incorruptible , eternal , the guide and ruler over all mankind , acts and possesses all things , not possess'd it self . and the deprav'd humor of those men is so much the more to be admir'd , who abandoning themselves to the felicity of bodily pleasures , consume their days in luxury and idleness , and suffer the wit of man , then which there is nothing more sublime , nothing more boundless in human nature , to grow stupid and lie fallow through sluggishness and want of careful manuring . more especially since the gifts and sciences belonging to the mind , are so many and so various , by which we may arrive to highest degree of reputation . 3. yet in the midst of this diversity , neither magistracy , nor empire , nor any administration indeed of public affairs to me at this present seem so eagerly to be thirsted after : for honour is not bestow'd on vertue : neither are they that by fraud have obtain'd advancement , safe ; or for their eminent authority the more honest . for , for a man to rule his country or his parents by force , though he have power , and be never so much a corrector of misdemeanors , yet is it troublesom to the sufferers ; especially since all mutations of affairs portend slaughter , exile and other effects of hostile violence . vainly therefore to take pains , and acquire nothing else by restless toil but hatred of himself , is extremity of madness ; unless there be any so possess'd with a slavish and pernicious desire to surrender their honour and their liberty to the power of a few . 4. but among the crouds of business , which are proper for the exercise of the wit , the remembrances of great transactions seem chiefly beneficial . of the excellency of which application , since many have discours'd , i deem it not fit to be repeated : least some besides , may think it insolence in me , by praises to extol the study which my self affects . 't is true , that i believe there may be some , who , because i have determin'd to live remote from public affairs , may give the name of idleness to this same toil of mine so great and profitable : though surely none but such , whose chiefest industry it is to court the mobile , and to ingratiate themselves by popular banquets . who if they again consider , both at what time i obtain'd the magistracy , and who they were that could not gain that honour , and afterwards what sort of men were brought into the senate , certainly they will be then convinc'd , that the change of my judgment proceeded rather from desert then loytring drowsiness , and that greater advantage will accrew to the commonwealth from my leisure , then the business of others . for i have frequently heard , that q. maximus and p. scipio , the most renowned persons of our commonwealth , were wont to say , that when they beheld the statues of their ancestors , their minds were ardently inflam'd to vertue ; not that the wax or the figure had such an efficacy in its self ; but only that the flame was kindl'd in the breasts of those illustrious persons by the remembrance of past transactions ; nor could be extinguish'd , before their vertue and courage had equall'd the fame and glory of their predecessors . quite otherwise , who is there now adays that does not strive to outvie his ancestors in riches and expences , rather then in probity and industry ? upstarts also , who formerly were wont by their vertue to anticipate nobility , now by stealth and private bribery , contemning worthy means , press forward to commands and honors . as if pretorships and consulships , and all high employments whatever , were noble and magnificent in themselves , and not to be esteem'd and valu'd according to the merit of those persons that enjoy'd ' em . but i have been too free , and ran too high , in detestation of the corrupted manners of the commonwealth . i now return to the design in hand . 5. a war i am about to write , which the roman people wag'd with jugurth king of the * numidians . first because it was a great and furious contest , and victory various on both sides : and in the next place for that then it was , the first opposition was made against the nobility . which contention made a confusion of all things both divine and human , and proceeded to that degree of mortal rage , that only war and the devastation of italy , put an end to their intestine animosities . but before i enter into the beginning of this story , i must look back a little into antiquity , to the end that all things may be more clearly display'd in orderd to the better understanding of the rest . in the second punic war , when hannibal , captain of the carthaginians , had broken the strength of italy , more then ever any one , since the grandeur of the roman name , massinissa , king of the numidians , being admitted into a league of friendship by p. scipio , sirnam'd africanus for his valour , had perform'd many noble and famous warlike exploits . in recompence of which , the carthaginians being vanquish'd , and syphax taken pris'ner , whose power was great , and his dominions in africa spacious at that time , the roman people freely bestow'd upon the king what cities and countries they had then subdu'd by force of their own arms. for which reason he continu'd in his friendship to us advantageous and sincere , till his life and sov'raignty ended both together . after that , his son micipsa obtain'd the kingdom , and reign'd sole monarch , manastabales and gulassa his brothers being carry'd off by sickness . to him were born in lawful wedlock , adherbal and hiempsal , with whom he bred up jugurth , the son of his brother manastabales , and gave him royal education in his palace , notwithstanding that massinissa had left him only in a private condition , in regard his mother was no more then a concubine . 6. who , when he arriv'd to years of maturity , surpassing in strength , lovely to behold , but far more vigorous in parts and wit , would not be corrupted by luxury and ease ; but according to the custom of that nation , enur'd himself to riding , darting , and to out-run his equals , to out-do all , and yet to be belov'd by all . sometimes he spent his time in hunting , and was still the formost , or among the formost that first wounded the lion or any other wild beasts : thus performing most , but speaking least of himself . with which , altho' micipsa were well pleas'd at the beginning , as believing jugurth's courage would be an honour to his kingdom ; but when he found , in his declining years , and while his children yet were small , the sprightly youth improving daily more and more , then violently disturb'd with jealousies and fears , he began to revolve many things in his thoughts . the nature of mortals , greedy of dominion , and precipitately prone to gratifie their ambition , terrify'd him ; besides the opportunity of his own and his childrens age ; enough to overturn the loyalty of meaner courages : add to this the affections of the numidians kindl'd toward jugurth ; which made him anxious whether to contrive the death of such a man or no , to remove all occasions of sedition or war. 7. in the midst of these difficulties , when he saw that a man so acceptable to the people , could neither be destroy'd by force nor treachery , in regard that jugurth was . a person prompt of his hands , and covetous of military honour , he resolv'd to expose him to danger , and to try his fortune that way . therefore in the numantine war , micipsa designing to send the romans a numerous assistance both of horse and foot , and hoping his destruction , either by dating too far , or through the severity of his enemies , he gave him the command of the numidians , which he sent into spain . but it fell out quite contrary to his expectations : for jugurth , a person indefatigable , and of a piercing wit , when once he came to understand the disposition of scipio , then general of the roman army , and the enemies manner of fighting , by his extream labour and diligence , by his modest obedience , and frequent exposing himself to danger , arriv'd to such a degree of reputation , that he was not only greatly belov'd by our people , but equally formidable to the numantines . and indeed , a thing most extraordinary , and rarely to be met with in one single person , he was not only strenuous in battel , but safe and shrewd in counsel : of which , the one from foresight generally begets fear ; the other from dating and inconsiderate boldness , usually produces rashness . the general therefore for the most part made use of jugurth in the execution of his most difficult enterprizes , took him into the number of his friends ; and dayly more and more augmented his respect and favour toward him ; as being one whose counsel and courage seldom fail'd . besides all this , he had a large soul , and a genius most industrious , by which means he had contracted a most familiar friendship with many of the romans . 8. at that time were several upstarts and noble persons in our army , that preferr'd wealth before justice and honesty , factious , powerful at home , and among our allies more eminent for their riches then vertue ; who by ostentatious promises , did not a little inflame the hopes of jugurth , that so soon as micipsa dropt into his grave , himself should reign sole monarch of numidia ; that he was a person accomplish'd for sovereign rule , and that all things were put to sale at rome . after this , when numantia was levell'd with the ground , and that scipio had determin'd to dismiss his auxiliaries , and return home , he took jugurth along with him magnificently rewarded , and laden with encomiums , into the pretorian pavilion , before the whole assembly of the chief officers ; and there admonish'd him in secret , rather publicly then privately to continue his friendship with the roman people ; lest by ill bestowing his bounty , he might happen to purchase with danger , from a few , that which belong'd to many : that if he took the right course , glory and the kingdom would drop of themselves into his bosom ; but that if he made too much haste , his own money would throw him headlong into ruin. 9. after these admonitions , he dismiss'd him with certain letters which he was to deliver to micipsa , to this effect : thy jugurth's courage has been highly conspicuous in the numantine war , which i am assur'd will be acceptable news for thee to hear . by us he is highly respected for his merits ; and that he may have the same esteem from the senate and people of rome , we shall mainly endeavour . i congratulate thy happiness for our friendships sake ; for thou enjoy'st a subject worthy of thy self , and thy father massinissa . the king therefore , when he found true by the generals letters what he had heard before by report , smitten as well with the courage , as the loveliness of the person , allay'd his anger , and resolv'd to try whether he could vanquish him by acts of grace and favour : to which purpose he adopted him , and by his last will left him co-heir of the kingdom with his sons ; and some few years after , wasted with age and sickness , perceiving the conclusion of his days at hand , he is said to have us'd the following admonitions to jugurth in the hearing of his friends and kindred , as also of his two sons , adherbal and hiempsal . 10. when thou wert young helpless , jugurth , after thou hadst lost thy father , without hopes or maintenance , i took thee into my kingdom , believing thou wouldst prove equally grateful both to me and to my children , should i have any , for favors heap'd upon thee : nor was i deceiv'd in my good opinion : for , to omit thy other many great and famous explots , lately returning from numantia , thou hast honour'd both me and my kingdom with martial reputation ; and by thy prowess hast made the romans , friends before , most friendly to us. in spain the name and lustre of our family is again renew'd ; and which is the hardest task for mortals to perform , thou hast vanquish'd envy with renown . now then , because that nature puts an end to my life , by this right hand , by the truth of the kingdom , i beseech and conjure thee , that these young men , by birth thy nearest kindred , and brothers through my favour , may be always the dear objects of thy real affection ; and that thou wilt not forsake the friendship of thy own flesh and blood , for the alliances of strangers . neither armies nor treasures are guards sufficient to defend a kingdom , but friends ; which thou canst neither compel by force , nor purchase with gold : they are only to be gain'd by duty and fidelity . but where should friendship then be most sincere , if not between brother and brother ? or where shall he find a friend among strangers , that is an enemy to his own relations ? i leave yet a kingdom strong and durable , while vertuous and unanimous ; but weak , and of short continuance , if wicked and perverse . for by concord small beginnings thrive ; through discord the most sinewey establishments shrink to nothing . till then these striplings are grown up , thee , jugurth , it behoves , their senior both in years and prudence , to take care , that nothing may disturb this happy union . for in all contentions , the more powerful though he recieve the injury , yet because his force is greater , seems to do it . and as for your parts , adherbal and hiempsal , respect and reverence so great a man as this ; imitate his courage ; and let it not be said , that i adopted better children then i first begat . 11. to all this , jugurth , altho' he knew , that what the king had utter'd , was all but craftily dissembled , and that he had other designs in his head , nevertheless observing the season , he answer'd as if nothing but submission and duty had inspir'd him . within a few days after micipsa dies . whom , when they had magnificently interr'd with all the royal pomp befitting his dignity , the three lesser princes met together , to consult among themselves concerning their affairs . at that time , hiempsal , naturally fierce , and contemning jugurth's mean descent by the mothers side , plac'd himself upon adherbal's right hand , to prevent jugurth's sitting in the middle , which is accounted the chiefest place of honour among the numidians . nor would he give way to age , till tir'd with his brother's importunity , he was forc'd to change his seat. there , after they had discours'd many things concerning the government of the kingdom , jugurth , among other passages , throws in a word by the by , that it was but reasonable that all the decrees and acts for the five years last past , should be made void ; in regard that during all that time , micipsa being wasted with age , had not had the right use of his understanding . to which hiempsal made answer , that the proposal pleas'd him well ; for that it was but three years ago , since he had obtain'd his share of the kingdom by adoption . which expression descended deeper into jugurth's breast then they that heard it were aware of : therefore from that time , turmoyl'd with indignation and fear , he toyls , provides , and in perpetual agitation of thought , sets all his trains and engines at work by treachery to ruine hiempsal : which in regard they had but slow success , and yet his cruel mind could no way be appeas'd , he resolv'd to accomplish his design whatever it cost him . 12. at the first meeting of the three princes already mention'd , in regard they could not agree , it was adjudg'd requisite , that the treasures should be divided , and that the limits of their territories should be setled . for the execution of which decrees , a time was prefixt , but first of all for the distribution of the money . now it happen'd that hiempsal had hir'd a house in a town call'd thirmida , which belong'd to jugurth's chief gentleman-vsher , but a person greatly caress'd belov'd by himself . this officer , so opportunely in his service , jugurth loads with rich presents ; and constrains him to go , under pretence of viewing his house , and get false keys made to all the doors ( for the true ones were in hiempsal's possession ) and to let him know when all things were ready ; for that then he would come with a sufficient strength . the numidian fulfill'd his commands , and as he was instructed , in the night-time let in jugurth's souldiers ; who were no sooner rusht into the house , but several ran to seek out the young prince ; some kill'd those that were asleep ; others slew all they met ; all the private corners were ransack'd , doors broke open , nothing but noise and tumult every where ; at length hiempsal is found in a cottage belonging to a young woman his servant , whither at first in fear , and ignorant of the countrey , he had fled for shelter . the numidians , as they were commanded , carry'd his head to jugurth . 13. but the report of such a bloody fact was soon spred over all africa , so that all that were under the dominion of micipsa , were in a dreadful consternation . the numidians divide themselves into two parties : more adher'd to adherbal , but to the other the more strenuous in war : therefore jugurth arms all the forces he could raise , and adds to his territories several cities , some by force , others by willing surrender , and prepares to make himself master of all numidia . adherbal , although he had sent embassadors to rome , to inform the senate of the murther of his brother , yet confiding in the number of his souldiers , resolves upon a decision of the quarrel by the sword. but when the business came to battel , constrain'd to quit the field , he fled into the roman province , and thence made haste to rome . then jugurth , having accomplish'd his designs , and now lord of all numidia , revolving more at leisure , in his mind , the fact he had committed , began to dread the roman people , nor had he any hopes of appeasing their displeasure , but in the avarice of the nobility , and his own money . therefore within a few days he sent his embassadors to rome , loaden with gold and silver , with his instructions , first to cram the purses of his old friends , then to purchase new ; and lastly , by scattering their bribes , to make : sure of all they could , for fear of haesitation . upon this , when the embassadors came to rome , and had dispers'd their presents according to their master's instructions , among the king's friends , and others that bore the greatest sway in the senate , there was such a change ensu'd , so that whereas no man before had more incurr'd their displeasure then jugurth , no man was more in their favour . 14. thereupon , when the embassadors thought their game sure , a senate was appointed to hear both sides ; and then it was that adherbal , as we have heard , thus deliver'd himself : conscript fathers , micipsa my father , upon his death-bed , gave me in charge , that i should look upon the kingdom of numidia , so far as concern'd the administration only to be mine , but that the right of jurisdiction and dominion was vested in your selves : and that i should make it my business both in peace and war , to be as serviceable as possible i could be to the roman people . that i should value and respect you as my parents and nearest kindred and relations : which if i did , i should find in your friendship , armies , riches and the safety of my kingdom . these instructions of my father , while i was meditating carefully to put in practice , jugurth , a man of all men upon the face of the earth , most impious , contemning your authority , me massinissa's grandchild , and consequently by lineal descent an allie and friend of the roman people , has expell'd his kingdom and depriv'd of all his fortunes : i must confess , conscript fathers , since fate had destin'd me to these calamities , i could have wish'd that rather for the sake of my own , then the services of my ancestors , i might have implor'd your aid ; and that the people of rome might have ow'd me those favours which i had no need of , that then , if occasion requir'd , i might have reap'd the advantage of my debts . but in regard integrity is not secure of it self , neither was it in my power to foresee what sort of person jugurth would prove , i fled to you for succour , to whom , which is my worst misfortune , i am constrain'd to be a burthen , before i could be useful . other princes either vanquish'd in war , have been admitted into your protection , or in the tottering condition of their affairs , have sought your alliance . our family engag'd in amity with the roman people , in the time of the carthaginian war , at such a conjuncture , when their fidelity rather then their fortune was to be desir'd . whose off-spring , conscript fathers , my own self , t●● grand-child of massinissa , permit not to implore your aid in vain . had i no other reason for my suit , but only my misfortune , that deserves commiseration ; lately a potent prince , no less illustrious in birth and fame ; now disfigur'd with calamity , reduc'd to poverty and begging aid of others , yet it became the majesty of the roman people to prohibet injury ; and not to suffer any man whatever to enlarge his kingdom by sacrilegious acts. but i , alas , am here expell'd those very confines , which the roman people bestow'd upon my ancestors , from whence my father and grand-father assisting your victorious arms , ejected syphax and the carthaginians . your favours , conscript fathers , are wrested out of my hands ; and you are contemn'd in the wrongs i suffer . wretch that i am ! are thy kindnesses come to this , father micipsa , that he whom thou mad'st equal with thy children , and sharer of thy kingdom , that he should be the first to extinguish thy race and lineage ? shall our family never be at quiet ? always must boodshed , exile and slaughter be our portion ? while the carthaginians flourish'd , there was some reason for our suffering ; the enemy close by our sides ; you our allies far distant : all our dependance was upon our swords . but when that pest was exterminated out of africa , we enjoy'd a gay tranquility : for then we had no enemy , unless whom you commanded so to be . but now upon a suddain , jugurth , advancing himself , through unsufferable audaciousness , and vaunting in villany and pride , having murder'd my brother and his nearest kinsman , has first siez'd the kingdom as the booty of his impiety ; then when he could not ruin me by the same treachery , yet expecting nothing less then violence and war , within your own empire , he has stript me as you see of house and home and native country , and sent me hither an exil'd beggar , overwhelm'd with misery , and any where more secure then in my own kingdom . i was of the same opinion , conscript fathers , with my aged parent , when i heard him oft repeating , that they who inviolably embrac'd your friendship , underwent indeed much hardship , but of all men upon earth were most secure . what was in our families power to do , they did ; still your auxiliaries in your wars : and it is in your power that we may be as well secure in peace as others under your protection . my father left two brothers of us , and jugurth the third he thought would have been rivetted to us by his continual kindnesses . the one of these is butcher'd , the others impious clutches my self could hardly escape . what shall i do ? or whither , unhappy as i am , shall i repair ? all my expectancies of support from consanguinity are lost . my father , by necessity of fate , has surrender'd himself to nature : my brother , he whom it least became , has impiously robb'd of life . the rest of my near kindred , relations and friends , one sort of ruin some , another others have destroy'd ; taken by jugurth , part nail'd upon the cross ; and part expos'd to the fury of wild beasts ; the small remainder clos'd up in darkness with mourning and lamentation , lead a life far worse than death . were all things , which either i have lost , or which instead of proving necessary have fallen out averse and contrary , had been still unhazzarded and safe ; yet if any thing had happen'd unforeseen , i should however have address'd my supplications , conscript fathers , to your selves , to whom , considering the grandeur of your spacious empire , belongs the care of all justice and oppression . but now an exile from my country , from my house and home , by all deserted , and indigent of necessary subsistance , to whom shall i make application or whose aid invoke ? nations or princes , who all , because in league with you , detest our family ? is there any place left for my approach , where there are not more then many hostile monuments of my ancestors ? can any person take compassion upon us , who at any time was once your enemy ? massinissa , conscript fathers , gave us those instructions , that we should pay fidelity to none , but to the people of rome : that we should accept of no new alliances or leagues , there being superfluity of safety in your friendship : and that if the fortune of this empire should happen to change , that we should fall together with it . by your courage , and through the favour of the gods , you are mighty and opulent ; all things prosperous , all things obedient to your commands : whereby you have the power to take cognizance of injur'd allies . only this i fear , least some there may be , whom jugurth's private correspondence , closely carry'd , hurries topsy turvy ; who as i am well inform'd , with all their might endeavour , solicit , and weary with their importunities particular persons , that nothing be decreed against the person absent , ere the cause be heard : that i counterfeit words , and dissemble flight , when i might stay in my kingdom if i pleas'd . but i wish to heaven i might see the traitor , whose villany has plung'd me into these calamities , dissembling here the same things ; and at length that either you or the immortal gods would be mindful of human affairs ; to the end that he , who is now become haughty and illustrious by his perpetrated crimes , tormented then with all imaginable tortures , might receive the dismal reward of his impiety toward the parent of us both , in the murther of my brother , and rendring me thus miserable . and now brother , to my soul most dear , although thy life was robb'd untimely from thee , and by him whom it behov'd most charily to have preserv'd it , yet i am apt to think , thy fate affords us an occasion rather of joy then lamentation . for together with thy life , 't is but a kingdom thou hast lost ; thou hast escap'd the terrors of flight , exilement , indigency , and all those miseries that weigh down my soul : while unfortunate as i am , thrown head-long from my native kingdom into so many disasters , i am only a spectacle of human uncertainties ; uncertain what to do , whether to prosecute thy wrongs , my self a suppliant for succour ; or whether to take farther care of my kingdom , whose power of life and death depends upon the charity of strangers . i wish to heaven that death might be the vertuous end of all my grandeur ; least i should seem contented , were it but only to live , if tir'd with my misfortunes , i should sink under the burthen of the oppression . now therefore , conscript fathers , impatient of life , yet not permitted to die without disgrace , for your own , for the sake of your children and your parents , by the majesty and grandeur of the roman people , vouchsafe your succour to me unfortunate ; stop the career of injustice , and suffer not the kingdom of numidia , which is your own , to consume and pine away , while harrass'd by impiety and the effusion of our blood. 15. when the king had made an end of speaking , jugurth's embassadors , relying more upon the profuseness of their presents , then the justice of their cause , answer'd in few words , that hiempsal was by the numidians put to death for his cruelty ; that adherbal , having begun a war without any provocation , when he saw himself vanquish'd came to complain , because he could not do the wrong he intended : and therefore jugurth besought the senate , that they would not think him any other person , then what he was known to be at numantia ; nor prefer the stories of an enemy , before his own apparent deeds . which said , they both withdrew . immediately the senate took the business into consideration . at what time the favourers of the embassadors and several others corrupted by dependency , made slight of adherbal's complaint , highly applauded jugurth's vertue ; spar'd neither for affection or words , but labour'd with all their might imaginable , for the villany and treachery of a stranger , as if it had been for their own honor. on the other side some few there were , to whom justice and equity were of more value then riches , who were of opinion that adherbal was to be supported , and that the death of hiempsal was to be severely reveng'd . but among all the rest chiefly emilius scaurus , nobly descended , indefatigable , factious , ambitious of power , honour and wealth , but one that cunningly knew how to conceal his vices . for he , perceiving the notorious and scandalous bribery of the king , fearing , as oft it happens in such cases , least a pollution so licentious should bring an odium upon him , checkt his inordinate desires , and kept his avarice within bounds . 16. however in the senate that party carry'd it , which preferr'd reward and favour before truth . a decree was therefore made , that ten commissioners should divide micipsa's kingdom between adherbal and jugurth ; in which commission l. opimius was the chief : a person of great eminency and then potent in the senate ; for that being consul , after c. gracchus and m. fulvius were slain , he had prosecuted more severely the victory of the nobility , and gratify'd their indignation with a great slaughter of the plebeians . this person , though at rome he had not found him favourable to his interests , jugurth receiv'd with all the caresles imaginable ; at length profuse in gifts and promises , he so brought it to pass , that reputation , fidelity , justice laid aside , he preferr'd the kings profit above all things . with the same baits the numidian tempted the rest of the commissioners and the greatest part swallow'd the silver hook ; only some few valu'd their credit above gold. in the partition , that part of numidia which borders upon mauritania , far the better country both for the richness of the land , and number of inhabitants , was assign'd to jugurth . the other more beautiful for prospect , then beneficial , as being full of havens , and replenish'd with fair and sumptuous buildings , fell to adherbal's share . 17. here the occasion requires , that we should give a brief description of the situation of africa , together with a slight account of those nations , with which we were either at war , or joyn'd in alliance : though as to those places and nations , which by reason of the heat , the rudeness of the country , and vastness of the desarts , are less frequented , i find but little discovery made ; the rest i shall dispatch in as few words as may be . in the division of the terrestrial globe , most geographers have allow'd a third share to africa , though some few there are who acknowledge no more then two parts , asia and europe ; affirming that africa belongs to europe . it is bounded to the west by the streights , between our sea and the ocean ; to the east , by a steep descent , which place the inhabitants call : * catabathmos . the sea adjoyning tempestuous , and ill furnish'd with havens ; the soyl fruitful in corn , and abounding in pasturage , but naked of wood ; the people healthy , patient of labour , and generally long-liv'd , unless cut off by war , or destroy'd by wild beasts , as being seldom injur'd by diseases : only they are pester'd with several sorts of venomous creatures . and now what race of mortals first inhabited africa , who succeeded them , and how they came to be intermix'd one among another , although it vary from that report , which generally prevails among most men , nevertheless according to what was translated for our use out of the punic books , which were said to be king hiempsal's , and as the people of that country believe it to be , i shall concisely declare . 18. the people that first seated themselves in africa , were the getulians and libyans , rude and barbarous , whose food was the flesh of wild beasts , or the grass upon the ground , like so many herds of cattel . they were neither govern'd by customs , laws , nor under any command ; roving and wandring , where night constrain'd , there they took up their present quarters . but after that hercules dy'd in spain , as the africans believe , his army , compos'd of several nations , having lost their leader , while many sought to lay the foundations of particular dominion , shatter'd into several parties . of that number , the medes , persians and armenians , crossing over into africa , took possession of those places that lie upon our sea : but the persians nearer to the main ocean ; who made use of the keels of their ships , the bottoms turn'd upward , for cottages ; for that there was no timber in the country , nor had they any conveniency of buying or exchanging out of spain , by reason that the wideness of the sea and ignorance of the language prevented commerce . these , by degrees , by intermarriages intermix'd the getulians among themselves : and because that in search of convenient habitations , they sometimes try'd one country , then another , they call'd themselves numidians . and as yet , the buildings of the wild numidians were oblong , and bow'd on both sides , like the keels of ships . with the libyans , the medes and armenians joyn'd ; for these liv'd nearer the african sea. the getulians more under the sun , not far from the scorching heats ; and these built themselves towns betimes . for being separated only by a narrow streight from spain , they had settl'd a trade one among another . their name also the libyans by degrees chang'd , calling them instead of medes , maurs , according to the pronunciation of their barbarous idiom . as for the persians , they grew potent in a short time ; and afterwards retaining the name of numidians , by reason of their multitude , they left their parents , and took possession of those places which being next to carthage , are call'd numidia . then both together , confiding in each others strength , they compell'd their neighbors , either by force , or through fear , to submit to their jurisdiction ; thereby gaining both a name and reputation to themselves ; but they the greater , that advanc'd as far as our sea ; for that the libyans are not so warlike as the getulians . lastly , the lower part of africa was for the most part possessed by the numidians ; while all the rest being vanquish'd and subdu'd , acknowledg'd only the name and government of the victors . 19. afterwards , the phoenicians , partly being too numerous at home , partly through desire of dominion , having prevail'd with the people , and others no less covetous of novelty , to follow 'em , built a hippo , b adrumetum , c leptis , and other cities upon the sea-coast : which being afterwards much enlarg'd , some serv'd for srength , and some for ornament . for as for carthage , i think it proper rather to say nothing at all , then to be too concise , time calling us another way . therefore from catabathmos , which place divides egypt from africa , observing the tide of the sea , the first city is a cyrene , a colony of the island of thera , now gozi in the aegaean sea ; then the two b syrtes ; between which leptis , and then the c altars of the phileni . which was the limits of the carthaginian empire next to carthage . all the other countries as far as mauritania , the numidians possess ; and next to spain , are the moors , beyond numidia the getulians inhabit , some in cottages , others more barbarously roving from place to place : beyond them lie the ethiopians . and then the desarts all parch'd up by the scalding heat of the sun. therefore in the jugurthine war , the romans by their magistrates govern'd most of the punic towns , and the territoties of the carthaginians , which they had latest won . the greatest part of the getulians and the numidians , as far as the river * mulucha , were under the dominion of jugurth . over all the moor's king bocchus reign'd , to whom the romans were little known , unless it were by name ; neither was he known to us , by any occasion either of war or alliance . 20. after the commissioners had divided the kingdom , they return'd home . at what time , when jugurth saw that he had obtain'd the full reward of his treachery , contrary to the fears of his heart , believing it certain , as he had learnt by his friends at numantia , that all things were vendible at rome ; as also encourag'd by the promises of those whom , but a little before he had glutted with his presents , he bends his thoughts upon adherbal's kingdom . he himself stirring , and warlike ; the person he design'd upon , peaceful , and effeminate , of a mild temper , and cut out for an object of injustice ; rather fearful , then to be fear'd . unexpectedly therefore jugurth enters his territories with a great army , sweeps the country both of people and cattel , burns the houses , and in an hostile manner approaches most of the cities with his cavalry . then with all his booty he marches back into his own kingdom , believing that adherbal thus incens'd , would revenge the injury done him ; which would be a fair pretence for a war. on the other side , adherbal , because he knew himself to be no way equal to his adversary ; and for that he trusted rather to the friendship of the romans , then in his own numidians , sent his embassadors to jugurth , to complain of the injuries he had done him ; who , though they return'd with only contumelious usage , yet he determin'd to suffer all indignities , rather then begin a war , wherein he had had such ill success before . however , jugurth's ambition abated never the more for that , as one that had already devour'd his brother's kingdom in his heart . and therefore not now ; as before , by way of inroad , but with a great army he began the war , and openly to lay claim to the whole empire of numidia : wherever he came , he laid waste city and country , drave all before him , encourag'd his own , and struck terror into his enemy . 21. adherbal , when he found it was come to that height , that he must either abandon his kingdom , or maintain his right by force of arms , constrain'd by necessity , raises an army , and marches to meet jugurth . thus both armies met by the sea-side , not far from the city of * cirta ; but in regard it was then toward the evening , they did not fight that day ; but when the night was far spent , and that day-light began to glimmer , jugurth's souldiers , the signal given , fall pell-mell into the enemies camp , where they kill , rout , and put to flight the scarce awake numidians , ere they could put themselves into a posture of defence : adherbal , with some few horsemen gains the city of cirta ; and had it not been for the great number of italians that kept off the pursuing enemy from the walls , in one day between two kings a war had been begun and endeed . jugurth therefore surrounds the town , and prepares with his * vines , towers and engins of all sorts , to storm the walls . making the more haste to anticipate the embassadors , which , as he heard , adherbal had sent to rome before the fight . however , so soon as the senate had intelligence of the war , three young men were sent into africa , with instructions to attend both the kings , and to let 'em know that it was the pleasure and decree of the senate and people of rome , that both should lay down their arms ; and for any controversies that were between 'em , that they should suffer the law , not war to determin ' em . 22. the commissioners arrive in africa , which they made the more haste to do , in regard that while they were preparing for their journey , news was brought to rome of the battel fought , and the siege of cirta ; though the truth were very much minc'd , and favourably reported . to whom , when jugurth had heard their message , he made answer , that there was nothing more awful nor more sacred to him , then the authority of the senate : that from his youth he had so endeavour'd to regulate his behaviour , that he might gain the applause of all good men : that his courage , not his evil deeds had render'd him grateful to scipio , the greatest person in the world : that for the same reason , and not for want of children , he was adopted into the kingdom by micipsa : but that the more he had well and strenuously behav'd himself , the less could he frame his mind to brook affronts : that adherhal had treacherously laid wait for his life , which when he understood , he only oppos'd him with open force : that the people of rome would neither act justly nor as became good men , to forbid him the right of all nations : lastly , that he would in a short time by his embassadors give the senate an account of all his proceedings . 22. jugurth when he thought the commissioners were departed out of africa , and found that by reason of the natural strength of the place , he could not take cirta by storm , surrounds it with trenches and breast-works rear'd up several towers , which he stuft with armed men : left no thing unattempted day and night , either by force or stratagem ; at the same time alluring and terrifying the defendants with rewards and objects dreadful to the sight ; inflaming the valour of the assailants by continual encouragements ; and sedulously performing all things requisite upon such an occasion . adherbal therefore , finding all his fortunes reduc'd to the last extremity , the enemy pressing furiously on , no expectation of relief , nor hope of spinning out the war for want of necessaries , among the rest that fled with him to cirta , he made choice of two brisk men of undaunted fidelity , and partly by large promises , partly by raising up their pity of his low condition , prevail'd with 'em to break through the enemies guards in the night time , to the next shoar , and thence with all imaginable speed to make for rome . the numidians in a few days accomplish his desires , and adherbal's letters were read in the senate to this effect . not any fault of mine , but jugurth's violence , conscript fathers , constrains me so often to implore your aid : whose ardent thirst to drink my blood is so extream , that he regards neither your selves nor the immortal gods : nothing will gratify his impatience but my destruction . therefore now five months together have i , the friend and allie of the roman people been closely besieg'd ; not will my father micipsa's kindnesses , nor your decrees afford me any succour . my misfortune disswades me to write any more of jugurth ; before this time also , having had experience , how little fidelity is reserv'd for the miserable . however i am satisfy'd , that his desires are far beyond what i at present am ; nor does he hope your friendship and my kingdom both together : and which he deems of most importance , there 's no man but may easily discern . for first he murder'd hiempsal my brother , then chac'd me from my native kingdom . what were our private injuries , was no concern indeed of yours : but now with armed force he usurps your kingdom ; and me , whom you appointed governour of numidia , he closely keeps penn'd up in misery . how much he regarded the commissioners message , my dangers fully evince . what remains , but only your own power to remove him . i must confess , i could heartily wish , that what i have written and all my former complaints in the senate , had rather , then , been feign'd and idle stories , then that now my misfortune , should verify my words . but seeing i was only born to be the sport of jugurth's wicked insolence , i deprecate neither calamity nor death , but only the tyranny of my enemy , and the torture of my body . provide as you please your selves for the good of the kingdom of numidia , which is your own ; but by the majesty of the empire , by the fidelity of you friendship , wrest me out of impious hands , if yet there be remaining among ye , any remembrance of my grandfather massinissa . 24. this being read , some were of opinion that an army should be forthwith sent into africa , and that adherbal should be speedily reliev'd ; and that in the mean time , they should consider what was to be done with jugurth , for disobeying the commissioners . but jugurth's party labour'd might and main , against the passing such a decree . thus the public good , as it happens in most affairs , was overcome by private favour . nevertheless they sent into africa some of the senior nobility , who had been advanc'd to the highest honours . among the rest was the above mentioned scaurus , a consular person , and then president of the senate . they , because the the senate were in a heat , and besides being earnestly importun'd by the numidians , took shipping in three days and soon after landed at * vtica , whence they sent letters to jugurth , that he should repair forth with to the province ; for that they were sent to him by the senate . he , when he heard that men of that note , whose authority was great in the senate , were arriv'd contrary to his expectation , at first distracted between fear and ambition , was virously turmoyl'd . he dreaded the anger of the senate , should he disobey the embassadors ; on the other side his mind blinded by ambition , hurry'd him to compleat the outrage he had begun . however the worst result obtain'd the victory in his covetous inclinations . to that purpose , surrounding the whole city with his army , he endeavours by main force to break into the city ; chiefly hoping that while the besieged were divided to defend many posts at once , some lucky chance would give him either by force or stratagem a victorious opportunity . which not succeeding to his mind , and finding he could not effect what he intended , which was to get adherbal into his clutches , before he met the embassadors , least by longer delay he should incense scaurus , with a small retinue he hasten'd into the province . but notwithstanding he was sharply reprov'd , severely rebuk'd , and smartly threaten'd in the name of the senate , unless he rais'd his siege ; nevertheless , after much altercation to no purpose , the embassadors departed without effecting any thing . 26. the news of which arriving at cirta , the italians , whose courage had defended the walls , not doubting but that after a surrender , in consideration of the roman grandeur , they should be secure and safe , perswaded adherbal to surrender himself and the town to jugurth , upon quarter for his life : and that for other things the senate would take care . upon which , though he knew nothing more false then jugurth's word , nevertheless because he knew himself in the hands of those , who if he refus'd had power to constrain him , he submitted to the pleasure of the italians , and yielded up the town . presently jugurth , in the first place tortures adherbal to death ; then he slew all the numidian youth and merchants promiscuously , as they fell in the souldiers way . 27. which after it was known at rome , and that the matter came to be debated in the senate , the kings stipendiaries interposing , partly by favour , partly by unnecessary wrangling , qualify'd the hainousness of the fact. so that unless c. memmius , tribune of the people elect , a person vehement , and a great stickler against the power of the nobility , had not inform'd the roman people , what contrivances were a brewing , that jugurth's villany might be pardon'd , all the heat and passion of the senate had vanish'd into nothing , through delay of consultation . but the senate , conscious of their miscarriage , were afraid of the people , and therefore according to the sempronian law , provinces are decreed the succeeding consuls : the consuls elect were p. scipio nasica , and l. bestia calpurnius . numidia fell to calpurnius , and italy to scipio . thereupon an army is rais'd to be transported into africa ; money , provision and ammunition decreed for the support of the war. 28. of which when jugurth had intelligence , contrary to his expectation , as one who was fully perswaded that all things were to be bought at rome , he sends embassadors to the senate , his own son , and two of his familiar friends , with the same instructions as he gave to those which he sent after the murder of hiempsal , that they should not spare to tempt all persons whatsoever with their money . upon their approach near rome , bestia mov'd the senate whether it were their pleasure that jugurth's embassadors should be admitted within the walls of the city : who thereupon made a decree , that unless they came to surrender the kingdom and the king's person , they should depart italy within ten days : which decree the consul order'd to be carry'd to the numidians ; so that they were forc'd to return without performing any thing . in the mean time , calpurnius having got his army in readiness , chooses for his legates , persons noble and factious , whose authority might guard him , should he happen to commit any miscarriage ; in which number was scaurus , whose qualities and conditions we have already describ'd . for indeed the consul was endu'd with many excellent qualities both of body and mind , though pester'd all , and incumbr'd with avarice . patient of labour , a sharp and penetrating wit , sufficiently provident , a good souldier , resolute in danger , and most wary of stratagem . the legions were shipp'd from * rhegium for sicily , and thence for africa . and then it was that calpurnius having made provision of victuals , smartly enter'd numidia , takes a great number of prisoners , and several cities by main force . 29. but when jugurth by his embassadors began to dazle him with money , and then to lay before him the difficulty of the war which he had undertaken , his mind , sick with avarice , easily suffer'd an alteration . however he did nothing without scaurus , whom he made his bosom companion and sharer of his counsels . who though at first he fiercely oppos'd the kings interest , when most of his faction were corrupted ; yet at length the vastness of the sum was such , that it drew him from honour and justice to vile depravity . all this while jugurth had only purchas'd a cessation of war , believing in the mean time that he should make a better progress either by price or favour . but when he understood that scaurus was come in for a share , encourag'd then with all the hopes imaginable of recovering peace , he determin'd to treat in person upon the particular conditions . to that purpose as it were for a security , sextius the questor is sent by the consul to vacca , a town belonging to jugurth , upon pretence of receiving an imposition of corn , which the consul had openly commanded the commissioners to get ready provided ; the truce being continu'd under a daily expectation of surrender . the king therefore , as he had resolv'd , arrives in the camp , where after he had made a short speech in the council of war , in excuse of the crime that was laid to his charge , and formally petitioned that he might be admitted to surrender , the rest he transacted in private with bestia and scaurus . and then the next day , the opinions of the council being demanded in a huddle and over-rul'd by the consul , his surrender was admitted . however according to the imposition of the council , thirty elephants , cattle , a great number of horses , and no inconsiderable sum of money were deliver'd to the * questor . after which calpurnius departs for rome to be present at the election of new magistrates , while all was quiet both in numidia and our army . 30. but after fame had spread abroad the proceedings in africa , and how things had been manag'd , at rome there was nothing discours'd of in all places and meetings , but the strange management of the consul ; among the commonalty terrible disgust ; the fathers troubl'd , and at a kind of loss ; nor did they know well what to do , whether they should approve so scandalous a misdemeanor or disanul the consuls decrees . but such was the power of scaurus , who was reported to be both bestia's confederate and adviser of the act , that it stopp'd 'em very much in the course of honesty and justice . yet c. memmius whose freedom of speech , and inveteracy against the nobility we have already mention'd , while the senate sat wavering and hesitating , encourag'd the people by popular harangues to revenge ; exhorts 'em not to desert the commonwealth nor their own liberty ; laid open many haughty and cruel acts of the nobility , and sedulously kindl'd up the indignation of the people by all manner of ways . which gives me an opportunity since the eloquence of memmius was at that time in such high esteem , and so powerfully perswasive upon all occasions , to recite one among so many of his orations ; more especially what he discours'd in a particular assembly , presently after the return of bestia in these words ; 31. many things dislwade me , gentlemen , why our affection to the commonwealth should not be so highly preferr'd above all other things . the power of faction ; your patient sufferance ; no justice ; but more especially , for that there is more danger then honour attends upon innocency . for it grieves me to utter what i am about to speak , that for these fifteen years , during which time you have been the laughter and contempt of the prevailing power of a few , how shamefully , how unreveng'd your champions have perish'd , as if your courage were infected with sloth and oscitancy ; who neither at this time rowse up in opposition of your criminal enemies ; and are also now afraid of those , to whom ye ought to be a terror . but yet in this unhappy condition of affairs , my zeal constrains me to oppose the predominancy of faction . i shall certainly make tryal of that liberty , which my parents left me as part of my inheritance , but whether in vain , or to the purpose , that 's only in your power . neither do i perswade ye , as frequently your ancestors have done , to arm your selves against these violences . there is no need of force or tumult ; for you 'll find they will run headlong after their usual manner . tiberius gracchus being slain , whom they accus'd of designing regal sovereignty , grievous were the bloody executions of the roman people . after the murder of c. gracchus and m. fulvius , many of your quality and degree were slaughter'd in prison . neither did the law , but their ambition put a stop to both those cruel havocks . yet certainly the reparation of the government should rather have consisted in restoring the commonalty their privileges . whatever cannot be sufficiently punish'd , without shedding the blood of fellow-citizens , let it be done by law. of late years you tacitly murmut'd to see the public chequer robb'd ; to see kings and free people pay their tribute to a few of the nobility ; supreme dignity at their command , and riches most exorbitant in their possession ; yet took little notice of their exercising these unequal usurpations with impunity . and thus at length the laws , your dignity , all things divine and human were deliver'd up into the hands of enemies ; yet neither are they that acted those enormities asham'd or penitent ; but trample over your faces magnificently , boasting their chief pontificates , their consulships , and many their triumphs ; as if they lookt upon those things as honours , and not rapines rather . servants bought with money , brook not the unjust commands of their lords and masters : and will you , gentlemen , born to empire , patiently endure servitude ? but who are they , who have thus got possession of the commonwealth ? the most abominable among men ; their hands besmear'd with blood ; insatiably covetous , most injurious , and the same most lofty . by whom fidelity , honour , piety ; lastly , all things honest and dishonest are put to sale. some of 'em have plac'd their chiefest safety in murdering the tribunes of the people , others in inflicting unjust punishments ; but the greatest part in committing bloody violence upon your selves . thus , by how much every one acted most facinorously , so much the more secure he thought himself . they transferr'd their dread from their own crimes upon your remissness . and all these the same desires , the same hatred , and the same fears combin'd together . but this same friendship among good men , is faction among the wicked . but had you the same care of your liberty , as they are vehemently inflam'd with love of dominion , upon my word , neither the commonwealth would be laid waste , as now it is , and the most worthy , not the most audacious would reap the benefit of your favours . your ancestors , to obtain their right , and to establish their dignity , twice in a divided body from the nobility , fortify'd themselves upon the aventine mountain : and will not you with all your might endeavour the recovery of that liberty which you receiv'd from them ? and so much the more eagerly , by how much the greater ignominy it is to lose what once you have atchiev'd , then never to have won it ? it may be ask'd me , what is my opinion then ? that they be severely punish'd who have betray'd the commonwealth to the enemy ; not by strength of arms , nor force , which had been more unworthy for you to have done , then dishonourable for them to suffer , but by the examinations confession of jugurth himself : for if he have surrender'd himself , certainly he will be obedient to your commands : but if he contemn your orders , then you your selves may judge , what that same peace or surrender is , from whence jugurth obtains the impunity of his crimes ; whence some few powerful noblemen heap such treasures to themselves , ; whence so much loss and shame befals the common-wealth . but perhaps you have not had enough of their lordly domineering ; and those then these times please your humor better , when kingdoms , provinces , laws , privileges , judgments , war and peace , all things divine and human were in the power of a few ; but you , that is to say , the people of rome , to your enemies invincible , and lords of sundry nations , thought it a sufficient happiness to breath . for who among ye durst refuse to be a slave ? but for my part , though i do think it the most hainous thing in the world for a man to have an outrage done him , and yet the malefactor go unpunish'd ; yet could i willingly endure , that you should pardon the most abhorr'd of men , provided they were citizens , did i not think your clemency might prove pernicious . for they , whatever vexation and interruptions they may meet with , will never lay to heart their doing mischief , unless they be depriv'd of the power of acting , but your fears will be eternal , when you find that either you must be slaves , or vindicate your liberty by force of arms. for what hope is there either of fidelity or concord ? they resolve to domineer , and you desire your freedom ; they to do injustice , you to prohibit 'em : lastly , they use your allies as enemies , and your adversaries as friends . can there be peace and friendship in minds so diametrically opposite ? wherefore i desire and exhort ye not to suffer an outragious piece of violence to go unpunish'd . the public treasury is not robb'd ; nor money violently extorted from your friends , which though offences of a high nature , yet now adays are lookt upon as meerly trifles . no — the authority of the senate is betray'd to a most bitter enemy ; the common-wealth is set to sale both at home and abroad , which unless they be narrowly examin'd , unless the guilty be brought to condign punishment , what remains , but that we must live in servitude to those that have committed these notorious crimes ? for to act without fear of punishment , that 's to be a king. not that it is my meaning you should be glad to see your fellow-citizens were all involv'd in equal crimes ; but that you should distinguish , and be careful how ye pardon the wicked , lest thereby you occasion the destruction of the good. besides that it is much more beneficial to the commonwealth , to forget a kindness then an injury : for good men only grow more careless if neglected ; but bad men more audacious . to which we may add , that if offenders were but duly punish'd , you would not stand so frequently in need of tribunitial aid . 32. by these , and such like reasons often urg'd , memmius perswades the people of rome , that cassius who was then pretor , might be sent to jugurth ; and that he should bring him to rome upon the public faith , to the end that by the confession of the king , the misdemeanors of scaurus , and the rest , who absconded upon the score of taking bribes , might be made manifest . while these things were thus transacted at rome , they who were left by bestia , to command the army in numidia , following the example of their general , committed many and most facinorous enormities . some there were , who corrupted with gold , deliver'd back the elephants to jugurth ; others sold the fugitives ; others robb'd and spoyl'd the provinces that were at peace : such a violent rage of avarice had canker'd their very minds , like a general contagion . but cassius the pretor , the choice being reported by c. memmius , to the terror of the nobility , goes to jugurth , and perswades him , fearful , and guiltily mistrustful as he was , in regard he had surrender'd himself to the roman people , to make trial rather of their clemency , then their force ; and privately gave him his own word , which he thought to be equal to the public faith. such was the high reputation of crassus at that time . 33. upon that , jugurth contrary to the grandeur and majesty of a prince , comes to rome in pitiful and sordid habit : and though he were endu'd with a vast courage and confidence above measure , being confirm'd by all whose power or impiety had encourag'd him to act what he had done , however he made sure of m. bebius tribune of the people , to the end that by his impudence he might be safe from all dangers of popular violence . but memmius , summoning an assembly of the people together , though the commonalty were hainously incens'd against the king , and some commanded him to be laid in irons ; and others , unless he reveal'd his confederates , threaten'd him with capital punishment , according to the custom of their ancestors ; yet consulting more their honour , then to gratify their fury , he made it his business to qualify their heats , to appease their indignation ; and lastly to convince 'em that the public faith was to be observ'd . then silence following and jugurth being produc'd , memmius made a speech , wherein he rips up all his misdemeanors both at rome , and in numidia , lays open his crimes committed against his father and his brothers ; telling him withal , that altho the people of rome , were well inform'd already who were his agents and assistants , yet they were desirous of farther proof , and discovery from himself ; that if he confess'd the truth , he had great encouragement to rely upon the clemency and faith of the roman people ; but that if he would not be ingenuous , he would do his confederates no kindness , but would certainly ruin himself and all his hopes . 34. when memmius had made an end , and that jugurth was commanded to answer , c. bebius the tribune , whom jugurth had largely brib'd , as we told ye before , commands the king to hold his tongue ; and although the multitude who were present at the assembly , being highly incens'd , threaten'd the tribune not only with their looks and hideous clamors , but with all those other acts of violence that anger makes use of ; yet nothing could deter his impudence , so that the people brake up their assembly contemn'd and scorn'd : on the other side , jugurth , bestia and the rest , whom that same examination strangely disorder'd , resum'd fresh hopes , much more enliven'd then they were before . 35. there was at that time at rome a certain numidian , by name massiva , the son of gulussa , and grand-child to massinissa , who because he was an enemy to jugurth , when the three kings were at variance , upon the surrender of cirta , and murder of adherbal , fled out of africa . this man was perswaded by sp. albinus , who was consul the next year after bestia , with quintus minucius rufus , in regard he was descended in a direct line from massinissa , to lay claim in the senate to the kingdom of numidia , while jugurth's fears and the abomination of his crimes lay heavy upon him . the consul , thirsting after war , was clearly for creating any disturbance rather then lie idle . more especially because numidia was fall'n to his lot , as macedonia to that of minucius . so that when massiva began to bestir himself , and jugurth found he was not safe enough in the protection of his friends , for that in some their guilt of conscience ; in others their lost reputation and apprehensions of mind had extinguish'd the heat of their solicitations , he orders bomilcar , his near kinsman , and his intimate and trusty agent , with a round sum of money , the main instrument with which he had brought to pass all his mischievous designs , to procure certain russians to watch massiva , and hurry him out of the city , with all the privacy they could ; or if that plot fail'd , to murder him out-right . bomilcar swiftly puts in execution the kings commands , and by fellows that understood their trade , observes his walks , his goings out , and commings in , his haunts , and seasons of being abroad ; and then , when every thing was fix'd , he lies perdue . at what time , one of those that were hir'd for the murder , somewhat over hastily setting upon massiva , struck off his head : so that being apprehended , at the perswasions of many , and chiefly of albinus the consul himself , he makes a confession ; upon which bomilcar , who accompany'd jugurth to rome , upon the public faith , is adjudg'd guilty , rather by the law of nature then of nations , by which he seem'd to be exempted from punishment . but as for jugurth , though no man were so well acquainted with the fact as himself ; yet would he never give over labouring against the certainty of truth , until he found that the abhorrency of the fact had got the upper hand of favour and his gold. therefore though upon the former information , he had given in fifty of his friends as sureties for bomilcar 's forth-coming , however being more mindful to secure his kingdom , then careful to discharge his bail with honour , he privately sent away bomilcar into numidia , afraid least popular fears might shake the loyalty of the rest , if once they heard that he were put to death : and he himself within a few days after follow'd , being commanded by the senate to depart italy . of whom it is reported that as he was upon the road still in view of the walls , he frequently turn'd his head not saying a word , till at length , casting a wistful look upon the city , he brake forth into this exclamation ; adieu fair city to be sold , and ripe for ruin , could it find a chapman . 36. in the mean time albinus , the war being thus renew'd , sends away provisions , money and other necessaries for the souldiers , into africa , and swiftly also follows in person , that before the election of new magistrates which grew on apace , he might conclude the war , either by force of arms , upon composition , or by any other means . on the other side , jugurth spun out the time , to the utmost of his power , pretending sometimes one , sometimes another excuse for his delay , promis'd surrender , and then dissembl'd his fears ; sometimes he retires , and by and by , for fear of discouraging his own men , he makes a stand : thus lingring out the war , and sometimes with proposals of peace he eluded and baffl'd the consul . and some there were who thought albinus was not unacquainted with the kings designs , for considering the hast he made at first , they could not believe but that the war was rather prolong'd through the remissness of the consul , then policy of the enemy . but the season being spent in vain ; and the day of elections at hand , albinus , leaving his brother aulus propretor in the camp , departed for rome . 37. at that time was rome most terribly harrass'd by the mutinies and contentions of the tribunes , p. lucullus , and l. annius , tribunes of the people , who notwithstanding the opposition of their collegues , obstinatly endeavour'd to continue in the magistracy . which contention prorogu'd the elections for a whole year . upon which delay , aulus , who was left propretor in the camp ( as we have already declar'd , ) building fair hopes , either of putting an end to the war , or by the terror of his army to extort some considerable sum of money from the king , in the month of january , draws his army out of their winter quarters into the field ; and with long marches in a sharp season , presents himself before the walls of suthul , where the kings treasure lay . which although , in regard of the hardness of the weather , and the situation of the place , it could neither be taken nor besieg'd ; for that a boggy plain , by reason of the winter showers , now become a spacious marish , surrounded the walls , that were built upon the point of a craggy rock ; yet either in a bravado , to terrify the king ; or blinded with eager hopes of gaining the treasures of the town , set up his vines , open'd his trenches , and in a word , omitted nothing that might further his design . 38. on the other side jugurth , perceiving the vanity of the legate , his want of military experience , craftily to heighten his madness , sent messengers to him , with offers of submission , while he himself as it were to avoid his fury , leads his army through the woods and places of most difficult access . lastly upon hopes of agreement he had so charm'd aulus , as to make him raise his siege and follow him still feigning flight , into countries with which he was not in the least acquainted ; that so his oversights might be less subject to disclosure . in the mean time he employ'd most active and cunning gamesters , day and night to sound the army ; and to bribe the centurions , and captains of horse , either to revolt , or upon signal given to desert their stations ; which when he had accomplish'd according to his desire , of a suddain in a tempestuous night , he surrounds aulus's camp with a vast multitude of numidians . the roman souldiers , amaz'd at such an unusual alarum , some stood to their arms ; some ran to hide themselves ; others heartned up the timerous ; some stood quivering ; while the enemy thunder'd in upon 'em on all sides . the sky all over-cast with clouds and darkness ; the danger doubtful ; nor could the most daring well resolve which was the safest course , whether to fight or fly . in this hurry , among those whom the kings gold had poyson'd , the ligurian cohort , with two troops of thracians , and some few common souldiers revolted to the king ; and the * primipile centurion of the third legion gave admittance to the enemy at that quarter , which he had undertaken to defend : and there all the numidians pour'd in like a torrent . shameful was the flight of our men , of which the greatest part possessed themselves of the next hill , leaving their arms behind ' em . night , and the eagerness after plunder prevented the enemy from making that advantage of their victory they might have done . the next day jugurth entring into a personal parley with aulus , told him , that tho' he had him safe with all his army surrounded with famin and the sword , yet considering the inconstancy of humane affairs , he was content upon condition of a league and peace by him confirm'd , and that they should depart numidia within ten days to save their lives , first passing under the * yoke . which conditions tho' greivous and highly dishonourable , yet because the souldiers totter'd under the fears of death , were accepted , and a peace concluded amply to the king's desire . 39. but when this fatal news arriv'd at rome , fear and mourning invaded all the city ; part bewail'd the honour of the empire ; others not accustom'd to the various events of war , trembled for the mistrusted loss of their liberty . but all were offended at aulus , especially they who had been often famous in the wars , for that he , having stifl his arms in his hands , had sought to save his life , rather with dishonour , then by dint of sword. therefore albinus fearing least the miscarriage of his brother might procure him hatred , and danger in the next place , consulted the senate concerning the validity of the league . in the mean time new recruites were listed to reinforce the army ; and aid was sent for from their associates and the latines ; and this with all the expedition imaginable . moreover the senate , as it was but reasonable , pass a decree , that no league could be valid but by their command and the consent of the people . the consul , tho' forbid by the tribunes to transport his new levies , in a few days , arrives in africa . for all the shatter'd army having quitted numidia , by agreement winter'd in the province . when he came thither , tho he burn'd with an eager desire , to prosecute jugurth , and revenge his brother's disgrace , yet understanding that the souldiers , besides the discouragement of their flight , were debauch'd by dissolute licentiousness , arising from superfluous plenty , and want of good government , he determined to lie still that year . 40. in the mean while , at rome , c. mamilius limitanus , tribune of the people , publishes an edict of the commons , for calling to a strict account all those persons who had countenanc'd jugurth to contemn the decrees of the senate ; also such as in their embassies or generalships had been corrupted by his bribes ; such as had deliver'd back either elephants or fugitives ; and lastly all that had capitulated with the enemy , either of war or peace , without warrant . against this edict , some conscious to themselves , others mistrusting danger from the odium they had drawn upon themselves , because they durst not openly make opposition , they pretended to be well pleas'd , both with this , and all other edicts of that nature . but underhand by their friends , especially the latins and italians , they endeavour'd to give it all the obstruction they could . on the other side , the commons , it is incredible to think how earnest and intent they were , with what noise and clamour they commanded , decreed and urg'd the execution of their edict ; more out of an antipathy against the nobility , against whom those mischiefs were contriv'd , then out of any true zeal for the publick good . so violent was the rage of both parties . therefore while the rest were struck with fear and dread , m. sc●urus , who was bestia's confederate , as we have already related , between the insultings of the people , and the frights of the nobility , the whole city at the same time being under a strange consternation , finding there were three commissioners intended to be ordain'd for execution of the inquisition , so ordered it that he got himself to be one of the number . besides , the inquisition was urged with that violence and exasperated malice accompany'd with clamour and rude licentiousness , that whatsoever severities the senate had exercis'd in former times upon the people , they were now in their prosperity , no less insolent in their revenge . 41. this custom of bandying parties among the people , of senate-factions , and all other wicked and corrupt practices deriv'd its original in rome , from idle , ness and superfluity of those things which mortals deem their chiefest felicities . for before the destruction of carthage , the people and senate of rome manag'd the public affairs with unity and moderation : no contentions for honour and superiority among fellow-citizens : hostile fears retain'd the city within the bounds of just and honest . but when those fears were once remov'd , immediately wantonness and pride , the bad effects of prosperity , took place . so that what they wish'd for in their mean condition , after once they came to enjoy tranquility and ease , was a burden and disturbance of their quiet . for then the nobility began to turn their superiority into domineering pride , the people their liberty into petulancy : usurpation , rapine , tearing this way , rending that way , and every one for himself , was then the public mode . so that the whole being rent into two factions , that which lay in the middle was sure to be torn in pieces . but the united faction of the nobility was most prevalent , the strength of the commons disjoynted , and scatter'd into multitude , could do little : and thus the commonwealth , as well in times of peace , as war , was manag'd at the pleasure of a few . the public chequer , the provinces , all offices , honours and triumphs were at their disposal ; the people were kept under by poverty and military duties . the generals with a few shar'd all the spoils and booty taken in war. all this while the parents and children of the souldiers , as every one lay nearest neighbour to the potent nobleman , were thrust out from their habitations . thus avarice in league with power , invaded , polluted , and made prize of all things , regarding neither measure nor moderation , trampling morality , spurning sanctity under their feet , till it threw it self headlong into ruine . for so soon as there were found among the nobility some that preferr'd true honour before usurp'd dominion , then the city began to be all in combustion , and civil war , like a confusion of heaven and earth , began to break forth . 42. thus , after tib. and c. gracchus , whose ancestors , both in the punic and in other wars , had much advanc'd the honour of the common-wealth , began to vindicate the liberty , and disclose the wicked miscarriages of a few ; the nobility , guilty , and struck with terror of punishment , sometimes by the assistance of their allies and the italians , sometimes of the roman knights , whom hopes of being admitted into equal society , had drawn off from the commons , oppos'd the proceedings of the gracchi ; and first they slew tiberius ; then in a few years after , caius , together with m. fulvius flaccus , treading the same steps ; the one a tribune of the people ; the other a triumvir for the transportation of colonies . tho' , to speak truth , the gracchi were too immoderate and vehement in the pursuit of victory . since it is the wiser way to yield in a good cause , then illegally to revenge an injury . therefore the nobility , prosecuting that victory , as they pleas'd themselves , what by the sword , and what by exilement , destroy'd a great number of people : procuring for the future more of terror , the power to themselves . a sort of rigorous policy that many times becomes the ruine of great cities , while the citizens strive to vanquish one another , they care not how , and prosecute their revenge to the utmost extremity upon the vanquish'd . but should i go about to discourse particularly of the heats and animosities of the factions , and all the encroachments of bad customs into the city , time would sooner fail me then matter ; and therefore i return to the business in hand . 43. after the peace agreed by aulus , and the ignominious flight of our army , metellus and silanus being design'd consuls , shar'd the provinces among themselves ; by which means numidia fell to metellus , a man altogether for action , and though an enemy to popular factions , yet of an untainted and unviolable reputation , and so acknowledg'd by both parties . at his first entrance into his office , after he had setl'd all affairs wherein his colleague and he were equally concern'd , he wholly bent his mind upon the war which he was to undertake . to that purpose , not daring to confide in the old army , he listed new souldiers , sends for auxiliaries from all parts , makes provision of armor , weapons , and all other instruments of war ; stores himself with all manner of provisions , and all things requisite in a dubious contest , often subject to the want of fresh supplies . toward all which great and vigorous preparations , the allies , the italians , and foreign princes , nay the whole city it self largely contributed , even to emulation , both forces and money . so that all things being now in a readiness , to his own content , he puts to sea for numidia , filling the city full of fair hopes , knowing him to be a person of great vertue , and more especially bearing a mind impregnable to the assaults of gold : which they lookt upon then as a great matter , considering , how before that time , through the covetousness of our governors in numidia , our forces had been foyl'd and weaken'd , and the strength of the enemy augmented . 44. when he arriv'd in africa , the army was resign'd to his command by spuricus albinus the pro-consul ; debauch'd and out of heart , neither daring to look danger in the face , nor endure labour ; prompter of their tongues then hands ; preying upon their friends , but a prey to the enemy ; under no command or discipline . so that the new general was more troubl'd to reform their corrupted manners , then any way encourag'd to expect assistance or service from their licentious numbers . metellus therefore determines , though the proroguing the former summer-elections , had shorten'd his time , and that he knew the eyes of his fellow-citizens were all upon him , not to meddle with the war , till he had first enur'd his souldiers to labour and hardship , according to the discipline of their ancestors . for albinus being terrify'd with his brother's disaster , and the overthrow of the army , after he had resolv'd not to stir out of the province , during so much of the summer-season as he commanded the army , kept his souldiers in standing camps , and never dislodg'd , but when stench or want of forage compell'd him to remove . and then also , neither were the watches observ'd , and sentinels plac'd according to the custom of military discipline . but every one at random left his colours , and wander'd where he pleas'd ; the sutlers and camp-boys intermix'd with the souldiers , roam'd about the country day and night , laying waste the fields , pillaging the villages , driving off great booties of pris'ners and cattel , which they exchang'd with the merchants for wine and other commodities . moreover , their public allowances of corn they sold , and bought their bread every day as they us'd it . lastly , whatever scandals of sloth and luxury could ever be utter'd or devis'd , were all to be really found in this our army , and more if possible . 45. in the midst of these difficulties i find metellus to be a person no less prudent and politic , then expert in affairs of war ; such was his temperance and moderation , between an eager desire of reformation and severity . for by his first edict , he prohibits all the incentives and pandarisms to idleness ; that no man within the camp should sell any bread or flesh ready drest ; that no sutlers or camp-boys should follow the army ; and that no common souldier should presume to keep either in the camp or upon a march , any slave , or beast of carriage : what else remain'd , he limitted according to the rules of discretion . moreover , he often dislodg'd his camp , marching sometimes one way , sometimes another , and ( as if the enemy had been at hand ) still fortify'd himself with trenches and breast-works . he frequently reliev'd the watches , and often went the rounds himself with the legates . and when he was upon a march , sometimes he would be in the front , sometimes in the rear , and often in the middle , to prevent the stragling of the souldiers from their colours : and when they march'd in a full body , they were order'd to carry their provision , as well as their arms : and by prohibiting , rather then by punishing miscarriages , he reduc'd the army to perfect discipline . 46. in the mean while jugurth , when he heard by his spies , the courses which metellus took , as also being ascertain'd from rome of his integrity , he began to mistrust the issue of his affairs , and then at length began to think of making a real composition . to which purpose he sent his agents to the consul , with offers of surrender , and full commission to desire only his own and his childrens lives , but refer all other things to the good will and pleasure of the roman people . but metellus was not ignorant by former experience , that the numidians were a perfidious nation , inconstant in their humor , and always inclin'd to novelty . and therefore discoursing the agents every one apart by themselves , and sounding 'em by degrees , when he found 'em sincerely pliable , he perswades 'em with large promises to deliver up jugurth into his hands alive , if possible , or slain , if otherwise it could not be accomplish'd ; but what farther message they had to carry to the king , he openly informs 'em at a public audience . after this , he enters numidia with a well resolv'd and powerful army ; where contrary to the count'nance of war , the houses were full of people , and the fields of cattel and husbandmen . then out of the several towns and villages the king's officers came forth to meet and congratulate the consul , professing themselves ready to furnish him with corn and carriages for his provision , and in a word , to do whatever he commanded . but notwithstanding these fair shews , metellus was never a jot the less circumspect , marching in the same order and wariness , as if the enemy had been at hand , sent his scouts and forlorns every way round about ; believing all pretences of surrender to be only wiles and stratagems to draw him into mischief . and therefore he march'd himself at the head of his army with some of the nimblest cohorts , and a select band of archers and slingers . the reer c. marius , his legate , brought up with his horse : and upon each wing he had divided the auxiliary horse at the command of the tribunes of the legions , and captains of the cohorts ; to the end that the light armed foot and the horse being thus intermixt , they might be able to withstand the enemies cavalry , which way soever they make an impression . for jugurth was so politic , so well acquainted with the situation of the country , and the art of war , that whether he were more dangerous absent or present , treating peace , or actually in war , was hard to be resolv'd . 47. there stood not far from the road which metellus took in his march , a town belonging to the numidians , which was call'd * vacca , the most famous for trade of any in the kingdom ; and greatly frequented by the italian merchants . here the consul , as well for a trial whether they would obey or no , as also considering the advantages of the situation , places a garrison . moreover he commanded the inhabitants to furnish him with a quantity of corn and other necessaries useful in war ; believing , as it was most rational to think , that the great concourse of merchants , and plenty of provision would be a great assistance to his army : besides that the place lay convenient for a magazine of necessary preparations for the future . in the midst of these transactions jugurth sends again submissive messengers , and much more earnestly then before sues for peace , with offers to metellus , to surrender all things to his mercy but his own and the lives of his children ; whom the consul , as he did the former , sent back again with temptations to betray their master ; but as to the peace which the king desir'd , he neither gave any positive grant or refusal ; delaying on purpose , in expectation of the agents promises . 48. but jugurth , when he compar'd the words and deeds of metellus together , and found himself match'd at his own weapons of delay and dissimulation , while peace was dissembl'd in words , but actually a sharp and vigorous war in the bowels of his kingdom ; one of his chiefest cities in the enemies hands , the country discover'd , and the people staggering in their allegiance , constrain'd by the necessity of his affairs , he resolves to fight it out . and therefore by his spies having throughly discover'd and observ'd the march of the enemy , conceiving great hopes of victory from the opportunity of the place , he raises all the force he could make of all sorts of people , and so by private ways , and shorter cuts , he gets before metellus's army . there was in that part of numidia , which upon the division of the kingdom , fell to adherbal's share , a river rising southward , which was call'd muthul , from whence , at the distance of about a thousand and twenty paces , a great mountain shew'd it self , wild by nature , and altogether untill'd and uninhabited : from the middle of which , there grew as it were another hill to a very great height , cover'd over with wild olives , mirtles , and such other sorts of trees as delight in barren and sandy grounds . all the surrounding plain for want of water , lay desart ; only those parts that border'd upon the stream , which were thick set with bushes and hedges , full of cattel and husbandmen . upon this hill , which ran cross the high-way , as we have said , it was , that jugurth drew up the vanguard of his army thinly marshall'd , giving bomilcar the charge of his elephants , and some part of his forces , with full instructions what to do . he himself with his cavalry , and some selected battalions of foot , plants himself nearer the mountain ; then riding from troop to troop , and rank to rank , he exhorts , encourages , and conjures them not to forget their pristine valour and victorious conquests , but bravely to defend themselves and his kingdom from the avarice of the romans : that they were to deal with only such as they had forc'd to pass the yoke already : that their captain only , not their courage was chang'd : that his care and foresight had prevail'd against all accidents , as became an expert leader : that he had taken the upper ground , and intermix'd 'em so , veteranes with the raw and undisciplin'd , to the end that they might not be afraid to grapple a few in number with many , or less expert , with their superiors in war : therefore that they should be all in a readiness , and forward to assail the romans upon the signal given : that this was the day which would either prove the end of all their toyls by glorious conquest , or the beginning of unavoydable calamities . then culling out by name every particular person , that for their martial deeds he had either enrich'd with gold , or advanc'd to military honours , he admonishes 'em to be mindful of his favours , and bids 'em encourage others with the same expectancies . lastly , as if he understood the particular genius of those he spoke to , some he promises , others he threatens , but emboldens and encourages all by all the ways imaginable . all this while metellus , ignorant of the enemies approach , is discover'd marching with his army down the hill. who suddenly descrying an unusual sight , began to consider ; for the numidians kept themselves and their horses snug within the trees and bushes , which nevertheless were not so high as to shelter 'em sufficiently from being seen ; and yet the nature of the place was such , that they could not fully be discover'd , besides that they had cunningly hid all their military ensigns . but in a short time the truth being fully found out , and the general made a steady halt , then hastning to embattel his army , he chang'd the order of his march , and in the right wing which was next the enemy , he places three bodies of reserves . between the small divisions he disperses the slingers and darters , and plants all his cavalry upon the wings . then after some few exhortations to the souldiers , for shortness of time would not permit him to use many words , he brings his army thus embatell'd into the plain , only that the first ranks chang'd their ground in marching . 49. but when he perceiv'd that the numidians lay still , and would not come down from the hill , fearing lest his men should be distress'd for want of water , he sent rutilius before with some of the nimblest cohorts and part of the horse , to the river to secure a place for his camp , believing that the enemy would then powr down upon him , and by charging him in flank , endeavour to prevent him ; and because they durst not rely upon their own courage , would seek to tire out his men with heat and drought . after him , the consul follow'd , slowly descending the hill , as the nature of the place would give leave . marius brought up the rear ; himself march'd with the cavalry upon the left wing . on the other side jugurth , when he found that the rear of metellus's army was just past by the front of his own men , places a guard of two thousand foot upon the mountain , from whence metellus had descended , to prevent the enemy from regaining it , and fortifying themseves in that place , should they be put to a retreat ; then giving the signal , he flew upon the romans . the numidians soon made havock in the rear , while others charge in the flank , some upon the right , others upon the left side : they press on , and lay about 'em , every where endeavouring to break the ranks of the romans ; among whom , they who with greatest resolution labour'd to come to a close fight , were disappointed by the uncertain assaults of the enemy , who fought and wounded at a distance those that could reach to revenge themselves . for the horsemen had been instructed before by jugurth , that when they were pursu'd by any of the roman troops , that they should not retreat in a body , but scatter several ways ; by that means , if they could not deter the enemy from pursuit , they were in a condition , being superior in number , to charge 'em when dissipated on all sides , rear , front and flanks : and then a gain , if the hill were more advantageous to secure their flight then the plain fields , that then they should retire thither , where their horses accustom'd to scoure through the bushes , could not be follow'd by our men , easily incumber'd among the shrubs and thickets . 50. all this while the event of things lookt but with an ill aspect ; uncertain , various , bloody and miserable ; dispers'd from their own , some fled , others pursu'd ; neither ensigns nor orders observ'd ; where-ever danger attacque'd any man , there he made resistance , arms , weapons , horses , men , enemies and friends lay all intermingl'd together ; nothing was acted by counsel or command , but fortune govern'd . and now the day began to be far spent , and then the issue was also uncertain ; but at length , both sides being spent with toyl and heat , metellus observing the numidians fury to abate , rallies his men together by degrees , reduces 'em into order , and places four legionary cohorts against the enemies foot : to those cohorts , of which the greatest part , weary and tir'd , had possess'd the upper grounds , metellus gave good words , and desir'd 'em not to desert their fellow souldiers nor suffer an enemy half vanquish'd to wrest the victory out of their hands ; that they had neither camp nor fortification to retreat to , but all their hopes was in their swords . neither was jugurth idle , he rode about , exhorted ; entreated , renew'd the fight , and in person with the select guards of his body , try'd all places , reliev'd his own , press'd furiously upon those that waver'd ; and against those he could not move , he fought at a distance . thus these two famous generals bestirr'd themselves , in courage and experience , in their forces not so equally match'd . for metellus had the more valiant souldiers , tho the ground was disadvantageous ; jugurth had all advantages of his side but only souldiers . at length the romans understanding they had no place of refuge , and finding that the enemy would not hazzard a close fight , besides that it was now toward evening , by the generals command they briskly charge up hill ; and then it was that the numidians having lost their footing , were soon routed and out to flight , few were slain , in regard that the swiftness of their heels , and the country unknown to the roman , protected their lives . 51. in the mean time bomilcar , to whom jugurth had given the command of his elephants , and part of his infantry , as we have said already , when rutilius was march'd past him , brings his own men into the champaign ground by degrees ; and whilst the legate hastned to the river , whither he was sent before , orders his army with great silence , as it behov'd him , not neglecting however by his spies to observe the motions of the enemy in every place . so soon as he understood that rutilius was encamp'd in a careless posture ; and found that jugurth was engag'd by the hideous noises that reach'd his ears from the battle , fearing least the legate when he understood the cause , would hasten to the assistance of his own party , he extends the front of his army , which before , upon distrust of their courage he had drawn up thick and close , and to stop the march of the enemy , marches directly toward rutilius's camp. the romans of a suddain perceive a prodigious cloud of dust ; for the fields being thick set with low trees hindr'd a clear prospect : and believes at first that it was rais'd by the wind ; but afterwards when they saw it continue , and approach nearer and nearer to themselves , then readily conjecturing what the matter was , they betake themselves to their arms , and range themselves before the camp according to command . when the enemy drew near , both sides joyn battle , with a hideous clamour and noise : the numidians stood fast , so long as they thought there was any hope in their elephants , but when they saw them entangl'd among the boughs , and by that means overthrown and surrounded by the romans , they betook themselves to their heels , and throwing away their arms , by the benefit of the hill and the night , which was then at hand , escap'd with little execution . four elephants were taken , the rest to the number of forty kill'd . but the romans , though tir'd with their march , with raising the fortifications of their camp , and the heat of the battle ; yet because metellus staid longer then was expected , they march forward embattl'd , as they were , and with an extraordinary resolution to meet him . for the craft of the numidians will admit of nothing negligent or remiss . at first , through the darkness of the night , when they came within hearing one of another , being taken for enemies , there was nothing but fear and hurry one among another . and through imprudence , a fatal accident had like to have happen'd , had not the forelorns on both sides rectify'd the mistake . but then their fears were chang'd of a suddain into joy . the souldiers merrily call to one another , relate and hearken to one anothers exploits ; and every one extols his own valour to the skies . for such is the condition of human affairs , that after victory cowards have leave to boast , but ill success casts a reproach on the most valiant . 52. metellus stay'd four days in the same camp ; orders the wounded to be carefully look'd after ; those that had well deserv'd in the battle , he well rewards according to the military custom , applauds 'em all in general , and gives 'em thanks in a public assembly . as to what was behind , which would now prove easy , he exhorted 'em to behave themselves with equal courage ; that they had already fought sufficiently for victory , their other toyls woul'd only be for booty . in the mean time he sends the fugitives and other proper spies to bring him news where jugurth was , what he was doing , what force he had about him , and how he brook'd his loss . but jugurth had retir'd himself among the woods and places strongly fortify'd by nature ; there he levy'd an army more numerous that he had before ; but such as had neither mettle nor strength . which happen'd so , for this reason , because unless it were the royal cavalry , not one of all the numidians accompani'd the king in his flight , but every one took his own course , as his fancy lead him ; neither is it accounted any shame for a souldier so to do , as being the custom of the country . metellus therefore , when he found that the kings courage was not yet cool'd ; but that the war would be renew'd , which could not then be manag'd but as jugurth pleas'd himself : moreover that he fought upon unequal terms with an enemy , to whom it was less prejudice to be vanquish'd , then to overcome his men , he determin'd to fight no more pitch'd battles , but to carry on the war after another manner . therefore he marches into the richest parts of numidia , harrasses and lays wast all the country , takes and burns several castles and towns either slightly fortify'd , or else without any garrisons ; puts all the young men to the sword , all other things he gives free booty , to the souldiers . these severe proceedings cause several to send pledges to the romans ; corn and all other necessary provisions , are plentifully supply'd , and where ever need requir'd , there he plac'd a garrison . which manner of warlike management terrify'd the king much more then the ill success of a battle . for that be , whose hopes of safety were all in flight , was now constrain'd to follow : and he that could not defend the territories that were left him , was now forc'd to wage war in the conquests of another . but in this distress and exigency of choice , he took that course which seem'd to him to be the wisest . he orders the body of his army still to lie in the same place : he himself with a select number of horse follows metellus : and in regard his nocturnal marches , and unfrequented ways were not subject to quick discovery , he frequently met with the roman forragers and straglers ; of which the greatest part were slain or taken ; nor did one escape unwounded : which done , before assistance could be sent from the camp , the numidians were vanish'd to the next hills . 55. in the mean time there was extraordinary rejoycing at rome , upon the news of metellus's success ; that he had govern'd both himself and the army according to the custom and discipline of their ancestors ; that in a disadvantageous ground he had obtain'd the victory by his valour ; that he was master of the enemies country , and had constrain'd jugurth , vain-gloriously puff'd up and grown insolent through the cowardice of aulus , to hide his head in deserts , and to place all his hopes of safety in flight . therefore the senate order'd supplications to the immortal gods for the success of their arms : the city trembling before , and solicitously dreading the event of the war , were all in festivals and jollity ; and metellus's fame spread far and near . for this reason he labour'd more vigorously after victory : he leaves no stone unturn'd ; yet provident all the while how he fell into the ambuscado's of the enemy ; mindful that after glory envy follows . therefore the greater his reputation was , so much the more careful and vigilant also was he ; neither after the last attempts of jugurth , would he suffer the army to forrage at random : and therefore when he wanted either corn or fodder , he sent several cohorts , and all the cavalry to guard the forragers . he himself led one part of the army , and marius the other : the country was laid wast , rather by fire then driving of booty ; they encamp'd in two several places , not far distant one from the other . when there was occasion for reinforcement they joyn'd both together : and when they design'd to clear and ravage the country , and spread the terror of their arms , then they acted asunder . at the same time jugurth follow'd close at their heels , but still keeping the mountains . vvhere ever he could perceive the enemy bent their march , there he destroy'd all the forrage and poyson'd the wells and fountains , of which there was great scarcity . sometimes he would shew himself to metellus , sometimes to marius ; by and by fall upon the rear ; neither engage in battle , nor suffer 'em to be at rest ; only to obstruct the enemies designs . 56. therefore the roman general , when he saw himself tir'd out by a crafty adversary , that would not be drawn to a fair encounter , he determin'd to besiege a great city called * zama , in that quarter of the country , the key and bulwark of the kingdom , believing as it was but rational , that jugurth would come to relieve the place , and so give him the opportunity of a battle : but he being inform'd by the fugitives of metellus's designs , with long marches gets before him ; encourages the townsmen to defend their walls , and leaves 'em all his fugitives to re-inforce their garrison ; which were a sort of people the stoutest and most resolute of all the kings forces ; as being under a constraint of being faithful : and having thus settl'd his affairs , away he slips into the most private lurking holes he could meet with . soon after he understood that marius was upon his march , being commanded with some few cohorts to convoy a considerable quantity of corn from * sicca . which was the first town that revolted from the king after his defeat . thither jugurth hastens in the night time , with some select troops of horse , and engag'd the romans as they were just marching out at the gate ; and at the same time cry'd out to the inhabitants to fall upon the cohorts in the rear ; withall encouraging 'em , for that fortune had put into their hands a noble opportunity ; which if they laid hold on , he should for the future enjoy his kingdom , and they their liberty in peace and tranquillity . so that had not marius fall'n on with all the fury imaginable , made his way out of the town , and broke through the enemy at the same time , either all or most of the inhabitants , had chang'd their fidelity : so mutable and inconstant is the numidian faith. but jugurth's souldiers being a while supported by the presence of their prince , when they felt the smart strokes of the enemy , who prest in hard on the thickest and most forward , with the loss of some few , betook themselves to speedy flight ; and marius comes safe to zama . 57. this town was seated in a plain , rather fortify'd by industry then nature , provided with all necessaries , and stor'd with men and ammunition . metellus therefore having prepar'd all things in readiness so far as the time and place would permit , surrounds the walls with his whole army , and gives orders to the legates what posts to take . then upon the signal given , a hideous clamour fills the skies on every side : but all their noise nothing terrifies the numidians ; they stand resolute and fix'd without any tumult ; so the assault begins . the romans plaid their parts as they thought best themselves ; some fought with slings and darts at a distance , others make close approaches , some to undermine , and some resolv'd to set their ladders to the walls , and make a speedier trial of their swords . on the other side , the numidians powr down stones , pointed stakes and darts upon those that were nearest , together with flaming fire-brands all besmear'd with pitch and tar. nor could their fears protect those that kept farthest off : for the darts continually discharg'd from the engines , or else flung out of hand , both reach'd and wounded the greatest part : both the timorous and the valiant underwent the same danger , though not with equal reputation . 58. while both sides vigorously thus dispute for zama , jugurth of a sudden , and when least expected , falls upon the roman camp , and forcing the turn-pike , breaks in upon our men. who being amaz'd with sudden fright , shift every one for themselves according to custom ; some fly , some betake themselves to their arms ; and a great many are either wounded or slain . of all the number , not above forty , remembring they were romans , embody'd together , betake themselves to a rising ground , and made it good , notwithstanding the force of the assailants ; the darts thrown at 'em they return'd again , which from a few lighting upon many crowded together , did never fall in vain : if the numidians durst approach 'em , then they shew'd their courage , with a strange fury routing , killing , putting all to flight . at the same time metellus in the heat of the assault , hearing a great noise and tumult behind him , turn'd about his horse , and perceiving a rout , and that they that fled , made toward him , he readily conjectur'd what the matter was . thereupon he sends away all his cavalry forthwith to the camp , and after them marius with the cohorts of the allies , conjuring him with tears in his eyes , by the friendship that was between 'em , and by the honour of the commonwealth , not to suffer any disgrace to stain the victories of his army , nor to leave the enemy ere he had had his full revenge . marius vigorously perform'd his command . so that jugurth being incumber'd with the fortifications of the camp , while some threw themselves headlong over the rampire , others crowding through the narrow passages to get out , hinder'd one another , with the loss of many of his men , retir'd to his fastnesses . metellus also at the same time , not able to prevail , in regard that night drew on , retreated with his army to the camp. 59. the next day before he return'd to the assault , he drew up all his cavalry before the camp on that side where he expected a second attempt from jugurth , and commanded 'em there to keep a strict watch. the turn-pikes and places next adjoyning , he commits to the guard of the tribunes ; and then surrounding the town , as he did the day before , gives a second general assault . presently jugurth makes a second attempt likewise upon our formost men ; who being somewhat terrify'd at first , are soon disorder'd ; but the reserves fly speedily to their relief . nor could the numidians have longer withstood their force , had not their foot , being intermingl'd with the cavalry , made a great slaughter at the first charge . for being assisted by this intermixture , they did not , as it is usual in other charges of the horse , sometimes press forward , sometimes give ground ; but fell in pell-mell , horse head to horse head , thereby incumbring and disordering the ranks , at what time the foot breaking in , had almost routed the enemy . 60. at the same time the dispute was no less desperate at zamara . where every legate or tribune was posted , there most vigorously they perform'd their duties , no man confiding more in another , then in himself . on the other side , the townsmen made a strenuous resistance , they fought to wonder , and provided against all accidents ; more eager to wound others , then mindful of their own safety . hideous and different were the cries of both parties , encouragements , shouts of joy , and bitter groans of lamentation ; the clattering of weapons fill'd the skies ; and showers of darts fell thick on every side . at length they who defended the walls , when they perceiv'd the fury of the enemy a little to slacken , stood still upon the battlements to behold the fight between the roman jugurth's cavalry ; and as jugurth either prevail'd , or lost ground , sometimes you should see 'em overjoy'd , then again all in consternation . and as far as they could be seen or heard by their fellows , some they besought , others they encourag'd , making signs with their hands , and motions of their bodies , like men avoiding or darting forward their missive weapons . which when marius perceiv'd , for he had the charge of that quarter , on purpose he slacken'd his fury , and dissembl'd a mistrust of the event , suffering the numidians to have an unmolested prospect of their princes bravery . but at length , while they were busily gazing upon their fellows , marius attacks the walls with a more then ordinary violence . and the souldiers by the help of their scaling ladders , had almost gain'd the battlements , when the townsmen embodying of a sudden , ply'd 'em with stones , fire-works , and other missive weapons . our men made stout resistance at first , but after two or three of the ladders were broken , they that stood upon 'em were miserably mortify'd ; the rest , few safe , every one , as best they could , shifted for themselves , and very few escaping unwounded , the most part hurt and maim'd , quitted the assault : at length night parted the bloody fray. 61. when metellus found such ill success of his enterprize , and that neither the town could be taken , nor jugurth drawn to fight , but where he had the advantage of ground or ambuscado's , and that summer was spent , he rais'd his siege from before zama , and plac'd garrisons in those cities which had revolted from him , and were either naturally or artificially fortify'd ; and the rest of the army he quarter'd in that part of the province which borders upon numidia . nor did he spend that time as others were wont to do , in ease and luxury , but finding force so little prevail'd , he therefore betook himself to stratagem : to this purpose , with fair words and large promises he attempts bomilcar . this was he who accompany'd jugurth to rome , and after he had given sureties for his forth-coming , upon the murder of massiva , secretly made his escape , for fear of being put to death ; and therefore by reason of his intimacy with jugurth ' , had the fairer opportunity to betray his friend . the first thing metellus did , was to bring him to a private meeting : in the next place he gave him his word , that if he would deliver jugurth into his hands alive or dead , the senate should not only grant him impunity , but his own demands . the numidian is easily perswaded , being not only naturally treacherous , but also misdoubting , lest if the romans should make a peace with his master , he might be excepted out of the articles , and deliver'd up to condign punishment . 62. he therefore , upon the first opportunity he could meet with , coming to jugurth , and finding him troubl'd , and bewailing his misfortunes , with tears in his eyes beseeches and conjures him , that at length he would take pity of himself , his children , and the miserable estate of the numidian people , so well deserving at his hands : further he put him in mind , that still in all encounters they were vanquish'd ; the country was laid waste , numbers of his subjects carry'd away captive , or slain , and the treasures of the kingdom utterly impoverish'd ; that he had sufficiently try'd his fortune , and the courage of his souldiers ; and therefore that he should take heed , lest while he delay'd , the numidians did not consult for their own safety . by these and other arguments of this nature , he mollifies the king's inclinations to a surrender . commissioners are therefore sent to the general , to let him know , that jugurth was ready to obey his commands , and without any composition to surrender both himself and the kingdom to his generosity : metellus presently sends for all that were of senatorian degree , from their winter quarters , and advises with them , and such others as he thought convenient . thereupon , according to the ancient custom , by his messengers he commands jugurth to send him two hundred pound weight of silver , all his elephants , such a number of horses , and such a quantity of warlike ammunition ; which being done , he commands all the fugitives to be deliver'd up in chains . the greatest part of them were also sent accordingly ; only some few upon the first report of a surrender , immediately fled to king bocchus into mauritania . thus was jugurth despoyl'd of his arms , the flower of all his forces , and his money . but when he was summon'd to appear before the general , then residing at tisidium , then he began to change his mind , and through guilt of conscience to dread what really he deserv'd . at length , after he had wasted many days in hesitation , sometimes as it were tir'd with his misfortunes , deeming all things to be endur'd before the calamities of war ; then again reflecting with himself , how terrible a fall it would be from a kingdom into slavery , at last he makes choice of war. at rome , the senate being mov'd concerning the provinces , decree numidia to metellus . 63. at the same time marius being by accident at vtica , and there making his offerings to the gods for his success in the last expedition , the soothsayer told him , that the signs portended great and wonderful events in reference to himself , and therefore whatever he had in his mind , he might boldly act , in confidence of the favour of the gods ; that he might venture fortune as often as he pleas'd , for that he should prosper in all his undertakings . 64. some time before this , a violent ambition of the consulship had harrass'd his thoughts . for the atchievement of which , beside the antiquity of his family , he stood fair in all other respects industry , probity , military experiennce , a vast courage in war , great frugality , a contemner of pleasure and superfluous wealth , only impatient of honour . he was born and bred up during all the time of his childhood at * arpinum , where he first learnt to undergo the hardships of war , wherein he spent his youth , serving all along for pay ; not in the study of grecian eloquence , or city courtship : and thus in a short time he attain'd to a perfection in vertuous exercises . and therefore when he first stood for the military tribuneship at an assembly of the commons , most people not knowing his face , when once they heard his name , he presently carry'd it by the voyces of all the tribes . from that office he advanc'd himself still higher and higher by degrees , and in all employments so behav'd himself , that he was always deem'd worthy of a nobler then that he possess'd at present . but till that time , notwithstanding his matchless bravery ( for still ambition hurry'd him headlong ) he durst not stand for the consulship . for then the commonalty dispos'd of other offices , but the consulship the nobility shar'd successively among themselves . no upstart person never so famous , never so celebrated for his great atchievments , was thought worthy , but rather a defilement of that honour 64. marius therefore , when he saw that the predictions of the soothsayer tended the same way that his ambition carry'd him , desir'd metellus to spare him from the army , that he might have liberty to stand for the consulship ; who , though he were a person in whom vertue , honour , and all other qualities , noble and desirable , were brightly eminent , yet were they accompany'd with a disdainful mind and lofty pride , the common failings of the nobility . mov'd therefore at first with the novelty of marius's demand , he wonder'd at his design , and as it were in friendship advis'd him not to act so preposterously , nor to advance his thoughts above his fortune : that all things were not proper to be desir'd by all men ; that it became him to be contented with his present preferments , which were sufficient . lastly , that he should consider well before he made a request of so high a nature to the people of rome , that might be lawfully deny'd him . after he had given him these and many more admonitions of the same nature , yet could not divert marius from his setl'd intentions , he made him answer , that so soon as the public affairs would permit , he would grant him his desires . and afterwards when marius urg'd him with greater importunity , it is reported , that he should advise him , not to be too hasty , adding withal , that it would be time enough for him to stand for the consulship with his son ; who at that time was a private souldier in his fathers pavilion , about twenty years of age. which taunt of metellus not only vehemently incens'd him to prosecute the honour which he affected , but also against metellus himself . for that reason he follow'd the dictates of his ambition , and his wrath , the worst of evil counsellors : all his words and actions now tended to popularity : the souldiers which he commanded , he permitted to live more loosly then before : among the merchants , of which there was a great number at vtica , he scatter'd many scandalous and ostentatious reports concerning the war : that if he might have the command but of half the army , he would in a days time have jugurth in chains ; and that the war was on purpose spun out by the general , as one that being a person vain-glorious , and of princely pride , too much affected power and command . which the merchants more readily believ'd to be true , for that by the continuance of the war , their trade was very much hinder'd ; and to a covetous mind all procrastination seems a crime . 65. there was at that time in our army a certain numidian , by name gauda , the son of manastabales , the grand-child of massinissa , whom micipsa by his will had left the next heir of the kingdom , full of diseases , and for that reason somewhat craz'd in his sences : to whom metellus , upon two requests , that according to the custom of princes , he might have his chair set next the general 's seat , as also a troop of roman horse for the guard of his body , had deny'd him both : the honour , because it represented that majesty , which the romans term'd regal , and could not endure to suffer always in their sight : the guard , because it look'd disgracefully for the roman horse to attend upon a numidian . this person therefore thus repuls'd , and vex'd in his mind , marius attempts , and emboldens him to take his revenge upon the general for the affronts he had put upon him , as he should direct him . he magnifies the man distemper'd in mind through bodily distempers , with flattering and glozing speeches , puts him in mind of his being a prince , a great person , the grand-child of massinissa : that if jugurth should be taken or slain , the kingdom of numidia fell immediately to him by right of inheritance ; which would suddenly come to pass , if he might once be sent as consul to manage the war. by this means he perswades the numidian , the roman knights , the souldiers , and merchants , some by his own authority , others upon hopes of sudden peace , to write to their friends at rome , and in their letters sharply to inveigh against the dilatory proceedings of metellus , and at the last to desire marius for their general . and thus it came to pass , that by the fair suffrages of many men the consulship was labour'd for in his behalf . besides it so happen'd , seasonably for him at that time , that the nobility being curb'd by the * manlian law , the commonalty had power to advance new men : allthings fell out luckily for marius . 66. in the mean time jugurth , after he had falsify'd his promise of submission , and renew'd the war , with great industry makes vast preparations , uses all expedition , levies an army ; those cities which had revolted from him he solicites with rewards , or regains by terror ; fortifies his strong holds ; replenishes his stores with ammunition and warlike furniture ; entices the roman slaves to revolt , and those that were in garisons he tempts with ready money : lastly he leaves no stone unturn'd , nor suffers any soul to rest in quiet ; but casts about every way to procure disturbance . at vacca therefore , where metellus , when jugurth first began to treat of peace , had plac'd a garrison , wearied with the importunities of the king , and never truly alienated in their affections from him , the chief inhabitants of the town conspire together among themselves , ( for the common people according to their usual custom , especially the numidians , naturally fluctuating and inconstant , seditious , and despisers of harmonious concord , were still thirsting after novelty , and adversaries to peace and tranquillity ) and having laid their plot sure , agree upon the third day , which happen'd to be one of their most solemn festivals , and strictly observ'd over all africa , and therefore gave them an opportunity to assemble without suspicion , under pretence of sport and pastime . thereupon when the time came , they invited to their houses the centurions , colonels and the governor himself f. turpilius : all those they slew in the midst of their cups , except turpilius : which done they fell upon the souldiers , stragling up and down without their arms , being then oblig'd to no duty , by reason of the day . the same did all the rabble , part instructed before hand by their superiors , others out of their natural affection to disorders ; to whom tumult and novelty , though they neither understood the cause nor motives , were things pleasing and delightful . the roman souldiers surpriz'd thus of a suddain , uncertain and doubtful what course to take , fled in a pannick fear to the castle belonging to the town , where their ensigns and targets lay : but the garrison of the enemies , having shut the gates before , prevented their flight , and to add to their misfortune , the women and children flung down stones and such other materials as the place would afford , continually upon their heads from the tops of the houses . thus there was no avoiding the uncertain mischief , neither was it in the power of the stoutest to make resistance against the weakest : valiant and cowards , strong and feeble fell all together , and many were slain . in the heat of this massacre , while the numidians were exercising their utmost fury , and all the gates were shut , turpilius made a clever escape untouch'd , whether it were through the civility of his host , or upon a composition of ransom , or by accident , we never could discover . this is only to be said , that because in such a calamity , he preferr'd an ignominious life before an unblemish'd reputation , he appear'd to be a wicked and detestable coward . 68. when this fatal butchery at vacca reach'd metellus's ears , pensive for a while , he retir'd from company . but when his wrath and sorrow once were interblended he hastens withall expedition to revenge the outrage . to that purpose , he draws forth the legion that winter'd with him , and as many of the numidian horse as he could , just about sun-set . the next day ; about one in the morning , he arriv'd at a certain valley surrounded with little hillocks : there he rests his souldiers tir'd with a long nights march , and murmuring to go any farther : but he gave 'em good words , told 'em that vacca lay not above a mile off ; that it was their duty to endure patiently the remainder of their toyl , until they had fully reveng'd the deaths of their fellow-citizens , the bravest but most unfortunate of men : and then largely lays before 'em the temptations of plunder . and having thus inspir'd 'em with new courage , he places his horse in front , and causes his foot to march in close order , and to hide their ensign . 67. the vaccensians when they perceiv'd an army marching toward 'em , at first believing ( as indeed it was ) that metellus was at hand , shut up their gates ; but then again , finding no wast committed upon their lands , and beholding the numidian horse that march'd in the front , confidently assur'd it was jugurth himself , they pour'd forth with loud acclamations to meet him . but then , upon the signal given , horse and foot fell on pell mell ; some put the rabble to the sword ; others flew to the gates , while others seiz'd upon the towers . thus provok'd fury and hopes of spoil prevail'd above their instant lassitude . for the vaccensians enjoy'd the pleasure of their perfidiousness not above two days : while their city , large and oppulent , becomes a sacrifice to plunder or revenge . as for turpilius , who was governor of the town , as is before related , he being try'd by a council of war , and having little to say for himself , was by metellus condemn'd to be first well scourg'd , and then to have his head strook off : for he was no more then a * citizen of collatia . 70. at the same time bomilcar , by whose perswasions jugurth began to incline to that submission , which he afterwards through fear abondon'd , being suspected by the king , and he no less suspicious of him , projected new disturbances ; to seek the kings destruction by treachery ; night and day to tire his restless thoughts ; and lastly after he had try'd all ways , he draws into the same conspiracy one nabdalsa , a nobleman , vastly rich , and greatly belov'd in his country ; who frequently in the kings absence was wont to command the army , and manage all affairs , when jugurth was either weary , or intent upon more important business : which got him not only great honour , but infinite wealth . thereupon , by an agreement among themselves , a day is appointed for execution of the treason . but how it was to be done was left to time and opportunity . after this agreement nabdalsa returns to the army which he had under his charge , and lay near the winter quarters of the romans , to prevent their wasting the country without opposition . but he , being terrify'd with the enormity of the fact , and disswaded by his fears , and not meeting again according to appointment , bomilcar wavering between the eager desire he had to expedite his treachery begun , and the dread of his associates discovery , yet unwilling to quit his first design for new contrivancies , by trusty messengers sends him a letter , wherein he upbraids his negligence and irresolution ; calls the gods to witness by whom he had sworn ; admonishes him to beware lest metellus's bribes did not turn to his perdition ; tells him withal , that jugurth's destruction was at hand ; only the question was , whether he should perish by theirs or the courage of metellus . 71. when these letters were brought , nabdalsa by accident , being weari'd with hard exercise , was a bed. so that after he had read the contents , at first a thousand cares distracted his thoughts , and after that , as is usual with men disturb'd in mind , sleep seizes him . there attended upon him at that time , a certain numidian , that carefully lookt after all his business , highly caress'd by him , and partaker of all his secrets , but the last . who hearing that a letter was brought to his master , and believing it some business that concern'd him according to his usual custom went into the chamber ; and as his master soundly slept , he takes the letter , that lay carelesly upon his pillow , reads it , and understanding the treachery , hastens forthwith to the king. nabdalsa , waking soon after , and first missing both the letter and his servant , then by his guards understanding how things stood , immediately he posted after the discoverer , thinking to overtake him , but finding that to be labour in vain , away he goes to jugurth , and in hopes to make up the breach , tells him , that what he intended to have done , the perfidiousness of his servant had prevented ; and with tears in his eyes , by all the friendship he had for him , and by all the faithful services he had done him , besought him not to think him guilty of so foul a piece of treason . 72. to which the king , contrary to what he had in his heart , return'd a soft and mild answer , that bomilcar and several others , whom he had discover'd to be confederates in the conspiracy , having suffer'd according to their deserts , he had qualify'd and subdu'd his indignation , that no further trouble might arise from any farther scrutiny . but from that time forward , jugurth ne'er enjoy'd a quiet minute day or night . all persons , places , times and seasons were suspected by him . all the night long he sculk'd from place to place , beneath the majesty of a prince : in the day time starting out of his slumbers , he would lay hold of his sword , and disturb all that lay near him ; so like to madness were the fears that turmoyl'd his thoughts . 73. metellus therefore when he was inform'd by the fugitives of bomilcar 's death , and the discovery of the conspiracy , makes all the speedy preparations he could , as for a war but newly begun . and for marius , dayly importuning him for his dismission , he discharg'd him , as not deeming a person that bore him a grudge , and otherwise distastful to him , would do him any service . at rome also ; the commons understanding what the letters had dispers'd abroad in reference to metellus and marius , entertain'd with equal violence the reports of both . the generals nobility , which before was an honour to him , was now a disgrace : and the meanness of the other's parentage procur'd him favour . however the partialities of the factions were so moderate , as never to question their vertues or their vices . moreover , the seditious magistrates exasperated the the common people ; in all their assemblies , they accuse metellus , as worthy of death , but the courage of marius they magnify as far above his desert . lastly the rabble were so incens'd , that all the handicraft tradesmen and ploughmen , whose estates and credit lay all in their hands , leaving their shops and husbandry never omitted a public meeting to cry up marius , postponing the dayly supply of their own indigences to his advancement . thus the nobility being cow'd and dismay'd , the consulship , after many tempestuous contentions , is decreed to an upstart . and after that , the question being put to the people by l. manlius mantinus , whom they would have to carry on the war with jugurth , in a full assembly they commanded marius . 74. at the same time , jugurth , having lost his friends , the most of which he had put to death himself , the rest , part out of fear , had made their peace with the romans , or were fled to king bocchus , knowing that a war could not be carry'd on without assistants , and deeming it dangerous to hazzard the fidelity of strangers , after he had found his old acquaintance so unfaithful , was variously toss'd and tormented with unquiet thoughts : neither the design , nor the counsel , nor the sight of any person could please him : every day he alter'd his commanders , and vary'd his marches , sometimes towards the enemie , sometimes into the deserts ; sometimes he lookt upon flight as his securest refuge ; and then again he had some glimmering hopes of success : yet still in doubt , which less to trust , whither the courage or fidelity of his people . and thus which way soe'er he turn'd himself , adversity still frown'd upon him . at length in the midst of these uncertainties and disastrous reflections , metellus shews himself with his army . presently jugurth marshals his numidians as the time would give him leave , and the fight begins . where the king was present in person , there for a while was some resistance ; all the rest of his army , upon the very first charge were routed and put to flight ; leaving their ensigns , their arms , and a considerable number of their fellows in the possession of the romans . for in all battles the numidians were more beholding for their safety to their heels then to their swords . 75. after the loss of the battle , jugurth , now more then ever despairing of success , with the fugitives and part of his cavalry , betakes himself into the desert ; and from thence to * thala , a large and stately town , where most of his treasure , and all the costly wardrobe beonging to his children lay . of which when metellus had intelligence , though between thala and the river adjoyning to his camp , he knew there was nothing but vast and sandy desarts for fifty miles together , yet in hopes of putting an end to the war , if he could but make himself master of that town , he resolves to break through all the difficulties , and to overcome nature her self . to this purpose he orders all the beasts of carriage to be laden with the baggage , except only flour for ten days , which the souldiers were to carry in their snapsacks : he also makes great provision of leathern bottles and casks for his water : he picks up all the cattle he can find in the neighbouring parts , and them he orders to be laden with an infinite number of wooden vessels , which they found in the numidian cottages . moreover he orders the borderers that had surrendred themselves after the flight of the king what quantity of water he expected at their hands , and appoints 'em a day and place where they should be ready : and then fills his own vessels from the river , which we have already mentioned : and thus furnish'd with all things necessary , he marches directly for thala . when he came to that place where the numidians were commanded to tarry for him , after he had pitch'd his tents and fortify'd his camp , such violent showers of rain are reported to have fallen on a suddain from the sky , that there was water enough and to spare for the whole army . provisions also were plentiful beyond expectation ; in regard the numidians , as is usual while the awe of a new conquest continues , had been extreamly double diligent . upon the souldiers , also the rain had wrought a superstitious effect , while the seeming miracle gave new boldness to their courage ; believing that now the immortal gods took care of their persons , and favour'd their enterprize ; and thus the next day , they arriv'd before thala , contrary to jugurth's expectation . the townsmen , who thought themselves secure by reason of their inaccessible situation , amaz'd to see themselves so unexpectedly surpriz'd , were nevertheless industrious to prepare for stout resistance , and with the same alacrity did ours prepare for the aslault . 76. but jugurth now believing there was nothing impossible to metellus , as one against whose industry no arms or weapons , nor inequality of ground would prevail , but had overcome even nature her self , with his children , and the greatest part of his treasure deserted the town , and fled away in the night ; nor did he afterwards tarry in any one place above one day or a night at most . nevertheless that he might not seem to abandon the town , he pretended urgency of affairs and new designs , but indeed because he was afraid of treason , which he thought to prevent by a speedy retiring himself : for that such contrivances of treachery were hatch'd by leasure and opportunity . on the other side metellus , when he saw the townsmen resolv'd to defend themselves , and that the town was also strongly fortify'd as well by nature as by art , he entrenches his army round about the walls , and then places his vines , and engines in such places as he thought most proper . behind them he also raises bulwarks , and upon them towers to desend the souldiers and pioneers . on the other side , the townsmen labour might and main to frustrate his approaches , neither was any thing of art or industry omitted on either side . at length after much toyl , and several combats and onsets , the romans , forty days after they sate down before it , became masters of the town only , in regard the fugitives had set fire to the plunder . for they , when they perceiv'd the walls began to totter through the fury of the battering rams , and that their affairs were in a desperate condition , carry'd all their gold , silver and other precious moveables into the kings house , where after they had stupify'd their sences with wine and good chear , they set fire to the house , and burnt themselves and all that was in it , of their own accords inflicting upon themselves the same punishment , which they dreaded at the hands of their enemies . 77. but at the same time that thala was taken , certain messengers sent from leptis to metellus , arriv'd at the camp , beseeching him to send 'em both a garrison and a governor . that there was one hamilcar among 'em , a person of noble extraction , but factious , who went about to raise disturbances in the city , and sollicited the people to revolt . neither was the power of the magistrate , nor the authority of the law sufficient to put a stop to his proceedings : and that unless he made great haste , the safety of the city , and their allegiance to the romans would be in great danger . for the people of leptis at the first beginning of the jugurthine war , had sent to bestia the consul , and afterwards to rome , requesting amity and a mutual league . which after they had obtain'd , they continu'd just and faithful , and whatever they were commanded by bestia , albinus or metellus to do , they diligently and sedulously perform'd ; and for that reason the general readily condescended to their desires : sending 'em a garrison of sour ligurian cohorts , and c. annius for their governor . 78. this town was built by the sidonians , who being forc'd to abandon their native country by reason of civil discord , came by sea into those parts ; seated between two vast banks of sand , and derives its name from the nature of the place . for upon the utmost limits of africa , two bays extend themselves not far distant one from another ; unequal in bigness , but in nature both alike . the parts next the land are very deep ; the other parts , as the wind lies , sometimes deep , sometimes shallow ; for when the sea runs high , and the wind blows hard , the billows drive the sand and ouze , together with the massy , loose rocky stones before 'em : and thus the whole surface of the bottom changes with the violence of the wind and tide : and therefore are they call'd syrtes , from drawing the stones and sands from one place to another . the language of the city is now quite alter'd by their vicinity to the numidians . the most of their laws and religious ceremonies are sidonian ; the more easily retain'd , because they live remote from the king's court. besides that beween them and the inhabited parts of numidia , lie vast and unfrequented desarts . 79. and now since the affairs of leptis have drawn us into these parts , it will not be amiss to rehearse an action of two carthaginian brethren , of which the place it self puts me in mind ; there being few that more deserve the remembrance of history . at what time the carthaginians were masters of the greatest part of africa , the people of cyrene likewise were both powerful and opulent . the countrey between is sandy , and altogether level , not so much as a river or mountain to ascertain the limits of their territories ; which was the occasion of an outragious and lasting war between ' em . after many armies defeated , many sea-engagements with great loss on both sides , when they had almost ruin'd one another , fearing at length , both victors and vanquish'd , their becoming a prey to a third enemy , they make a truce , and then an agreement , that upon such a certain day they would send their ambassadors from home , and wheresoever those ambassadors met , that place should be the certain bounds of both their dominions . to this purpose , two brothers being sent from carthage , both call'd by the name of philaeni , they made all the speed they could ; the cyrenians travell'd flowly : but whether it were through negligence , or by chance , i am not able to say . yet in those places a contrary wind is no less troublesom to a traveller then at sea. for when tempestuous gusts blow hard , and brush those level sands , naked of all manner of coverture , the dust pebbles so terribly molest the sight and faces of travellers , that not daring to open their eyes , they are no longer able to proceed in their journey . howere it were , the cyrenians finding they had loyter'd behind , and fearing capital punishment for their negligence , at their return , quarell'd with the carthaginians , and accus'd 'em of setting forward from home beford their time ; made a hideous bustle , ann resolv'd whatere it cost 'em , not to reture home losers . whereupon , when thy carthaginians proffer'd to accept of ane condition that was but reasonable , thr greeks made this proposal , that eithes the carthaginians should suffer themselve to be bury'd alive in that place which they claim'd for the limits of their empire , or else upon the same condition , that they would travel forward as far as they thought fit . whereupon the philaeni , accepting the proposal , surrender'd themselves and their lives for the good of the commonwealth , and were bury'd alive without more ado . in remembrance of which pious act , the carthaginians erected altars , which they consecrated to the memories of the two brethren , besides other honours which were decreed 'em at home . now i return to the matter in hand . 80. jugurth , after the loss of thala , thought nothing sufficiently secure against the conduct of metellus ; and therefore crossing vast desarts , with a small retinue , at length he comes to the getulians , a fierce and barbarous sort of people , and at that time unacquainted with the roman name . of these , he musters together a vast multitude , and by degrees accustoms 'em to keep their ranks , to follow their ensigns , to obey commands , and several other points of military discipline . moreover , by great gifts and larger promises he procutes the favour of such as had the ear of king bocchus , and by their assistance addressing himself to the king , he perswades him to undertake a war against the romans . which bocchus was the more easily inclin'd to do , in regard that at the beginning of the jugurthine war he had sent his ambassadors to rome , to desire a league and friendship with the romans . which overture , most advantageous at the beginning of that war , some few obstructed , blinded with covetousness , and according to their usual custom , putting all things to sale , both honest and dishonest . besides , jugurth but a little before had marry'd the daughter of bocchus . but that same tye of relation is little valu'd among the moors and numidians ; because they marry several wives , some ten , and others more , according to their estates , and princes consequently a far greater number : so that being thus distracted with variety , the king advances none to his society particularly , but looks on all as equally vile , and equally inferior . 81. therefore at the rendezvouz by both appointed , both armies meet ; and there both princes giving and taking mutual oaths of fidelity and constancy , jugurth in a set speech , the more to exasperate bocchus , tells him , that the romans were unjust , immensely covetous , the common enemies of all mankind ; that they would make the same pretences serve for an occasion of war with bocchus as with him , and other nations , ambition of rule ; as having a perfect antipathy against monarchs . that at present himself ; a little before the carthaginians , and king perseus were the objects of their fury ; and that hereafter the power and opulency of any prince would be a sufficient provocation for the romans to quarrel with him . this said , away they bend their march for cirta , for that metellus there had stow'd his booty , captives and his baggage . thence jugurth consider'd , that either the taking of the place would be worth his while ; or if the romans attempted to relieve it , he should have the opportunity to fight ' em . for it was his policy , to make haste ; to engage bocchus beyond the hopes of peace , lest by delay his mind might vary , to accept of any conditions rather then enter into a war. 82. but the general so soon as he had intelligence that there was a league between the two kings , would not rashly , not upon every slight occasion proffer battel , as he was wont to do after he had overthrown jugurth ; but having fortify'd his camp not far from cirta , there he waits the coming of the kings , believing it his wiser course to fight upon advantage , after he had made trial of the courage of the moors , as being an enemy with which he had never yet engag'd . in the mean time he had advice by letters from rome , that the province of numidia was given to marius : for he had heard before that he was elected consul . the news of which so strangely mov'd him beyond all measure , and put him so beside himself , that he could neither refrain from tears , nor moderate his tongue : a man so excellent and so accomplish'd in all other things , yet not able to brook his inward vexations . which some attributed to his pride , others to the generosity of his naturet that could not suffer an affront : but many to his indignation , that the victory now as good as won , should be wrested out of his hands . but we are satisfy'd , that marius's honour more tormented him , then the injury done to himself , and that he would not have taken it so impatiently , had the province when taken from him , been bestow'd upon any other then marius . 83. metellus therefore sick of this distemper , and because he deem'd it a folly for him to procure triumphs for another at the haxard of his own life , sends ambassadors to bocchus , to caution him , how he quarrell'd with the people of rome , without any provocation : that now he had a fair opportunity to obtain the league and alliance which he had before desir'd , and which would be far more advantageous to him then war ; that though he might rely upon his great power , yet 't was not the safest way to hazard certainties for uncertainties ; that a war was easily begun , but not so soon ended ; that the beginning and conclusion of it were not at the disposal of the same person , that any coward might begin a war , but the end of it was at the pleasure of the victor only ; and therefore that he should consult his own , and the welfare of his kingdom , and not adventure his flourishing prosperity in the same bottom with jugurth's misfortunes . to which the king in mild and gentle terms return'd for answer , that peace was his desire , only he pity'd the miserable condition of jugurth ; so that if he might be included in the articles , all things would be soon concluded . again the general in answer to bocchus's demands , sends other commissioners ; some things he approv'd , others he refus'd ; and thus by sending to and fro , time wasted , and the war was spun out without a blow struck , to the great satisfaction of metellus . 84. but marius , as i said before , being made consul by the vehemency & tumultuous affection of the commonalty , so soon as the people had commanded him to undertake the province of numidia , if before he hated the nobility , now he began to shew himself much more fierce and domineering ; sometimes affronting particular persons , sometimes all in general ; boasting that he had carry'd the consulship from them , as the spoyls of a conquer'd enemy ; casting forth many other expressions , great of himself , but full of bitter sarcasms in derision of their honour . in the mean time his chiefest care was to make ample provisions of all things needful for the war , to require a re-inforcement of the legions ; to demand ayd of all the neighbouring princes and people in alliance with the romans ; to cull out of latium all the stoutest persons he could pick , most known to himself in particular services , few by report ; and by fair words and promises to procure all the old souldiers that had been discharg'd upon the score of age and long service , to resume their arms , and accompany him in the expedition . nor durst the senate , though they mortally hated his demeanor , contradict him in any thing ; but joyfully decreed him all supplies , whatever he demanded , in hopes that the commonalty when they came go be press'd , would refuse to serve , and so that marius would lose the fruits of the war , or the affections of the vulgar . but it fell out quite otherwise . for such an eager desire of going with marius , had possess'd the greatest part , while every man believ'd he should return enrich'd with plunder ; and victorious home , that these considerations and expectancies dragg'd them headlong after the consul ; besides that , marius did not a little enflame their courages with a set speech . for after all his demands were decreed him according to his hearts desire , and he had compleated his musters , as well to curry favour with the commons , as to fret and gall the nobility , he summon'd an assembly of the people , where he thus deliver'd himself . i am well assur'd , most worthy romans , that most men do not observe the same method in procuring places of highest trust at your hands ; or manage 'em after the same manner when obtain'd . at first , they are industrious , humble and moderate ; then waste their days in sloth and pride ; but i am of vanother humour . for by how much the whole commonwealth is of greater value then a consulship , or praetorship , with so much the greater care ought the one to be govern'd , then the other eagerly su'd for . nor am i ignorant how great a burden i bear upon my shoulders through your obliging favour . to provide for war , to be frugal of the public treasury , to compel those to bear arms , whom you are unwilling to offend , to have an eye upon all things both at home and abroad ; and to discharge all these duties among so many envious , thwarting , and factious spirits , is a task , most worthy romans , far more difficult , then most men are aware of . nevertheless if others miscarry or commit any foul misdemeanor , the antiquity of their descent , the famous exploits of their ancestors , the wealth of their kindred and relations , multitude of tenants and followers , all these things are their security and protection , while my relyance is only upon my self : so that of necessity i must support my self by my valour and my innocency ; since all other dependances of mine are weak and inconsiderable : and this i likewise understand , most worthy romans , that the eyes of all men are fix'd upon me ; that good and just men love me ; as one whose actions have tended to the good of the public benefit ; only the nobility ly at lurch to procure my disgrace . for which reason it behoves me the more industriously to labour , that you be not deceiv'd , and that they may be disappointed . from my childhood until now , i have hitherto so liv'd , as to be inur'd to all sorts of hardship and all manner of dangers . what before your favours bestow'd , i acted gratis , 't is not my design , most worthy romans , now to forego , as having receiv'd my vvages . 't is a difficult thing for such men to tempt their passions in great authority , who only to advance ambitious ends dissembl'd honesty : but in me , that have always lead my life in vertuous exercises , to do good is now by custom become a second nature . you have commanded me to wage war with jugurth , a thing which the nobility took most hainously . i beseech you to consider with your selves , whether you think it proper to alter your resolutions , or to send some one cull'd out from this same croud of nobility , a person of ancient descent ; a person whose family is honour'd with many statues , but himself a man of no conduct or experience ; such a one as being ignorant what he has to do in such a weighty undertaking , shall tremble , make a bustle , and at length chuse out some paltry confident , to be his instructor and adviser . for so it generally falls out , that he whom you have order'd to command , is to seek for another to command himself . yet i could tell you of some men , most worthy romans , who after they have been chosen consuls , have then began to study the actions of their ancestors , and the military precepts of the greeks : preposterous people . for the knowledge of government in time succeeds election , but in reality and practice ought to precede it . compare me now , most worthy romans , an upstart of yesterday , with their presumptuous pride . what they are wont to hear and read , part of these things my self has seen , and others personally perform'd : what they have learnt from their books , the same have i by military duty . they contemn my suddain rise ; and i their cowardice . they upbraid me with my fortune , i them , with their enormities . though i believe one nature common to us all , yet i esteem the stoutest to be still most generous and noble . so that if the question could be put to the ancestors of albinus , or bestia , which they would have rather chosen for their off-spring me or them , what think ye would be their answer , but that they desir'd the best of children ? therefore while they debase me , they throw the same contempt upon their ancestors ; who rais'd their original nobility , like my self , by their vertues . they envy my honour ; let 'em also envy my innocency , the hardship and the dangers i have undergone . but men corrupted with pride , so lead their lives , as if they disdain'd your honours ; but sue for 'em , as persons that had always liv'd uprightly and justly . certainly they are mistak'n , who expect at the same time to enjoy two such contrary satisfactions , the delights and pleasures of sloathful ease , and the rewards of vertue . and when they make speeches either to your selves or in the senate , spend the greatest part of their time in magnifying their ancestors , believing themselves the more famous for repeating their loud atchievements ; whereas quite the contrary , the more illustrious was their renown , the more sordid and degenerate are they . for to say truth , the renown of ancestors is a light that shines upon their posterity , and suffers not their evil deeds to be obscur'd in darkness . this is a thing i want , most worthy romans ; but that which is more noble , i can speak of my own actions to my self . now consider , how unjust they are . what they arrogate to themselves from the vertue of others , they will not allow me for the sake of my own : because forsooth i have no statues , because my nobility is but of yesterday ; which certainly is more worthy for me to have won , then for them to have corrupted . i am not ignorant , that were they now to answer me , they have eloquence enough , and would be flourishing with their lofty strains and high flying language . but understanding how in all places , for this your favour conferr'd upon me , they wound and tear both mine and your reputation , i could not refrain speaking my mind ; least any one should traduce my modesty as an effect of guilt . though in my opinion , these orations can do me no prejudice . for if true , they must speak well of me ; if false , my life and manners evince the contrary . but because your consultations and decrees are accus'd , because you have vouchsaf'd me the highest honour , and the most important of all our present affairs ; i beseech ye consider over and over again , whether you have any cause to repent . 't is true , i cannot , as a security and pledge for my worth , produce the statues , or records of the triumphs and consulships of my ancestors : but if need require , i can shew ye spears , ensigns * gold chains , and other such like military guerdons , besides several scars in my body . these are my statues , this is my nobility , not left , but which i have purchas'd by inheritance , with many hardships and dangers . my words perhaps are not so elaborately studied : that i value not . vertue sufficiently displays it self ; but words want artifice to fucus over vile and shameful actions . neither did i ever learn greek . for i had no desire to learn a language that so little contributed to reform the vices of those that had it so readily at their tongues end . but i am learned in those things that are much more beneficial to the commonwealth ; i know how to fight an enemy , to take towns , to fear nothing but infamy ; to endure cold and heat ; to lie upon the ground ; and at the same time to undergo both want and labour . this learning also i shall teach the souldiers : neither shall i harrass them with hard and continual duty , and yet indulge my self : neither will i purchase my honour by their labour . this is a profitable and civil government . whereas to live in ease , and wallow in effeminacy thy self , and terrify thy army with continual rigor , this is to play the tyrant not the general . by these actions and such as these , your ancestors immortalliz'd both themselves and the commonwealth . on which the nobility relying , though far different in their manners , despise us , with emulation tracing their renowned steps ; and claim from you all honours as their due and not by merit : but their lofty lordships are very much out of the way . their ancestors left 'em all things that were within their power , wealth , statues , pedigrees and undying memories , but they did not leave 'em vertue , neither could they . that , is a gift neither to be given or receiv'd . they say i am a slovenly fellow , and one that wants breeding ; because i know not how to instruct a bill of fare ; maintain no buffoons and zanies about me , nor give more money for a cook then i do for a bavly : all which i must confess , most worthy romans . for i have been taught by my father and other venerable persons that nicity and spruceness belong to women ; but that toyl and labour better become manhood : and that all heroic and generous spirits , ought to value fame above wealth , and take a greater pride in their arms then in their household furniture . therefore let 'em always follow their pleasures and delights ; let 'em keep their misses , let 'em drink and revel ; as they spent their youth , so let 'em employ their old age in banquets and riot , devoted to their bellies ; and the most shameful part of their bodies ; let 'em leave sweat and dust , industry and toyl to us , that prefer those hardships far before the effeminacy of junketting . but that they will not do : for when unworthy bruits as they are , they have dishonour'd themselves , with all manner of debauchery , nothing will satisfy 'em but the rewards of the brave and vertuous . so that luxury and sloth , the worst of evils never prejudice their adorers , which is a great piece of injustice , but frequently prove baneful to the commonwealth . now then having as far as my own modesty would permit me , though not in so many words as the heinousness of their abuses requir'd , made answer to the objections of the nobility ; give me leave to speak somewhat concerning the state of the common-wealth . in the first place , most worthy romans , hope well of numidia ; you have now remov'd all those things which hitherto protected jugurth , avarice , ill conduct and pride . then you have an army there that understands the country ; but however more stout then fortunate . for the greatest part of 'em have been very much harrass'd through the covetuousness and rashness of their captains . and therefore all you that are arriv'd at souldiers age , labour with me , take the common-wealth into your own hands , and let no man be discourag'd at the calamity of others , or the foolish pride of preceeding generals . i shall be as well your companion in danger , as your counsellor in all your marches and battels , and take the same care of you as of my self . nay , by the assistance of the gods , i make no question , but all things are already ripe for us to share , victory , booty , honour : which though they were doubtful or remotely distant from our expectations ; yet it behov'd all good men to succour the commonwealth . for never sloth rais'd any man to immortality : neither did ever any parent wish , that his children might live eternally , only that they might live a vertuous and honest life . i would say more , most worthy romans , were it in the power of words to inspire the timerous with valour ; for to the strenuous , i think i have already said enough . 86. this oration thus concluded , finding the people all in fury and mad to be at work , with all imaginable speed he puts his provision , money and other necessaries aboard , and with these preparations sends away aulus manlius before . in the mean time he falls to listing souldiers , not according to the antient custom , out of the several ranks and degrees of the people , but only volunteers , and such as paid neither scot nor lot to the commonwealth . which way of proceeding , some imputed to the want of able souldiers , others to the ambition of the consul , because he was cry'd up , and advanc'd by that sort of people : for to a man that aspires to power and command , the more indigent are still the fittest instruments upon several occasions ; in regard they have nothing to care for of their own , and therefore look upon all things to be just and honest , by which there is any thing to be got . marius therefore , putting to sea , with something a larger number then was decreed him , landed in a few days at vtica . the army is deliver'd over into his hands by p. rutilius the legate . for metellus avoided the sight of marius , that he might not see those things which he could not endure to hear . 87. but the consul having recruited the legions and auxiliary cohorts , marches into a fruitful country , where he might be sure to find booty enough . there he gave all the pillage to the souldiers . this done , he takes in all the castles and towns that were but slightly fortify'd either by art or nature , and least able to make defence , and has several slight skirmishes with the enemy , some in one place , some in another : and all the while he order'd the raw souldiers to stand and look on ; to behold the routed kill'd or taken ; and thereby taught 'em how the most valiant were still in most safety ; that the sword was the only protection of their country , their liberties , their wives and children : and how honour , not riches , was the noblest aim . thus in a short time both raw and veteranes became all one , and the courage of all was equally alike . but the two kings , when they understood of marius's arrival , retir'd several ways into the fastnesses of the country . this was jugurth's design , in hopes that the romans might be surpriz'd so soon as they thought themselves a little more secure . for that the romans , like most other people , grew careless and remiss in their guards , when once their fears were over . 88. in the mean time metellus arriving at rom● , contrary to his expectations , was joyfully receiv'd : and so soon as once their passion was over , equally belov'd as well by the people as by the senate . but marius indefatigably and with extraordinary prudence minded both his own business , and the motions of the enemy : he was still considering what was advantageous , what was prejudicial to both : he had his spies continually abroad to observe the marches of the kings ; thereby to prevent their designs and ambuscadoes ; suffering no remisness in his own , nor any security in the army of his enemy . by which means he often met in his marches with the getulians and jugurth ravaging the territories of our allies , whom he assoon defeated , and not far from cirta , forc'd the king himself to leave his arms behind him . which being only brave exploits , but no way conducing to the conclusion of the war , he determin'd to besiege all such towns as either thro' the strength of the garrison , or the situation of the place were of importance to the enemy , and prejudicial to the romans . by which means jugurth must be despoyled of all his garrisons if he lay still , or else must come to a battel . for bocchus had often sent him word that he was for his part desirous of a league and friendship with the romans ; and that he should not need to fear any thing of hostility at his hands . but whether he dissembled in this particular , to the end his unexpected onset might give the greater blow , or whether out of natural instability of mind , it were his custom to make frequent exchanges of war and peace , could never be certainly known . 89. the consul however , according to his determination , visits all the towns and strong holds : some he takes by force , some through fear surrender ; and others upon the offers of large rewards set open their gates . at first he dealt with those that were less considerable , hoping that jugurth , coming to the rescue of his subjects , would give him the opportunity of a battel . but understanding that he was gone a great way off , and busily intent upon other affairs , he thought it time to bestir himself in greater and more difficult enterprizes . on the other side of the country , beyond several wide and spacious desarts , lay a large and strong town by name * capsa ; of which the libyan hercules is said to have been the founder . the inhabitants enjoy'd great privileges under jugurth , free from taxes , and therefore most faithful to him : being not only guarded by their walls and a strong garrison , well furnish'd with all sort of warlike ammunition ; but much more by the difficult situation of the place . for excepting those fields and pastures that lay round about the town , all the country round about lay barren , desart , and unmanur'd , wanting water , and much infested with serpents ; whose fury , like that of all other creatures , is the more exasperated through scarcity of food ; besides that , the pernicious nature of those serpents is by nothing more provoked then by drought . marius was inflam'd with an eager desire to take this town , as well for the service of the war , as for the difficulty of the enterprize : besides that metellus , highly to his honour , had won the city of thala , not much unlike this place , both for strength and situation ; only that not far from the walls of thala there were several springs : they of capsa had but only one well of fountain-water ; all the out-parts supply'd themselves as the rain happen'd to fall . which both there , and in all africa , that lies remote from the sea , and more uncultivated , is the more easily endur'd , for that the numidians for the most part feed upon milk and the flesh of wild beasts , wanting neither salt , nor any other sawces to whet their appetites . their diet only serv'd 'em to prevent hunger and thirst , not for luxury , nor yet to please their palats . 90. the consul therefore having made a full enquiry into every thing , relying certainly upon the favour of the gods ; ( for humane wisdom could never provide against so many difficulties ; especially there being but small store of corn in those parts , in regard the numidians delight more in pasturage then tillage , and what they had upon the ground , by the king's order was secur'd in their strong holds ; besides that , the fields were at that season parch'd up , without any crop at all , for it was toward the latter end of summer ) however he makes sufficient provision out of that plenty which he had ; ordering the auxiliary horse to drive before 'em all the cattel , which they had made booty of upon their last incursions . a. manlius the legate , he commands to march with the light-armed cohorts to laris , where he had secur'd his money for the souldiers pay , and his provisions , giving out that he would march that way himself within a few days , and meet him there . and thus concealing his design , he sets forward , directly for the river tana . 91. upon his march , he made an equal distribution of his cattel among the souldiers , so much to the foot , and so much to the horse : of the hides he caus'd bottles or water-bags to be made . this he did , no man knowing his design , to prevent the waste of corn , which was to stand him afterwards in stead . upon the sixth day , by that time he came to the river , he had an infinite number of water-bags ready made . there pitching his tents , and slightly fortifying his camp , he order'd his souldiers to their repast , and commands 'em to be ready to march so soon as the sun began to set , leaving all their baggage behind , only loading themselves and their beasts of carriage with water . then at his time appointed he sets forward , and having march'd all night , he makes a halt all the next day . thus he did the second night ; and the third night , long before day-break , he came to a place full of hillocks , not above two miles distant from the town ; where , as privately as he could , he lay close with all his army . but in the morning , when the numidians , least dreaming of an enemy , began to stir abroad about their occasions , he commands all the cavalry , and the swiftest of his foot to fly to the town , and seize the gates . immediately he himself follow'd , strictly commanding the souldiers to refrain from pillage . which when the townsmen perceiv'd , their dangerous condition , unspeakable consternation , calamity unlookt for , and besides all this , a great part of the inhabitants without the walls , in the power of the enemy , constrain'd 'em to a speedy surrender . nevertheless the town was laid in ashes , the numidian youth were put to the sword ; all others sold , and the booty divided among the souldiers . which severe act of the consul 's , against the law of arms , neither his avarice , nor his cruelty urg'd him to commit . but because so strong a place that lay so necessary and convenient for jugurth , was no less difficult of access to the romans : the people fickle and perfidious , neither to be ●urb'd by fear , nor kept in obedience by mild usage . 92. marius having thus perform'd an exploit so considerable without any loss of his own men , as he was great , and in high repute before , so was he now ten times greater , and more famous then ever . not only what he acted with prudence and foresight , but whatever prov'd by fortune successful , was all ascrib'd to his vertue and conduct . the souldiers under gentle command , and enrich'd withal , extoll'd him to the skies : the numidians dreaded him as if more then humane : in a word , both allies and enemies believ'd , that either he was inspir'd with a divine foresight , or else , that he acted altogether by the immediate assistance of the gods. the consul therefore upon this success , hastens to several other towns ; of which , some he takes after a small resistance of the numidians : others he finds deserted by the inhabitants , dreading the sad fate of the capsensians , all which he lays in ashes : nothing but slaughter and lamentation over the whole country . thus having made himself master of several places , and most without the loss of my roman blood , he undertakes another enterprize , not so toilsom as that of capsa , yet no less difficult . not far from the river mulucha , which separates the two kingdoms of jugurth and bocchus , stands a rocky mountain , of a prodigious height , in the midst of a large plain , upon the top of which , where there was space enough , stood an indifferent castle ; to which there was but one , and that a very narrow ascent . for every way else it was by nature so perpendicularly steep , as if it had been the labour of art and industry . which castle , because it was one of the places where the king's treasure lay , marius resolves to win , whatever it cost him . but here his fortune befriended him above his conduct : for the castle was furnisht with a strong garrison , and all manner of warlike ammunition and provisions , a fountain of water , but no way assailable by the help either of bulwarks or towers , and as it were , standing in defiance of all sorts of engins whatever : besides , the passage to it was narrow and steep on both sides . the vines by which we make our approaches , were brought and set up with vast labour and danger ; for no sooner were they rais'd to something of perfection , but they were presently destroy'd with fire and stones . the souldiers could neither stand to their labour , by reason of the steepness of the place ; nor work secure under the covertures ; they that were most forward and couragious , were slain or wounded , others were dismay'd and discourag'd . 93. marius therefore after the toyl and labour of many days consum'd in vain , perplex'd and pensive , began to consider whether he should draw off , or wait a favourable opportunity , since his fortune had been hitherto so prosperous . which while he was pondering for several days and nights together , chaf'd and fuming in his mind , by chance a certain ligurian common souldier in the auxiliary cohorts , going out of the camp to fetch water , not far from that side of the castle which was opposite to that part where the assaults and defences were made , spy'd several periwinkles creeping among the rocks . of which when he had tasted one or two , desirous to have more , he was got up by degrees , ere he knew where he was , to the top of the rock ; where observing nothing but silence and solitude , after the custom of humane curiosity , desirous to see what he never had seen before , he stands and listens . by chance there grew in the same place a holm-tree , which had made its way through the stones , stooping forward at first , then winding back , and shooting up to a considerable heighth , as it is the nature of all vegetables . by the help of whose boughs , and the stones jutting out from the wall , the ligurian clamber'd so high , that he discover'd the whole platform of the castle , and perceiv'd how the defendants were all busily employ'd where the assailants forc'd 'em to make resistance . after he had thus taken a sufficient view of all things that he thought requisite , he returns the same way he got up , not in haste , but leisurely observing and taking notice of every particular conducing to his purpose . this done , away he comes to marius , informs him of the accident , and advises him to attempt the castle on that side ; and promises to lead the way , and be formost in the danger . immediately marius sends away with the ligurian some of those that were then present , to examin the truth of his information ; who , according to their several fancies , upon their return , reported the enterprize , some to be easie ; others , difficult . however , the consul began to pluck up a good heart ; and liking the design , picks out of all , his trumpets and cornets , five of the nimblest and most active he could meet with ; and appoints 'em for their guard four centurions with their companies , commanding 'em to follow the ligurian's instructions : and appoints the next day to put the enterprize in execution . and now the time appointed being come , and all things fix'd , away they go to the place : at what time the centurions , according to the directions of their guide , chang'd both their arms and their apparel , and went with their heads and feet bare ; to the end they might the better look about 'em , and clamber with more ease . their swords and their targets , which after the numidian fashion , were of leather , as well for lightness , as to prevent their ringing against the stones , they ty'd at their backs . the ligurian also clambering formost , fasten'd ropes to the stones and stumps of trees and shrubs that grew about the rock , for the souldiers to ease themselves in climbing : others that were not so well vers'd at the sport , he pull'd up by the hand ; and where the ascent was more steep then ordinary , he order'd 'em to climb without their arms , and carry'd their arms after ' em . those places which seem'd most difficult and dangerous he chiefly try'd ; and by often ascending and descending the same way , then by and by giving room , and stepping to another place , he encourag'd the rest . at length long and very much tir'd , they got to the castle , as it were abandon'd on that side ; for that all the garrison , as at other times , were facing the enemy . marius , when he understood what progress the ligurian had made , though he had ply'd the numidians all that day , yet then encouraging his souldiers , appearing formost himself without the approaches , running under the * testudo , against the wall , not only shook the foundations below , but with his slings , and other missive engines , kept the enemy hard at work above . on the other side , the numidians having often burnt and destroy'd the roman vines , were grown so hardy , that as if they had no need of walls , they would frequently in the day-time leap over the battlements upon the rock , and standing there , defy the romans , call marius coward in his own hearing , and threaten the souldiers to make 'em jugurth's slaves , with all the bravado's of prosperous insolence imaginable . at last , while assailants and defendants were eagerly exasperated in sight , the one contending for conquest and honour , the other for safety of their lives , on a sudden the trumpets and cornets began to sound behind their backs ; and first the women and children that came to be spectators of their husbands and their fathers manhood ; then such as were next the walls , and lastly , the whole company , as well those that were arm'd , as those that had none , betook themselves to flight . which the romans observing , charg'd more furiously with their slings and engines , some they wounded , others they slew , and made steps of their dead bodies out of eagerness to ascend the wall : neither was there any one that made a stop for greediness of spoyl . thus fortune found a salvo for the rashness of marius , and procur'd him honour from the errour of his conduct . 95. in the heat of this action , l. sylla the questor , arriv'd at the camp , with a great body of cavalry , which he was left at rome to raise in latium , and among the confederate allies . now therefore since the opportunity puts us in mind of so great a personage , it will not be amiss , briefly to say something of his conditions and education . for we shall have no occasion in any other place to make any farther mention of his actions . besides that l. sisenna , who of all others that have written of him , has with greatest industry and fidelity pursu'd his history , seems to have been too sparing of his commendations . sylla therefore , was descended from a noble patrician family , but gone to decay , and near extinct , through the sloth of his ancestors . he was equally skill'd and accomplish'd both in the greek and latin learning ; of a lofty courage , addicted to his pleasures , but more greedy of honour ; luxurious at his vacant hours , yet his pleasure never took him off from business ; only he might have better consulted his reputation in the choice of a * wife . he was eloquent , subtil , nothing coy of his friendship , but easily familiar ; but for dissimulation , and disguising his own thoughts , the depth of his wit was incredible : liberal in his gifts , but especially of his money . before the civil war , the most happy person living , his fortune never surmounted his industry ; so that it was a question which many could never decide , whether he were more fortunate or vertuous . for as for his latter actions , i am at a loss whether to repeat 'em with greater grief , or greater shame . 96. sylla therefore when he arriv'd in africa , and came once to be conversant in marius's camp ; in a short time prov'd to be one of the most sedulous and expert of all the roman commanders . moreover , he treated the souldiers affably and kindly : liberal to many that ask'd him , to others of his own accord : in those things much more forward and willing then to pay his own debts . he never demanded whatever he lent : making it his study , rather that others should be beholding to him . his custom was to jest and be merry , and sometimes to be serious with the meanest . he lov'd to be present with the souldiers in all their duties of working , marching and watching : neither would he all the while , according to the custom of deprav'd ambition , speak ill either of the consul , or any other person . neither in direction or execution of any orders , would he suffer any man to be before him , but was generally the formost himself . and these were the ways and means by which he endear'd himself both to marius and won the affections of the souldiers . 97. in the mean time jugurth , after he had lost capsa , and several other towns , strongly fortify'd and of great importance to his affairs , besides a vast treasure , sent messengers to boccbus , to hasten his army into numidia ; for that now was the time to decide the controversie by battel one way or other . but when he perceiv'd him to procrastinate and spin out the time , then full of doubts , he began to consider the advantages of peace and war ; and as before , renew'd his former practices of bribing his chiefest favourites . he also promises the moor himself a third part of numidia , upon condition the romans were either chac'd out of africa , or that the war were so concluded , that he might enjoy the full extent of his kingdom . with this temptation bocchus allur'd , hastens to jugurth with a numerous power of men. thus the two armies being joyn'd , as marius was marching to his winter quarters , about what time , scarce the tenth part of the day remained behind , they fell on furiously , believing the approaching night , would be to them a security were they overthrown ; or if the victors , could be no impediment , because they were well acquainted with the country : on the other side assuring themselves , that whether victors or vanquish'd , the dark night would be equally troublesome to the romans . so that the enemy was upon him ere the consul had intelligence of the approach of the army ; and before the legions could be embattell'd , or the baggage dispos'd of and secur'd ; before he had time to give the signal , or give out his orders , the moors and getulian cavalry had charg'd our men , not rang'd in order , nor drawn up in warlike maner , but at a venture in single troops and scattering parties . the romans thus surpriz'd with suddain fear , and unprovided , yet calling to mind their wonted valour , some betook themselves to their arms , others defended their fellows while they made themselves ready : the cavalry mounted , and hastned to stop the enemies career ; so that the fight lookt rather like a rancounter of free-booters then a battel ; observing neither ensigns nor ranks , horse and foot mix'd one among another ; some giving ground , others being slain : many , while stoutly engag'd with their adversaries , had the enemy upon their backs ; neither valour nor steel were a sufficient protection ; for that the enemy was more numerous , and made their attacks on every side . for remedy whereof the romans as well veteranes as the raw souldiers being instructed by their fellows , as chance or place gave them an opportunity , threw themselves into oval bodies , and so facing the enemy every way substain'd their fury with a much more safe resistance . all this while , marius , thus hard put to it , was nothing at all dejected , nor shew'd the least sign of fear more then at any other time ; but with his own life-guard which he had made choice of , not for favour but for their bravery and stoutness , flew from one place to another , relieving those that were over power'd , and sometimes charging the thickest of the enemy , instructing 'em by acts of personal examples ; since as a general all commands were vain in such a terrible confusion . and now by this the day was well nigh spent , and yet the enemy abated nothing of their fury , but according to jugurth's instructions relying upon the darkness of the night , rather press'd on more eagerly . when marius taking resolutions from the necessity of his affairs that he might have a place of retreate orders his men to take possession of two small hills that lay close adjoyning one to another . upon the least of these hills , which was not spacious enough to pitch his camp , there was a large fountain of water ; the other more for his purpose , for that being high and steep , it wanted the less fortification . therefore upon the first he commanded sylla to keep a strict guard with the cavalry all the night ; he himself takes care to rally his men , and to disingage 'em from among the enemy who were in no less confusion then the romans . which done he retreats in a full body to the second hill. the two kings being thus discourag'd by the difficulty of the place from making any farther attempts however would not leave the consul so , but lay all night surrounding both the hills with their extended multitude . all the night long the enemy made great and many fires , were merry and jocond , skipp'd and daunc'd about and made several strange noises with their feet and throates , after their barbarous custom . the kings themselves were pufft up , and full of high thoughts , because they had not been constrain'd to fly , but like victors lay besieging the romans . but all these things were easily descernible by the light of the fires to our men from the higher ground , and gave them no small encouragement . 99. marius therefore embolden'd to see the enemies defect of discipline , commands a most exact silence in his own camp ; not suffering the trumpets to sound upon relieving the watches , as they were wont to do , but as soon as day began to peep , when the enemy tyr'd with their jollity were gone to their repose , and all in a profound sleep , of a suddain he causes all the tributary trumpeters , and all the trumpeters of the several cohorts , troops and legions all to sound together , and the souldiers at the same time with loud shouts and military clamours to rend the air , and pour out of the camp upon the enemy . on the other side , the moors and getulians , waken'd with the unusual and horrid noise , could neither fly , nor stand to their arms ; neither resolve nor prevent . in such a manner were they stupify'd and har'd with noise , clamour , tumult , terrour , fright , amazement , want of succour , and the inundation of the enemy : and at length all routed and put to flight ; most of their arms and military ensigns taken , and more slain in that battel then in all the encounters before : for being scarce awake , and scar'd out of their wits , they had not sence enough to fly . 100. marius thus a victor , according to his first determination , hasten'd to his winter quarters , which he resolv'd to take up in the sea towns , for the conveniency of provision . yet in the heighth of his success ne'er the more negligent or puff'd up , but as if still the enemy had been in the field he march'd with his army divided into four battalions . upon the right-wing sylla lead the horse ; the left was guarded by a. manlius with the slingers and darters , and a cohort of ligurians . in the front and rear he plac'd the tribunes with certain bands of light armed foot . the fugitives , as being little valu'd , and exactly acquainted with the country , were put upon the forlorns to to observe the motion of the enemy . the consul , confin'd to no place , as if there had been no other overseers but himself , had an eye every where , was present with all , prais'd or reprov'd according to desert . he rode about compleatly arm'd , and made it his business to keep the souldiers from stragling ; no less vigilant , then as if he had been upon a march , to fortify his camp , to set the sentinels to order what cohorts , what auxiliary horse should be upon the guard without the trenches , which to watch upon the brest-works , within the fortifications ; and go the rounds in person , not so much mistrusting disobedience of his commands , but that the souldiers might be the more willing to endure hardship , when they beheld the general himself so painfully sharing their laborious toyl . and indeed marius may be said both then and at other times , during the jugurthin war , to keep his army in awe rather by shame , then severity of punishment , which many attributed to his ambition ; but others more soft in their censures , ascrib'd to his being enur'd to hardship from his cradle , which made him take pleasure in those things , which others lookt upon as tribulations . however it were , this is certain , he was no less profitable and successful to the commonwealth , then if he had been the severest commander in the world. 101. upon the fourth day , being not far from cirta , the scouts came all thundering into the body of the army : which was a certain sign the enemy was at hand . but because they had been all several ways , and all brought the same intelligence , the consul uncertain which way to embattel his army , would not change any thing of his order , as being already prepar'd to attend the enemies coming with a front every way . by this means he disappointed jugurth's expectations ; for having divided his forces into four battalions , he made full account , that one or other of the four , would have an opportunity to fall upon the back of the enemies . in the mean time sylla , who was first attacqu'd , after some few exhortations to his men , with several single troops , joyning horse head to horse head , he and several others , charge the moors : the rest keeping firm in their places , cover their bodies from the darts , that were flung at a distance ; and if any of the enemy came within their reach , he was sure to pay for his venturing . while the horse were thus engag'd , bocchus with the forces which his son volux had brought to reinforce his army , and which were not in the last fight , having stay'd by the way , charges the rear of the romans . then was marius in the front , where jugurth found him play with a numerous body ; but the numidian , understanding that bocchus had charg'd the romans in the rear , privately with a small company conveighs himself to the foot , and their crys out in latine , which he had learnt to speak at numantia , that our souldiers fought to no purpose , for that he had slain marius but a little before with his own hand , and at the same time brandish'd his sword all besmear'd with the blood of a common trooper , whom after he had long fought him hand to hand , at length he slew . which when the souldiers heard , they were more astonish'd at the cruelty of the fact , then the relation of the messenger : at what time the enemy resuming fresh courage , press in more eagerly upon the romans . and indeed they were within a very little of betaking themselves to their heels , when sylla , returning from the rout of those which he first encounter'd , and charging the moors in front , put bocchus immediately to flight . as for jugurth , while he labours to support his own men , and to keep the advantage of a victory almost gain'd , being surrounded on every side by the horse and all his followers slain , breaks through the thickest of his enemies alone . marius in the mean time , having put the horse to flight , hastens to the relief of his own men , who as he was told were ready to give ground . but then the enemy being utterly broken and routed on every side , hideous was the tragic spectacle that presented it self over all the field ; pursuing , flying , killing , taking : many wounded , bleeding , striving and staggering along , till fainting , down they fell : the surface of the earth , as far as you could see , all strew'd with weapons , arms , and mangl'd carcases ; and all the spaces between fill'd up with clotted gore . 102. thus the consul after two great victories obtain'd , arriv'd at cirta : where about five days after the last battel , he was attended by embassadors from bocchus , who in the name of the king their master , request the general to send him two commissioners of his most faithful friends , with whom he had a desire to treat of several things that concern'd both his own and the welfare of the roman people . thereupon the consul presently orders l. sylla , and a. manlius to go along with the embassadors . these gentlemen though they were sent for by the king , and ought first to have heard his proposals , yet they were clearly for speaking first , either to abate his courage , if they found him incens'd against the romans , or else render him more plyable to their conditions , if they perceiv'd him inclinable to peace . whereupon sylla , to whose eloquence , not his years , manlius gave the precedency , in few words deliver'd himself to this effect . king bocchus , more then ordinary has been our joy , for that the gods have inspir'd the breast of such a man , at length rather to make choice of peace then war , nor any longer to contaminate thy dignity , by intermixing interests , thy self the best of men with the worst of caitiffs , jugurth : while we at the same time are freed from a bitter necessity of prosecuting as well thee beguil'd and led astray , as him debauch'd in villany , besides that from the very infancy of their state , the romans have always deem'd it much more noble to covet friends then slaves : as thinking it more safe to rule the wilingly submissive , then such as they constrain'd to forc'd subjection . nor can any mortal reap a greater benefit from our friendship then thy self : as being in the first place far remote : so that the occasions of injury can seldom or never happen , but the opportunities of mutual assistance will be as equally balanc'd as if we were near at hand : in the next place we have subjects enow ; but neither we nor any potentate living , can boast to have more friends then are needful . and i wish to heav'n thou hadst follow'd those determinations at the beginning ; for certainly by this time thou hadst reap'd far greater advantages from the roman people , then hitherto thou hast suffer'd prejudice . but in regard that fortune governs the greatest part of human affairs , and since it has been her pleasure , thou shouldst make tryal as well of our force as of our favour ; now , since she affords the opportunity , make hast to embrace it , as thou hast begun , proceed . thou hast many and fair advantages , to redeem thy former oversights by succeding kindnesses . lastly , let this descend into thy breast , that the roman people were never out-done in gratitude . for what their courage is in war , thou knowest thy self . to this bocchus briefly returns a fair and plausible answer , in extenuation of his former errors , that he did not take arms with any hostile design , but only to secure the kingdom : for that he could not brook , that part of numidia , whence jugurth had been expell'd , being his own by right of war , should be laid wast by marius : besides that having sent his embassadors formerly to rome , his friendship was rejected ; but that now laying aside all past grudges , with the good liking of marius , he would send another embassy to the senate . but after he had obtain'd leave , the barbarian alter'd his resolutions overrul'd by the importunity of his friends , whom jugurth understanding of manlius and sylla's being sent to the king , and mistrusting their errand , had brib'd with great presents . 103. marius in the mean while , haing dispos'd of his army into their winter quarters , with the light armed cohorts , and part of the cavalry takes a swift march toward the desarts , to besige the royal tower , where jugurth had plac'd all his fugitives in garrison . and then again it was , that bocchus , either considering with himself what had befallen him in the two last battels , or else being better advis'd by his friends and favourites , whom jugurth had left unbrib'd ; or else scorn'd his pensions , out of the vast variety of his kindred and relations , of which he had a numerous train , he picks five , the most trusty and the most able he could make choice of . these he sends his embassadors first to marius , and from thence , if he thought fit , orders likewise to go in the same quality to rome : with plenipotentiary power upon any terms to put an end to the war , and in all other matters to act and conclude at their discretion . they make hast to the winter quarters of the romans . but being met upon the road by certain getulian free-booters and rob'd of all their equipage , frighted as they were , and meanly habited , they fly to sylla's quarters , whom marius upon his march into the desarts , had left pretor in his room . these men did sylla treat not as vain and fickle enemies , but genteelly and bountifully supply'd their wants . so that the barbarians finding sylla so munificent and so friendly withal , readily alter'd their opinion of the roman avarice . for in those very days many there were that understood not the reason of expensive liberality ; only a man was accounted munificent , because his bounty seem'd his voluntary act , and all gifts were lookt upon as retalliations , or in expectation of kindness . therefore they discover bocchus's instructions to sylla , and withal beseech him to stand both their friend and their adviser . they extol the strength , the integrity , and grandeur of the king their master , not omitting any thing that might be advantageous to their negotiation , or to gain the good will of the pretor . nor did sylla scruple to promise 'em all assistance , but gave 'em full instructions how to manage their affairs , how to behave themselves as well toward marius , as before the lords of the senate , and thus recruited and directed , they waited about forty days for the consuls return . 104. at what time marius not succeeding in his design , return'd for cirta ; where being inform'd of the arrival of the embassadors , he sends for them , and sylla , together with l. bellienus the pretor from vtica , as also from all other parts , for all that were of the senatorian degree . in their presence he makes known the commands of bocchus to his embassadors , and gives 'em leave to repair to rome ; but in the mean while the consul demands a cessation of arms. these proceedings were approv'd by sylla and the greatest part : some few were more hot and furious in their opinions , ignorant of human affairs , which being inconstant and subject to a thousand accidents , often alter for the worse . at length the mows having obtain'd all their desires , three of 'em set forward toward rome with octavius bufo , who being treasurer at war , had brought the money into africa , which was to pay the army . the other two return'd back to the king ; and gave him an account of their proceedings ; in conclusion highly magnifying sylla's great civillity and kindness . at rome , after the embassadors had submissively confess'd the kings oversights , as being lead away by the insinuations of jugurth , and humbly desir'd a league and mutual amity , the following answer was return'd . the senate and people of rome are mont to be no less mindful of kindnesses then injuries . but as for bocchus , because they find him penitent , they pardon his offence . a league and friendship shall be granted him , when he deserves it . these things being made known to bocchus , by letters he desires marius to send sylla to him , that according to his pleasure and good liking , there might be a final conclusion of all differences . thereupon he was dispatch'd away with a guard of horse and foot , the balearic a slingers ; together with the archers , and the pelignian cohort , with their b light arms , for expeditions sake : with those slighter arms as well defensive as offensive , no less secur'd , then by arms of greater force , from the darts of the enemy , which were as slight and easily avoided . upon the road , after they had travell'd five days , of a sudden volux shew'd himself in the open field with about a thousand horse , who riding scatter'd and without any order , not only seem'd to be more then they were , but begot a kind of mistrust of hostile treachery both in sylla and all the rest . thereupon every one began to make ready , to fix their weapons , and put themselves into a posture of defence . something of fear , but more of hopes , as being victors , and to fight against those whom they had often vanquish'd . but in the midst of this hurry , the vancurriers that scouted before , returning brought word , that all were friends . then volux coming up call'd to speak with the questor , and told him , that he was sent by his father bocchus to meet him and attend him as his convoy . so that the moors and romans joyn'd together and march'd all the next day without any mistrust one of another . but in the evening so soon as the camp was pitch'd , volux with fear and disorder in his countenance , comes galloping to sylla and informs him , that he was ascertain'd by his spies , that jugurth was at hand , and therefore with great importunity intreats and beseeches him privately in the dead of the night to consult his own safety by speedy flight . but sylla with an undaunted courage denies that he fear'd the numidian whom he had so often vanquish'd ; that he was sufficiently assur'd of the valour of his souldiers ; and though certain destruction star'd him in the face , he would rather stand his ground ; then deserting those that were committed to his conduct , by shameful flight endeavour to spare a frail and uncertain life , which perchance soon after , sickness might deprive him of . however he follows his advice to dislodg by night : and to that purpose orders the souldiers to take their suppers , make a great number of fires , and at the first watch without noise or tumult to be ready to march. the next morning by sun rise , the souldiers being weari'd with travelling in the dark , sylla pitches his tents ; at what time the moorish scouts bring intelligence , that jugurth lay within two miles before ' em . which news being spread in the camp , our men were not a little terrify'd , believing themselves betray'd by volux , and brought into an ambuscado . and some there were who cry'd out that such a peice of treachery ought not to escape unpunish'd , but that they should revenge themselves upon the traytor with their own hands . but sylla , though he thought the same , however he protected the moor from any injury : encourages his men to behave themselves valiantly ; that it was not the first time a few couragious and brave had fought against a multitude with success ; that the less they spar'd themselves in battel , the more secure they were ; and that it no way became any man , who had arms in his hands to expect safety from his unarmed feet ; or in the midst of certain danger to turn the naked part of his body toward the enemy . after that , invoking the mighty jupiter to be a witness of the treachery and falshood of bocchus , he commands volux to depart the camp , as one that might assist the enemy . he on the other side with tears in his eyes , beseeches the legate not to have such mistrustful thoughts of him ; that there was nothing of deceit in bocchus , but that all proceeded from the subtilty of jugurth , who had by his spics discover'd his march : and therefore , in regard that jugurth had no great forces with him , besides that all his hopes and welfare depended upon his father , desir'd him to believe the numidian durst not make any open attempt , where the son of such a father was present . for which reason he thought it the best way to march boldly through the middle of his camp : and that for his part , he would accompany sylla alone , either sending his moors before , or leaving 'em behind in the same place . this counsel , as it happens in cases of the like nature , was approv'd , and so marching forthwith , because they came of a sudden , while jugurth was doubtful and hesitating what to do , they pass'd without any opposition . after that , within a few days they arriv'd at their journeys end . 108. at the same time a certain numidian , aspar by name , was very frequent and familiar with bocchus , being sent before by jugurth , cunningly and closely to pry into bocchus's secret resolutions . besides him , there was also another , whose name was dabar , the son of massugrada , and kinsman of massinissa by the mother's side ( for his father was the son of a concubine ) highly caress'd and favour'd by the moor , for his many excellent endowments , whom bocchus had also upon many occasions before found very faithful to the romans . him therefore he sends to sylla , to let him understand , that the king was ready to perform whatever the roman people commanded : that he himself should appoint the day , the place and time for conference : that he intended to keep all his consultations with him entire and private : that he had no reason to be afraid of jugurth's ambassador : for that he was sent for on purpose , to the end the common good might be debated with more freedom ; there being no other way to prevent the frauds and wiles of jugurth . but in my opinion bocchus kept the treaty afoot both with romans and numidians , rather out of a punic piece of treachery , then upon those pretences which he publickly spred abroad : and that he had frequently combats in his mind , whether to deliver up jugurth to us , or sylla to him ; while his natural inclinations pleaded against us , but his fears perswaded for us. however it were , sylla made answer , that he should say little before aspar ; the rest privately , none or very few being present . he likewise tells dabar what answer he expected . after this , both meeting according to appointment , sylla tells the king , that he was sent by the consul , to know whether he were for peace or war. then the king , as it was agreed between 'em , desir'd him to return again the tenth day after , that he could determine nothing at that time , but that then he would give him his answer . thus both departed to their several camps . but when the night was far spent , sylla was privately sent for by bocchus , and faithful interpreters made choice of on both sides . or rather , dabar , with consent of both parties , a person of clear integrity , was sworn to interpret truly between 'em : and then the king thus began . 110. i never thought it would have come to pass , that being a king , the greatest of all within this continent and of all the most powerful that i know of , should ever have been reduc'd to be oblig'd to a private person . and truly , sylla , before i knew thee , i have succour'd many that su'd to me , others of my own accord , never in need of relief my self . this diminution of my dignity which others are wont to lament , makes me rejoyce . it is my happiness to stand in need of thy friendship , then which there can be nothing dearer to my soul. of this make trial : arms , men , money , whatever thou hast a mind to , take and use : and as long as thou liv'st , ne'r think thy friendship sufficiently remunerated : which i shall always deem a debt that never can be repay'd : for in my opinion it is less dishonourable to a prince to be overcome by force of arms , then in munificence . now as to the affairs of your republic , in the behalf of which you here are come to treat , thus much in short . i never made war upon the people of rome , nor ever consented to a war. only in defence of the confines of my kingdom , the arm'd i oppos'd with arms. but let that pass : continue as you please your selves , the war with jugurth . i will never so much as stir over the river mulacha , the bounds between me and micipsa , neither will i ever suffer jugurth to pass it . moreover if there be any thing farther that you require of me fit for me to grant , or you to ask , you shall not return with a repulse . 111. to this sylla , as to what concern'd himself , made answer concisely and modestly : in reserence to the peace , and the common affairs , he discours'd at large . lastly , he gave the king to understand , that the senate and people of rome would not take it for any obligation what he had last promis'd , as being much superior to him both by sea and land : that there was something to be done , that might seem to shew him more zealous of their welfare then his own interest . which he had an opportunity to do , as having jugurth in his power : who , if he were by himself surrender'd up to the romans , there could not be a greater obligation laid upon a grateful people : besides that the league , the friendship , and that part of numidia which he now su'd for , would then be freely offer'd him . at first the king made a kind of slight denial ; pleaded kindred , affinity , and the league between 'em : then pretended his fears of incurring the hatred of the people , to whom jugurth was dear , the romans no less odious , should he falsifie the confidence repos'd in him . at length orecome by importunity , he submits , and promises to do whatever sylla desir'd him . then they settle all things which were thought necessary to make a shew of including the numidian within the peace , which he most earnestly desir'd , as being quite weary of the war. and so the plot being laid , they take their leaves for that time . 112. the next day the king sends for aspar , who was jugurth's agent , and tells him , that dabar had fish'd out of sylla , that the war might be compos'd upon conditions : and that therefore he should do well to know the king's mind . thereupon , he hastens with great joy to jugurth's camp. from whom after he had taken full instructions , away he posts again , and in eight days returns to bocchus , and assures him , that jugurth was ready to yield obedience to whatever was impos'd upon him ; only that he durst not confide in marius : for that formerly articles of peace concluded with the roman generals had been voted ineffectual . and therefore if bocchus intended the welfare of both , and desir'd a firm ratification of the agreement , that he should make it his business , that they might meet all three together , under pretence of concluding the peace , and then that he should deliver sylla into his hands ; for that when he had such a person at his disposal , the league would of necessity be confirm'd by the command of the senate and people of rome ; who were not wont to suffer a person of his dignity , ( not enslav'd by his own oversight , but in the service of the commonwealth ) to lie long in the power of the enemy . 113. this the moor , revolving dayly several imaginations in his mind , at length promis'd to do . but whether fraud or ingenuity were the motives that occasion'd his delay , we never could be fully satisfy'd . for as the determinations of princes are quick and hasty , so are they no less inconstant , and frequently repugnant one to another . soon after , the place and time being fix'd where they were to meet all three together for the conclusion of the peace , bocchus sometimes sends for sylla , sometimes for jugurth's agent ; entertains both with equal . civility , and promises to both the same thing : on the other side , they are both well pleas'd , and both alike full of successful expectations . but upon the night preceding the day appointed for the conference , the moor , sending for his friends , and by and by altering his resolutions , and dismissing 'em again , was a long time in a great agitation of mind alone by himself ; by his looks the going and coming of his colour , by his actions and gestures shewing no less disturbance of body then of mind ; which during the silence of utterance , he display'd in the alterations of his countenance . however , at length he sends for sylla , and by his direction layes the plot to entrap the numidian . to which purpose , when the day was come , and that news was brought him , that jugurth was not far off , as it were to honour his confederate , accompany'd with some few friends together with our questor , he rides up a little hillock in view of those that lay in ambush : whither the numidian approaching with some few , the most of his kindred unarm'd , upon the signal given , he is surrounded by the ambuscado . the rest were all cut in pieces ; jugurth in chains is deliver'd to sylla , and by him guarded to marius . 114. at the same time , two of our generals , q. coepio and m. manlius fought with bad success against the * gauls . which put all italy into a great consternation . for not only of ancient times , but even in our days , the romans held this for a maxim , that all other enterprizes lay prostrate to their courage , but that with the gauls they contended for safety , not for honour . but after the numidian war was at an end , and that the news arriv'd , how jugurth was coming in chains to rome , marius was again made consul in his absence , and the province of gallia decreed him . about the middle of january , with great honour he made his triumphal * entry into the city : and from that time forward the hopes and welfare of the commonwealth were all entirely fix'd in him. the end of the jugurthine war. fragments out of other histories of salust . the oration of m. aemilius lepidus , consul to the people of rome , against sylla . your clemency and integrity , most worthy romans , which have rendred ye so great and famous above other nations , create in me a more then ordinary fear of the progress of l. sylla's tyranny , least while you nere suspect in others , what in your selves you deem abominable , you be beguil'd and circumvented ( especially since all his hopes are grounded upon villany and perfidiousness , and that he does not think himself otherwise safe , then by proving far worse and more detestable then you can fear him to be , that so your miseries may exempt ye , his slaves as he accounts ye , from the care of your liberty ) or if ye provide for your selves , that ye may be employ'd rather in fending off your apparent dangers then in revenge of offer'd violence . the pensioners of his guard , men that make a great figure in the world , and no less eminent for imitating the worthy examples of their ancestors , i cannot too sufficiently admire , to see how they enslave themselves , to tyranize , over you ; choosing both out of a natural inclination to injustice , rather then uprightly and legally to live in freedom . most noble off-spring of the brutus's , the aemilius's , and the lutatii ; born to subvert those things which their fore-fathers purchased by their vertue and their courage . for then , what else did they defend , but their liberty and their native mansions from the violence of pyrrhus , hannibal , philip and antiochus , that we might not be obedient to any but our own laws ? all which , this same cruel romulus , as if wrested from foreigners , holds fast in his own possession ; not satiated with the slaughter of so many armies , nor of the consul , nor of so many others of the principal nobility whom the fortune of the war had destroy'd ; but then more cruel , when prosperity turns the hearts of other men from fury to compassion : the only person in the world , since the memory of man , that ever invented punishments for those that were to come ; who were certain to be wrong'd before they were born : and became most wickedly secure in the inhumanity of his barbarous proceedings , while you , for fear of more grievous servitude , were deterr'd from the recovery of your liberty . but you must to work , and make head against this torrent , least your spoyls come once to be at his command . 't is now no time to dally , or to stay for succour in answer of our prayers . unless you hope , that either a weary , or asham'd of his tyranny , he will venture to quit with danger , what he has ravish'd into his possession by violence . but he has gon so far ' that he accompts nothing honourable but what is safe , and deems all things just and honest that serve to uphold his usurpation . therefore that same rest and tranquillity with freedom , which many good men rather chose then labour accompany'd with honour , are now quite vanish'd from the world. at this time we must either serve , or domineer , most worthy romans , be afraid our selves , or be a terror to others . for what is more to be expected ? what is there , either human or divine that has escap'd without pollution ? the roman people , ere while the lords of nations despoil'd of all command , their glory and their privileges , without life or motion , and contemn'd as useless , have hardly left 'em the allowances of slaves : a great number of our allies and all the latines , whom you for many and important services , made pertakers of your franchises , are now prohibited by one ; and a few life guard-pensioners possess the hereditary habitations of the innocent commonalty , as the wages of their villanies . our laws , our judicial proceedings , the publick treasures , the provinces , nay kings themselves , are all at the disposal of one man's will : in a word , absolute power of life and death lies prostrate at the pleasure of a single tyrant . ye have beheld at the same time human victims offer'd to his fury , and the sepulchres of the slain besmear'd with civil blood. does there any thing then more remain for men to act ; then either to dissolve the injustice , or to dye couragiously ? for death has still determin'd the same end to all men , though environ'd and immur'd in steel ; nor is there any man that waits the last constraint of fate , afraid to dare , unless effeminately abject . but i am seditious , as sylla terms me , because i seem to affect the rewards of tumult and faction ; and a promoter of war , for redemanding the privileges and rights of peace . that is to say , because you never will be otherwise secure , or safe in your empire , till vettius picens , and the notary cornelius have made a wastful sale of other mens estates acquir'd by pains and industry : unless you approve all the proscriptions of the innocent , because they were wealthy ; the tortures of illustrious men ; the city lay'd desolate by banishment and slaughter : and the estates of your afflicted fellow-citizens , either sold or given away in recompences , like the cimbrians spoils . but he objects against me possessions bought with the plunder of persons proscrib'd . which was indeed the most enormous of all . his own committed crimes , that neither my self , nor any man else could be safe , if we acted fairly and honestly . however what i then purchas'd out of fear , when i had pay'd down my money , i restored to the right owners : neither is it my design to make a prey of any of my fellow-citizens . certainly , those calamities might have been sufficient , which infected with the same fury , we suffer'd for a while ; roman armies sharply encountring one another , and foreign weapons turn'd upon our own breasts . let there be end of all these injuries and oppressions . of which sylla is so far from repenting , that he glory'd in what he had done , and might he but have been permitted , would have far more greedily perpetrated . neither now do i fear , what your opinion is concerning him , but how far you dare adventure : least while ye stand gaping one upon another , who should lead ye on , ye be prevented ( not by his forces , which are inconsiderable and weak , but by your own cowardice ) ere you are prepar'd to anticipate him , and be so far happy as you shall dare to act . for setting aside the debauch'd pensioners of his guard , who takes his part ? rather , who does not desire a change of all things , excepting victory ? surely not the souldiery that have only spilt their blood to enrich tarrula and scyrrus , the worst of slaves : certainly , not they , before whom fusidius was preferr'd when advanc'd to several offices ; a beastly male-chambermaid , a defilement and scandal to all honours . and therefore i have a great confidence in the victorious army , who after all their wounds and hardship , have only gain'd a tyrant . unless they went about to subvert the tribunitial authority , which their ancestors erected by force of arms ; or to wrest out of their own hands their laws and privileges . rarely well repay'd indeed , when sent back again to the bogs and woods , they found their wages , i mean contempt and hatred , to be at the disposal of a few . why then does he march with such a body , and so elated in mind ? because prosperity wonderfully obscures and mantles vice. but when this prosperity begins to fail , then as formidable as he was before , as much will he be afterwards contemn'd and scorn'd unless pretence of peace and concord give him confidence , which has appropriated names to his villany and parricide . for , says the tyrant , the roman people otherwise can have no end of war , unless the commonalty , expell'd from their inheritances , to him become a civil booty ; unless the right and arbitrement of all things be at his disposal , which formerly belong'd to the people of rome . which if you acknowledge to be peace and concord , approve the most pernicious plagues and grievances that can befal the common-wealth : embrace leisure with servitude ; and transmit to posterity a president , that once the people of rome were deluded and fool'd at the expence of their own blood. for my own part , though as you see , by this same high command i have as much as in reason i can well desire , to keep up the grandeur of my ancestors , to support my own reputation , and to secure my self , 't was never my design to study my private interest , as preferring a dangerous and hazardous liberty before quiet servitude . which if it be your opinion likewise , resume your wonted courage , and with the favour of the gods follow the consul m. aemilius , your captain and leader , for the recovery of your liberty . the oration of l. philippus against lepidus . there is nothing which i more eagerly desire , conscript fathers , then the tranquillity of the common-wealth ; or that it should be defended when in danger , by the stoutest and most forward of its members . in a word i heartily wish , that all wicked enterprizes may prove the ruin of the contrivers . on the other side , all the whole frame of government is unhing'd by factions ; and these factions encourag'd by those whom it rather became to endeavour their total suppression and extirpation : and what the worst and most extravagant of mens decree , the most vertuous and most prudent are oblig'd to execute . a war at present you believe unreasonable , yet you must take arms , because forsooth , t is lepidus's pleasure ; but perhaps there may be some that love peace best , yet can endure war. good gods ! that men should rule this city , yet lay aside all care of governing . m. aemilius , of all flagitious caitiffs the most wicked , and whether more villain or more coward cannot well be determin'd , has got an army to oppress your liberty , and he that was contemn'd has made himself more formidable while you sit whispering together , and regardless of the sayings and the prophesies of the sybills , seem rather to wish for peace then to defend it : not understanding , that by the lenity of your decrees you lessen your own authority , and render him exempt from fear . and that deservedly : since he has obtain'd the consulship by rapine , and a province together with an army , to carry on sedition and faction . what would he have receiv'd for his good services , whose vile misdeeds ye have so liberally rewarded ? it was perhaps , because that they who even to the last , gave up their votes for legates , peace , concord and the like , were favour'd and promoted by him . no ; for they , despis'd , and thought unworthy of the common-wealth , were lookt upon as only fit to be made booty of ; as suing again for peace with the same fears which they had about 'em when they lost it . truly at the very beginning , when i saw hetruria in rebellion , the proscrib'd persons recall'd , and the republic rent and torn with bribes and pensions , i thought it high time to hasten , and with some few others follow'd the advice of catulus . but they who extoll'd the aemilian family for their good services , and magnify'd the roman people for augmenting their grandeur by pardoning and clemency , never discern'd that lpidus also was a branch of the same stock : when he took up arms as a private person to subvert their liberty , every one labouring after wealth , or the protections of great personages , destroy'd the public interest . and then was lepidus a meer robber surrounded with camp-boys , and some few ruffianly bravoe's : among whom there was not one that did not value a days wages above his life . now he is a proconsul in high command , not purchas'd ; but conferr'd upon him by your selves , with leiutenants as yet legally obedient : and to him resorted men of all degrees the most corrupt and vicious ; inflam'd with lust and want : whirl'd to and fro with the guilt of their crimes : people never at rest but in sedition ; in peace most turbulent : sowing tumult upon tumult , and war upon war ; the pensioners of saturninus formerly , afterwards of sulpitius ; then of marius and damasippus , and now of lepidus . besides hetruria up in arms , and all the embers of extinguish'd wars now breaking forth again : both spains sollicited to insurrection , mithridates the next neighbour to our tributaries , by whom we are as yet supported , watches round about an opportunity for invasion : so that there is nothing but a proper captain wanting to subvert the whole body of the empire . which i beseech and implore ye , conscript fathers , to consider ; and that you will not suffer licentious villany like a pestilence , by contagion to infect the sound . for when rewards attend the wicked , there 's no man easily will addict himself to vertue gratis . do ye think it fit to wait till with a new embody'd army they once more invade the city with fire and sword ? which seems much more like and nearer to its present condition , then from civil war to peace and concord . a war which he has inflam'd in contempt of all things both divine and human ; not for any wrong done either to himself or at least as he pretends to others , but for the subversion of our laws and liberties . for he is tortur'd and harrass'd in his mind with ambition , and dread of ill success , void of counsel and restless ; trying this , attempting that , he fears tranquillity , hates war , foresees a curb upon his luxury and licentiousness , and in the mean time makes an abusive advantage of your remissness . which i know not what to call , whether fear , or sloath or madness . while every one singly seems to pray that the threatning mischief , may not like lightning dart upon himself , but no man stirs an inch to prevent the gathering cloud . i beseech ye consider how the natural order of things is ranvers'd . formerly public contrivances of mischief against the state were secretly carry`d on ; the remedies openly provided ; and by that means good men had the advantage of the wicked : now peace and concord are openly disturb'd , but secretly defended . they who delight in war and public calamity are up in arms , and you in fear and consternation . what are your hopes ? unless perhaps you are asham`d , or look upon it as an irksome toyl to do your duty . do the commands of lepidus , appease your indignation ? who tells ye , `t is his pleasure that every man should have his own , yet has nothing but what belongs to other men : who would have all claims of war cancell`d , yet all the while compels by force of arms : who desires the freedom of the city to be confirm'd , yet denies the citizens their franchises of which they were depriv'd ; who for concords sake would have the tribunitian power restor'd to the commons , from maintenance of which all our discords have deriv'd their original . most villanous and impudent of all mankind , canst thou be thought to mind the wants , the grievances and lamentations of thy fellow citizens , who canst call nothing thy own , unless what forcibly thou hast gain'd by plunder and rapine ? thou standest for a second consulship , as if thou hadst resign'd the first . thou seek'st for peace by that same very war , by which it was disturb'd when fairly once obtain'd : traytor to us , faithless to them ; the enemy of all good people ; regardless both of gods and men whose laws divine and humane thou hast violated by treason and perjury . who being what thou art , i advise thee to continue thy resolutions , and not to quit thy arms ; nor to keep us in continual cares and anxieties , thy self so restless when seditions are delay'd . neither provinces nor laws nor houshold gods allow thee for a citizen ? go on then , as thou hast begun , that so thou mayst the sooner meet with thy reward . but as for you , conscript fathers , how long will you by tedious lingring suffer the commonweath to be in jeopardy , and only talk of taking arms in its defence ? souldiers are dayly listed against ye ; vast sums both publickly and privately extorted : the laws commanded to be serviceable to ambition , will and pleasure , while you sit voting lieutenants , and considering what decrees to make . and upon my word , the more earnestly you sue for peace , so much the sharper the war will be , when he finds himself more strongly suported by your fears , then by the justice of his cause . for they that tell ye they abominate tumults , and the slaughter of their fellow citizens , and for that reason detain ye unarm'd from opposing lepidus in arms , believe you will more readily , suffer what the vanquish'd must endure , when ye so loosely brook what might be in your power to chastise . thus they disswade him from peace with you , and you from war with him . if these things please ye ; if such a lethargy benum your sences , that forgetful of cinna's devastations , upon whose return to the city , all majesty and degrees of dignity were trampl'd under foot , you will nevertheless surrender up your selves , your wives and children to lepidus , what need of more decrees ? to what purpose the assistance of catulus ? in vain both he and all good men take care to support the commonwealth . do as you think fit ; sue to cethegus and other traytors for their protections , that long to glut themselves with new rapines and conflagrations , and to brandish once more their naked swords against their houshold gods. but if liberty and justice be more acceptable ; let your decrees become your grandeur ; and fortify the commonwealth with men of vertue and courage . there is a new rais'd army at hand ; moreover colonies of veterane souldiers , all the nobility , most expert commanders , and fortune ready to attend the best . in a short while the forces already muster'd together will disband and melt away through our remissness . wherefore it is my opinion clearly , since lepidus of his own head is marching to the city with an army compos'd of russians and enemies to the common-wealth , in contempt of the authority of this senate . that appius claudius , as * king pro tempore together with q. catulus , and others that are at present in command , be appointed to guard the city , and to take care that no detriment befall the commonwealth . the epistle of cn. pompey to the senate . if as your enemy , and the enemy of my country , and your houshold gods , i had undergone as many hardships and dangers , as from my early adolescency the most barbarous of your foes have been vanquish'd under my conduct , and your security thereby establish'd , you could not have enacted any thing against me in my absence more severely , then your present unkindness , conscript fathers , makes me sensible of . me , whom expos'd to a most cruel enemy , ' ere scarce my age was capable of action , together with an army most deserving , as much as lies within your power you have betray'd to perish for want of food , the most miserable of all deaths . was it with this design the roman people sent their sons to war ? are these the guerdons of our wounds , and blood so often shed for the honour of our country ? tyr'd out with writing and sending messengers , i have wasted all my private wealth and hopes , while you for three years time have scarce allow'd me a single years expence . i call the immortal gods to witness , whether you think me to be a bottomless exchequer , and whether i am able to support an army without food or pay. i must confess indeed i hasten'd to this war with a more eager desire , then prudent consideration ; as one who having from you receiv'd the title of general , in forty days levy'd an army , and from the alpes drave back the enemy already pressing upon the neck of italy , into spain . through them i open'd another passage , more then ever hannibal did , and more convenient for our marches . i recover'd gallia , the pyrenaeans , lace●ania a and jergetum , and with raw souldiers , and much fewer in number stood the first shock of victor sertorius ; and surrounded with a cruel and barbarous enemy , winter'd in the field , not in warm quarters , nor of my own choice . but why should i enumerate battels , or winter expeditions , towns levell'd with the earth , or taken by composition ? deeds are more prevalent then words . the enemies camp surpriz'd nere the river b subro , the battel by the river durius c and c. heremius chief leader of a potent adversary , vanquish'd , and his army with the city of valencia utterly ruin'd , are sufficient testimonies of the truths i utter : for which , most grateful fathers , you repay us with want and starving hunger . so that the condition of mine , is no better then that of the enemies army . neither of the two are paid ; and both ready to march victors into italy . of which i put ye in mind , and beseech ye to take care that i may not be constrain'd to take private resolutions in the midst of these necessities . the hither spain , of which the enemy has no part , either our selves or sertorius have laid wast even to utter destruction , unless some maritime towns which are rather a burthen and a charge to us. the last year gallia supply'd the army of metellus with corn and money . which now , by reason of bad and blasted harvests is scarce able to support it self , and for my own part , i have not only wasted my particlar estate , but lost all my credit . our last hopes are in your selves , who unless you relieve our distresses , must expect no other , then what i now foretel ye , and which i never shall be able to prevent , that the army will march from hence , and with it all the whole war of spain must be remov'd into italy . the oration of marcus licinius , tribune of the people , to the commonalty of rome . if , worthy romans , you were not well acquainted with the difference between the rights and privileges which you inherit from your ancestors , and that same servitude design'd by sylla , my discourse would then require a longer time , and it behov'd me to instruct ye for what oppressions , and how oft the armed commons made a separation from the fathers . now it suffices only to encourage ye , and first to lead the way , which i esteem most proper to redeem our liberty . nor am i ignorant , how vast a power and interest among the nobility , i am about to pull down from domineering usurpation , my self alone , without assistance and unguarded : only with the shadow of magistracy : and how much safer it is for a whole faction to act in combination , then for persons innocent to move singly by themselves . but besides the good hopes which i have in you , this has overcome all my fears , that the misfortunes of contending are far more satisfactory to a generous courage , then never at all to have contested . tho all others who have been created tribunes to secure your franchises , have turn'd all their power and authority to your prejudice , o'er sway'd by favour , hopes , or by rewards ; and rather chose to sin for hire , then do justly gratis . for these reasons they all submitted under the domination of a few , who by their reputation in war have got possession of the public treasure , armies , kingdoms , provinces , and make your spoils their towre of safety : while you , the multitude , like to many sheep surrender your selvs in vassalage to this and t'other paramounting lord , dispoyl'd of all those blessings which your fore-fathers left you . but perhaps it is , because as formerly you gave your suffrages for rulers , now you give the same for masters . therefore all your tribunes flock to them ; and if it be your chance to recover your own again , you shall see 'em upon the turn of the tyde return to you again . for few have the courage to defend what best they like ; the t'other are the stonger party that fight in their own wrong . but can you dream of meeting an obstruction when unanimous and resolute , from those that fear'd ye when remiss and negligent ? unless you think that cotta , a consul of the middle faction , restor'd some certain privileges to the tribunes for any other reason then out of fear : for tho l. sicinius , first adventuring to open his mouth in behalf of the tribunitian power , was disappointed while you only mutter'd at it , yet they that oppos'd him first began to dread your hatred , ' ere you would be brought to resent the oppression . at which i never can sufficiently admire , most worthy romans . for you knew it was a vanity to tire your expectations . after the death of sylla , who impos'd that heavy bondage , you thought that then the end of all your mischiefs was at hand ? but there sprung up a far more cruel catulus . a tumult brake out when brutus and aemilius mamerous were consuls ; but then c. curio play'd the tyrant , even to the fatal destruction of the innocent tribune . you saw last year how furiously lueullus threatned l. quinctius , and wrought him from his purpose . and lastly now , how i am plagu'd and harrass'd among ' em ! a needless trouble , would they but once surcease their usurpation before you made an end of serving : especially , seeing whatever are the pretences for their civil broils , the main contest on both sides is for dominion over you . those other figments of licentiousness , hatred or avarice are but flashes that extinguish in a short time. only one thing continues permanent , the end at which both sides with ardour drive at : and that is to dispoilye perpetually of the tribunitial power , the only buckler which your ancestors provided to shield your liberty , which i admonish and beseech ye to consider : and that you would not , odly changing the names of things to favour sloth , call servitude tranquillity ; which it were not now a season to enjoy , if wickedness have vanquish'd truth and honesty ; but had been , had you been altogether lull'd asleep . now therefore mind your business : for unless ye overcome , since all oppression is by its weight the more secure , they will be sure to press more bard upon ye . what 's my opinion , then , some one will say ? first then , you must lay aside your present manner of behaviour ; tongues let loose at random , hearts of mice ; no longer mindful of your liberty , then in the public place of meeting . neither do i exhort ye to those masculine proceedings , as when your armed ancestors obtain'd patritian magistracy to be conferr'd upon the tribunes by the free and unextorted votes of the senators : altho , most worthy romans , it be in your power that what you suffer commanded now for others , you may either dispose or not dispose of for your selves . expect ye then great jupiter , or some other deity to be your adviser ? those high commands of the consuls and decrees of the fathers you confirm by execution ; and hasten of your own accords , that licence that is made use of to your prejudice . nor do i advise ye to the revenge of oppression , but rather to sit still and be quiet upon that account . neither desirous of discord as they recriminate upon me , but wishing an end of all disorders , do i repeat and recal to your memory their miscarriages ; which is no more then the law of nations allows me : yet if they obstinately persist , 't is neither force of arms , not a secession that i encourage ; only i exhort ye , that ye will no longer afford 'em the advantage of shedding your blood. let 'em rule , and manage the government after their own manner , let 'em hunt after triumph ; let 'em prosecute mithridates , sertorius , and the remainder of the exiles , to dignifie their illustrious statues . let not them incur the hazard and the danger that have no part of the profit : unless you think your services repaid by that same sudden frumentarian law. a mighty purchase , to value your liberty at five bushels of wheat , which is no more then the allowance allotted to the prisoners in the common goal . for as that same sorry pittance keeps 'em from starving , yet decays their strength ; so neither is so small a portion sufficient to support your families ; but frustrates the slender hopes of every coward . which , tho large and munificent , considering it to be the hopes of servitude , yet what a peice of sottishness it is to be deluded , and to be thankful for your own dues , so parsimoniously scatter'd among you ? for any other way they neither could prevail , nor durst they strive against ye all in general . nor are you less to guard your selves against their cunning artifices . for therefore it is they give ye good words on purpose to amuse and put ye off , till the return of pompey . whom though they reverence and dread at present , and carry about exalted upon their shoulders , yet when those fears are over , you shall hear , how they will rend and mangle his reputation . neither are these assertors of liberty , as they pretend themselves , asham'd to acknowledge their own weakness , so many without one , neither daring to forgive an injury , nor being able to defend their rights . for i am certainly convinc'd , that as for pompey , a young gentleman of such high and early renown , will rather choose to be your chieftain with your own consent and approbation , then associate with them in tyranny and usurpation ; and that you will find him no less forward to assert the tribunitian authority . however worthy romans , in former times , 't was the custom for particular citizens to have protection of many ; never did the entire body of the people relie upon one single person : neither was it in the power of any one particular man to dispose by gift , or tear away such privileges . therefore we have said enough . neither is it a matter clos'd up in ignorance . but i know not what stupidity has seiz'd your understandings , that neither honour , nor vile oppression can move ye : you have made a base exchange of all your former bravery , for a little present idleness ; believing you enjoy sufficient liberty , because your backs are spar'd or else because you are admitted to the publick shews , the munificences of your wealthy lords and masters , privileges indeed not granted to the country peasants ; who are slaughter'd and crush'd to death between the contentions of the potent ; or bestow'd in free gift upon the magistrates in their provinces . thus a few both fight and vanquish : but the victory , whatever happens , lights heavy upon the commons : and dayly will do more and more : while they are so industirous to defend their usurpations , you so negligent to redeem your liberty . a copy of a letter sent from mithridates king of pontus , to arsaces king of the parthians . king mithridates to king arsaces , greeting . all men who are invited to a confedracy in war , ought well to consider with themselves whether at that time it be at their choice or no to live in peace ; then whether what is by the sword contended for , be honourable , safe , and just , or wicked and illegal . 't is true ; thou mightest perhaps enjoy perpetual peace , wert thou not so near a neighbour to the most wicked and vexatious of enemies ; and were it not for that same high renown that will attend thy prosperous success in subduing the romans . nor had i otherwise adventur'd to crave thy alliance , out of a vain hope to recover my loft affairs , by blending my misfortunes with thy triumphs . now , that there should be no delay of this conjunction , if thou wilt but rightly consider the conjuncture of affairs , the storm of a new war at this time threatning tigranes , and my own unfortunate condition , are at present the greatest arguments that may be . for he , surrounded with his fears , will accept of an alliance upon any terms . and for my self , my adverse fortune , after many losses , has rendred me more fit to give the best of counsel upon all occasions . and what the prosperous wish for most , me you shall have dayly before your eyes a president , what to embrace , what to refrain in all your future conduct . for there is one and the same cause of warring against the romans common to all people , nations and princes , a profound ambition of empire and thirst after the riches of the world ; which was the only occasion of their first war with philip the macedonian king. while the carthaginians press'd hard upon 'em , they craftily diverted the relief of antiochus with a feign'd concession of all asia . yet no sooner was philip vanquish'd , but antiochus was despoil'd of all his territories on this side , * taurus , and ten thousand talents to boot . then pereus , whom after many bloody conflicts with various fortune , when he had betaken himself to the sanctuary of the samothracian gods , these crafty contrivers of treachery , seduc'd into their clutches ; and because they had granted him his life by articles murdered him for want of sleep , while guards were put upon him , that would not suffer him to take a wink of rest . eumenes , whose friendship they pretended so highly to value , they betray'd to antiochus , the price of peace : attelus , the guardian only of a subjugated country , after they had rendred him ridiculous by their taxes and their contumelies , of a sovereign prince they made the meanest of their slaves ; and having forg'd an impious will , led his son aristonicus in triumph like an enemy , because he only laid claim to his paternal inheritance . asia is by them entirely usurp'd : and lastly nicomedes being dead , they have laid violent hands on all bithynia , tho' the son of nysa , to whom they had been pleas'd to give the title of queen , were then without doubt among the living . for wherefore should i name my self ? with whom though every way distinctly bounded from their empire by kingdoms and tetrarchies , because reported opulent , and one that would not be a slave , they found a way to quarrel , and set upon me nicomedes , not ignorant of their impiety , and as it happen'd afterwards , before attesting , that only the cretans and ptolemy liv'd free and uncontroul'd at that time. however in revenge of that injustice , i expell'd nicomedes out of bithynia , recover'd asia , the spoils of king antiochus , and rescu'd greece from ponderous servitude . my farther progresses the basest of my vassals archelaus put a stop to , by betraying my army ; and they who either through cowardice or wicked subtlety , withdrew the assistance of their arms , thinking to be secure by the hardships i endur'd , now reap the fatal harvest of their treachery . ptolomy , well brib'd , can find no just occasion for a war. the cretans already assaulted are to expect no other issue , but utter devastation . assuredly , for my own part when i understood , that by reason of their intestine broils , battle and bloodshed rather were delay'd , then peace confirm'd , contrary to the opinion of tigranes , who too late approv'd my counsel , and notwithstanding thy remoter distance , while my neighbours were their slaves and vassals , yet i undertook a second war : at what time i overthrew by land m. cotta the roman general nere * chalcedon ; and by sea despoil'd 'em of a goodly fleet of ships . but sitting down before cyzicum , and lingring there with a numerous army , provision fail'd me , without the least relief of all my allies : and more then that , the winter debarr'd me the benefit of the sea. thus without any molestation of the enemy was i constrain'd to retreat into my own kingdom , no less unfortunate in the loss of the best of my souldiers , together with my fleets , that were shipwrackt within sight of para and * heraclea . but then having recruited my army cabira a after several conflicts between me and lucullus , both armies labour'd under pressing necessities . however lucullus had at his devotion the kingdom of ariobarzanes , as yet untouch'd by war : i retreated into armenia , all the countries round about me , being utterly destroy'd and laid wast . at what time the romans following not alone , but their custom of subverting all kingdoms , because the nature of the country would not suffer multitudes to engage in set battels , they boasted the rash imprudence of tigranes for a victory . now consider , i beseech thee , whether if we should be subdu'd , it would be advantageous any way to thee to make a more powerful resistance , or whether it be thy opinion , that then the war will be at end . i know thee to be vastly opulent , and stor'd , to infinite abundance , with men , with arms and money . and for that reason 't is we covet such an associate in the war ; they , such an enemy for booty . but 't is the judgment of tigranes , while his kingdom remains entire , that the war may be made an end of against an enemy far from home , with little labour , by the valour of my own well disciplin'd and experienc'd souldiers : since we can neither vanquish , nor be vanquish'd without hazard and prejudice to thy self . canst thou be ignorant , that the romans , after the ocean had set limits to their western conquests , turn'd the fury of their arms upon these parts ? that from the begining they ne'er had any thing but what they got by violence , not so much as their wives and houses , much less their lands and empire ? a medley of vagabonds , having neither country nor kindred , born to be the plague and destruction of the whole world. whom neither laws divine nor human , no fear of gods or men can restrain from ransack , ravage and destruction both of friends and allies , whether remote or neighbours , powerful or indigent ; profess'd and mortal enemies of all mankind , that are not vassals to themselves ; of soveraign princes more especially . for only few desire liberty , the greatest part are contented with just masters : so we are suspected to be their rivals , and dreaded perhaps least we should prove the future chastizers of their insolencies . but thou , the monarch of seleucia , the biggest of cities , and soveraign lord of persia , what canst thou from them expect , but treachery at the present , and war hereafter ? the romans draw their swords against all nations , and people , yet most keenly sharpen'd against those , who being vanquish'd yield the richest spoils . by daring and deceiving and raising war , they are become potent . by such havocks and destructive courses as these , they will either extirpate all before 'em , or perish themselves ; which latter seems not so improbable to happen , if thou from mesopotamia , and we from armenia surround their armies , wanting provision and destitute of all assistance ; and only secure by some strange favour of fortune , through our own divisions or our cowardice . and then will that renown attend thee , having succour'd once two mighty kings , to have subdu'd the grand robbers of the nations . which i admonish and exhort thee to do , unless thou hadst rather to our perdition , a while prolong thy single empire till they have leisure to subdue thee , then be a conqueror by our alliance . the oration of c. cotta the consul to the people . many dangers , most worthy romans , have befallen me in peace , and as many misfortunes have i met with in war ; of which , some i have been forc'd to undergo , others i have warded off by the assistance of the gods and my own vertue . in all which , neither my courage was wanting to my business , nor my industry fail'd my resolutions . adversity and prosperity made an alteration in my estate , but not of my natural inclinations . on the other side in these calamities all things deserted me , when fortune left me . moreover old age , cumbersom of it self , re-doubles my cares : considering my self in that miserable condition , that it is not permitted me to hope for so much as an honest death . for if i have been the parricide of your security , and being born by restoration from exile , have dishonour'd my houshold gods , my country and the highest degree of magistracy , what torment can be thought sufficient for me living , or what punishment after my decease ? from my first years of adolescency , your eyes were still upon me both a private person , and a public magistrate : they who desir'd it had all my elocution , my advice , my money at their service ; nor did i ever make a crafty use of eloquence to uphold the knacks of law , or exercise my parts in mischief . but covetous of private favour , was forc'd to bow under the weight of ponderous animosities for the good of the commonwealth . at what time depress'd when she was quite subdu'd , and expecting dayly nothing but utter ruin , you , most worthy romans , restor'd me to my country , and my houshold gods , with accumulations of dignity . for which excess of favours , i could not shew my self too grateful , should i for every single kindness expend as many lives . for life and death are only claims and rights of nature ; but for a man to live blameless among his fellow-citizens , entire in his fortunes and his reputation , that 's a gift kindly as well bestow'd as acceptably receiv'd . you have made us consuls , most worthy romans , now that the commonweath is in a most distracted condition . for the generals in spain demand money , souldiers , arms and provisions : and 't is but what necessity constrains 'em to : for that by reason of the revolt of our allies , and the flight of sertorius among the mountains , they neither can come to blows , nor get the necessary supports of nature . the excessive power of mithridates compels us to maintain great armies both in asia and cilicia . macedonia is crouded with enemies . nor are the maritime coasts of italy , and the provinces less infested . in the mean time our tributes being small , and by reason of the wars , but ill and uncertainly paid , hardly defray a part of the expences : so that we are forc'd to lessen the number of our ships that us'd to carry and convoy our provisions . these things whether they befal us through fraud or negligence do you consider ; and as you find it , punish the offenders . but if it be a general misfortune and calamity that attends us , wherefore is it that ye enterprize things both unworthy of your selves , of us and the commonwealth . for my own part , whose years are near the precipice of death , i do not wish one minute longer of life , if that might prove the least advantage to your safety : not deeming this same free-born body of mine can more be honour'd , then by submitting to its dissolution for your welfare . here then behold the consul caius cotta ready : ready to do what oft our ancestors have done in times of dubious war. i freely devote and offer up my self a victim for the commonwealth . of which , to whom you afterwards shall recommend the care , your selves be circumspect . for no good man will be covetous of such an honour , when either he must give an account of the success of peace or war by others carry'd on , or suffer ignominious death . only remember this , that i was not cut off for acts of villany or avarice , but willingly surrendred up my life in gratitude for exceeding favours . for your own sakes therefore , most worthy romans , and by the glory of your ancestors i conjure ye , a while to be patient in your adversity , and consult the welfare of the commonwealth . great is the care and many are the toyles that accompany supream command ; which in vain ye refuse , yet seek the opulency of peace ; when all our provinces , kingdoms , seas and lands are harrass'd and tyr'd with the calamities and hardships of war. two * orations to c. caesar attributed to salust . * many learned men have made a question whether these orations were really written by salust or no. but douza , one of his commentators stiffly maintains 'em to be the genuine productions of the same author . nor are the arguments he brings without great probability and reason . for he alledges not only the consent and agreement of the vellum originals but the congruity of stile and censorious notions , natural only to that satyrical and grave historian . further he asserts that there is not that purity of latin in tacitus , besides the vast difference between the writers of the flavian and julian times . whereas it is objected that there is not the same conciseness in these orations as in the rest of salust's writings , that seems of little moment , since there can be nothing more concise nor more agreeable to salustian brevity then the stile and language of these orations . but the same commentator mislikes the title of orations : and that not without just cause , since the author himself gives them the appellation of epistles . forsitan , says he , impera tor , perlectis literis , decernes , c. so that allowing these two small peices to be the works of salust and no other we shall only alter the title , and call 'em , two epistles concerning the ordering of a commonwealth , directed to c. caesar . the first epistle . it was the common opinion that formerly the roman people by fortune had kingdoms and empires , in her gift , besides those other things which mortal men so greedily thirst after ; because they are frequently possess'd by persons without desert , conferr'd as it were at will and pleasure , and never any man could boast 'em stable and permament to himself . but experience has taught us how true it is what appius tells us in his verses , that every man is the architect of his own fortune . a sentence more especially verify'd in thee , who hast so far out-gone all others , that men are tyr'd first with applauding thy atchievements , ere thou art weary of performing deeds deserving praise . but vertuous acquisitions like sumptuous edifices , are still to be preserv'd with sedulous industry ; least through negligence they run to decay , or fall to the ground , while the foundations fail . for no man willingly surrenders empire and command to another ; and though he be just and mild who is in power , yet because it is at his choice to be rigorous and tyrannical , he is dreaded . this comes to pass , because the most that are in high authority take wrong measures , believing themselves so much the more secure , by how much the more pusillanimous and servile the people are whom they command . but quite the contrary to this ought chiefly to be aim'd at ; that is to say , being vertuous and brave thyself , thou shouldst endeavour to command the best of subjects : for he that is lewd himself impatiently brooks a ruler . but thou hast a more difficult task then all that were before thee , to settle what thou hast won by force of arms. for thou hast wag'd a war more soft and gentle then the peace of others : besides the victors demand their booty ; and the vanquish'd are thy fellow-citizens . in the midst of these difficulties there is an honest medium to be found out , that the public welfare may be establish'd not by force , as a foreign enemy is curb'd , but which is more noble and much more difficult , by the profitable arts of peace . therefore is this a matter of such importance , as summons together all men , as well those of great as of moderate wisdom , for every one to give the best advice he can . and indeed it is my opinion that as the victory is compos'd , the settlement of all other things will be the same . now therefore that thou maist more readily and firmly order this establishment , accept of some few notions that occur to my mind . thou hadst a war , most noble emperour , with a man illustrious for his birth , of vast riches , most greedy of superiority more * fortunate then wise . of his party were but few : some through their own injustice became thy enemies ; others whom affinity or other obligations drew to his side . for never was any man a sharer with him in the supream authority , which if he could have endur'd , the whole , terrestrial globe had never been so violently shaken with war. the inferiour multitude , more out of custom then judgment flock'd after him as , the more prudent person . at the same time , upon the scandalous rumors daily spread abroad , inflam'd with hopes of usurping the commonwealth , many men contaminated with lewdness and luxury , resorted to thy camp ; and openly threatned those that were at peace with murders , rapines , and all the worst of outrages to which their impious minds could prompt ' em . of whom the greatest part , when they saw that neither their debts were paid , nor fellow-citizens by thee despoil'd and harrass'd like enemies , deserted thee : only some few remain'd , who thought the camp would be a safer place then rome , where they were continually dunn'd and prosecuted by their creditors . but for the same reasons , incredible it is to relate , both the quality and the number of persons that troop'd after pompey ; whom all that were in debt made use of , during the whole time of the war , as of a most sacred and inviolable sanctuary . therefore since now both war and peace fall under thy consideration as the victor , to the end thou mayst gently and mildly surcease the one , and that the other may be just and permanent , meditate seriously with thy self , at whose disposal the composition is , and what is most proper to be done . for my part i am apt to believe all cruel dominations more oppressive then diuturnal , not that any one single person can be dreaded by many , but that the same fear returns from many to himself . such a life wages a continual and doubtful war within a man ; for that being neither safe before , behind , or on either side , always thy lot will be to live surrounded with fears and dangers : on the other side they who have temper'd the severity of command with humanity and clemency , to them all things have appear'd with a joyful and smiling prospect ; by their enemies more cheerfully obey'd and reverenc'd , then others by their own subjects . be there any who for this advice will deem me a depraver of thy conquest , or count me a well wisher to the vanquish'd ? perhaps , because it is my judgment that what both we and our fore-fathers have granted to foreign nations , naturally our enemies , are equally to be allow'd to fellow-citizens ; and that neither slaughter with slaughter , nor blood is to be aton'd with blood after the manner of the barbarians . has oblivion cancell'd those cruelties , that before this war were condemn'd in pompey and sylla's victory ? he slew domitius , carbo , brutus , and others that were weaponless ; not slain in battel , according to the laws of war , but butcher'd afterwards when suppliants with the greatest impiety imaginable : the commonalty of rome were slaughter'd like sheep in the public palace ordain'd for the reception of embassadors . heavens ! what hugger mugger funerals of citizens , what sudden massacres committed in the very arms of parents and children ! what flights of women and infants ! what devastations of houses ! before the victory by thee obtain'd , nothing but outrage , nothing but cruelty enrag'd . to which the same persons exhort and spur thee on : insinuating as if the contest between you two had been , which should have the absolute disposal of oppression and injustice : that thou didst not recover , but win the commonwealth by force of arms , and for that reason , the stoutest and the oldest of the souldiers were still ready to take arms against their fathers , brothers , nay their very children ; that so the most wicked of mortals , from the miseries of others , might have wherewithal to supply the expences of their gluttony and exorbitant lust , or rather to be the scandals and reproaches of thy victory ; as being such , whose debaucheries were a contamination to the praises of good men. for i cannot forbear to mind thee , what was their behaviour and their modesty , even when it was * dubious which way victory would encline and how , when the enemy was in the field those very persons abandon'd themselves to strumpets and luxurious banquets , whose age in times of peace could not without reproach have pretended to the tast of such immoderate pleasures . thus much concerning war. now as concerning the establishing a secure peace ; which is the present main design of thee and all thy followers ; consider i beseech thee in the first place what it is thou art about to consult : for so , by separating the good from the bad , thou wilt proceed in the open way to truth . 't is my opinion , since all things that have a beginning must have an end , that whensoever the fate of romes destruction shall happ'n to approach her walls , citizens shall be engag'd in civil broyls with citizens ; at what time exhausted and languishing for want of blood , they will become a prey to some prince or nation . otherwise not the whole globe of earth , nor all the people of the world united and mustred together , can either move or bruise this empire . therefore the blessings of concord are to be establish'd upon sure foundations , and the mischiefs of discord to be expell'd . that will so come to pass , if you remove the licence of expensive riot and rapine . not recalling antiquated constistutions , which upon the general corruption of manners are now become contemptible ; but if you limit the expences of every particular family to the condition of their fortunes . for now , 't is the prevailing custom for young men to think nothing more brave and generous , then prodigally to wast their own and the estates of others ; to deny nothing to their pleasures , or that they take for gallantry and magnanimity ; despising continency and reservedness , as the effects of cowardice . therefore a haughty disposition , once launch'd into destructive courses , when his accustom'd allowances fail , flies out , inflam'd with inconsiderate fury , sometimes upon allies , sometimes upon his fellow-citizens ; unsettles the compos'd order of things , and by old practices of villany seeks for new disturbances . wherefore let not the usurer for the future be sufferr'd any longer ; that every one may mind his own affairs . that 's the true and plain way , to officiate in the magistracy for the benefit of the people , not the profit of the creditor ; and to shew magnanimity in augmenting not diminishing the common-wealth . 't is true , i know how difficult a thing this will be to accomplish at first ; especially with those who thought , when conquerors , to have liv'd with greater liberty and licence , not under a more strict controul . for whose safety if you rather provide then to uphold their luxury , you will secure both them and us and our allies in a firm and lasting peace . but if you still connive at the same practices and debaucheries of our youth , assuredly that high renown of thine , and that great city of rome , will in a short time fall to ruin both together . in the last place , prudent men make war for the sake of peace , and undergo hardships in hopes of rest and leisure . until you fix and ascertain that tranquillity what matter is it , whether we are vanquish'd or victors . wherefore in the name of all the gods , hold fast the helm of the commonwealth , and boldly break through all contending opposition as you were wont : for either you must heal us , or all men else must lay aside all thought of cure. neither does any man incense ye to cruel punishments , or dismal executions , by which a city is rather depopulated , then reform'd ; but rather to restrain the vicious practices and luxurious debaucheries of the young nobility and gentry . that will be real clemency , to have put a curb upon their folly and false pleasures , that citizens may not come to be deservedly expell'd their native country ; to have establish'd peace and concord ; not to have been always a conniver at their present enjoyments , which sudden sorrow follows at the heels ; indulgent to vice , and remissly permitting offences . and indeed such is my courage , that it chiefly relies on that which scares and daunts most undertakers , the difficulty of the business . and because you are now to reform the disorders both of sea and land and restore tranquillity to the whole world ( for such a soaring mind can never stoop to little things ) the greater the care , the greater will be the recompence . therefore your care is mainly to be expended , that the commonalty , corrupted with bribes , and public distributions of corn , may be so employ'd and kept from idleness , as neither to have leisure nor opportunity for public mischeif : but that the young men may be enur'd to probity and industry , and not to hanker after vain expence , and riches . which may be effected , if you take away the abuse and reputation of money , the chiefest plague and destruction of human kind . for often revolving in my mind , by what means the most renowned men attain'd their greatness ; what things had rais'd people and nations to their most flourishing estates ; and lastly what had occasion'd the ruin and destruction of mighty kingdoms and empires , i still observ'd that the same things were good , the same things evil ; and that always the victors were dispisers , the vanquish'd always covetous of money . neither can any man exalt his groveling thoughts , or mortal as he is , attain divine perfections , unless neglecting the delights of gold and bodily enjoyments , he forbear to flatter and pamper the vanity of his mind , to gratifie perverse desire ; but rather exercise it in labour , patience , wholesom precepts , and magnanimous atchievements . for to build a city house , or country palace , and furnish 'em with statues , pictures , persian hangings , and other sumptuous ornaments ; and tomake a splendid shew of all things but himself ; this is not to enjoy riches as an ornament , but for the owner to make himsef a reproach to his wealth . moreover they , whose custom it is twice a day to stuff their paunches , and not a night to sleep without a curtezan , when they have oppress'd with servitude the mind which ought to command , in vain expect to make use of it as duly exercis'd , when lame and drowsie . for through imprudence they precipitate themselves and most of their designs . but these and all other mischiefs will cease with the adoration of money , when neither these gaudy pomps , nor any other things so much thirsted after by magistrates and vulgar are any longer set to sale . morever care is to be taken that italy and the provinces may be more secure : wherein there is not so much difficulty neither . for the same men lay all the countries desolate , deserting their own habitations , and through oppression seizing those of other persons . moreover let not the stipends of the souldiers , or their years of service be either unjustly or impartially number'd . while some are * compell'd to serve out thirty stipends or years of duty , others scarce oblig'd to one . and let the corn , which was formerly the reward of sloath and cowardice , be distributed through the municipal towns and colonies , to the dismiss'd veteranes returning home after the expiration of their stipends . and thus as concisely as i could i have declar'd my thoughts of what i deem'd either advantageous to the public , or to your honour ; and now it may not seem amiss to speak something in justification of this presumption . most men have wit enough , or think they have , to censure others ; and every one is forward and quick to find fault with the deeds and sayings of other men ; their mouths are scarce wide enough , nor their tongues sufficiently nimble to troul out the hasty conceptions of their envy or their private disgust ; though notwithstanding all the blasts of their censorious descants , i do not at all repent me of the enterprize ; rather it would have been a trouble to me to have been silent . and now the best of my wishes only remain behind that whatsoe're thou shalt decree , the immortal gods may well approve , and crown with happy success . the second epistle to c. caesar , concerning the ordering of a commonwealth . this epistle shews the great familiarity between caesar and salust , and seems to have been written before his expedition into spain against petreius and afranius , or at least in the seat of the war. i am not ignorant , how difficult and dangerous and attempt it is to give counsel to a prince or emperor . or indeed to any man , who sits in the upper region of great authority ; considering that they can neither want advisers , and that no man is sufficiently circumspect or prudent to foresee future events . besides , oft-times it so falls out that precipitate and evil counsels are attended with more prosperous success , then the most grave and serious of deliver'd opinions , by reason fortune rules the world at pleasure . i must confess , when i was young , my inclinations lead me to the management of public affairs ; and my greatest care and study was to understand the depth of those mysteries . not only that i might appear great in offices and employments of high dignity , which many had obtain'd by wicked and corrupt means ; but that i might be acquainted with the true state of the commonwealth both at home and abroad , and what her intrinsic strength might be of warlike provisions , of men and money . at length revolving many things in my mind , i determin'd to prefer your dignity before my own reputation and reserv'dness , and to run any hazard that might be advantageous to your honour . nor did i make this resolution rashly , or in adulation of your good fortune ; but because in you i observ'd , one particular excellency above all the rest , to be egregiously admit'd ; i mean , a greater courage always in disaster , then in prosperity . but this is still no more then what is yet more manifest from other men , who are tyr'd with applauding and admiring your munificence , before you are weary of performing deeds deserving fame immortal . and i am firmly perswaded there is nothing so sublime or so profound , but what is within the easy reach of your thoughts . nor have i sent ye my opinion and judgment concerning the ordering of a commonwealth , as having a higher conceit then becomes me of my advice and parts ; but because i thought it necessary in the midst of military toyls , in the hurry of battels , victories and high command , to retrieve back your thoughts , sometimes to the consideration of civil affairs . for if it be your only design to secure your person from the violence of your enemies , or how to retain the favour of the people , that you may be able to cope with the consul , you harbour thoughts unworthy of your courage . but if your magnanimity still continue such , as from the beginning disturb'd the faction of the nobility ; recover'd the roman people out of heavy bondage into liberty ; that during your pretorship , unarm'd and naked as you were , out-brav'd and daunted the insulting fury of the enemy ; and both at home and abroad perform'd so many and such far fam'd exploits , that your very adversaries have nothing to object against ye but your greatness ; vouchsafe to accept these few notions of mine , touching the grand concerns of the commonwealth , which you will find to be true , or at least not far remote from truth . for since that pompey either through oversight , or else because he car'd not what he did to obstruct your proceedings , fell into such a fatal error , as to put weapons into the hands of his enemies , by the same means that he brought all things out of order , the same courses must you take to restore tranquillity to the commonwealth . in the first place he resign'd his absolute power of disposing of the imperial revenue , the public expences and the penal laws into the hands of a few senatours : but as for the roman commonalty , in whom the supream power was vested before , he left 'em without so much as the relief of common justice . for causes and actions are still committed to the determination of the three orders , yet the same small number of tyrants are above all , govern all , place and displace as they think fit ; they circumvent and oppress the innocent ; and advance their own tools and favourites to honour . neither iniquity nor scandal , nor the most hainous of crimes are any obstruction , to debar their assuming offices of trust and dignity : whatever is commodious and profitable they haul and tear away by violence : lastly , as if the city were taken by assault , absolute will and licencious domineering are the only laws they will endure . and yet it would not grieve me much thus servilely to be enthrall'd , according to their usual practice , had they obtain'd the victory by their bravery and valour . but it perplexes me to see the most sloathful among mortals , all whose vigor and courage lies in their boasting tongues , insolently exercising a tyranny offer'd 'em by chance , and through the remissness of another . for what civil sedition and dissention ever extirpated so many and such illustrious families ? or whom did ever victory so precipitate and render so enormously outragious ? l. sylla , who had some pretence as a victor , to plead the laws of war in justification of his cruelty , though he knew his interest , could no way better be secur'd then by the capital punishment of his enemies ; yet after he had put some few to death chose rather to restrain the rest by clemency then fear . but now , besides cato , l. domitius and others of the same faction , above forty senators , and many young gentlemen of great hopes have been slaughter'd like victims on the altar ; and yet the most cruel of all mankind , cannot be satiated with the blood of so many miserable fellow-citizens . neither orphans , nor aged parents , not the moans of men ; nor the lamentations of women could mollify their inexorable inhumanity : but every day more violent then other , and raging both in word and deed , some they degraded from their dignities , while others were expell'd their native country . nay what shall i say of you your self , whose ignominious fall the basest of men , were it permitted 'em , would purchase with the loss of their own lives ? whose tyranny is not so great a pleasure to 'em ( though it befel 'em unexpected ) as your high dignity a grief and disturbance to their minds . men that would rather choose to bury their own liberty in your calamity , then that the empire of the people of rome should by your means of glorious be made the most glorious in the world : so much the more then it ought to be your daily care to fortify and establish your own interest . for my part what my own thoughts are , i will not be afraid to utter : 't is in your prudence only to make trial of what you think most probable and beneficial . the city , according to what i have heard from my ancestors , i take to be divided into two parts ; the fathers , and the common people . formerly the chief authority rested in the fathers ; but the greater force by far was in the people . thence frequent secessions in the city , and still the power of the nobility lessen'd ; but the privileges of the people were enlarg'd . by that means the commonalty liv'd in freedom , because the power of no man was above the law : the noble surpass'd the ignoble not in wealth or pride , but in reputation and valiant exploits . every one alike humble at the plough or in war , wanting nothing of honest and necessary accomodation , thought he had sufficient to serve himself , enough to serve his country . but when expell'd by degrees from their possessions , laziness and poverty compell'd 'em to seek uncertain habitations , then they began to thirst after other mens estates , and to set to sale , both their liberty and the commonwealth . thus insensibly the people , then the lords of many nations , dwindl'd into contempt ; and instead of empire in common , every particular person procur'd his own slavery . this multitude therefore , first infected with ill manners , then dispers'd into sundry trades and courses of life , no way united among themselves , seems to me by no means fit to manage the commonwealth . but being intermixt with new citizens , my mind gives me , that so , they may be all awaken'd and rouz'd up to liberty ; while the one would be careful to preserve their freedom , the other glad to shake off the fetters of their servitude . these citizens thus blended , old and new together , my judgment is , you should distribute into colonies . by which means your militia will become more numerous , and the common people , honestly employ'd , will forbear crowding after mischief and sedition . but yet i am not ignorant , when this is put in execution , what storms and tempests the nobility will raise ; how they will rage and clamour , that things are turn'd topsie turvy ; that the antient citizens are enslav'd ; and lastly that there will be a change of the government , from a free state into a monarchy , when by the favour of one single person an infinite multitude shall be admitted sharers of the city privileges . however i am firmly convinc'd that he admits a wicked crime into his bosom , who to the disadvantage of the public welfare strives for the favour of a private faction . more especially where the public good redounds to particular benefit , to hesitate in such an enterprize , i look upon to be the greatest mark of sloath and cowardice immaginable . it was always the design of m. livius drusus , in his tribuneship , to contend with all his might , for the nobility : nor did he intend at the beginning to have acted any thing of importance but in pursuance of their decrees . but certain factious persons prizing fraud and malice above honesty and fidelity , when they understood that by the means of one person so great a benefit would accrue to such a vast number of people , every one , conscious to himself of his own wicked and treacherous disposition , had the same ill opinion of drusus as of themselves . therefore afraid , least by so great a favour he should get the sole power into his hands , contriving all they could to hinder him , they broke the neck of his and their own designs together . therefore , noble emperor , 't is your business to make a more industrious provision of friends and guards , all persons of approv'd integrity . 't is no great difficulty for a man of courage and daring boldness to suppress an open enemy ; but the best of men as they scorn the contrivance , so are they less easily induc'd to suspect , and consequently shun occult and treacherous stratagems . for this reason when you have introduc'd those new members into the city , because the commonalty will be then recall'd , study to your utmost the introduction likewise of good and laudable manners ; and by concord to unite the new and old together . but a far greater benefit will accrue to your country , your citizens , your self , your offspring , and lastly to all mankind , if you can but quench that immoderate thirst of gold , or at least abate it to that degree that the season of reformation will bear . otherwise it will be impossible to regulate either private misdemeanors or public abuses , either at home or abroad . for where the raging desire of riches has once got footing , neither discipline , nor vertuous industry , nor generous ingenuity can ever flourish ; but early or late , at last the soul will flag , and languish under the burthen of loose temptations . i have often heard what kings , what cities and nations once grown opulent , have lost great empires , which when indigent , they won by their courage : which is no miracle at all . for when a stout man sees another weaker then himself more illustrious for his wealth ; more cring'd to and courted , he 's chaf'd at first ; and with a thousand agonies torments his mind : at length , as every day more and more desire of glory vanquishes honour , and opulency overcomes vertue , the mind revolts from truth to pleasure . for glory is cherish'd by industry ; take that away , vertue of it self , becomes bitter and unpleasant . lastly , where riches are in high esteem , all things good and sacred then are undervalu'd , fidelity , integrity , shame and modesty . for to vertue there 's but one , and that a steep and rugged passage : to money , every body chuses the road that likes him best ; for wealths acquir'd as well by honest as by evil practices . therefore in the first place take away the reputation and authority of money : for no man will make a judgment this or that way in point of life or honour ; when 't is apparent that neither pretors or consul are created according to their wealth , but as they merit . however in the choice of magistrates let the election of the people be free . where the judges are approv'd by few , it is an argument of royalty ; to choose 'em for money , is dishonest . wherefore i could wish that all the judges were of the first classis , but more in number then at this time . for neither the rhodians nor any other cities ever repented of their determinations , where rich and poor promiscuously , as they came into court , debated as well the most important as the slightest affairs . but as to the creation of magistrates , i think i may without absurdity commend the law , which c. gracehus propounded to the people in his tribuneship , that the centuries should be summon'd out of the five classes , without any premeditated choice or order ; by which means being alike equal in dignity and wealth , they would strive to excel one another in vertue ; and these i deeme to be the chiefest remedies against riches . for all things are applauded or desir'd , according to the use which is made of those things : rewards are the incentives to wickedness ; take away the hire , there 's no man will do an evil act for nothing . but avarice is a savage , cruel and intolerable monster ; wherer'e it bends its bulky force , it tramples and lays waste whole cities , fields , temples , houses ; turns all things both divine and humane into a chaos and confusion ; neither armies nor walls can withstand its fury : in a word it robs all mankind of their reputation , chastity , children and parents . but take away the glory of money , and that impetuous force of avarice will soon be vanquish'd by good manners . and tho all mortal men both just and unjust , know these things to be true , nevertheless you will have a sharp combat with the faction of the nobility ; whos 's wiles and stratagems if you can warily escape , the rest will succeed of course , according to your wishes . for these men , had they but so much courage , would rather emulate , then envy the brave and generous . but being totally possessed with idleness , stupidity , and cowardice , they make a noise , detract and look upon the reputation of another to be their disgrace . but wherefore should i make more words as if i spoke of men that were unknown to the world ? the fortitude and valour of m. bibulus made open way to the consulship ; one that scarce had the use of his tongue ; and for his parts , more wicked then crafty . how far can such a one presume to dare , to whom the consular dignity , the highest of commands was but a meer disgrace ? can greater abilities be ascrib'd to l. domitius , a man that has not a member , but what is contaminated with villany and lascivious intemperance ? a boasting vain-glorious tongue ; hands embru'd in blood ; heels nimble and speedy in flight ; besides his other incontinences not proper to be nam'd . cato's the only person among 'em , whose parts are not to be contemn'd , a crafty , talkative , double-dealing fox , the effects of grecian education : but neither industry , vertue or vigilancy are to be found among the greeks . for can it be imagin'd , that they who have lost their liberty through sloth at home , should be able to instruct others to command ? the rest of the faction are a crew of noble drones ; who statue-like , besides the name , can challenge nothing else of worth but form and feature . l. posthumius , and m. favonius seem to me like the superfluous lading of some great fly-boat , which if the vessel arrive safe in harbour , may be some way useful , but in a storm are the first undervalu'd things thrown over-board . and now , having thus far , to my own thinking , sufficiently discours'd the point of renewing and reforming the commonalty , i shall speak somewhat of what may seem proper to be done in reference to the senate . so soon as i grew ripe in years and understanding , i was not so much for exercise of arms , or managing of horses , but rather for the studious part of learning : that is to say , finding where my strength lay , i betook my self to the labours of the brain . during which retirement , by reading and hearing much , i found that all kingdoms , cities , nations , were prosperous so long , and flourish'd in command , while they were guided by true and uncorrupted counsels : but that when those counsels came to be tainted once by favour , fear or interest , soon after their power decay'd ; in the next place , they lost their dominion , and lastly were enslav'd . and therefore 't is my absolute opinion , that whoever is advanc'd to a more conspicuous and illustrious degree in his city , above all things , ought to be more especially careful of the public welfare . for all the rest are only safe in their liberty , so long as the city is secure : they who by their vertue have acquir'd riches , honour , and authority , when they perceive the common-wealth in a declining posture , they are presently alarm'd , and their restless minds are vex'd with various cares and toyls : they are presently for defending their honour , their liberty or their estates : they bestir themselves , they are here and there , all in a hurry ; the more they flourish'd in prosperity , the more grievously and impatiently they brook adversity . therefore when the commonalty obeys the senate , as the body submits to the soul , and respectfully execute their commands , it behoves the fathers to be able in councel ; for subtilty and cunning are superfluous in the people . our ancestors therefore , when low reduc'd by dangerous and cruel wars , after they had lost their men , their horses , and their money , were never weary of contending with their swords in their hands for the empire . neither want of treasure , nor the prevailing power of the enemy , nor threatning calamity could subdue their generous courages , but that what they had won by their valour they resolv'd to defend to the last drop of blood. which they did rather by sage and prudent counsels , then fortunate in battel . for among them there was but one common-wealth : for the welfare of that they all consulted : faction was contriv'd and sow'd among their enemies . all men exercis'd their bodies and their wits for the good of their country , not to advance their own private interest . but now the case is alter'd ; the nobility , possess'd with sloth and cowardice , knowing neither what hardship , enemies or warfare mean , meditating nothing but faction at home , proudly lord it over all the nations . thus the fathers , by whose prudence the tottering estate of the commonwealth was formerly re-establish'd , now under oppression , are driven fluctuating this way and that way , with the tyrannick blasts of will and pleasure ; sometimes they decree one thing , then another : as if they thought there were no other public good or evil , but what the private grudges or the arrogancy of their lords and masters dictated . whereas if all had equal liberty , or the decrees were render'd less authentic : the commonwealth would grow more powerful ; the nobility less potent . but because it is impossible to please all men , or to level the degrees of quality and birth , while the nobility enjoy the acquists of their vertuous ancestors , honour , dignity and numerous tenants ; on the other side the multitude are for the most part ignorant and illiterate , let 'em be free in the delivery of their opinions . thus the power of others no way reaching themselves , and consequently less discernable , will be the more easily brook'd . the good as well as the bad , the coward and the valiant , all are desirous of liberty . but the more silly sort of men , which are the greatest part , desert it out of fear : and while the conflict is dubious , before the victory be won , basely submit their necks as vanquish'd to the yoke of servitude . therefore in my opinion , there are two ways to restore the dignity of the senate : first , that the number of persons being augmented , they may be order'd to deliver their votes in * tables . the tables will be a means that every man may be bold to use his freedom : in multitude there will be more assurance , and ampler benefit . for now adays it falls out so , that many being taken up in hearing public controversies , others employed in soliciting their own and the private affairs of their friends , there are few that attend the concerns of the public . besides that many times it is not business so much , as the commands of their domineering superiours , which deter 'em from making their appearances . the grandees forsooth , with some few of the senatorian order , chips of the same block , they are the men that whatsoere they please to approve , revoke , anull , decree , and then at pleasure put in execution . but when after the number of the senators shall be augmented , they shall be forc'd to give their votes by tables , you shall find they will lay their loftiness aside , when they must be obedient to those , o'er whom before they tyrannously domineer'd . perhaps , most noble emperour , upon reading these letters , you may desire to know , what number of senators i think sufficient , and how they may be distributed into sundry and various employments ; and because 't is my opinion that the judgments of the first classis ought to be abrogated , what number of judges , what method of election may be most convenient ? to every one of which particulars , it would be no difficult thing to return an answer ; but it behoves us first to discharge our selves of the grand concern of counsel , and to ascertain the truth of what we have deliver'd in that point . if you resolve to make use of this method of proceeding ; there will be little difficulty in what comes after . 't is my desire , that my advice may be both wholsome and profitable . for then according to your success my reputation will extend it self . but that which i am much more zealous for at present is this ; that the commonwealth may be reliev'd and regulated as soon as may be , let the manner and the methods be what they will , liberty is that which i more highly prize then honour . and therefore , most renowned emperour , i beseech and beg it of ye , that since the gallic nation is so happily subdu'd , you will not suffer the mighty and invincible empire of the roman people to consume away with age , or by discord and dissention to be dissolv'd . for should that come to pass , assuredly neither day or night would ease the anguish of your mind ; but still a restless fury , that were would give ye leave to close your eyes , would be the torment of your latter days . for i am certainly * convinc'd , that the lives of all mankind are observ'd by the all-seeing eye of the divine deity : that there is an account taken of all the good or evil deeds of men : and that naturally various rewards attend the good and bad . perchance they move with a slower pace ; yet every man hopes according to his conscience . certainly had your country and your progenitors the liberty to discourse ye , they would use no other then these expressions . oh caesar , we most valiant men begate thee in a most noble city , to be to us our honour and protection , a terrour to our enemies . what we , with many hardships and dangers won , that we deliver'd to thee as soon as born , together with thy life ; the most renowned country upon earth ; the most illustrious family in all that country : a vertuous education , and riches honestly obtain'd : moreover all the dignities of peace , and the rewards of war. for these most extraordinary kindnesses we do not require from thee , any act of lewdness or impiety ; but to restore our liberty subverted . which being once perform'd , the renown of thy vertue will swiftly fly through all the habitable world. for as yet , tho thy atchievments have been famous both in peace and war , however thy glory is but equal with that of many other illustrious persons . but if thou dost restore almost from utter ruin , a city the most celebrated for its name and large extent of empire , who will be more renown'd , who more illustrious upon earth ? but if otherwise it befal this empire through thy lingring sickness or death , who so stupid not to dread the devastations , wars and slaughters that will ravage all the nations of the world. thus if you have an honest intention to gratifie your country and your ancestors , succeeding ages enjoying the fruits of your labours , and living in peace and liberty , will pay their acknowledgments to your vertue , and your death will prove far more illustrious then your life , for the living sometimes fortune , sometimes envy worries ; but when life has paid the debt of nature , detraction ceasing , vertue more and more exalts it self . and thus what i thought necessary to be done , and advantageous to your self as briefly as was possible , i have laid open ; beseeching the immortal gods , that whatsoever course you take , all your endeavours may be crown'd with prosperous success for your own good and the welfare of the public . the declamation of c. crispus salustius against m. tullius cicero . i should not easily be induc'd to brook thy scurrillous reproaches . marcus tullius , if i thought it were not rather the distemper of thy mind , then thy judgment that provok'd thee to this petulant humor . however , because i find , thou hast neither moderation nor modesty , i will vouchsafe thee an answer ; to the end that if thou hast taken any pleasure in obloquy , thou maist be quit of it , by being sharply told thy own . where shall i complain ? to whom shall i make my moan , most noble conscript fathers ; that the commonwealth is rent in pieces , and obnoxious to the treachery of every audacious sycophant ? must it be to the people of rome so corrupted with bribes and exhibitions , that they put both themselves and all their fortunes to sale ? or to you , most noble conscript fathers , whose authority is the scorn of every lewd and wicked rakeshame ? more especially when m. tullius defends the laws and judicial proceedings of the roman people , and governs in this senate , as if he were a branch of the renowned scipio africanus , and not an upstart , an inn-mate , and but lately admitted to the privileges of this city . thinkst thou , marcus tullius , thy words and actions are unknown to the world ? hast thou not so liv'd from thy childhood , as not to believe any thing a defilement to thy body , which another took delight in ? did it not cost thee the loss of thy chastity to learn that scolding eloquence of thine from m. piso ? no wonder then that thou putst it as ignominiously to sale , as thou didst lewdly purchase it . but i am apt to believe , thy domestic splendor elevates thy thoughts : thy sacrilegious wife , besmear'd with perjury : thy daughter a whore , that goes snips with her mother , more gamesom and obedient , then is decent , to a father : thy house thou gottest by violence and rapine , fatal to thee and thine ; as if it were to let us understand , how strangely this city is ranvers'd , while thou the most vile of men , usurp'st the habitation of m. crassus , once a consular person . which being so , yet cicero makes his braggs , that he hath sate in council with the immortal gods ; and thence that he was hither sent a guardian , and protector of the city ; not to give him the title of hangman , who derives his glory from the public calamity : as if thy consulship were not the cause of that conspiracy ; and the commonwealth half ruin'd , when she had thee for her preserver . but perhaps those things advance thee more , which in consultation with thy wife terentia , after thy consulship , were acted by thee for the public good : when at home ye contriv'd the judgements of thy * plautian law ; condemning some of the conspirators to death ; and fining others . when one built up the tusculanum for thee , another the pompeian country palace ; another purchas'd thee a city house . but he that could do nothing , he was sure to be accus'd ; ether he came to storm thy house ; or he had plotted to murder the senate ; in short , thou hadst evidence enough against him . if i accuse thee falsely , give an account how thou cam'st by such an estate ; what were thy gettings by bawling and wrangling at the bar ? where thou hadst the money to erect those sumptuous edifices , the tusculanum , and the pompeianum ? or if thou hast nothing to say , who can be so silly as to doubt , thou didst rake thy wealth out of the blood and bowels but of thy fellow citizens ? but perhaps this upstart of arpinum , descended from the family of c. marius , imitates his courage ; contemns the private grudges of the nobility ; takes care of the roman people neither terrify'd by threats ; nor coax'd with favour . but is this an argument of his amity and verture ? a very probable story : the most inconstant of men , a cringer to his enemies , contumelious to his friends ; sometimes of this , sometimes of that side ; faithful to no body ; a shuttlecock of a senator ; a mercinary patron ; no part of whose body is free from the contamination of lewdness : a vain tongue , rapacious hands , an abyss like throat , and speedy heels to run for his life : qualities so lewd , that 't is a shame to name ' em . yet being such as we have here describ'd him , this very man is not asham'd to boast and cry o fortunate rome , re-born when i was consull fortunate when thou wert consul , cicero ! rather unhappy and miserable , which suffer'd the most cruel proscription of her citizens ; when thou , in the distractions of the commonwealth , constrained'st all good men , dismay'd with fear to obey thy tyranny ; when all penal proceedings , all the laws were in thy hands ; when after thou hadst abrogated the porcian law , and made a rape upon our liberty , thou hadst assum'd to thy self the power of all our lives and deaths . but 't is not enough that thou hast done what thou hast done unpunish'd ; thou put'st us always in mind of it ; and throwest it in our teeths : we are not permitted to forget our slavery . prethee , good circero , be contented with what thou hast acted ; pride thy self in what thou hast accomplish'd : 't is enough that we have been the sufferers . but why shouldst thou still load our ears with what we hate , thy odious name ? wilt thou persecute us with thy presumptuous surquedry ? arms yield to gowns , and lawrels to the tongue . as if thou hadst perform'd those things of which thou boasts , not arm'd , but with thy hands in thy gown sleeves ; or that there were any difference between thee and sylla the dictator , but only the title of command . but why should i talk any more of thy insolence ? whom minerva instructed in all the sciences , the mighty jupiter admitted into the council of the gods ; and italy when banish'd , brought back upon her shoulders . i beseech thee , dear romulus of arpinum , who hast surmounted in valour all the paulus's , fabius's , and scipio's , what office dost thou hold in this city ? what faction suits with thy humour best ? what friends , what enemies hast thou ? the lewdest in the city are thy friends , thy enemies all those that love the commonwealth . the persons , whom fain thou would'st have betray'd in the city , thou courtest like a courtesan . else , returning out of exile from dyrrachium , wherefore didst thou follow them ? they who were tyrants formerly , their grandeur now delights thee : they who were thy patriots before , are now mad-men , and lunaticks . thy tongue is oyl'd for vatinius : sextius is a knave . thou mak'st nothing , sawcily to wound the reputation of bibulus : but caesar's extoll'd . him whom thou couldst have eaten once , obsequiously now thou fawn'st upon . thou think'st one thing sitting , another standing ; of the commonwealth : a hair-brain'd fugitive , that knows not where to put his confidence . the end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a60419-e1010 * now villa d' adriano . notes for div a60419-e1760 * now fiesoli , two miles from florence . * now called la marca d'ancona . * these three periods are acknowledg'd to be very imperfect in the original . * now campo pendente . * a people which then inhabited that part of france , of which the chief cities are now geneva , chambery , vienne , c. * no less then 200000 sesterces , which amounts to 750000 l. a lombardy and piemont . b france it self . c la marca d' ancona . d calabria . e now puglia . * now ponte molle two miles from rome . * the ediles were officers who had charge of repairing the temples and public houses , and look`d after the weights measures . * but being defended by cicero himself . * by which no roman citizen could be whipt . a who were a sort of high-sheriffs , who had the charge of the prisons , and were to see malefactors punish'd . b the dungeon , so call'd , because it was added to the prison by k. tullus . a a legion consisted of six thousand men. b every cohort consisted of 555 foot , and 66 horse . * for if a servant were discover'd in a muster of roman freemen , he was presently thrown headlong from the tarpeian rock . a now pistoia . b believing that he being privy in part to the conspiracy , would have yielded him an easie victory . * where being suddainly before enrich'd by plunder , they had as soon by prodigality consum'd their fortunes . a a tribune seems to be a kind of major of a regiment . for it was his duty to see the souldiers exercis'd , and well disciplin'd , and to attend the consul for orders . b a prefect supply'd the legates place in his absence . c the legate was a kind of adjutant general to the consul . d piles were a sort of darts like a boar-spear , about two cubits and a half long in the wood , and a cubit and a half in the iron head , which was heavy and sharp , and being thrown with art , would strike thro' any armour ; with this the legionaries began the fight at a distance and then clos'd . notes for div a60419-e7510 * where now lie the kingdoms of constantina and bugia , both contain'd within the kingdom of argier : to which also belongs the gulf of estora , formerly sinus numidicus . * now porto d' alber , formerly a city , now a small village upon the coast of barca , in the dominion of the turks . a now by the french call'd bone ; by arabs bened el vgueb , in the kingdom of argier . b now mahometta , in the kingdom of tunis . c now lebeda , in the kingdom of tripoli . a now caicoan in the kingdom of barca . b the one now call'd le secche di barbarie , and the other golfo di capes . c now porto di sobia ; or nain ; so call'd from two carthaginian brothers , that suffer ' themselves to be there buried alive for the good or their country . * now molochath . * now constantina . * vines were hurdles , eight foot high , seven broad , and sixteen in length , cover'd over with raw hidess under which the souldiers made their approachs to the walls of a city * now biserta in the kingdom of tunis . * now reggio . * or treasurer at war. * he was the chief of all the centurions of the legion , and had the guard of the eagle : as being the captain of the triarij , one of whose weapons was a dart , in latine call'd pilum . * the yoke was two spears fixed in the ground , and a third fastened overthwart from one to the other , like a gallows , under which the soldiers were to go one after another , and was the greatest ignominy that a vanquish'd enemy could undergo . * whatever it were , there is now no footsteps of it remaining . * now zamora a 120. miles from carthage , and a 100. from mahometia . * formerly a colony of the assyrians from succoth benoth , or rather of the phoenicians ; call'd also sicca venerea , by reason of a temple therein dedicated to venus : but now utterly demolish'd , without any footsteps remaining . tho' some will have it to be the town now call'd antoangues . * now arpino in the terra di lavoro in the kingdom of naples . * by which it was provided , that when the nobility in the management of warlike affairs had any ill success , that the commonalty should have power to elect new men. * that is to say an italian only . otherwise he could not have been whipt by the portian law. * now utterly unknown , and the place of its situation forgot . * the reward of a horseman , that dismounted his adversary . * now capi , lying not far from the bay call'd golfo di capes . * the testudo was when a body of souldiers serri'd to their close order , stooping with their bodies , cover'd their backs with their shields , to bear off the stones and other instruments of mis . chief that were thrown upon 'em : and then mov'd forward under that shelter like a tortoise in her shell . * for he marry'd valeria , one that over-wantonly courted him in the publick theater . a which were taken from the islands of majorca and minorca ; accounted the best slingers in the world ; for that they never miss'd their aim , and slung their darts with that force , as if they had been sent out of an engin. b which were only a sword a javelin , and a light buckler . * or rather the cimbrians . * after which jugurth was thrown naked into a dungeon , where in six days he starved himself to death . notes for div a60419-e21750 * in latin interrex , who was a great officer created by the romans in troublesom times when the grand elections could not proceed through the sickness or rebellion of the consul : whose dignity lasted only five days , at the end of which he surrendred his dignity to another . a parts of cataloma . b now xucar . c duero . * if the talents were of silver , it makes the sum one million two hundred and fifty thousand pound sterling : if of gold , four hundred and fifty hundred thousand pound . * now scutari by constantinople . * now penderachi under the dominion of the turks . a the royal seat of mithridates of which there remains no footstep at this time . * contrary to the opinion of lucan and cicero , who say that pompey had a good cause , but that fortune and the gods were against him . * for caesar witnesses , that in pompey 's camp the tents of the captains were spread with persian carpets and great cupboards of plate expos'd to view , that the pavilions of lentulus and others were cover'd with ivy ; perfect demonstrations of their luxury and confidence of victory . * which occasion'd that terrible sedition in germany , mention'd by tacitus in the first of his annals . * of these tables two were to be given to every senator ; in the one of which were written these two letters u. r. or , let it be as you ask : in the other a great roman a. they that lik'd the decree threw into a little chest for that purpose the first tablet ; they that dislik'd it the latter with the a. that is , antiquo , i deny it . the tables thus cast in were number'd , which and which , and then the difference of both sides set down in another void table in little pricks or dots : thus neither could any man recal his vote ; nor could it be known who was for or against the decree . * some think these exhortations of salust to caesar , proceeded from his believing him addicted to the epicurean sect , as cato seems to inimate in his speech against catiline . * which enacted the choice of judges from among the common people , fifteen out of every tribe . romanæ historiæ anthologia an english exposition of the romane antiquities, wherein many romane and english offices are paralleld and divers obscure phrases explained. by thomas godwyn master of arts: for the vse of abingdon schoole. goodwin, thomas, 1586 or 7-1642. 1614 approx. 531 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 110 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a01818 stc 11956 estc s103192 99838949 99838949 3342 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a01818) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 3342) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 838:04) romanæ historiæ anthologia an english exposition of the romane antiquities, wherein many romane and english offices are paralleld and divers obscure phrases explained. by thomas godwyn master of arts: for the vse of abingdon schoole. goodwin, thomas, 1586 or 7-1642. [8], 193, [19] p. printed by joseph barnes, at oxford : 1614. includes index. reproduction of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng rome -civilization -early works to 1800. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-05 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion romanae historiae anthologia . an english exposition of the romane antiqvities , wherein many romane and english offices are paralleld and divers obscure phrases explained . by thomas godwyn master of arts : for the vse of abingdon schoole . ac : ox printer's or publisher's device at oxford , printed by joseph barnes . 1614. aa venerabili et egregio viro do. francisco iames legvm doctori , curiae audientiae cantuariensis causarum & negotiorum auditori , reverendi aepiscopi bathonensis & wellensis cancellario dignissimo . qvoties mihi in mentem redeunt , redeunt autem multoties crebra illa eaque aurea tua hortamina , quibus veluti frigidâ suffusâ mihi puero in literarū stadio currenti animos feceras : toties ( vir ornatissime ) me aere tuo ita obrutum sentio , vt non facultas modò , sed & spes omnis nomen meum expungendi de tabulis tuis praecîdi videatur . novae scilicet mihi impetrandae sunt tabulae , nam de sorte acceptâ jacta est alea ; & ita jacta vt nec reliquum mihi sit quo foeneralia sim soluendo ; nisi numismata haec , quae & antiqua sunt & plumbea ( id est ) antiquitates has , in quibus vereor ne me reperias hominem ( vt cū terētio loquar ) plumbeum : sed fas sit addere ( ex eodē terentio ) antiquae fidei ; foeneraliorum vice acceperis . at quid tibi cum foeneratione ? vtpote qui foenerari beneficium non soles , sed illud pulchrè foeneratum putes quo qui accepit rectè vtitur : & quid mihi cum solutione ? qui scilicet putare debeo me novum beneficium accepisse , si hoc nostrum officium boni consulas : me devinctiorem tibi factum , si dignaberis tuo nomine ( tanquam insigni aliqua gemma ) ornare hoc meum opusculum , quo nomine non me solùm , sed inventutem omnem ( nempe antiquitatum studiosam ) plenius tibi demerêberis ; mihi si quid gratiarum à candido lectore , lectori si quid vtilitatis ex nostris lucubrationibus accrescat : hoc ille , illud ego , tibi vni acceptum feramus necesse est : nec enim quod res est diffitebor , nisi quòd ardenter cuperem insopitam nostram tui recordationem notam facere , nostrae certè antiquirates adhùc sopitae & ignotae jacuissent , nec extra privatos parietes subreptitassent . deus opt. max. dignitatem tuam quàm diutissimè servet incolumem . datum abingdoniae decimo calend . aprilis . anno. 1613. tuae dignitatis omni obsequio observantissimus thomas godwinvs . benevolo lectori , s. tria auguror potissimùm futura in hoc opusculo , quae parùm faciant ad aliquorum hominum palatum ; quae tamen singula lectorem aequum spero aequi consulturum . primò aegrè ferent quòd antiquitatis hae suo debito .i. romano destituantur nitore , & idiomatis nostri solaecis ( tanquam tot laceris pannis ) vestitae foras extrudantur : secundo insimulabunt me gravem rei literariae iniecisse plagam , nempè qui hac ratione feci , vt quivis fumiuendulus grammatista poterit in lectione ciceronis sine cortice natare , poterit gryphos antiquitatum qui passim historiarum occurrunt sine negotio solvere : tertio hoc illos male torquebit , quòd tota mea textura est adeò inconcinna & inconsona , adeò sterilis & humi serpens , adeò sanguinis & sublimitatis expers . primò velim intelligant me nō tam exuisse eas suo nitore , quàm cruisse ex tenebris , nempè transfundendo eas in linguam magis cognitam . secundò sciant me , non aliâ mente accessisse ad hoc opus quàm vt meo labore cuivis sciolo & tyrunculo , vix dum literarum studijs initiato imò pueris ad huc sub ferulâ militantibus , facilis aditu● ad adyta haec patefieret : de sterilitate quam mihi impingunt , me mihi plaudo , rectiusque nomine perspicuitatis eam dici oportere contendo ; quid emolumenti enim ex ampull●sis istiusmodi verborum prodigijs ( quibus fulminare , nullus est elementarijs qui , si velit , nequit ) emergit lectori ? praesertim tyrunculo , quem ista verborum tonitrua magis admiratione afficiunt , quàm instruunt cognitione . sed his missis , lectorem benevolum monitum velim , vt quoties antiquitates romanae , quoties antiqua aliqua lex , quoties minùs visitatae dictiones , vel dictionum significationes , quoties paraemiae ex his antiquitatibus enatae illum morantur in lectione autorum , ciceronis praecipuè ( cui prae caeteris meum erat consilium lucem inijcere ) vt indicem meum vice dictionarij consulat : vel si magis placebit , taedium quod ex gravioribus studijs obrepere solet , discutiat & exuat , lectitando has antiquitates , in quibus nihil occurrit ceratinum quod negotium cuivis facessat , nonnulla forsan quae sopitum lectoris animum everberent & exacuant magis . vale. godwine noli , pergis ? inscitè facis vulgò camoenas edere . romana spernit lingua conarisonos idiomate extrusos novo . godwine pergas , fallor ; eximiè facis doctas camoenas edere : antiqua romae verba conari doces labore iuvenes improbo . lav . hvmfredvs . in romanae historiae anthologiam , pueris ciceronis anagnostis à tho. godwine concinnatam . diversis diversa frutex animalibus idem pabula dat : radix , sus tibi , dulce sapit ; dum florem delibat apis ; roremque cicada ; et baccas , volucres ; germina , capra legit . qui ciceronis adit sinuosa volumina lector , non eadem quivis , queis saturetur , avet . lexios hic veneres mavult , suadaeque verba sequi . schemataque , & phaleras , lectaque verba sequi . ille amentatas potius mirabitur hastas , argumenta , quibus causa perempta cadit . sunt quibus antiqui ritus , quos prisca vetustas servat in archivis , perplacuëre magis . talem tu godwine tuo polyhistora libro efformare piâ sedulitate studes . nec labor incassum cedet ; tibi nempe minerval gloriaque & stabilis fama 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 erit . io. sanfordvs . a short table shewing the argument of every booke and section . lib. 1 of the romane citie . sect. 1. of the chiefe parts thereof . 2. of the generall divisions of the roman people . 2 of the romane religion , sect. 1. of certaine generall divisions of their gods. 2. of the romane priests with some particular gods. 3. of certaine collaterall appendices belonging to the romane religion ( ex . gra . ) of the romane yeare , where obiter of the cal. i●es , and nones , with certaine distinctions of the daies . secondly of their plaies where chiefly the parts of a comedy or tragedy are shewn . thirdly of their maner of taking meat . fourthly of the romane gownes and coats . fiftly of their rites in marriages and burials . 3 of the state politicall . sect. 1. of their assemblies , called comitia . 2. of their civill magistrates . 3. of all those laws , which i haue observed to be touched in tully his orations . 4 of the art military , as it was practised by the romās cap. 1. of their maner observed in establishing their leagues . 2. of the romane legion and the parts thereof 3 of the maner of besieging a city . 4. of the punishments towardes their enimies captivaetad . 5. of punishments towards the romane souldiers offending . 6. of certaine rewards after the performance of any noble exploits . the romane antiqvities expounded in english . lib. 1. sect. 1. of the chiefe parts of the citie . chap. 1. de monte palatino . romulus , and remus being ( as it is agreed vpon by most writers ) a the first founders of rome , built it at the first in b forme of a quadrangle vpon one only hill called mons palatinus , though fabius left rome , as it was first builte , with the fieldes thereof painted in the forme of a c bow , the river . tiber being the sting thereof . vpon this hill was alwaies the seate of the romane empire , which from the hill tooke the denomination of a palace : and hence d all stately buildings , which we call palaces , tooke their name , palatia . this hill had his first appellation palatinus e quasi balatinus , à balando , from the bellowing of cattell , pasturing there in former times . but in processe of time sixe other hills by severall kings of rome were added ; whereby the city , and the pomoerium , that is , the territories of the citie were enlarged : and rome was called vrbs septi-collis .i. the citie vpon seaven hils . vpon this palatine hill also stood the asylum , or sanctuarie of refuge , which romulus opened f in imitation of cadmus , who at the building of thebes was said to haue opened a sanctuarie of refuge , whither whatsoever malefactor could escape , were he bond or free , hee was not to be punished . it was much like vnto a custome of the people in the citie croton , who flying , vnto the altars of their gods , obtained the forguienesse of faults not voluntarily committed . whence these two phrases are expounded alike , ad te tanquàm ad asylum , and ad te tanquàm ad arā confugimus .i. we fly vnto thee as our only refuge . chap. 2. de monte capitolino . this hill was famous for three names : it was called capitolium , mons tarpeïus , and mons saturni . it was named saturnes hill g from the heathenish god saturne , who vouchasafed to vndertake the protection of that place . it was named the tarpeïan hill h from tarpeïa one of the vestall nuns , daughter to the chiefe-keeper of the capitoll ( this hill being the castle of defence for the whole towne . ) for this tarpeïa betrayed the capitoll into the enemies hands , bargaining to haue the golden bracelets vpon her enimies left hands for this her treason . now the enimes when they were admitted in did cast not their brace lets alone but their bucklers also vpon her , through the weight whereof she was pressed to death : vpon which occasion the whole hill was afterward called the tarpeïan mount ; but more principally a certaine rocke of that hill called tarpeïa rupes , from whence malefactours were sundry times tumbled head-long . the same hill was likewise called the capitoll , because when the foundation of a certaine temple , built in the honour of iupiter , was laid a mans head full fresh , and liuely , as if it had bin lately buryed , i yea hot bloud issuing out of it , was found there . k arnobius saith , that the name of this man being aliue was tolus , and hence from caput and tolus the whole hill was called capitolium . chap. 3. de colle quirinali . this hill being in former time called agonalis , then began to be called quirinalis , whē certaine sabines , called in latine curetes , came and inhabited there , ( truce being made betweene the romanes , & the sabines : ) though some woulde therefore haue it named quirinalis , because there was a temple erected in the honor of romulus , called also quirinus . it was called in the time of the emperours mons caballus , that is , the horse-hill , taking its denomination from two marble statues of alexander taming his horse bucephalus : which statues constantine the emperour brought to rome , and placed thē in the middest of certaine bathes , which he made vpon this hill . there do appeare in this hill three risings , or hillockes , the one being called salutaris , the other martialis , & the third latiaris . all this may be collected out of l rosinus . chap. 4. de monte coelio . this hill hath his name from a certaine m captaine of hetruria , which assisted romulus against the sabines . on this hil king tullus hostilius erected stately edifices , which for a time served as his palace : but afterward they became the chiefe counsell-house , whither the senators assembled thēselues , for the determining of state-matters : & because this curia did farre exceede all others , therefore authors many times vse this word n curia simply , without any adjunction to signifie curiam hostiliam , as if there were no other . it much resembleth our privy-coūsel-chamber in respect that none might sit there , but only senators ; whereas in the court-house , which pompey built ( being therefore called curia pōpeïa ) o other city-magistrats were admitted amongst the senators : and in curiâ iuliâ .i. the court-house which iulius made , were examined p forreigne matters , as embassages : but in curiâ hostiliâ domesticall matters only were treated of , and that only by the senators . q at this present time this hill is beautified with many christian churches , as the churches of s. steven , s. paul , and s. iohn , our saviours hospitall , &c. r it was also called mons querculanus from the abundance of oakes growing there . chap. 5. de monte esquilino . this hill was so named quasi ſ excubinus ab excubijs .i. from the night watching which romulus did vndertake vpon that , somewhat distrusting the fidelity of the sabines in the beginning of their league . in this hill there were three hillockes named cispius , oppius , and septimius . chap. 6. de monto aventino . the aventine mount tooke his name t from aventinus a certaine king of albanum , which was there buryed . vpon this hill stoode hercules his altar , and certaine temples consecrated to iuno , diana , minerva , lucina , and murcia .i. venus : whence the hill hath sometime beene called diana her hill , & mons murcius . u here were those scalae gemoniae , whither condemned persons were dragged , and so cast headlong into the river tiber downe a paire of staires . vpon x this mount remus would haue built rome , & therefore it was called remonius mons . but since it hath beene called mons rignarius , as it appeareth by plut. in the same place . it had moreover the name of the holy mount , being called in latine mons sacer . chap. 7. de monte viminali . because of the abundance of wicker twigs , which did grow vpon this hill , it was called mons viminalis , vimen signifying a twigge , or ozier . i am not ignorant that some would haue this hil to be named viminalis from iupiter vimineus , whereas iupiter himselfe was named vimineus from this hill , because he had here many altars erected in the honour of him . both this hill , and iupiter were called fagutales from sylva fagea .i. a cops of beech-trees , which did grow therevpon . vid. rosin . antiq. lib. 1. cap. 9. chap. 8. de tribus collibus adiectis . three y other hils there were , which in processe of time were added vnto the city , which partly because they were not included within the pomoerium so soone as the other , but chiefly because they were not of such note , therefore rome retained the name septi-collit .i. the city vpon 7. hils . the first of those hils was called collis hortulorum .i. the hill of gardens , so tearmed because of the many gardēs neere adjoining . z here was the cireque , or the shew-place of the strūpet flora , which made the people of rome heire to those goods which shee had gotten by prostituting her body to young gentlemen , leaving also a certaine summe of mony to procure a celebration of her birth-day : which because of her infamie the people shaming to doe , they feined her to be the goddesse of flowers , and that shee must first be appeased by sports , and plaies performed in the honour of her , before the trees and fruits of the earth would prosper . the second was called ianiculus from ianus that two-faced god : who , as writers testifie , was there buried . it did lie beyond the river tiber , and now hath changed its name , being called from the yellow sands mons aureus , and through negligence of the printer , montorius .i. the goldē mountaine . the third was famous for the many divinations , and prophecies vttered vpon it , and thence was it named vaticanus from vaticinium , a foretelling . a it is at this time famous for a library in it , called bibliotheca vaticana . chap. 9. de foro romane . forum hath diverse acceptions : sometimes it is taken for a place of negociation , or marchandising , which we call a market-place ; and being taken in this sense it hath commonly some adiectiue ioined with it , as forum boarium , the beast-market , forum piscarium , the fish-market , olitorium forum , the hearb-market . other times it is taken for any place , wheresoever the chiefe governour of a province doth cōvocate his people togither , there to giue iudgement according to the course in law : whence a man is said forum agere , b when he keepeth the assises , and forum indicere , when he appointeth the place , where the assises shal be kept . thirdly it is taken for a place , where controversies in law are iudicially determined , and orations are had vnto the people . and of this sort there were c fix distinct forums : one called forum iulium , because it was built by iulius caesar . a secōd was added by octavius augustus , called therefore augusti forum . the third forum was founded by domitian the emperour : but by reason of his suddaine death nerva had the finishing thereof . it had the name of forum transitorium , the transitorie forum , because there was transitus .i. a way or passage through it into three severall market places . a fourth was added by the emperour traianus , wherein was erected a stately columne or pillar 140 cubites high , having all the noble exploits performed by traianus engraven in it . another was called salustij forum , because salust bought it with diverse gardens adioyning , which since haue beene called horti salustini . the last forum , which indeed was first built , and in all respects excelled the rest , was called forum romanum , and forum vetus , or by way of excellēcy the forum , as if there were no other forum . where we must vnderstand , that as often as forum is vsed in this latter sense , namely for a pleading place , it is so vsed figuratiuely , by the figure synecdoche : for in truth the pleading place , wherein orations were had , was but one part of the forum romanum , namely that chappell , or great building , which they called rostra . d round about this forum romanum were built certaine trades-mens shoppes , which they tearmed tabernae ; and also other stately buildings called basilicae pauli . here was the comitium , or hall of iustice ; the rostra , .i. the orators pulpit ; saturnes sanctuary , or the common treasure house ; and castors temple : of all which in their order . chap. 10. de basilicis . basilicae were vpper buildings of great state and much cost , being supported with pilae .i. flat . sided pillars ; & hauing vnderneath them walkes , much resembling our cloisters , saving that the i●tercolumnia , or space betweene the pillars lay open vnto the very grond . that they were vpper buildings may be collected by the custom of many men , which were wont to walke vnder these basilicall buildings , and therefore were called subbasilicani by plautus . the vse of these were principally for the e iudges to sit in judgement : but in their absence it was lawfull for marchants to deale in their businesses . those of chiefe note were three , thus named , pauli , porcia , and iulia. chap. 11. de comitio . comitium f was a part of the forum romanum , being a great large hall of iustice , which for a long time was open at the top having no covering , and for that reason the assemblies were often dissolved in rainy , or vnseasonable weather . in it stood the tribunal , being a place erected vp on high in forme of our pulpits , but many degrees larger , & in the midst therof the sella curulis .i. the ivory chaire , frō whence the chiefe magistrate administred iustice ; other inferior magistrats fitting on bēches on each side , which were called subsellia , because they were lower thē the tribunal . those which sate vpon these benches had power cognoscere , but not pronuntiare ; much like to our iustices at the assises , which may examine or informe against a malefactor , but not condemne him . where wee may obserue the difference betweene comitium , signifying such an edifice , or building , and comitia , signifying the roman assemblies : both being so called à coeundo . g in this hal did stand an altar , vpon which the iudges laying their hands , did take their oath to administer iustice without partiality . it was called puteal libonis . chap. 12 de rostris . next to the comitium stood the rostra , a goodly faire edifice in manner of the bodie of a cathedrall church . in it stood an orators pulpit deckt & beautified with the stemmes of many ships , which they got frō the people of antium in a memorable battle vpon sea : and h hence from those ship-beakes called in latine rostra , hath this place taken his name . it may bee englished the great oratory , or place of common plea. chap. 13. de templo castoris . another part of the forum was a sanctuarie built in the honour of castor , and pollux : the i reason thereof was because they appeared vnto the romans in the latine warre in the likenesse of two angels sent from heaven to lead the roman army , and to assist the romans against the latines : who being vanquished , they suddenly were departed out of the field , none knowing how , & even in the same moment they appeared vpon their sweating horses vnto the roman citizens in the forum , who taking them for souldiers demanded what newes they brought home from the campe : they replyed that the romans were conquerours : which newes being delivered , they suddenly vanished , and were seene no more . vpon this occasion did a. posthumius being at that time dictator , build a temple in that place of the forum , where they were seen in honour of them both . although in the after ages it had the name only of castors temple ; whence arose the ieast of m. bibulus against his fellow consul iulius caesar , saying that it fared with him , as it did with pollux ; .i. as this temple which was erected in the honour of both the brethren , caried the name only of castors temple ; so the great expēces in exhibiting shewes in the time of their consulshippe though they went deeper on bibulus his side , yet caesar caried away all the thankes , and credit . insomuch that the people being wont to subscribe the names of both consuls at the end of their deeds , and charters , for a remembrance of the yeare ; that yeare they wrote , such a thing done not bibulus , and caesar , but iulius and caesar being consuls . chap. 14. de aede saturni . saturnes sanctuarie k was the common treasure house , wherein the subsidie mony which the commons payd vnto the treasurers called quaestores , was to bee laid vp : whereof divers men coniecture diversly . alexander neop . l saith , that saturne found out the vse of brasen mony : and therefore this temple might be thought the fittest place for the treasurie . plutarch thinketh rather that the making of the treasurie in that place did allude to the integrity of the time , wherein saturne raigned , being the worlds golden age . m but the most receaued opinion is the strēgth of the place , whereby it was the safer from theeues . this temple by reason of the vse it was put vnto , was called aerarium from aes .i. brasse : which name now is common to all treasure houses ; for that the first mony vsed by the romans was of that metall , vntill the yeare of rome 485 ( as pliny witnesseth lib. 3. cap. 33. ) n some are of opinion , that before the vse of brasse they made money of leather : whence numa pompilius is said to haue given leather mony in a dole vnto the people . touching their order observed in the treasury , wee must vnderstand that their care in providing against suddaine dangers was such , that they laid aside the twentieth part of their receits , which they o called aurum vicesimarium , incensimarium , and cimiliarchiū , into an inner chamber , or more sacred roome , named in latine aerarium sanctius . p wee may read also of a third treasury called aerarium militare , wherein augustus had appointed that the twentieth part of certaine legacies should be laid vp to defray charges in extraordinary wars : where it lay so priviledged , that it was a capitall crime to vse any of it , but in extreame , and desperate necessitie . notwithstanding howsoever it was vsed as a treasure house , q yet divers authors testifie that the acts of their senate , the books of records , together with such bookes , as were for their immeasurable bignes called libri elephantini , wherein all the names of their citizens were registred , and also their militarie ensignes , were contained there . r and from those statute books called tabulae publicae , this treasury was also called tabularium , because they were laid vp there . chap. 15. de campo scelerato . campus sceleratus , the field of executiō , ſ lying withing the city , ioined to the gate collina . it was the place , where the vestall nuns , if they were deflowred , suffered punishment after this manner . there t was made a vault vnder the earth with an hole left opē aboue , whereby one might go downe ; and within it there was a little couch with a burning lampe , and a few victuals : whither the defiled votary was to be brought through the market place in a litter so closed vp with thicke leather , that her mournings might not be heard to the moving of pity . shee being thus brought to the place of execution , was let downe by a ladder into the hollow caue , and the hole presently stopped . and the reason why they suffered such a kinde of death , was because they thought it not fit ; that shee should be burnt with fire , which kept not the sacred fire with greater sanctity . and it was thought vnlawfull to punish them by laying violent hands on them , because they had in former time served in so holy a function . chap. 16. de campo martio . the u campus martius , otherwise called tiberinus , because it was neere the river tiber was given vnto the romane people by caïa tarratia , a vestall virgin : but tarquinius superbus the last king of rome did take it from the people , converting it to his own private vse : in so much that he sowed corne there , which , when he was deposed , the romanes did cast into the river tiber , iudging it vnfit that any man should reape any commodity from so holy a ground . in processe of time the sheaues of corn being stopped in a shallow foard of the river , became firme ground , and was called the holy iland , or aesculapius his iland . and presently after the expulsion of tarquinius , this campus martius was restored vnto its former vse . beside the naturall pleasantnesse of the place it selfe , it was beautified with many ornaments brought out of the capitol ( the capitoll being too ful ) as likewise with divers images of well deserving men . hither did the younger sort of romanes come to exercise al matters of chivaldry , namely the horse-race , the foot-race , wrestling , fencing , vaulting , casting the bowle , the sledge , the dart , vsing the sling , the bow , with such like : & vpon this occasion it was dedicated to mars , and called by strabo , the romanes great schoole of defence . in this field were men of best note burned , when they died . here were the kings , & other magistrates at first created . in this x field of mars also was a place at first railed , like a sheepe-pen , called therfore ovilia , or septa ; but afterwards it was mounted with marble-stone , beautified with stately walkes , and galleries , and also with a tribunall , or seate of iustice , within which precinct the people often times assembled to giue their suffrages toward the election of magistrates . the meanes of ascending vp vnto these ovilia was not by staires , but by many bridges made for that time ; every parish in the assembly of parishes , and every tribe , or ward in the assembly of the tribes , and every hundred in the assembly of cēturies having his bridge : whence this proverbe was occasioned , de ponte deijciendus .i. he is to be barred from giving his voice , y these bridges were not made over any river , but over the dry land : whence men were said to be cast , non vt periclitarentur de vita , sed ne suffragarentur in comitijs . chap. 17. de circo maximo . amongst other places where the romanes exhibited their plaies vnto the people , the most remarkeable was the great circque , or shew-place , called in latine circus maximus . it was a large peece of ground , lying neere that part of the aventine mount , where dianaes tēple stood . it was built by tarquinius priscus with diverse galleries round about it , from whence the senators , & gentlemen of the city did behold the running with great horses at lists , the fire-workes , tumbling , the baiting , and chasing of wilde beasts , &c. in former time all did stand on the ground , being sheltred frō the raine by the helpe of boards vpheld with forkes in manner of house-pentices : and this custome continued vntill the aforesaid tarquinius erected those galleries , called fori , making thirty distinctious of them , allotting every ward or company their severall quarters all the seats being able to containe one hundred fiftie thousand parties . z vnder these places were cels , or vaults , where women did prostitute their bodies , and would buy stolne goods , and for this reason horace calleth it fallacem circum .i. the deceitfull shew-place . there was at the one end of the circque certaine barriers .i. places barred , or railed in , at which place the horses began the race ; and at the other end was the marke , whether the horses ran : it was called in latin meta , and the barriers carceres , à coercēdo . whence wee say à carceribus ad metam .i. from the beginning to the ending . chap. 18. de theatro . the theatre a hath his name from the greeke verbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 .i. to behold : because the people flocked thither to behold plaies , and shewes exhibited to them . the custome b first sprang from sheep-heards , who leading a contemplatiue life , were wont to compose dialogues in meetre , and at their leasure to recite them vnder the trees pressed downe in forme of an arbour ; whence this theatrall tearme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath beene derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a shadow . but afterward learned poets composed comedies , and tragedies , which were publikely acted in the city vpon a stage : and although at the first it was counted infamous to frequent them , yet afterward the senators themselues , yea the emperour , and all the chiefe of rome assembled thither . c neither for a long continuance were there any seats built , but commons and nobles promiscuously one with another all stood on the ground ; insomuch that those which stood behind , raised vp places with turfes of earth , which gaue the people occasion to call the place between those turfes , and the scaffold cavea , .i. a caue , or den : yea sometimes the people that stood there were so called from the place . though the theatre be now taken only for the stage , yet then by it was vnderstood all the whole roome , where these plaies were acted : and it had diverse parts , some proper to the actors , some to the spectators . to the actors belonged first the prosceniū .i. the house , whence the players came , where they apparelled themselues , though sometimes it is taken for the scaffold , or stage it selfe : secondly the pulpitum , that is , the stage , or scaffold vpon which they acted : and thirdly the scena , that is , the d partition , which was commonly made of wood not of hangings . now that they might change their scene according to their pleasure , they made it either e versatilem .i. so that with engines it might vpō the sudden be turned round , and so bring the pictures of the other side into outward appearance : or otherwise ductilem .i. so that by the drawing aside of some wainscot shuttles ( which before did hide the inwarde painting ) a newe partition might seeme to be put vp . and as i thinke , because those sheepe-heards did act no more at a time , then one of our scenes , hence haue we distinguished our playes into so many parts which wee call scenes . the places which were proper to the spectators were distinguished according to their degree and place : for the remotest benches were for the cōmons , & called popularia ; the next for the knights , & gentlemen of rome , called therefore equestria ; the others , wherein the senators did sit , were built betweene the eguestria , and the stage in manner of a triangle , or a wedge sharpe towarde the stage and broad behinde , by reason whereof those seates were sometimes called cunei , but more commonly orchestra : f this may be collected out of lipsius . there was also another scaffold built quite round , made as it were of two theatres ioined togither ; it was called amphi-theatrum , & differed from the theatre g only as the full moone doth from the halfe , or a compleate rundle from a semi-circle . vpon this kinde of scaffold , did the masters of fēce play their prizes . the area , or plot of groūd , wherein these scaffolds did stand , was called cavea , for the reason aboue-mentioned : & it was also called arena , which signifieth sand , or gravell , h because the ground was covered with sand , that the fencers , if any of them by chance fel of the stage , might not hurt themselues . and this gaue occasion of our latine phrase , in arenam descendere .i. to goe into the field . chap. 19. de pistrino . there remaineth another place yet to bee spoken of , whereof there is frequent mentiō in comical authors . it much resembleth our bridewell , or place of correction , being called in latin pistrinum à pinsendo , from pounding . for before the vse of mils was knowne the romanes did pound their corne in a greate mortar , calling the place where they pounded it , pistrinū . wherevpon our hand-mil hath retained the same name to this day : & because of the great paines that men did suffer in pounding , hence grew a custome among them , that when a servant had offended , his master would menace him in this manner , in pistrinum te dedam , i will cast thee into bride-well . chap. 20. moreover for the better vnderstanding of classicall autors , it will not bee impertinent to point at the generall names , by which their religious places were called : and to declare the proper acception of each name . the names being these , templum , fanum , delubrū , aedes sacra , pulvinar , sacrarium , lucus , scrobiculum , ara , altare , focus . de templo . this word templum doth sometime signifie those i space , and regions in the ayre , and earth , which the augures did quarter out with their crooked staffe at their sooth-saying . it doth seldome signifie the heaven , & most commonly it doth signifie a church , or temple : in which sense as often as it is vsed , it is said à k templando , from beholding ; because when we bee in the church , by lifting vp our hearts by a divine contemplation , wee doe , as it were behold the great maiestie of god. de fano . it is also called fanum à fando , from speaking : not from the speaking of the priest ; but because the people do there speake vnto god , and god againe to the people . de delubro . thirdly , a church was called delubrum synechdochic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because it was the principall part of the church , namely the place where their idoll god stood ; and it was called delubrum from deus : l as we call the place , where the candle is put , candelabrum from candela . as concerning the outward forme of the churches , some were vncovered , because they counted it an hainous matter to see those gods confined vnder a roofe , whose doing good consisted in being abroad ; other-some covered , some round , some otherwise : but within they much resembled our great churches . they had their pronäon , or church-porch , whereabouts they were wont to haue the image of the beast sphinx , which was so famous for his obscure riddles : so that by this image was signifyed , that the oracles of the gods which were treated of within the church were dark and mystical . they had certaine walkes on each side of the body of the church , which they called ●●rticus : & in these places it was lawfull for them to marchandise , make bargaines , or conferre of any worldly businesse ; as likewise in the basilica , or bodie it selfe . but their quire called chorus , was counted a more holy place , set apart onely for divine service . the manner of hallowing it , was as followeth . m when the place where the temple should be built , had beene appointed by the augurs ( which appointing , or determining the place they called effari templa , and sistere fana ) then did the party , which formerly in time of neede vpon condition of helpe from the gods had vowed a temple , call togither the aruspices , which should direct him in what forme the temple should be built : which being knowne certaine ribbands , and fillets were drawne about the area , or plat of ground with flowers , & garlands strowed vnderneath , as it was probable to distinguish the limits of this ground now to bee hallowed . then certaine souldiers marched in with boughes in their hands , & after followed vestall nunnes leading young boyes , & maides in their hands , who sprinkled the place with holy water . after this followed the praetor , some pōtifie going before , who after the area had beene purged by leading round about it a sow , a ramme , and a bull , sacrificed them , & their entrals being laid vpon a turfe , the praetor offered vp praiers vnto the gods , that they would blesse those holy places , which good mē intended to dedicate vnto them . this being done the praetor touched certaine ropes , wherewith a great stone being the first of the foundation was tyed : together with that other chiefe magistrates , priests , and all sorts of people did helpe to pluck that stone , & let it down into its place , casting in wedges of gold , and silver , which had never beene purified , or tryed in the fire . these ceremonies being ended , the aruspex pronounced with a loud voice , saying , nè temeretur opus , saxo , auróue in aliud destinato . .i. let not this worke bee vnhallowed by converting this stone , or gold into any other vse . de aede sacrâ . fourthly , a church was called aedes sacra , an holy house , because of the sacrifices , prayers , and other holy exercises performed therein . although ( as gellius hath long since observed ) every holy house was not a church . for the proper note of distinction betweene a church , and a religious house was this : that a church beside that it was dedicated vnto some god , it was also hallowed by the augures , without which hallowing the edifice was not called a church , but a religious house : of which sort was the vestall nunnerie , and the common treasurie , called aedes saturni . wee may adde herevnto this word pulvinar , n which doth often signifie a church : the reason being taken from a custome amongst the painims , who were wont in their churches to make certaine beds in the honour of their gods , and those beds they called pulvinaria from pulvis , because they were filled with dust or chaffe . de sacrario . sometimes o sacrariū signifieth a temple , though properly it signifieth a sextry or vestry , nempe p sacrorum repositorium . de lucis . neere vnto diverse temples stood certaine groues dedicated to some of the gods : they were called in latine luci à non lucendo , as diverse say , by the figure antiphrasis . but others are of a contrary opinion , giving it that name , because of the exceeding light it had in the night time by reason of the sacrifices there burnt . de scrobiculo , arâ , & altari . the places vpon which they sacrificed either in their religious houses , or their groues , were of three sorts , which we in english tearme altars ; but the romans distinguished them by three severall names , scrobiculus , ara , and altare . de scrobiculo . q scrobiculus was a furrow , or pit containing an altar in it , into which they poured downe the bloud of the beast slaine , togither with milke , hony , and wine , when they sacrificed vnto an infernall god. de arâ . the second kind of altar was called ara , either ab ardendo , because their sacrifices were burned vpon it : or from their imprecations vsed at that time , which in greeke they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . it was made foure-square , not very high from the ground , or as some say , close to the ground : and vpon this they sacrificed vnto the terrestriall gods , laying a turffe of grasse on the altar : and this gaue virgil occasion to call them r aras gramineas .i. grassie altars . de altari . the third sort was called altare , either because it was exalted , and lifted vp somewhat high from the ground ; or because he that sacrificed ( by reason the altar was so high ) was constrained to lift vp his hands in altum , on high : ſ and vpon this they sacrificed vnto their celestiall gods only . de foco. focus is a generall name , signifying any of these altars , so called à fovendo : because as servius hath observed , that is properly focus , quicquid fovet ignem , sive ara sit , sive quicquid aliud , in quo ignis fovetur . lib. 1. sect. 2. the generall divisions of the romane people . chap. 1. de populo romano , & eius primâ divisione . thus having premised a short treatise concerning the first situatiō of rome , and the most remarkeable parts thereof , i purpose to proceed to the inhabitants , which antiquity hath stiled citizēs of rome . and erasmus rather describing a romane , then defining him , saith , a romane was graue in his conversation , severe in his iudgement , constant in his purpose : whence cicero in his epistles oftē vseth this phrase , more romano , for ex animo .i. vnfainedly . a sigonius rendring the definition of a romane citizen , averreth that no man is lege optimâ .i. in full and compleate manner a citizen of rome , but he which hath his habitation there , which is incorporated into a tribe , and which is made capeable of city prefermēts . by the first particle those which they terme municipes ; by the second those which they cal inquilini ; & by the third those which they call libertini are in a manner disfranchised . but whereas sigonius saith that they must haue their habitation at rome , he would not be so vnderstood , as if a romane citizen might not remoue his habitation to any other country : for saith he a romane citizen may be as long absent from rome , and the fields belonging to rome , as he please , so that hee suffer himselfe to be sessed and taxed in common with others toward the subsidy paiments , & denieth to be incorporate into another city . for t. pomponius was a true citizen of rome , though he dwelt at athens . the romane citizens being by these priviledges as by a more proper & peculiar character distinguished from other people ; and being planted in the city according to the appointment of romulus their king , it seemed good vnto him to divide them into b tribes , not taking the note of distinstion onely from the divers places they then inhabited , as we read that servius the sixth king of rome did , making therefore fowre tribes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , locall , namely suburanam , palatinam , collinam , and esquilinam ( which number of locall tribes in processe of time encreased vnto the number of 35 : ) but dividing them according to the severall natiōs , which at the first were donati civitate .i. made free denizens of rome : ( and they being in number thre . 1. the sabines , which were named tatienses , from their king tatius : 2. the albanes , called rhamnenses from romulus . 3. other nations promiscuously flocking out of other countries to the romane asylum placed in a groue called in latin lucus , which gaue romulus occasion to name thē luceres ) he made in all three tribes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or nationall . after that romulus had thus devided the whole body of the romanes into three tribes , he then subdivided each tribe into tenne lesser numbers , which he called curiae , or parishes : & then followed fiue other divisions in respect of their different degrees , and callings : of which in their severall order . chap. 2. de primâ divisione romanorum in senatores , sive patres , patricios , sive patronos , & plebeï , sivè clientes . the first division of the romans in respect of their degree , and place was this . the elder , wealthier , & gravest sort of romanes , were called sometimes patricij , either because of their age , and gravity ; or because they had many childrē ( for great priviledges were granted vnto fathers of three children : ) & sometimes patroni , because they were as patrons , and fathers in helping and assisting the causes of the common people seeking to them . the younger , poorer , and simpler sort were called , as they had relation to the patricij , plebeij .i. the commons ; as they had relation to their patrons , they were named clientes .i. clients . betweene whom c there was such a mutuall , and reciprocal entercourse of loue , and duty , that as their patrons were ready to protect their clients , so the clients were bound with all faithfulnesse to cleaue vnto their patrons : and that not only to credit them with their attendance in publike assemblies , but to disburse out of their owne purses towards the bestowing of their daughters , the paying of publike mulcts , the giving of largesses in suing for offices , &c. neither was it lawfull for either of thē to enforme , to depose , to giue their voices , or to side with adversaries one against another without the guilt of treasō : for which crime of treason they were dijs inferis devoti .i. cursed to hell , and the law gaue liberty for any man to kil them . out of the patricij did romulus elect 100. counsellers to assist him in determining matters concerning the cōmō-weale : to these did romulus after adde another 100. and tarquinius priscus , as diverse authors testifie , made them a cōpleat 300. which they called patres , or senatores , & their sonnes patricij . but in processe of time the commons also were eligible into a senators place . some say that tarquinius priscus added the second hundred to the senate out of the commons , d who were called senatores minorū gentium .i. senators of the lower house . brutus added the last 100. & made them 300 : at what time they began to be called patres conscripti . and this accordeth with ioannes rosa in his epitome of the romane history , in his chapter de regibus romanis : where he saith , that tarquinius priscus did double the number of the senators : and likewise e alexander neop . saith , that brutus made them a compleat 300. chap. 3. de secundâ divisione romanorum in tres ordines , senatorium , equestrem , popularem , seu plebeium . after that through tarquinius superbus his tyranny , the very name of a king became odious to the romanes , not only the present king was exiled , but the authority of a king ever afterward detested , and perpetually abrogated : so that the office , which was before monarchicall then was divided betweene two , called cōsuls ; neither were they admitted for any longer space then one yeere . at which time of change , the romanes were divided into three orders , or ranges , 1. into senators , of whom before . 2. into gentlemen , called of the romanes ordo equestris : by which we doe not vnderstand those 300. celeres .i. pensioners , called sometimes equites , for that was a place of service , this a title and token of gentility . who although they were inferiour to the chiefe senate , yet they were of greate esteeme among the romanes : and although they might not weare the same robe as the senators did , namely the laticlavium , or garment bestudded with flowrishings of purple silke in manner of broad naile heads ; f yet they might weare the angusti-clavium , a garmēt differing from the former only in this , because the purple studdes , wherewith it was purfled was narrower , and not so large as the lati-clavium . they also at the time of their election received from the censors an horse , called by them equus publicus , because of the yeerely allowance out of the common treasury to keepe him : it was also called equus militaris , because of their service in warre ( g they having their horses kept as well in peace , as warre . ) they received also a gold-ring , h whereby they were distinguished from the populacie : for it was not lawfull for any to weare a gold-ring vnder the degree of a senator , or a gentleman . the estimation and value of a senators estate i vntill augustus his time was octingenta sestertia , that is , 6000l. k of a gentlemans estate it was quadringenta sestertia , that is , of our english mony 3000l. 3. the third order , or degree in the romane common-wealth was populus , the populacy , or commons , which should exercise trading , manure the ground , looke vnto the cattell , &c. where by the way we must vnderstād that the baser sort of the romanes , which did wander vp & downe to and fro , not setling themselues to any vocation , were not contained within this division : for vnto them there was no name vouchsafed : but according to the poet they were sine nomine turba ; or as livy saith , ignota capita , men of no account , and therefore of no name . chap. 4. de tertiâ divisione in nobiles , novos , & ignobiles . this division was taken from the right or priviledge of having images ; for they were accounted noblemen , which had the images of their predecessors : those which had their owne images only were called novi .i. late-coyned nobles or vpstarts . salust vseth this word often in the disgrace of tully calling him novum & reptitium civem , one that lately crept into the city . the thirde sort called ignobiles were those that had no images , neither of their predecessors , nor of thēselues . before we proceede , we must vnderstand , that it was not lawful for who would to haue his owne image , if he so desired ; for none might be thus priviledged , but those alone to whō the right of riding in a curule chaire belonged ; & to these the right of images was permitted , as wel for the credit of their house , as to incite others to the like atchieuements , when they would consider the diverse ceremonies vsed vnto these images in an honourable remembrance of those whom they did represent . whence it followeth , that ius nobilitatis is nothing else but ius imaginis ; insomuch that this word l imago doth oftentimes signifie nobilitie : and the right of having images with them , was the same as the right of having arms with vs. m the superstitious cōceit which the romans had of these images was such , that vpon festivall daies & all occasions of ioy and mirth , those images should bee beautified and adorned with garlands and flowers ; vpon occasions of griefe and mourning they would take from them all their ornaments , making them in a manner to partake of their mourning . some they kept in their private closets , n others they exposed to the publike view of passengers , placing them in the gates of their houses together with the swords , targets , helmets , ship-beakes , and such other spoiles as formerly they had taken from their enimies ; which it was not lawfull for any though they bought the house so much as to deface . chap. 5. de quarta divisione romanorum in optimates , & populares . this fourth division of the romans hath beene occasioned through the faction & siding of the citizens . those ( according to the description of o tully ) were optimates .i. the best citizens , who desired their actions might be liked , and approved by the better sort . those populares . .i. popular , who through a desire of vaine-glory , would not so much consider , what was most right , as what should be most pleasing vnto the populacy . so that here by this word popular wee vnderstand not the commons , as formerly we did , p but be he senator , gentleman , or inferiour , if he doe more desire that which shall bee applauded by the maior part , then that which shal be approved by the better part , him the romanes called popular .i. such a one , that preferreth the popular applause before the right . chap. 6. de quintâ , & vltimâ divisione romanorum , in libertos , libertinos , & ingenuos : item de manumissione . the difference of freedomes in the citie of rome hath given occasion of this division : for he , or she that had served as an apprentice , and afterward was manumized , was named libertus , or liberta . the sonne whose father , & mother were once apprentices , was called libertinus : but that sonne whose father and mother were both libertines , or both free-borne , q yea whose mother onely was free , was called ingenuus .i. free-borne . but after appius coecus his censor-ship , then began liberti , & libertini to signifie one , and the same degree of freedome : so that liberti , and libertini were taken for those which served for their freedome , and ingenui were taken for those which were free-borne , whether their parents were liberti , or libertini . here is occasion given vs to consider the maner of their freedome , and such ceremonies which belonged therevnto . the freedome of the city of rome was three waies obtained : first by birth , both or at least one of the parents being free , and such were called cives originarij . secondly by gift , or cooptation , when the freedome was bestowed vpon any stranger , or nation , and they were termed civitate donati : and so wee read that caesar did take in whole nations into the freedome . lastly by manumission , which was thus ; when as the servant was presented by his master before the consull , or praetor , the master laying his hand vpon the servants head , vsed this forme of words , hunc liberum esse volo , and with that turning his servant round , and giving him a cuffe on the eare , hee did emittere servum è manu : the praetor then laying a certaine rodde or wand called r vindicta vpon the servants head , replyed in this manner , dico eum liberum esse more quiritum . thē the l●ctor or seriant taking the wand did therewith strike the servant on the head , and with his hand bee stroke him on the face , and gaue him a push in the backe , and after this hee was registred for a free-man . moreover the servant hauing his head shaven purposely at that time receaued a cap , as a token of libertie : whence ad pileum vocare aliquem , is , to set one at libertie , as likewise vindictâ liberare . here we may also consider the two severall kinds of servants : the first were called servi , and they could never attaine to any freedome without the consent of their master : ſ for those that were thus servi were commonly captiues , either bestowed as a reward vpon this , or that souldier , or bought sub coronâ , or of other citizens , which had gotten them one of those two former waies . the second were called properly t nexi & addicti , because though they were free , yet by reason of their debt , addicebantur , that is , they were delivered vp vnto their creditors by the praetor to worke out the debt , so that after the payment thereof either by mony or worke , they did recover their libertie : whence they were said u nomina sua liberare , whē they paid the debt : as on the contrary they were said , nomina facere , when they came in debt . and their creditors when they sued for the payment were said nomina exigere : nomen in these and the like places signifying as much as debitum a debt , x because the creditors did vse to write downe their debters names . lib. 2. sect. 1. the generall divisions of the romane gods. chap. 1. de dijs . though satan had much blinded the hearts of men in old time , yet was not the darknesse of their vnderstanding so great , but that they did easily perceiue , and therefore willingly acknowledge , that there was some supreame governour , some first mover , as aristot . saith : some first original of all goodnesse , as plato teacheth . so that if any made this question , whether there was a god , or no ? he should be vrged to confesse the truth of that rather argumento bacillino , quàm aristotelico , rather with a good cudgell , then with any long dispute . but as they were most certaine , that there was a god , so were they againe very blinde in discerning the true god : and hence hath bin invented such a tedious catalogue of gods , that as varro averreth , their number hath exceeded thirty thousand , and proved almost numberlesse . wherefore i shall omit to make any distinct treatise of the gods , intending obiter , and by the way to speake of them , which either had priests , or sacrifices instituted for them . only i purpose to shew what is vnderstood by those generall distinctions of the gods , which diverse authors haue vsed . tully lib. 2. de legibus reduceth all vnto three heads , gods celestial , which varro calleth select , and others haue styled gods maiorum gentium .i. of the greater nations , because their power was greater then the others . a alexander neapolitanus saith , that twelue of these were the penates , which aeneas did take forth with him at the destruction of troy. ovid calleth them deos nobiles , noble gods : others call thē deos consentes , quasi consentientes , because iupiter would do nothing without the consent of all . ennius hath delivered them in this distich , iuno , vesta , minerva , ceres , diana , venus , mars , mercurius , iovis , neptunus , vulcanus , apollo . the second sort of gods were called semidei .i. demigods : b also indigites .i. gods adopted , or canonized ; men deified . for as the select gods had possession of heaven by their owne right ; so these gods canonized had it no otherwise then by right of donation , being therefore translated into heaven , because they lived as gods vpō earth : but because their merit was inferior , and could not parallel the deserts of the gods select , therefore were they called gods of inferior note . c servius would haue these called divi ; observing this difference betweene dij & divi , that dij should signifie those which had bin gods perpetually , but divi should signifie men made gods , though commonly they are vsed one for another . whence they called all their emperours divi , because for their deserts they thought them worthy to be gods. now the d manner how a man became deified was this : the party to be canonized being dead , a pile of wood was made in forme of a great tent , or tabernacle , with three other lesser tabernacles one vpon top of another , the lower-most having in it dry combustible matter , but in the out-side adorned richly with gold , ivory , & painted tables : vpon the top of which was placed an eagle made of some light matter , as paper , or thin wood . hither the dead corps was to be caryed with great solemnities ; the senate , the gentlemen , and al the chiefe magistrats going before , with hymnes and songs , and al kinde of honor , which was to be performed even to the gods themselues . he being in this manner brought , and laide within the second tabernacle , the fire was kindled , by reason of the smoake and vapor whereof the eagle was carryed vp into the aire , and , as the romanes thought , it did transport the soule of the dead body into heaven , in so much that ever after he was canonized amongst the gods , and worshipped as a god. and because they were thus turned into gods , some haue called them deos animales , e quoniam animae humanae verterentur in deos. the third sort were those morall vertues , by which as by a ladder men clymed into heaven : and therefore did men stile them gods , because by their meanes men became deified . late writers perceiving that all the number of the gods could not bee reduced vnto these three heads , haue added a fourth sort , which they f call semones , quasi semi-homines , because ancient writers , as rosinus hath obserued , called men hemones , not homines . in which point i shall willingly condescend vnto him ; but i shall leaue to the iudgement of others , to determin how iustly he hath restrained the gods minorum gentium of the lesser nations , only vnto this last classis : whereas my opinion is , that the demigods , the morall vertues which haue beene stiled gods , and these semones , may all of them bee called gods of the lesser nations , standing in opposition with the gods select , which are called gods of the greater nations . but that we may vnderstand what is meant by these semones , we must remember , that by them are signified vnto vs not those gods , which doe appertaine to man himselfe , but to the necessaries of mans living , his victuals , his cloathing , and the like : not to the being of a man , but to the well being of him , of which sort is salus , fortuna , with others . we read likewise of other names given in cōmon to diverse gods , not as opposite members of a division , but as notes of distinction drawne from the diversity of helpe , which they severally did afford vnto man. in this espect some were called dij patrij , or tutelares , such as had vndertaken the protection of any citie , or towne : which opinion hath sometimes beene entertained by our english-men , and thence haue risen these , and the like speeches s. george for england , s. denys for france , s. patricke for ireland , &c. and the romans being fully perswaded of the truth thereof , whensoever they went about to beseege any towne , by certaine enchantments , or spels they would first call out these tutelar gods ; because they deemed it a matter impossible to captivate the citie , as long as these gods were within ; or at least they thought it a crime vnexpiable to take the gods as prisoners . and least other nations might vse the same meanes in beseeging rome , therfore , g as diverse authors haue thought , the true name of the romane citie was never knowne , least thereby the name of their tutelar god might bee descryed . others namely the tyrians haue tied fast their god hercules with a golden chaine , thereby the more to secure themselues of his residence among them . h others haue beene called dij communes , namely mars , bellona , and victoria , because in time of war they are not bound to either side : but sometimes they helpe one side , and sometimes the other . and as they supposed some gods to haue the protection of whole countries , so did they beleeue that others had the charge of particular men ; and that so soone as any man was borne two spirits did presently accōpany him invisibly , the one tearmed the bonus genius , or good angell , perswading him to that which should be good : the other called the malus genius , or evill angell , tempting him to that which should be hurtfull : insomuch that they thought all the actions of man to be guided by these angels called genij , so that if any misfortune befell a man , they would say that the matter was enterprised dijs iratis .i. our genius being displeased with vs. virgil calleth these bad angels manes , as it appeareth by that , quisque suos patimur manes , .i. every man hath his evil angell .i. some misfortune . they are therefore called genij , because they haue tuition of vs so soone , as we are geniti .i. borne , although every place had also his genius , as hereafter shall appeare . this opinion was the more confirmed by a vision which appeared vnto i brutus in asia neere vnto the time of his death : for brutus , watching vpon a certaine night in his pavillion , the candle being nere spent , saw a fierce tragical person appeare vnto him , somewhat bigger then a man , and hee presently being of an vndaunted spirit , demanded whether he were a god , or a man ? to whom the vision answered , brutus , i am thy evill genius , which haunteth thee , thou shalt see me at the citie philippi againe . and the same vision appeared vnto him , as he was fighting at philippi : which was the last fight that ever he fought . and because that iuno was wont to be invocated in time of child-birth , therefore many haue thought that every man hath not his two angels , but one angell , and iuno to obserue him . this genius , as often as he is vnderstood for the good or evil angel which hath charge of a mans body , is painted in forme of a man , as we read he did appeare to brutus ; though some time he is painted as a young boy , sometime as an old decrepite man , k but alwaies with a crowne of plane-tree , which therefore was called genialis arbor . in the right hand he held a platter over an altar garnished with flowers . in the left he held a scourge hanging downe . the sacrifice that was performed vnto the genius was wine , and flowers : wherevpon ( as if by wine , and fragrant odors were signified all kind of pleasures ) certaine proverbial speeches haue beene occasioned : as when we see a man giuen much to his pleasure , and daintie feeding , we say hee doth indulgere genio .i. pamper or make much of his genius : on the contrary he that is abstemious , & debarreth himselfe of his pleasure is said defraudare genium , to defraud his genius : & gentalis also signifieth iocund , or pleasant . l it was also the custome after meals to haue a cuppe passe round the table , much like vnto our poculum charitatis , and it was called poculum bon● genij . but the reason , why they would not sacrifice vnto their genius by killing some host , as they did to their other gods , was , because they iudged it vnfit to depriue any creature of his life vpon that day , when they first begā their life . ( for this sacrifice was performed yearly by every one vpon his birth day . ) the other genius , which is supposed to haue chiefe power over high waies , and places , being therefore called genius loci , was pictured in the forme of a snake , in which forme virgil faineth him to haue appeared to aeneas , when hee performed the funerall rites due vnto his father anchises , aenead . lib. 5. — adytis cum lubricus anguis ab imis septem ingens gyros , septena volumina traxit . and persius , pinge duos angues , pueri sacer est locus , extra meiite , .i. duos genios . another sort of gods was supposed to haue the keeping of mens houses : m which they painted in forme of a dogge : because those to whom the charge of houses is committed ought to resemble dogges , that is , to seeme fierce , and angry towards strangers , but gentle , and kind to those of the houshold . they were named lares , and because of the charge , they had over mens houses , this word lar is sundry times taken for an house it selfe , as parvo sub lare , horat : in a little cottage , homo incerti laris .i. a man that hath no house to dwell in . sen. in med. and the custome in sacrificing vnto them , was to eate vp all whatsoever was left of the offering . for they thought it an heynous matter to send any part of that sacrifice abroad either among their friends , or the poore : and therevpon when we see a glutton leaue nothing in the platter , not somuch as the curtesymorsell , we say , lari sacrificat .i. he sacrificeth to his houshold god. lib. 2. sect. 2. of the romane priests with some particular gods. faunus the ancientest of all the kings in italie was the first , that brought any forme of religion into italy . he consecrated groues , gaue names vnto cities , erected temples , ordeined sacrifices , &c. from whō the churches , as some say , were named fana . but after faunus , euander comming out of arcadia , and afterward being king of latium , he instituted , and appointed many other ceremonies , which before were vnknowne to the latins . after him aeneas comming from troy , taught many of the troian ceremonies : by whose examples romulus , and numa were incited to adde many other kindes of holy rites , and at length reduced their whole religion into a certaine order . my intent therefore is , to speake first of the god , in whose honor these holy rites were performed , and then to descend vnto the priests , which were to performe them , shewing withall the ceremonies they vsed in the performance . chap. 1. de pane lycaeo , sive iuno : de lupercis , & lupercalibus . pan was supposed to bee the god of the shep-heards , and is a thus described : he is pictured naked , having hornes in likenesse of the sunne-beams , a long beard , his face red like the cleere aire , in his breast the starre nebris , the neather part of his body rough , his feete like a goate : in one hand he holdeth a pipe , in the other a shepheards crooke , and alwaies is imagined to laugh . b he was worshipped first in arcadia , and there called the god pan lycaeus : but afterward he was had in great esteeme at rome c and in the honor of him certaine sacrifices , & games called lupercalia were solemnized by the romanes . d there he tooke the name inuus , or as some say iunus . concerning the time , whē these sacrifices were to be performed ; it was vpon the e vnfortunate daies of the month february , which hath his name à februando , from purging : whence the feast or game is as a purification ; though the latin word signifieth as much as a feast of wolues , in a memoriall that romulus , and remus were nursed by a shee-woulfe . this seemeth very probable , because the priests , which were called luperci began their course at the foote of the mount palatine , called by the romanes lupercal .i. the place , where the woulfe nursed f romulus . the ceremonies were these : the hoast ( being two goates ) was to be slaine ; and two noble mens sonnes were to bee present , whose foreheads being blouded with the kniues of them that had slaine the goats , by & by were to be dryed vp with wooll dipped in milke . then the young boyes must laugh immediately after their foreheads were dry . that done they cut the goats skins , & made thongs of them , which they tooke in their hands , & ran with them all about the city stark-naked ( saving they had a cloath before their privities ) and so they strook with those thongs all they met in the way . the young wiues did never shun them at all , but were well contented , to be strikē with them ; beleeving it helped them to be with childe , and also to be easily delivered . moreover it is to be noted , that a dogge was sacrificed at this time , because there is a naturall antipathy , or contrariety of nature , betweene the dogge and the woulfe : whereby romulus thought to testifie his gratefulnesse vnto the woulfe for her paines in nourishing him . the reason why the priests ranne vp & downe the streetes naked , was , because that pan the god of this sacrifice was painted naked . as the feast , so also the place from whence they came , and likewise the priests had their names à lupâ which signifieth a woulfe . some authors haue observed three sorts of the luperci , some called fabiani , some quinctiliani , from fabius , and quinctilius their governours the third sort , which g rosinus affirmeth to haue beene added in the honor of iulius caesar , i cannot finde according to his quotation in suetonius . but thus much suetonius saith in h another place , namely that augustus caesar when he was chiefe pontifie did restore these games againe being formerly abolished . chap. 2. de cerere , & sacris eius . ceres otherwise called eleusina was honoured first among the grecians , afterward among the romanes , as a goddesse , which first taught men the skill of husbandry . prima ceres ferro mortales vertere terram instituit . virg . georg. whence shee is sometimes metonymic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 taken for corne , as credenda ceres aruis . ovid. it is seed time . shee is called ceres , i quasi geres , à gerendis frugibus , from bearing fruit : because , as some say , by ceres is vnderstood sometime the earth it selfe : whence also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being the greeke name of ceres is said quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 .i. the earth , which is the common mother of vs all . k shee is painted in the habit of a matron wearing a garland of corne ; sometime sorrowful with a lampe in her hand , as if shee were seeking out her daughter proserpina caryed by pluto into hell ; & sometime with a handfull of corne or poppy-seed . vpon the fift of the kalends of aprill the romanes were wont to performe sacrifices vnto her , which they called sacra graeca .i. the graecian sacrifices as likewise they tearmed the chiefe womā which did performe them , sacerdotem graecam .i. the greek ministresse , because they were trāslated into rome out of greece by evander . the time of their solemnities was at the dawning of the day , and the priests , which were only women ran vp and downe with lamps in their hands in manner of mad women ; into whose temple none that was guilty of any fault committed might enter : whose mysteries were to be buryed in silence , and by no meanes to bee blabbed abroad . and as it is to be supposed , that was the reason why all wine was forbade in this sacrifice . so that hence l we say cereri sacrificat , he sacrifices to ceres , when he maketh a feast without wine . chap. 3. de potitijs , & pinarijs , herculis sacerdotibus . hercules had an altar erected in the memorial of him neere vnto tiber by evander , vpon occasion of the heards-mens complaint brought vnto evander of him , whom they accused to haue slaine their chiefe heardsman cacus , the history being m thus . hercules after his cōquest over geryon brought away with him certaine goodly oxen , and as well to rest himselfe , as to pasture his oxen , he laid him downe to sleepe in a greene field neere the river tiber. in the meane while a certaine heards-man called cacus happened to come that way , & perceiving hercules to be in a sound sleepe , he stole away two of his oxen , which he hid in a caue , or hollow rocke , pulling them in by the taile back ward , thinking that hercules whē he should looke his oxen , and see the print of the footsteps , would easily beleeue , that his oxen had rather gone out from that rocke , then into it , as indeed he did for a time beleeue : but afterward by the bellowing of the oxen within , answering their fellowes without , hercules entred the rocke , & finding the theefe cacus there with his oxen , he killed him , by reason of which murder he was brought before evander , and after a while knowne to be the hercules , of whō the prophetesse carmenta had foretold vnto evander , that he should be a god. wherevpon evander presently saluted him by the name of hercules the sonne of iupiter , and in honour of him caused an altar to bee built there in that place : vpon which yeerely was to be offered vp an heifer which had never borne yoke ; and that this sacrifice might be had in the more esteeme , two noble men well stroken in yeares , and of good repute among the romanes , one of them being called potitius , and the other pinarius were appointed as the priests to performe these sacrifices ; from whom ever after hercules his priests were called potitij , and pinarij . where by the way we must obserue , that pinarius was not the sur-name of this old noble-man , but a name added vnto him , intimating his , and his successours punishment for not comming soone enough according to the time appointed by hercules . for , as n diverse writers testify , the entrals of the hoast were almost eaten vp by the family of potitius , before pinarius , & his familie came ; and in punishment of their negligence hercules enioyned the pinarij never after to eate of the entrals , giving thē this name pinarij at that time , from the greeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifying hunger . chap. 4. de fratribus arualibus . this college or company of roman priests may be englished the arvall fraternity : the number of them being twelue , eleven of them naturall brothers , sons to acca laurentia romulus his foster mother ; o for which respect romulus yeelded himselfe hir adopted sonne , instituting this order in the honour of the gods , that they being therwith appeased might the willinger cause the earth to fructifie , and added himselfe to the former eleven as the twelfth priest or brother to helpe in the performance of this publike sacrifice . moreover beside the performance of this sacrifice , these twelue were appointed arbitrators , or iudges to decide controversies concerning land-markes , and bounds of the field , frō whence they tooke their name fratres arvales . their sacerdotal ornaments was a garland of wheat bound vp with a white riband , this being , as p pliny writeth , the first crowne , or garland amongst the romanes . chap. 5. de sexaginta curionibus . after that romulus had divided the whole body of the romanes into three tribes , or wards , and subdivided those three wardes into thirtie parishes , called curiae , he ordained out of each curia two parish priests or curates called curiones , or flamines curiales ; which were publikely to offer vp sacrifice in the behalfe of the people . neither was every one equally capable of this honour of priesthood ; q but he was to be at the least fiftie yeares olde , of a life vnspotted , and a body vnmaimed . and over all these there was one which had chiefe rule , & therefore was called curio maximus , the bishop , or chiefe prelate : and these sacrifices were called curionia . r their sacrifice being ended each parish had a ●east in a common hall built for that purpose : it was called domus curialis , & somtimes curia . chap. 6. de augur bus , & eorum collegio . amongst other kinds of fore-tellers we read of three principally vsed in former time , namely , aruspices , auspices , and augures : all which wee english sooth-sayers , though the latine words do import a main difference worth our observation . the aruspices did divine , or fore-tell things to come by beholding the entrals of beasts sacrificed : whence they had their name , ſ ab aras inspiciendo , from beholding the altars . the auspices did foretell things by beholding the flight of birdes , so that auspices are said quasi avispices , ab aves aspiciēdo . the augures did divine from hearing the chatting or the crowing of the birds : whence they are called augures ab avium garritu , from the chirping and chatting of birds . these two last kinds of sooth saying haue occasioned these , & the like phrases , bonis avibus , or auspiciis , with good lucke , malis avibus .i. with ill lucke : and because they would beginne t nothing inauspicatò .i. without the counsell of the augures , hence auspicarirem hath beene translated , to beginne a matter . the colledge of the augures at rome was first appointed by u romulus himselfe being very expert in soothsaying , there beeing at the first but three , namely one of each tribe : ( the word augur being not taken in his owne proper sense , and significatiō aboue-mentioned ; but generally by the trope synecdoche , signifying all kindes , and sort of divining whatsoever , whether it were by observing the entrals of beasts , the flying , screeching , & chatting of birds , or thundring , or lightning in the heaven , or marking the rebounding of crummes cast vnto birds , which kind of divining was called tripudium . ) x servius tullius the sixt romane king , when he divided rome into foure locall tribes .i. regions , or quarters , then did he adde the fourth augur , all of them being elected out of the patricij , or the nobilitie of rome . y in processe of time quintus , and cneius ogulinus being chosen tribuniplebis .i. protectors of the commons , obtained that fiue other augures should be chosē out of the commonaltie , and added vnto the former foure : at which time the senate decreed that the college of augures should never exceed the number of nine . z notwithstanding sylla being dictator added six more , insomuch that their college encreased to the nūber of fifteene : the eldest of which was called a magister collegij , the master , or rector of the colledge . the augures excelled other priests in b this respect , because if any of them had beene convinced of any heynous crime , hee did net loose his office , neither was any other subrogated into his roome , although the romane custome was , that if any other priest had committed any notorious offence hee should presently be discharged of his office , and another chosen in his place . c the manner how the augur did obserue was this : he sate vpon a castle , or a towre , the ayre being cleere , and faire without clouds , or raine , holding a crooked staffe , ( called in latine lituus ) in his hand , where he ●itting in his sooth saying robe , called laena , & in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , à calefaciendo , from heating , because it was well lined within , being garded in the outside with purple and crimson gards ) hauing his head covered , and his face turned toward the east , so that his backe was west-ward , his right side southward , & his left northward . being thus placed he quartred out with his crooked staffe the heaven into certaine templa .i. regions , or places , observing in what region the birds did appeare : then killing his sacrifice , and offering vp certaine prayers called effata , he proceeded in manner as followeth . but first suppose we for our better vnderstanding hereof , that now the augurs were to resolue the people , whether the gods would assent that numa pompilius should be king. the augur having done as aboue is shewne , his lituus being in his left hand , he reached forth his right hand putting it vpō numa pompilius his head , vsing this forme of words , iupiter pater , si fas sit numā pompiliū , cuius ego caput teneo , regem romae esse , vti nobis signa certa , ac clara sint inter eos fines , quos feci .i. if it be lawful for this numa pōpilius , whose head i hold to bee king of rome , shew some manifest tokens within these regions , or quarters , which i haue described . then if he observed lucky signes , and tokens , he presently pronoūced numa pompilius king of rome : if he perceived vnlucky tokens , then did he obnunciare , or gaine say , and shew that the matter proposed was not pleasing to the gods. where by the way we must note , that nothing was confirmed by the augurs without the appearance of two lucky tokens one after another ; neither was any thing gainesaid by the appearance of one only evill token . the distinctions of the soothsayings haue beene taken , some from the event , and thence are they called prospera , lucky , or adversa , vnlucky . some from the manner of their appearing , d and that was either wished being called therefore impetrativa ; or vnwished called oblativa . some from the diversity of things which offered themselues in time of divining , and so there were fiue distinct sorts : the first was by the observing of lightning , and thunder from heaven ; the second from the flying , and chatting of birds ; the third from bread cast to pullets , or little chicken ; the fourth from foure footed beasts , which either should crosse the way , or appeare in some vnaccustomed place ; the fift from those casualties , whereby the gods doe make their anger appeare vnto vs. of this sort are those voices , which we heare we know not whence ; ( as e cadmus heard whē he overcame the serpent ) the falling of salt towards vs at the table , the shedding of wine vpon our cloathes . from which casualties , & the like the augurs would pronounce either good fortune , or bad to ensue : and these tokens were therefore called dira , because thereby dei ira nobis innotescit , the gods anger is made knowne vnto vs. now the things that in divining time appeared on the left-hand were commonly tokens of good lucke , because the givers right hand in bestowing a benefit is opposite to the receivers left hand . whence f sinistrū though in humane affaires signifieth as much as vnluckie , yet in those holy rites of divining sinistrum is taken in a cōtrary sense , as avis sinistra , good lucke , intonuit laevum , it hath thundred luckily , we shall haue good successe : and it is said a sinendo , because the gods thereby doe suffer vs to proceede in our purposed proiects . and therefore tully saith , lib. 1. de divinatione , a sinistrâ cornice ratum , & firmum augurium fieri : and in the law of the 12. tables it is said , ave sinistrâ populi magister esto . chap. 7. de tripudijs , & pullarijs . this kinde of coniecting is called auspicium coactum , g quoniam necesse erat offâ cadere frustum ex pulli ore , cùm pascitur , the word tripudiumn is vsed by a syncopation for terripudium , which is as much as terripavium .i. a dancing or rebounding of any thing vpon the ground : for pauere is the same with ferire . h others say tripudium quasi tritio pedum it is here taken for a divining , or coniecting of good or evill to come by the rebounding of crums cast to chickē in a coop or pen : whence the augur from these pullets or chicken was called pullarius . i the manner in observing was this . as often as by this kinde of conjecting they desired to know the gods pleasure concerning the enterprizing of any matter , early in the morning those that were skilfull in this kinde of observation , repaired vnto the place where the chickē were kept , where silence being commanded , and the coop opened they cast crumms of bread to the chicken . now if the chicken either came slowly , or not at all vnto the bread , or if they walked vp and downe by it not touching it , then was it a token that the matter to be enterprized was displeasing vnto the gods : but if contrarily the chicken did hastily leape out of the coop & eat so greedily of the crums , that some should fall out of their mouthes againe , then the pullarius , that is , the , augur pronoūced that it was wel pleasing to the gods , and encouraged the enterprizing of what they had intended cheerefully : and this was called tripudium solistimum . this kinde of coniecting may seeme to haue its originall from the lycians , k who as often as they desired to foreknow the successe of any enterprise , they went vnto a foūtaine dedicated to apollo , into which they cast in baites for the fish : now if the fishes did eate them , it did betide good lucke ; if otherwise they neglected the baites , then it did be token some , evill event . chap. 8. de aruspicibus , aruspicinâ , & extispicio . this kinde of sooth saiers as they were called aruspices ab aras aspiciendo , from beholding the hoast vpon the altar ; so were they called extispices , ab exta aspiciēdo , from beholding the bowels , or entrals of the beast , called in latine extra . in this kinde of sooth saying the aruspex observed in manner as followeth . l first whether the beast to bee sacrificed came vnto the altar willingly , without plucking , and halling ; whether he dyed without much struggling , or lowd bellowing ; at one blow , or many ; whether any vnlucky obiect were seene , or heard by thē , whiles they were sacrificing . againe after the beast was slaine , then would they obserue , whether the bowels were of an vnnatural color , whether they were not vlcerous , exsiccate , or impostumated : moreover they would divide the bowels into two parts , the one they would call partem familiarem , from whence they would fore-tell what should befall thēselues , & their friends ; the other they would call partem hostilem , whēce they gathered predictions touching their enemies . hence manto in m seneca describing the entrals of his killed sacrifice saith , hostile valido robore insurgit latus , meaning by hostile latus , partem hostilem . afterward when the sacrifice was , to be burned , they considered , whether the flame of the fire was smoaky , whether the smoake rolled , and tumbled in the aire , whether it were of any continuance or no : for all these were vnfortunate tokens , as the contrary did betoken a good and fortunate issue to their designements . these last which observed the fire & smoak were called by a more peculiar name capnomantes smoakaugurers , from the greek words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifying smoake , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 .i. vates , or a soothsayer . the first instructions that the romanes received was from the hetrusci , who ( as they themselues say ) received their knowledge from a little boy , which they named tages , the history being thus . n when the hetrtisci were plowing their lands , vpō a suddaine vp started this tages out of one of the furrows vsing diverse speeches vnto the plow-men : but they being much affrighted at this sudden , and strange vision , began with a lowd crie to lift vp their voices ; vpon occasion wherof many other people flocked thither , where hee gaue many good instructions concerning this kinde of footh saying , which were presently recorded in bookes , and practised afterward by the hetrusci . chap. 9. de flaminibus . the mitre or head-ornament which these priests did weare , was called in old time o flama , whence the priests tooke their name flamines . the p custome amongst the grecians , as likewise afterwards among the romanes was , that the kings should as well performe ceremonies , & holy rites of religion , as civill businesse ▪ but numa pompilius perecauing that forraine warres did often times occasion the kings absence , insomuch that those religious ceremonies which he himselse personally should performe were of necessitie sometimes neglected ; herevpō he ordained out of the patricij three priests to performe that divine service vnto iupiter , mars , and romulus , which hee himselfe otherwise ought to haue performed , calling the first flamen dialis , the other flamen martialis , & the last flamen quirinalis , from romulus , which was often called quirinus . in processe of time twelue others chosen from the commons were added vnto these , but with this note of distinctiō , that the three first were had in greater esteem . & were called flamines maiores , high priests ; the other of lesse note called flamines minores , inferior priests . the chiefe of al was the flamē dialis iupiters high priest , & wheras every one did weare a certain b̄onet in forme of a mitre , which sometimes was called pileum , sometime by the figure , synecdoche apex , ( wheras apex doth properly signifie only the top of the bonnet ) q none might weare albo-galerum , .i. a white mitre , but only iupiters priest , and that was to be made of a white sheep skin , after the sheep had been sacrificed . whatsoever malefactor could escape vnto this priest , he should not be punished that day . none was eligible into this office , but he that was maried : neither was it lawfull for him to mary twice , but if his wise died , flaminio abibat .i. hee resigned his sacerdotall office . to him was permitted a rich robe of state , & a curule-chaire : none might fetch fire out of his house , vnlesse it were to perform some sacrifice therewith . r none might barbe or pole him , but a free-man : and that with a brasen scissers . many other ceremonies there were which concerned this flamen , as likewise time added many other flamines , namely ſ every god one , yea sometime those threescore parish-priests , which formerly were called curiones , were called flamines curiales ; and diverse emperours after their death had also their flamines . t moreover we must note that those priests wiues were called flaminicae ; their ministers ( for they were wont , whē they went to sacrifice to take a boy or a maide with thē ) flaminij , or flamineae : and the chiefe-flamens . dwelling house was called aedes flaminea , or flaminia . but as it seemeth probable numa pompilius , and so the other kings succeeding him did still reserue their right & authority in holy matters so farre , that they would instruct other inferior priests , yea & personally performe some special sacrifices thēselues : where vpō after that the kings authority was abrogated amongst thē , thē that these sacrifices might be continued , they chose a certaine priest , which they preferred before the flamen dialis , but iudged him inferiour to the pontifex maximus , or arch-pontifie , and him they called , rex sacrificulus , and rex sacrorum , the king priest . to him once every yeare the vestall nunnes repaired , u and vsed this forme of words , vigilasne rex ? vigila . king art thou awake ? awake . for vnto him it did belong to bid holy-daies , and to provide al things nccessarie for publike sacrifices . he was to instruct those that sought vnto him , the causes of the holy daies , and to tell them what was lawfull or vnlawfull every month , and vpon the fifth of the ies dof ianuarie he sacrificed a ramme to ianus . he was likewise wont to offer vp a sacrifice in the comitium or great hal of iustice , which being finished , he ranne as fast as hee could out of the market place without delay . his wife was called rigina sacrorum , the queene-priestesse , and was wont vpon the kalends of every month to sacrifice a porker or a lambe in her palace in the honour of iuno . chap. 16. de marte , sive mavorte , & salijs palatinis marti dicatis . mars otherwise called mavors by the figure epenthesis , we say induperator for imperator , was reputed the god of warre , & so metonymic●s is vsed for warre ; as vario marte pugnatum est , the battell was doubtful ; proprio marte , by ones owne strength , & labor . he was the sonne of iuno onely without company of her husband : for when iuno was greatly displeased with her selfe , that iupiter by striking his head without company of a woman did bring forth the goddesse minerva , shee by the coūsel of the goddesse flora touched a certain ? flowre in the field of olenius , by vertue whereof shee immediatly conceaued the god mars . this god by reason of his dominion in warre , the romans painted fiery , sometimes in his chariot , sometimes on horse-backe , with a iauelin in one hand , and a scourge in the other . in old coines there was sometimes the picture of a cocke ioyned with him , to shew the vigilancy , and carefulnesse that souldiers are to vse . he was called x gradivus à gradiendo , from marching in battell against his enimies . he had a temple without the citie , whence he was called extramuraneus . y neere vnto this temple without the gate capena did lie a stone of great note , which vpon great drouths the people would bring into the citie , and presently rayne would follow , wherevpon it was called the raine-stone . lapis manalis à manando , numa pompilius in the honour of mars surnamed gradivus ordained 12 dauncing priests called salij à z saliendo from dauncing , which number afterward we finde to haue beene doubled by tullus hostilius in the warre against fidena a towne of the sabines . the former 12 being called salij palatini , from the palatine mount , where they did beginne their mauriske ; the others collini from the hill where their chappell stood ; a and sometimes quirinales , & sometimes agonales : so that the whole college contained 24 priests . b the occasion of their first institution was this : vpon a certaine time in the raigne of numa , the plague or some other contagious sicknesse was very hot among the romans , insomuch that no sacrifice , or holy offering could remoue it : at that time a certaine brasen target , or scutc●ion called in latine aenea pelta , or ancile , bigg at both ends , but cut like an halfe moone on each side fell from heauē into numa his hāds , with a certain voice promising al health vnto rome so long as that brasē target could be kept safe . wherevpō mamurius a cūningwork-man by the appointment of numa made eleaven other ancilia so like the first , that neither could be known from the other : ( to the iatēt that if any should be so wicked minded as to steale it , hee might faile of his purpose by mistaking one for another . ) these twelue priests had the custody and keeping of them cōmitted to their charge , & in the month of march everie yeere they apparelled themselues with a party coloured coat , called tunica versicolor , girt cloase to their body , with a belt , or sword-girdle , and a breast-plate of harnesse called aneum tegmen vpon that , & a robe of estate called trabea clasped about them vpmost of all . vpō their heads they did weare apices .i. caps c much like vnto the persian bonnets called in greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . they did somwhat resemble our head-peeces in warre made close vnto the head , with a crest of cloath vpon the top , whence some haue called them galeas . they being thus apparelled daunced about the forum , or market-place , & the capitol with short swords by their sides , a iavelin in the right hand , and their ancile in the other ; vsing certaine songs either of the gods , and those they called ianualij , iunonij , and minervij ; or of men , and those they called axamenta , because in those songs they did axare .i. nominate and call vpon the names of some well deserving men : as mamurius which made those eleaven scutchions , was often called vpon in those songs . vpon these their festivall daies they had excesse of cheere , whence d horace hath vsed saliares dapes , to signifie dainty fare . chap. 11. de foecialibus , & patre-patrato . these foeciales were officers at armes , or heralds , to denounce war , or proclaime peace , appointed therevnto at first e by numa pompilius . f the chiefe part of their office was to disswade the romans from molesting any confederate nation with vniust warre : & if any confederate nation did offer iniury vnto the romane people , thē did these foeciales go as embassadours vnto them perswading , and exhorting them to yeeld the romans their right : but if they continued thirty daies obstinate refusing to yeeld vnto that , which should be iust and right , then did they presently denounce warre against them , casting forth a dart in token thereof : which denunciation . was g called clarigatio à clarâ voce , quâ vtebatur foecialis . others are of opinion that whensoever warre was denounced , this herald at armes should h turne loose a ramme vnto their enemies borders ; signifying thereby that their fields shoulde shortly become pasture for the romanes : from which custome wee say of one that challengeth another into the field , arietē emisit . againe if the imperator , or lord-general had done ought against his oath , these foeciales by their sacrifice did avert the wrath of the gods from him . the chiefest of them was called pater-patratus , a perfect father : for he only could be pater-patratus , which had both children of his owne , and his father also aliue . they were called foeciales à foedere faciendo , from making a league or peace betweene nations . this league which we in latin do cal foedus , the romanes in old time i did cal fidus , as ennins and pighius witnesse : whence these foeciales were tearmed also fidei flamines . chap. 12. de duumviris , decemviris , & quindecimviris sacris faciundis : itèm de sibyllis . this priesthood had his first institution from tarquinius superbus , whose office was as well to expound , as to keepe the oracles of those ten prophetesses so famous through out the world , called sibyllae . concerning whō k munster hath these words : in times past there came a strange woman to tarquinius the king offering 9. books full of the sibylline oracles to be fold : but tarquinius thinking the bookes to deere , refused to buy them . the womā departing burned three of these bookes , and came the second time vnto tarquinius , demaunding as much for those sixe bookes , as formerly shee had done for the 9. tarquinius then began to deride her , whereat the woman departed , and burned three more , returning againe vnto tarquinius , and asking as much for the three left , as shee asked at first for all nine . then began tarquinius more seriously to bethinke himselfe thereof , and sent for his augurs asking counsell and advise of them . and they vnderstoode by certaine signes observed , that the king had refused some speciall goodnesse sent from the gods : and for the books that remained they advised that the woman shoulde haue what shee asked : as soone as the womā had delivered her books shee presently vanished , and was never seene againe , onlie warning them to keepe the bookes as safe as possibly they could . for the safe keeping of these , tarquinius chose two of the noble men , or patricij , calling them duumviri , appointing them as wel by study to expound , as with care to keepe those oracles . in processe of time the people obtained , that tenne should be appointed to this office , l fiue of them being chosen out of the commons , & fiue out of the nobles : and then were they called the decem-viri . afterward by l. sylla , as it is thought fiue more were added , so that they were then called the quindecim-viri : nay the number was encreased by sylla vnto forty , m as servius thinketh , but stil called by the name of quindecim-viri . of these women that had the spirit of prophecie ten were very famous : the first was called persica , the second libyca , the third delphica , the fourth cumaea , the fifth erythraea , the sixt samia , the seaventh cumana , the eighth hellespontia , the ninth phrygia , the tenth tiburtina . they a● prophecied of the incarnation of christ . the place where these bookes were kept was within the capitol vnder ground in a chest of stone , where they remained safe vntill the burning of the capitoll , at which time they also were burned . notwithstāding many of the prophecies haue bin known , partly by tradition , and partly being takē out of other copies in other countries . one of the prophecies concerning our saviour christ was vttered by sibylla delphica in manner as followeth : n nascetur propheta absque matris coitu ex vtero eius , that is , there shal be a prophet borne without any copulation of the mother , even out of her wombe . it was spoken at delphos . all their prophecies , were of that certainety , that when we would averre any thing to be vndoubtedly true , we vse to say it is sibyllae folium , as true as sibyllaes oracles . the cumaea sibylla did write her oracles at the mouth , or entraunce of her caue in leaues of trees , which the fiercenesse of the winde did often times so scatter , that they could hardly be brought in order againe : insomuch that when we would shew the great difficulty of bringing things it order , we may vse o politian his words , laboriosius est , quàm sibylla folia colligere , it is easier to gather together sibyllaes leaues . this name sibylla is not a proper nam● , but an appellatiue common to all women endowed with the spirit of prophecie , taking their denomination frō p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is in the aeolick dialect the same that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 .i. god , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 .i. counsell , because they did open and declare the counsell & determination of god vnto the people . it appertained also ynto these quindecimviri aboue-mentioned to see , that sacrifice and divine service , that supplications , and processions , expiations , and all ceremoniall rites were duly performed . chap. 13. de bonâ deâ , & sacris eius . this goddesse , which is so famous by the name of bona dea , is the globe of the earth , which is therefore ●earmed bona dea , the good goddesse , because we reape so many good things from the earth . she is called also ops the helping goddesse ab ope , from helpe , because by her helpe we liue . shee is called fatua , and fauna .i. the goddesse of speech , because young children doe never speake vntill they are able to goe , and so haue touched the earth . the grecians called her 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the femal goddesse , because that no male might bee admitted to her sacrifices ; ●ay the very pictures of men were at that time to be covered . the inner roome , where her sacrifices were , was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the place for womens assemblies . q those that were chiefe in these sacrifices were the vestall nunnes . this good goddesse was supposed to bee the wife of faunus , and vpon a time to haue beene taken drunke with wine by him , for which fault faunus is said to haue beaten her to death with roddes of mirtle tree . but afterward being sory for that he had done , in amends hee made her a goddesse : and as it were ever after detesting the mirtle-tree , he allowing all other hearbs , and flowers to be vsed in these sacrifices , for bad the mirtle-tree . some say she was so chast , that shee never was seene by any man but her husband , and in respect of his chastitie the mirtle-tree is forbid , because it was consecrated to venus . but whereas in this sacrifice they vsed wine , they called it not by the name of wine , but milke or hony : r whence they called the vessell wherein the wine was put , amphoram mellariam .i. the hony vessell . this sacrifice became very famous by reasō of clodius , who being in loue with pompeia , iulius caesars wife came vnto these sacrifices in womans apparell , & was found out by aurelia , iulius caesars mother . this clodius became so infamous for this , and other his adulterous prancks , that hee occasioned a common proverbe amongst the romans , clodius accusat moechos , answerable to which our english saying is , one theefe accuseth another . chap. 14. de cybelle , & sacerdotibus eius . this goddesse cybele , or rather cybelle was in her infancie exposed vnto wilde beasts vpon the hill cybellus , where shee being nourished by the wilde beasts afterward became a woman of admirable beauty , & being found by a shepheards wife was brought vp by her as her own child , and called cybelle from the hill cybellus . shee excelled in all naturall gifts , and was the first that vsed a taber , & pipe , and cymbals among the greekes . moreover shee tenderly loved children , and therefore was called magna ma●er : shee was also called mater deorum , the mother of the gods : ipsa deûm fertur genetrix berecynthia . virg. shee was called rhea à 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to flow , because shee doth flow and abound with all kinde of goodnesse . shee was also named pessinuntia frō the city pessinus a mart-towne in phrygia , where shee had a temple . moreover shee was called berecynthia from the hill berecynthus in phrygia , where shee was worshipped . her priests were called ſ galli , and their chiefe governour archi-gallus : they took their name from a certaine river in phrygia called gallus : of which whosoever dranke , he became so mad , that he would presently geld himselfe : ( as in truth all her priests were inioyned to geld themselues with a fish shell . ) the originall of which custome is rendred thus : cybelle loved a young man of phrygia called atys : and him she appointed ●hiefe overseer for her sacrifice vpon condition that hee would keepe himselfe chast perpetually : but he not long after deflowred a nymphe , for which fact cybelle bere●t him of his wits and vnderstanding , so that hee in his madnesse did geld himselfe , and would haue killed himselfe also , t had not the gods in their commiseration towardes him turned him into a pine-tree . in remembrance of him , ever after her priests were gelded . every yeare the praetors did sacrifice vnto this goddesse . but the performance of the holy and religious tites at that time did belong vnto a phrygian man , and phrygian woman chosen for that purpose : which according to the manner of their country being apparelled with a party coloured garment called in latine synthesis , or amictus variegatus , and carying the picture of their goddesse about with them in the streetes , they stroke their breasts with their handes , keeping tune with the tabers , pipes , and cymbals , which other people following plaied vpon : and they were called corybantes from one corybantus , which was one of her first attēdants . and herevpon we call the cymbals aera corybantia . in this manner dancing about the streets they begged mony of the people whom they met : and hence were they named cybelle her collectors , or her circulatores .i. iuglers . some calleth them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which in this place signifieth cybelle , called the great mother , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a begger or gathere● of almes . u others haue called them mitriaci : but by what name soever they were called the place was so infamous by reason of their drunkennesse , and vncivilitie vsed at these times , that when they would point out a notorious naughtie fellow , they would call him c●rculatorem cybelleium . cybelle her iuggler . neither was it lawfull for any free borne to vndertake that office . chap. 15. de collegio pontificum , & pontifice maximo . this word pontifex is commonly translated a bishop or prelate , being called pontifices in latine , as also pōtifies in english from one part of their office , which was to haue the oversight of a great woodden bridge called in latine pont sublicius , being so great , that carts and waines might passe over it ; having no arches to vphold it , but only great piles , and posts of wood : x and that which is most remarkable in it , was that it was ●oined together only , with wooden pinnes , without any iron at all . others are of opinion that they were tearmed pontifices quasi potifices from potis , and facio , of which opinion lucane seemeth to bee , according to that , pontifices sacri quibus est commissa potestas . concerning the y number of them only foure were appointed by numa , all which then were to bee chosē out of the patricii : afterward foure more were added out of the commons . these were called pontifices maiores , or chiefe pontifies , to distinguish them from seaven other , which afterward sylla added , and z called them pontifices minores , inferiour pontifies . the whole company of them was called the college of pontifies . this college is priviledged from all allegiance , being not bound to render an account of their doings either to the senate , or commonaltie . they were to determine all questions concerning religion , as well betweene their priests , as betweene private men . they had authoritie to punish any inferiour priest , if he either detracted or added vnto those religious rites , which were prescribed him . they had their great pōtifie , whom they called pontificem maximum . these pontifies were wont to exceed in their diet , insomuch that when the romanes would shew the greatnesse of a feast , they would say it was pontificia coena , .i. according to our english phrase a feast for an abbot . coena adijcialis is taken for the same . chap. 16. de epulonibus . the pontifies in old time appointed three men , whom they a called triumvi●os epulonum ( from epulū a feast ) to haue the oversight of the feasts made at sacrifices ; afterward by reason of two twice added , they were called first quinqueviri , and at length septemviri epulonum . chap. 17. de titijs . another sort of religious men there were which lived in the subvrbs of the city & practised sooth saying ; they were called titij b from the name of the birds which they observed , which in latine were called titiae . chap. 18. de virginibus vestalibus . nere vnto castors temple stood the religious house , or nūnery dedicated to the goddesse vesta : where at the first were fowre , after 6. virgins , or votaries elected , whose office was chiefly to keepe the sacred fire : the extinction whereof proved ominous , and did portende some evill event shortly to happen : and therefore for their negligence herein , as for all other small faults , they being had into a darke corner , stripped naked ; and a curtaine drawne halfe way over them , the chiefe pontifie scourged them : neither was it lawful to kindle the fire once put out , with any other fire , but from the sun beams ; for which purpose they had certaine instruments named c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which were formed in the māner of a pyramis , but hollow ; so that the beames being collected within the circumference , & meeting in the vertex did easily kindle any combustible matter put vnto it ; but chiefly if the matter was of blacke colour : because , as philosophy teacheth , a darke colour doth cōgregate , or collect the beames , wheras whitenesse doth disperse them . a second part of their office was to worke reconciliation betweene parties offended , as appeareth by d suetonius : where wee may read that by their intercession sylla was reconciled to caesar . they were chosen into this place betweene the sixth , and the eleaventh yeare of their age : and they , were to remaine in this nunnery 30. yeares space , 10. yeares to learne their ceremonies and mysteries , 10. yeares to exercise them , & 10. yeares to instruct others : within which space if they had suffered their bodies to be defiled , they were to vndergo that feare full punishment * afore mentioned . but these 30. yeares being expired , marriage was lawfull for them , so that they laid aside their scepters , their fillets , and other their sacerdotall ornaments . notwithstanding those which did marry in the end dyed fearefull deaths : wherevpon they chose rather to abstaine commonly . the romanes had them in great honor , so that they never walked abroad , but with an yron scepter in their hands , and whatsoever malefactor met thē ( if the nun would take her oath it was by chāce ) he escaped punishment . they were named vestals frō their goddesse vesta , which word ( as e munster writeth ) is derived from the hebrew radix signifying fire . the eldest was called maxima vestalis virgo .i. the lady prioresse , or chiefe governesse . chap. 19. de veterum sacrificiis & ritu sacrificandi . whatsoever was burnt or offered vp vnto the gods vpon an altar it had the name of a sacrifice : and sometimes it was called victima , quod vincta ad aras stabat , because the beast to bee sacrificed stood bound vnto the altar . sometimes hostia , from an obsolete verbe hostio , which is to strike : because certaine vnder officers called in latine popae ( standing by the altars , all their vpper part naked , and a lawrell garland vpon their head ) did hostiare victimam .i. strike downe and kill the sacrifice . others are of opinion , that this name hostia is taken from hostis , an enimy : according to that of ovid. hostibus à domitis hostia nomen habet : because either before warre to procure the gods favour , or after warre in token of thankfulnesse , they did hostiam ferire .i. offer vp the sacrifice . the second difference of sacrifices haue beene occasioned in respect of the time , and so they haue beene called praecidaneae , or succidaneae , quasi praecedaneae & succedaneae . those sacrifices which were offered vp the day before any solemne sacrifice , were called praecidaneae hostiae , fore-sacrifices , as wee english praecursorem , a forerunner : which fore-sacrifices if by any token they found vnlucky , then would they offer vp a second sacrifice which they tearmed hostiam succidaneam : and because these second sacrifices were to be offered only in steed of the other , when they were vnlucky or faulty ; hence hath plautus vsed this speech meum tergum stultitiae tuae subdes succidaneū ? must i be whipped for thy fault ? the manner of sacrificing was as followeth . some certaine daies before any sacrifice was to be performed , the priest was wont to wash his whole body , f especially his hands & feet , which if he had not washed , the sacrifice was accounted polluted : and alluding vnto this custome we say a man doth acoedere ad rem illotis manibus , or illotis pedibus , as often as he enterpriseth any businesse without due reverence or preparation therevnto . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hesiod . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 moreover the priest was to abstaine from his mariage bed , as likewise from diverse kinds of meats , and at the time of his going to sacrifices , either himselfe , or some inferiour s●xton going before him , with a rod or wand in his hand ( called commentaculum ) g vsed this forme of words vnto the people : hoc age , attend this you are about : which custome seemeth to haue had its originall from the grecians . for before the time of sacrifice the grecian priest vsed almost the like speech vnto his people . as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 .i. who is here ? the people answered 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 .i. many men , and good . after this preparation , then did the priest laying his hand vpō the altar , rehearse certaine praiers h vnto the god ianus and the goddesse vesta : because the romanes were perswaded , that without their intercession they might not haue accesse vnto the other gods. his prayers being ended then did hee lay i vpon the beasts head a little corne together with a cake made of meale and salt , called in latine mola . k mola erat far tostum , sale aspersum . from this ceremonie the act of sacrificing hath been tearmed immolatio . after this the soothsayer dranke wine out of an earthen or wooddē chalice called in latine simpulum or simpuuium : it was in fashion much like our eywers , whence we powre water into the bason . this chalice afterward was caried about to all the people that they also might libare .i. lightly tast thereof l which rite hath been called libatio . now every one hauing tasted thereof , the rest of the wine with frankincense mixt in it was to be powred vpon the beasts head , m betweene the hornes , one crying out with a lowd voice , macta est hostia .i. magis aucta , more encreased & made more pleasing vnto the gods ; as virgil saith , macte novâ virtute puer .i. o good child which encreasest in vertue . and hence even from this tearme , wee may cōiect , that the word macto , which signifyeth to kill , & sometimes to sacrifice , hath had its originall , because they did immediatly after that voice , mactare hostiam , that is , slay the sacrifice , and that was done in this n manner . first the priest did pluck off some of the bests haires between the hornes , & cast them into the fire , calling them his prima libamina .i. his first offrings : then did he turning his face toward the east , draw a long crooked knife vpon the beasts back , cōmanding his vnder officers , which i called popae ( others cultrarij , from their knife ; victimarij , from the hoast ; and agones , because they standing ready to giue the stroak , often vsed this word agon ' ? for agóne .i. must i to my work ? ) to kill the beast . the other people standing by , some did with vessels saue the bloud , others did flea or skinne the beast ; others washed it . anone some soothsayer or priest did obserue the intrals , turning and winding them with a knife which was called secespita , à secando : for hee might not touch them with his hand , they conce●ting that if the sacrifice had proved polluted , his hand would then haue perished . now after the soothsayer or priest had sufficiently turned the intrals , and found no ●ll token therein , then did those popae , or church-butchers , cut off from every bowell some portion , which after they had rolled in barly meale , they sent it in baskets to the priest , and the priest taking it vp into a broad charger or platter called discus , or lanx , laid it vpon the altar and burne it , & o this was properly tearmed litare , or reddere .i. to satisfie by sacrifice , or to pay the sacrifice , which was owen vnto the gods. after that the portion laid out for the gods , had beene burnt , then did al the people repaire vnto a common feast ; where , as they were eating , they sung hymnes , and songs in the praise of their gods , and playing on cymbals , they danced about the altars ; intimating therby , that there was no part of their body , but should bee imployed in the service of their gods. now vntill all their ceremonies and mysteries were finished , it was not lawful for any to taste of this feast : insomuch that we since haue vsed to checke a glutton , or greedy-gut , which can not abstaine from his meat til grace be said , in this manner , sacra haud immolata deuorat . lib. 2. sect. 3. of the romane yeere . chap. 1. de anno & partibus eius . it followeth that now we should descende vnto those several appendices vnto religion ; namely the romane yeare , their plaies , their māner of feasting , their several kinds of garments , their nuptials and funerals . this word annus is so called quasi annulus , because ( as the greeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 .i. in se convertitur annus : which was the reason why the egyptians in their mysticall cyphers ( called literae hieroglyphicae ) did vse the picture of a serpent , having his taile in his mouth to signifie an yeare . the time or space of this yeare hath beene diverse , according to the diversity of nations . a some allowed no more daies to an yeare , then we doe to a month ; and thence they called it annum lunarem . b some allowed fowre monthes , some sixe monthes , some ten : and thus romulus measured his yeare , counting that a sufficient time for an yeare , which was sufficiēt for a womās travel in childbirth : or for an womā to mourne for the death of her husband . quod satis est vtero matris dum prodeat infans , hoc anno statuit temporis esse satis . per totidem menses à funere coniugis vxor sustinet in viduâ tristia signa domo . thus romulus his yeare contained of monthes ten ; of daies three hundred and fowre : but after this , numa , c or as some saie , tarquinius priscus perceiving that the monthes did not alwaies fall out alike every yeare ; but sometimes the same month would happen in the sommer , sometimes in the winter , therevpon after long study and many instructions from the grecians finding the reason of this confusednesse , he added vnto romulus his yeare fifty daies , so that the whole yeare afterward was divided into twelue moneths ; because the moone had finished her course 12. times in that space ; beginning their yeare then at ianuary : because then in his iudgemnt was the fittest time to beginne the yeare , when the sunne being farthest from vs did begin to turne his course , and to come vnto vs againe ; which is about ianuarie , the sun being about the tropicke of capricorne . afterward vpon a superstitious conceite of the odde number , numa added one day more vnto ianuary , so that wheras at the first numa his yeare did agree with the grecian yeare , both of them containing three hundred fifty fowre daies ; now the romane yeare contained three hundred fifty fiue daies , which computation falling out too short for the true yeare by the space of ten daies , and sixe howres yearly , it occasioned every eighth yeare the interposition of three whole months , which they called their leape yeare : d this confusednes afterward iulius caesar by long study remedied , adding the odde ten dayes vnto numa pompilius his yeare . and least the odd six houres might at last breed disorder in their computation , hee appointed that every fourth yeare a whole day should bee inserted , next after the three and twentieth of februarie ; which inserting they called intercalatio from an old verbe intercalo , and that day they called intercalarem . now the day following being the foure and twentieth of februarie , was alwaies the sixt of the kalends of march , e and therefore because of the interposition of that day , they called the leap-yeare annum bissextilem .i. the yeare wherein there falled out two dayes which they called sext. calend. martij . and the day thus interposed , was called dies bissextus . this computation which iulius caesar found out wee haue embraced , and do at this day follow , calling our yeare annum iulianum , f and annum magnum , having relation to the monthly yeare called annus lunaris ; and sometimes this great yeare is called , annus vertens à vertēdo , because it is alwaies turning , and running on . * moreover we must remēber that the romans did begin their yeare at march ; whence that month which since hath beene called iulius in the honour of iulius caesar was by them called quintilis , because it was the 5 month : and that month which since hath beene called augustus , in the remembrance of augustus caesar was by them called sextilis , because it was their sixt month . thus then the great yeare being divided into twelue months , every month was divided into three parts .i. calendas , nonas , and idus . for the better , vnderstanding of which , i shall insert three common verses . principium mensis nostri dixêre calendas : sex maius nonas , october , iulius , & mars , quatuor at reliqui●tenet idus quilibet octo . that is the first day of every month is called the kalends of that month . the 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. and 7 of these foure months , may , october , iuly , and march , were called the nones of that month : but in all the other months the nones contained but the 2. 3. 4. and 5 day , so that the fifth day ( for example sake ) of ianuarie was called nonae ianuariae , or ianuarij , the fourth pridie nonarum , or nonas ian. ( for they vsed alwaies to say pridie cal. pridie nonar . and pridie iduum , in steed of secundo cal. non. id. ) the third day of ianuarie , they called tertium nonarum , vel nonas ianuar. the second day of ianuarie they called quartum nonarum , vel nonas ianuar. after the nones followed the ides , which contained eight dayes in every month , so that the 15 day of the foure aforesaid months , were called idus maij , idus octob. iaus iulij , and idus martij . in all the other months , the 13th day was the ides : as to proceed in ianuarie , the thirteenth day was called idus ianuar. the twelfth pridie iduum , vel idus ianuar. the eleventh tertio iduum , or idus ian. the tenth quarto iduum , vel idus ian. the ninth 5º id. ian. the eighth 6º id. ian. the seaventh 7º id. ian. the sixt 8º id. ian. after the ides then followed the kalends of the next month . as the fourteenth of ianuarie was decimo nono calendarum , or calendas februar . ; the fifteenth decimo octavo calend. feb. the sixteenth decimo septimo cal. feb. &c. where we must note that as often as we vse pridie , tertio , quarto , or any of those numerals with an accusatiue case , as pridie calendas , &c. the grammarians say that this praeposition ante is eclipsed . it followeth now that i should treate of the daies , which are the lesser parts of the yeare : where before we proceed wee will consider the parts which the romanes divided their day into . dies civilis continet lucē cuius partes sunt diluculum . the breake of day . mane. the full morning . ad meridiem . the fore noone . meridies quasi medidies . mid-day , or quasi merus dies . perfect day , noone . demer die . after noone . solis occasus . sun-set . noctem cuius part●s sunt crepusculum . the duske of the evening . prima fax . candle-tining . vesper . the night . concubium . bed-time . nox intempesta . the first sleepe . ad mediam noctem . towards mid-night . media nox . mid-night . de media nocte . a little after mid-night . gallicinium . cock-crowing . conticinium . all the time from cock-crowing to the breake of day . the day and night againe were each of them divided into primam , secundam , tertiam , & quartam vigiliā , every watch containing three houres . the first of the night began at six of the clocke in the evening , and the fourth ended at six of the clocke in the morning . g these watches were distinguished by severall notes and sounds of cornets or trumpets , that by the distinction and diversity thereof , it might easily be knowne what watch was sounded . moreover we must vnderstand that the romanes , vpon a superstitious cōceit , and observation of misfortunes and evill events falling out on some daies , and more happy successe vpon others , haue called the former sort of daies atros dies , & the latter sort albos dies , h borrowing the names from the scythians , who vsed to chalke out the fortunate daies in their kalenders with white characters , whence horace saith , cressâ non careat pulchra dies notâ . other-some , as their vnfortunate and vnlucky daies , were noted with a coale or blacke character , according to that , nigro carbone notatus . againe their kalender distinguished some daies for holy-daies , which they called dies festos , festivall daies , or dies feriatos , & ferias , holy-daies , i because they did vpon such daies ferire victimas .i. offer vp sacrifices . others were distinguished for working daies , which they called profestas quasi procul à festis . the third distinction was of halfe-holy-daies , which ab intercidendo , they called dies intercisos as it were dayes cut asunder : the one part of them being allotted for worldly businesses , the other for holy and religious exercises . k these feriae were either privatae , and so they belōged somtime to whole families , as familiae claudiae , aemiliae ; iuliae , &c. sometimes to private persons , as every one his birth day , particular expiations , &c. or else they were publicae , such as the whole commonwealth did obserue : and they were of two sorts , the one called anniversaria , which were alwaies to be kept on a certaine day , l and therevpon they were called feriae statiuae ; the other conceptiuae which were arbitrarie , and solemnised vpō such daies as the magistrates and priests thought most expedient , whereof the latinae feriae were chiefe : which latinae feriae were kept on moūt albane to iupiter latiar , for the preservation of all the latine people in league & confederacy with the romanes , and were solemnised in memorie of the truce between those two nations . those feriae which were called m imperatiuae & n indictiuae , because the consul , praetor , or chiefe pontifie , according to their pleasure imperabant , & indicebaut has .i. commanded them , may in my opinion be contained vnder that member of feriae conceptivae , in respect of the vncertaintie of them . another distinction of daies is found in the roman kalender , to haue beene in fastos , whole court or leet-daies ; ex parte fastos , halfe court dayes ; nefastos , non-leet daies : though this word nefastus be often expounded vnlucky , as in that of o horace touching the tree , ille & nefasto te posuit die .i. he plāted thee in an vnhappy time . these daies were so called à fando , frō speaking ; because vpon those daies which were fasti , the praetor , or l. chiefe iustice might lawfully keepe court and administer iustice , which was not done without the speaking of these three words , do , dico , and addico ; p dabat actionē ; dicebat ius ; addicebat tā res , quā homines . where by the way wee must note , that sometimes these court daies were also called dies comitiales , because that q vpon every such day as the comitia .i. the publike assemblies were held , it was lawfull to keepe court : whence not only comitialis dies doth signifie a law day , but comitialis homo also doth signifie a wrangler in the law , or a litigious person . chap. 2. de ludis . this word ludus hath diverse acceptions , sometimes it is takē for a iest or scoffe , as vt me ludos facit ? how he scoffeth me ? sometimes for a place of exercise where any feate is learned , as ludus literarius , a schoole for learning ; ludus gladiatorius a fence-schoole ; and aperire ludùm , to set vp a schoole . sometimes for any game , pastime , or sport publiquely exhibited , either that thereby the gods might bee appeased , or the applause and favour of the people gained . these games from the diversity of the place where they were had , may be divided into ludos compitales , circenses , & scenicos . compitales were such as r vsually were solēnzied in compitis . .i. in the crosse-waies and open streetes . circenses were circque-shewes , taking their appellatiō either frō the great circque , or shewplace , called circus max : where the games were exhibited ; or from the swords wherewith the players were invironed , as one would say circaenses . they much resembled those grecian games , called certamina olympica , where the rūners with chariots were hemmed in on the one side with the running river , and on the other with swords pitched point-wise , that they should hold on the race directly , and not swarue aside without danger . ſ some haue thought thē to be the same with ludi gymnici , so called from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , naked ; because that those which did performe these kinde of exercises did either put off all , or the greatest part of their clothes , to the intent that they might the more readily and nimbly performe their games ; for which purpose they did also annoint their bodies with oile : t whence we say when a man hath lost his cost , and labour , operam & oleum perdidit ; oleum in this place signifying cost & charges : so that the proverb was the same with that of u the coble●s crow , opera & impensaperijt . the games and masteries vsed in the circque were diverse ; namely fifty-cuffes , fencing with swords , shaking the speare , dauncing in plaine ground , leaping , iumping , casting the dart , wrestling , running the race with chariots , which was called certamen bigarum vel quadrigarum ; playing at whorle-bats , which was tearmed bel●are coestu ; casting or hurling the great stone called discus ; though sometimes this discus was made of yron or brasse : the players thereat were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to dart or cast out any thing . the third sort of plaies were ludi scenici , stage-plaies . the reason of this name scena may be seene * before . x the first institution of them was occasioned by reasō of a great sicknes , which by no medicinary help could be removed ; the romanes superstitiously conceiting , that some new games or sports being found out the wrath of the gods woulde thereby bee vnarmed . y wherevpon about the fowre hundreth yeare after the building of rome they sent for certaine stage-players out of hetruria , which they called histriones frō the hetruriā word hister , which signified such a player . concerning the diverse kindes of stage-plaies i read of fowre , called by the grecians , mimicae , satyrae , tragoediae , comoediae : by the romanes planipedes , attellanae , praetextatae , tabernariae . in english , fables mimicall , satyricall , tragicall , comicall . these mimicall players did much resemble the clowne in many of our english stage-plaies , who sometimes would go a tip-toe in derision of the mincing dames ; sometimes would speak ful-mouthed to mocke the country-clownes ; sometimes vpon the top of their tongue to scoffe the citizen . and thus , by their imitation of all ridiculous gestures or speeches , in al kinde of vocations , they provoked laughter ; whence both the plaies and plaiers were named mimi , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an imitator , or one that doth apelike counterfet others : as likewise they were called planipedes , because the actors did enter vpon the stage planis pedibus .i. z excalceati barefooted . the second sort of plaies were called satyrae , a frō the lascivious and wanton country-gods called satyri , because the actors in these satyricall playes , did vse many obscene poems , and vnchast gestures to delight their spectators . afterwarde these kinde of actors as wee may coniect , did assume such liberty vnto themselues , that they did freely and without controlement , sharpely taxe & censure the vices even of kings , as wel as of the commons , insomuch that now wee call every witty poeme , wherein the liues and manners of men are sharpely taxed , a satyre , or satyricall poeme . b satyra mordax fuit & salsum genus carminis . these satyricall plaies were also called attellanae , from the city attella in campania , where they were often acted . the third sort of stage-plaies , were called tragoediae , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a goat , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an ode or song ; because the actors thereof had a goat given them as a reward . and likewise they were called praetextatae , frō praetexta , a certaine romane robe , which these actors did vse to weare in their plaies . the fourth sort were comoediae , frō 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth villages , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : because these kinde of actors did go vp and downe the country acting these comedies in the villages as they passed along . they were likewise called tabernariae à tabulis .i. from the boards or pentices wherewith they were sheltred frō the weather , whiles they were acting . these two last sorts of plaies , namely tragedies & comedies being still in vse amongst vs , it will be worth our labour to consider the communities , wherin they agree ; & likewise the proprieties or notes of distinction by which they differ . i finde three sorts of parts , wherein they agree , namely partes primariae , accessoriae , circūstantes ; parts principal , accessory , and circumstances , which are not so truely parts , as accidental ornamēts added to beautifie the plaies . the principal parts are 4. in respect of the matter treated of . for as farre as the declaration or exposition of the matter in hand reacheth , without intimation of the event to ensue , so farre reacheth the first part called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which word signifieth no more then a proposition or declaration . but when the play inclineth to its heate & trouble , thē ensueth the second part called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth the intension or exaggeration of matters . the third part is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 .i. the state and full vigour of the play . the last part which is an vnexpected change into a suddaine tranquillity and quietnesse is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : whence by a metaphor it hath beene translated to signifie the end , or period of any other thing ; or rather the inclination vnto the end , as vitae , humanae catastrophe , the end of a mans life . in respect of the players forsaking the stage , the parts were fiue ; namely the fiue acts. for the actors did fiue times in every comedie and tragedie forsake the stage , and make as it weare so many interruptions . the occasion whereof is supposed to haue been this , that the spectators might not be wearied out with a continued discourse or action , but that they might sometimes be delighted with variety intermixed . for those breaches and chasmes betweene each act , were made vp and supplyed , either by the chorus , or musicke . where we must note , that every tragedy and comedie must haue fiue actus , and no more , according to that of horace . neuè minor quinto , neù sit productior actu fabula . — againe we must remember that it is not necessary that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should alwaies be cōtained in the first act , though many times it happeneth so : for in plautus his bragging souldier the protasis is found in the second act : and so likewise haue the other three parts .i. epitasis , catastasis & catastrophe their bounds vnbounded . these acts are divided into severall scenes , which sometimes fal out more , sometimes fewer in every act. the definition of a scene being c mutatio personarum : whence we call a subtile gnatho , which can humor himselfe for all persons and times omniū scenarum hominem , a man fit for all parts . now amongst the romanes it was thought vnfit , that aboue three persons should come on the stage in one scene . nec quarta loqui persona laboret . hor. the partes accessoriae in a comedy are foure , argumentum , prologus , chorus , & mimus . the first is the matter or subiect of the comedy : the second is the prologue , which is either 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such as doth open the state of the fable , at which time there needeth no argument ; or else 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such as cōmendeth the fable , or the poet vnto the people ; or lastly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , such as shall refute the obiections and cavils of adversaries . the third is chorus , which speaketh betweene each act ; and this chorus may consist either of one , or many speakers , & that either male or female : d but with this caution , that if a male be to be commended , then must the chorus consist of males ; if a female be to be commended , then must it consist of females . and alwaies whatsoever the chorus speaketh , it must be pertinent vnto the act past , or covertly intimating somewhat ensuing . — non quid medios intercinat actus , quod non proposito conducat & haereat aptè . horat. the fourth and last accessory part , was mimus the clowne or foole of the play . of all these parts 〈◊〉 tragedy hath onely a chorus . the partes circumstantes , or accidentall ornaments were foure , common to both , titulus , cantus , saltatio , apparatus .i. the title of the play , musicke , dauncing , and the beautifying of the scene . by the scene in this place , i vnderstand the partition betweene the players vestry , and the stage or scaffold . this partition at the acting of a tragedy was vnderpropped with stately columnes & pillars , and beautified with paintings resembling princely buildings , and the images as well of gods as kings . at the acting of a comedy country-cottages and private buildings were painted in the out face of the partition . in the satyricall plaies the painting was overcast with shadowes of mountaines and woods : the e first of these partitions they called scenam tragicam , the second comicam , the third satyricam . the differences betweene a tragedy & a comedy which may be collected out of f antesignanus are these : first in respect of the matter , because a tragedy treateth of exilements , murders , matters of griefe , &c. a comedy of loue toyes , merry fictions , and petty matters , the one being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . in a tragedy the greatest part of the actors are kings and noble persons ; in a comedy private persons of meaner state and cōdition . the subiect of a comedy is often feigned , but of a tragedy it is commonly true , and once really performed . the beginning of a tragedy is calme and quiet , the ende fearefull and turbulent ; but in a comedy contrarily the beginning is turbulent , and the end calme . another differēce which antesignanus hath omitted is behouefull for vs to knowe , namely that the tragedians did weare vpon the stage a certaine shooe comming halfe way vp the legge in manner of buskins , which kind of shooe was called by thē cothurnus , and from that custome it hath beene occasioned , that cothurnus is translated to signifie a tragicall and loftie stile ; as sophocleo digna cothurno , matters beseeming sophocles his stile : & sometimes a tragedy it selfe . the comediās did vse an high shooe cōming vp aboue the ankle , much like a kind of shooes which plough-mē vse to weare to keepe themselues out of the durt . this kinde of shooe is called soccus , by which word sometimes also is signified a comedy , as hunc socci cepere pedem , grandesque cothurni . horat. g all these sorts of stage plaies both mimicall , satyricall , tragicall , and comicall , if they were acted according to the grecian rite and custome , then were they called palliatae , from pallium , a certaine mantle which the grecians did vse to weare : if according to the romane manner , then were they called from the romane gowne togatae . another division of playes hath beene taken not from the place where they were exhibited , but from the final cause or reasō why . some were celebrated in the honour of the gods , & they were named ludi sacri ; others for the performāce of some vow , being called therefore ludi votiui ; others for the more solemne celebration of funerals , whence they were called ludi funebres : lastly others for sport and exercise called therefore ludi ludicri . vnto those sacred or holy playes belonged these ; ludi megalenses , otherwise called megalesia , which were sports solemnized in the honour of cybele ; cereales , sports in the honour of ceres ; florales , in the honour of the goddesse flora ; martiales in the honour of mars ; apollinares in the honour of apollo , &c. the votiui ludi were also performed in the honour of some god , but they were distinguished from ludi sacri , because these votivi were performed only vpon occasion of some speciall vow made : for whensoever the romans did vndertake any desperate warre , then did some roman magistrate vovere ludos vel templa , conditionally , that they got the conquest . h whiles the magistrate vttered this his vow , he was said vota nuncupare or facere vota .i. to make a solemne vow vnto the gods ; the vow being thus made , hee was said to be votireus . .i. conditionally bound & obliged to the performance of this vow , so that the gods might challenge the thing vowed as due debt , if they granted his request . but the request being granted , then was hee said damnatus voti , vel voto .i. simply bound to the performance of it ; so that by a consequence damnari voti vel voto , is to haue ones desire accomplished . the third sort of plaies , which wee called ludos funebres , was fencing and playing of prizes , the custome among the romanes being , that at the funerals of their friends , they would procure certaine slaues and captiues to ioyne combate vpon the amphitheatre , vntil one of them had beene killed ; whence those fencers were called bustuarij , from bustum , the place where dead mens bodies were burned . they first began their fight with certaine cudgels , or yardes called rudes & after ward went to naked weapons ( & that was termed dimicare & versis armis pugnare , this word versis signifying mutatis according to i lipsius ) whereat they fought till one was killed ; neither was the other so acquitted , but he stood liable to vndertake another , & so a third , vntil he had foyled six or seaven combatants : and if his hap were to prevaile so often , then did he receaue a garland or coronet of palme tree , wound about with certaine woollen ribbands called lemnisci . k the coronet it selfe was called therefore palma lemniscata : and hence figuratiuely hath palma beene translated to signifie the victory it selfe ; and l such a mā as hath often gotten the prize , we say proverbially , that he is plurimarum palmarum homo . the reason why the palme tree rather then any other tree should bee given in token of victory is rendred by m divers good authors to bee this ; because the palme tree , though you put never so ponderous and heavy weight vpon it , yet it will not yeeld , but rather indeavour the more vpward . after hee had foiled six or seaven , hee receaved one of those staues or cudgels also , wherewith they began their combat , in token of libertie ; signifying thereby , that hee should hence for-ward lead his life free frō shedding of blood . alluding vnto which custome this word n rudis hath beene vsed to signifie any other kind of freedome , or discharge , wherevpon horace said of himselfe , that he was rude donatus .i. set at libertie , and discharged from his paines in poetry . the last sort of plaies called ludi ludicri , were either military to traine vp young men in the knowledg of the art military , and those were called ludi castrenses : or else they were only for exercise , namely rūning the race , iusting , or turnamēts , which were called sometimes troianus ludus , sometimes o troia without any other word added therevnto , p because ascanius aeneas his sonne first brought them out of troy into italy . chap. 5. de mensis & convivijs romanorum . before we proceed vnto the description of the romane tables , and manner of their feasting , we will explaine those fiue tearmes ientaculum , prandium , merenda , coena , & comessatio : which fiue words doe signifie the fiue several feedings each day , which childrē , old men , servāts , travellers & such like did vsually obserue . ientaculum signified their break-fast , and it had its name like as our english word hath a ieiunio from fasting . in former times it was called q silatum from sile , with the root whereof they were wont to season that wine , which they had at breakefast . for ( as r plutarch saith ) their breakfast was nothing but a sop dipped in wine . in the same place hee likewise saith , that in old time they had no dinner , but that which we call prandium , was the same with them as ientaculum ; & thus much the greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifying a dinner doth intimate . for it is so said quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which plutarch interpreteth the morning . and therefore , when through epicurisme this dinner time called prandium crept in as a distinct meale , it was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth in continent , or one which cannot tēperate himselfe . ſ the name prandium is said quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifying noone-tide . the third time of taking meat , was called merenda , because it was takē post meridiem ; we may english it our afternoones boever ; it was called also antecoenium , because it was taken a little before supper . t merenda est cibus qui declinante die sumitur , quasi post meridiem edendus , & proximè coenae ; vnde & antecoenium à quibus●ā dicitur . the fourth time was their supper called coena , quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth as much as common . u quia antiquitùs seorsim solebant prandere romani , coenare cum amicis . their fift & last time of feeding , was called in latin comissatio by some , by most x comessatio à comedendo . y ioannes tistinus saith that it is a boever takē after supper , or a night drinking . but the chiefe feast whereat z they gaue entertainement being their supper , we will consider these three things therin . first accumbendi vel discumbēdi rationem .i. the manner of their lying at supper ( for they sate not at table as we do . ) secondly , the forme & fashiō of their table ; and lastly the parts of their supper . the place where they supped was commonly called coenaculum à coena , as our dining-chamber is so called from our dinner . it was also called tricliniū or biclinium from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a bed : for sometimes there were three beds , sometimes but two about the table , vpon which the guests did sit , or rather ly along . in this dining parlour was placed a table , sometimes made quite round ; and for the common sort of people it was made of ordinary wood , standing vpon three feet ; but for men of better fashion , it was made of better timber , inlaid sometimes with wood of divers colours , sometimes with silver , and it stood vpon one whole entire foote made of yvory in the forme of a great lyon or leopard , &c. sometimes this table was made in the forme of an halfe moone , the one part of it being cut in with an arch or semicircle , and then it was called sigma , because it did much resemble the letter sigma , a which ( as it appeareth by certaine marble monuments ) was in old time made like a romane c. if any mā should demand the reason why they cut their table in that forme , i must confesse that i haue not read any reason in any autor : but my coniecture is this . it is agreed vpon by all autors , that in the round tables the one quarter was reserved void frō guests , that the waiters might haue a cōvenient roomth to attend . therevpon it seemeth not vnprobable to me , that this crooked arch was made for the waiters . i acknowledge that this sigma hath beene translated diversly by diverse writers , as it appeareth by b lipsius . by some it hath beene taken for the parlour or supping chamber ; ( lipsius in his antiquities ) by others for the supper , or feast it selfe ; so coelius thought . by lipsius since it hath bin thought a certaine place erected in manner of an hemicycle , or halfe-moone , against which they did place their beds : but brodaeus & ditmarus ( in my opiniō ) haue more truely taken it for the table it selfe . about the table that was perfectly round were placed three beds , covered with tapestry or some other kinde of covering , according to the wealth and ability of the person : and thus strato discumbitur ostro , the beds being ready furnished the guests lay downe on them in manner as followeth . each bed contained three persons , sometimes fowre , seldome or never more , except at their great feasts . many times it fell out , that each guest had his bed to himselfe , whence c a. gellius saith , that the nūber of guests shoulde begin with the graces , and end with the muses .i. they must not be fewer then three , nor more then nine . this also hath beene the reason of that adage . d septem convivium , novem convitium faciunt . if one onely lay vpon the bed , then he rested the vpper part of his body on his left elbow , the lower part lying at length vpon the bed : but if many lay vpō one bed , then the vppermost did lie at the beds head , laying his feet behinde the second his backe : the second rested his head in the others bosome , having a cushion put betweene , laying his feete behinde the thirde his back ; in like maner the third & fourth did lie . they divided their supper into three partes ; which they called their first , second , and third messe . in the first messe commonly was served mulberries , lettices , sausages , and alwaies egges ; as likewise in the last messe were served , nuts , figs , grapes , but alwaies apples : e whence wee say proverbially ab ovo ad mala , from the beginning of the feast to the end , or simply from the beginning of any thing vnto the end thereof . the middle messe was the maine supper , and the chiefe dish thereof was called caput coenae . chap. 4. de romanis vestibus . we may obserue in reading old autors , that as well the romanes as the grecians had diverse distinct habits , or outward vestimēts . the grecians had their mantile called pallium ; the romanes their gowne called toga , and by this different kinde of garment the one was so certainly distinguished from the other , that this word togatus was often vsed to signifie a romane , and palliatus a grecian . f togati pro romanis dicti , vt palliati pro graecis . before we proceede , we will first obserue what this toga was , & then how many sorts there were . g toga à tegendo dicta est . it was made commonly of wooll but according to the worth and dignity of the person , somtimes of courser , sometimes of finer wooll . as we may collect by that of horace , — mihi sit toga , quae defendere frigus quamvis crassa queat — h we must note with toxita , that no women of any credit did weare the romane gowne , but insteede thereof did vse a garment called stola from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifying demitto , quòd vsque ad talos demitteretur : whence old poets , when they would point out vnto vs an infamous or lewde strumpet , they would tearme her i mulierem togatam . k this toga sometimes was worne open and vntuckt ; then was it called toga aperta : other times it was tuckt vp , & then it was called toga praecincta . this cincture or girding vp of the gown was according to l sigonius threefold ; cinctura laxior , astrictior , and cinctus gabinus . cinctura laxior or the loose kinde of girding was such , that notwithstanding the tuck , yet the taile trailed vpon the ground . cinctura astrictior the close kinde of girding was such , that after the gowne had beene lapped or tucked vp , it should not reach so farre as the feet . the first kinde of these cinctures did argue a remisse soft and effeminate minde ; the latter did signifie the promptnesse or readinesse of the person ; m vnde , altè praecincti pro expeditis dicti sunt . thirdly , cinctus gabinus was a warlike kind of girding , not so that the whole gown should be tucked vp about the midle , but that it being cast quite backward , the party should gird himselfe with one skirt thereof . n this kind of girding was so called from a certaine citie of campania called gabij , because vpon a time the inhabitants of this citie being at sacrifice , were set vpon by their enimies ; at which time they casting their gownes behind them and girding one lappet or skirt about them , went immediatly to warre , even from the altars , and got the conquest . o in memory of which ever after , the consul when hee would proclaime warre girded himselfe in like manner . neither had the consul alone a peculiar garment when he proclaimed warre , but every souldier in time of warre did weare a different kind of garment from the gown , which they called sagum : we may english it a souldiers coat . whence tully vseth this phrase ad saga ire , which erasmus hath paralleld with this , ad certamen se accingere , to buckle for warre . insomuch that cedant saga togae , is aequiualent to that of the orators , cedant arma togae . touching the difference of the romane gownes i finde them distinguished by p sigonius accordingly as followeth ; in togam puram , candidam , pullam , praetextam , paludamentum , pictam , trabeam . togapura was the common ordinary gown worne by private men at mans estate , not by women at al , nor children , vntil the sixteenth yeare of their age , at which time they were said excedere ex ephebis .i. to be past striplings . notwithstanding the sixteenth yeare was not alwaies strictly without exception observed ; q for m. aurelius was permitted to weare this gowne being but fifteene yeares old ; and caligula did not weare , it till the nineteenth yeare of his age . this kinde of gowne besides that it was called pura , it was also sometimes called virilis , sometimes libera . it was called pura in respect of its pure white colour , being free from all admixtures of purple or any other colour , & therefore some haue tearmed it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , al white , others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , void of purple . it was called virilis , because it was given to striplings now growing to mans estate . whence wee vse to say of a stripling past 16 yeares of his age , virilem togam sumpsit , he is now become a man. lastly , it was called libera , r because then they did receaue some beginning of freedome , as being about that time freed from their school-masters , and overseers . ſ this kinde of gowne was not made open but sowed downe to the bottome , and also it was made without sleeues , so that if at any time they had occasion to vse their armes , they would take vp their gowne and cast it quite behind them , or vpon their shoulders . but these striplings could not for one whole yeares space , cast back their gownes in that manner for the liberty of their armes without the imputation of immodesty , as it appeareth by t cicero , nobis annus erat vnus ad cohibendum brachium togâ constitutus . the like liberty it seemeth was denied those that stood for places of office ; u & thence is it , that horace wisheth such to hire them a servant — laeuum qui fodiat latus , & cogat trans pondera dextram porrigere — in which place by pondera is vnderstood the romane gowne , as x sigonius hath expounded that place . now for the vnderstanding of toga candida , we are to learne a difference betweene this candida toga , & the toga pura aboue spoken of , which is often times called toga alba , both of which were white , but differed in the degree of whitenesse . the toga alba had only the naturall whitenes of the wool ; the toga candida had an artificiall white die : whereby the glasse of the white was made more orient and intēsiue . or else as y sigonius hath obserued out of isidorus , intendendae albedinis causâ cretam addiderant .i. they chalked it to encrease the whitenesse thereof . whence polibius calleth it togam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , shining or splendent . moreover whereas the alba toga was the ordinary roman gowne which commonly the romane citizens did weare ; this candida toga was only worne by those , which did ambire magistratum , sue for a magistracy or place of office who during the time of their sute were called from their gowne candidati : and quintilian borrowing his metaphor from them , hath called an young student eloquentiae candidatum . the third sort of gowne which i tearmed togam pullam , was a blacke gowne , and thereof was two severall kinds ; the one cole-blacke , which was worne luctus causa , in token of mourning , and the mourners were thence called atrati and as often as they did weare this gowne , they were s●id mutare vestem , z which phrase in old autors doth signify nothing else , but to goe in mourning apparell : the other not cole-blacke , but only fouled or stained , and that was worne reatus causa , in times of arraignement , & those that wore it were called sordidati , à sordibus in veste , from the spots or staines in the gowne . where wee must note , that in processe of time togapulla became the ordinarie gowne which the common people did weare ; at which time the ordinary gown , which the citizēs of better place and esteeme did weare , was the toga candida : wherevpon there did then grow a distinction of the citizens vnknown to the former age , saith rofinus , namely that some were tearmed candidati , others pullati . candidati were those , not which became suiters for places of office ( as in old time it signified ) but those which did liue in better repute then others , from whence it is , that a hee whose office was to read the emperours letters in the senate was called candidatus principis ▪ or quaestor candidatus . it did somewhat resemble the office of our king his maiesties chiefe secretary . pullati were those of the commonalty or inferiour sort . the fourth sort of gowne was the togapraetexta , so called , quia eipurpura praetexta erat , because it was garded about with purple silke . this kinde of gowne at the first was vsed only by the romane priests , and chiefe magistrates : neither was it lawfull for such as did weare that gown to be arraigned , or sentence to be giuen on them vntill that gowne was put off . in continuance of time this togapraetexta was permitted first to noble mens children ; afterward to all romane children in generall : where vpon b togatus à praetextato differt , vt privatus à magistratu & vir à puero , and aetas praetextata , is taken for childhood ; and praetextati sometimes for magistrates , but commonly for young children . the fifth sort of gowne was called paludamentum ; it was a military garment , which c none but the l. generall or the chiefe captaines did vse to weare . d isidorus saith it was not only garded with purple , but with skarlet , and gold lace , whence it was sometimes called e togapurpurea , somtimes coccinea . it was much like the habit which the grecian emperour was wont to weare called chlamis ; yea now it is f called chlamis ; wee may english it an heralds coate of armes . the sixt sort of gowne was called togapicta , g because in it were embroadered goodly pictures with needle worke : it was also called purpurea , not because of any purple gard ( in which respect the praetexta , and the paludamētum were called purpureae ) but because it was all over with a purple die . it was by some tearmed toga palmata , because in it many palme branches being the reward and token of victory were wrought ; whence by others it was called toga triumphalis , because emperours in their triumphes did weare such gownes . the last sort of gowne was trabea , whereof there were h three severall kinds ; the one woven all of purple , which was consecrated vnto the gods ; the second was purple woven vpon white , and this only kings & consuls might weare ; the third was skarlet woven vpon purple , and this the augures only did weare . i this last sort was therefore called trabea auguralis , the second trabea regia , the first trabea consecrata . chap. 5. de tunica . those coats which were worne vnder the gown were called tunicae ; and that they were worne vnder the gowne it appeareth by that adage , tunica pallio proprior est .i. every one for himselfe first ; or according to our english proverbe , close sitteth my shirt , but closer sitteth my skinne . k this tunica was both narrower and shorter then the gowne : at first it was made without sleeues , afterward with sleeues , and by it , as well as by the gowne were the citizens distinguished . the first sort of coats was made of white cloath commonly , l but purfled over and embroadred with studs of purple in manner of broad nayle heads ; whence it was called laticlavia , or latus clavus ; and the persons wearing this coat were senators called thence la ticlavij . the second sort belonged vnto the roman knights and it differed in making from the first , only that the purple studs or embroadred workes of this , were not so broad as the former : whence the coat was called angusticlavia , or angustus clavus , and the persons wearing it were called angusticlavij . the third sort belonged vnto the populacy and poorer sort of romanes , it was made without any purfled workes , being called tunica recta . this coate was given togither with the virile gowne to striplings past sixteene yeares olde , and to new maried women . and as the recta tunica was given with the virile gowne ; so was the tunica clauatae given togither with the toga praetexta : and the laticlavia , otherwise called tunica palmata , given with the toga picta . the fourth and last sort belonged vnto women , being a long coate reaching down vnto the heels ; they called it stolam . vpon it they did weare an outward garment m called palliū , and sometimes palla , quia palàm gestabatur . n sigonius saith , that this palla was a certaine gowne vsed by stage-players : howsoever certaine it is , that not onely women , but men also and children did weare this kinde of garment . besides the romane gowne & coat there remaine other parts of their apparrell to be spoken of : such are these which follow , lacerna , which some do english a cloake , but o festus would haue it to be a little kinde of hood , which men should weare to defende themselues from the raine and weather ; it was made that either side might be worne outward ; & at first it was worne only in warre , so that lacernati stood in opposition with togati . p isidorus togatos pro vrbanis , lacernatos pro militibus vsurpatos scribit . afterward as we may coniect , it was made lōger in maner of a cloake , for it was diverse times worne vpon their coates insteed of gownes . another kinde of garment was the penula , so called quasi pendula , we may translate it a long hanging cloake . a third was called mitra , which sometimes did signifie a certaine attire for womens heads , as a coyfe or such like ; though this kinde of attire was more properly called calantica : other times it signified a girdle , which more properly was called zona ; this zona chiefly signified a souldiers belt , or a marriage girdle : the souldiers belt was lined within in the inside , where when they went to warre , they did put their mony ▪ whence horace saith of a man that hath lost his mony , zonam perdidit . young maides when they were marryed were wont to haue a marriage girdle tyed about their middle , which their husbande at the first night of their marriage shoulde vntie : whence zonam soluere hath beene translated to deflowre a virgine : this marriage girdle in former times was called cestus , from whence commeth the latin word incestus , and the english word incest : which in truth signifieth all kinde of pollution committed by vndoing or vntying this girdle called cestus : but now in a more strict acception it signifieth onely that kinde of naughtinesse , which is cōmitted betweene two of neere kin● : q and that other follie which is committed with a strangers wife , is now properly called adulterium ; & that which is cōmitted with a maide or widdow stuprum . the last thing touching their apparell is their shooes . r calceamentorum genera duo fuerunt , ●alceus , & solea : for the soale of the shoe called in latin solea , sometimes crepidula , and in cicero his time gallica , was tyed on to the bottome of the foote with leather straps or buckles , and so worne insteede of shoes : the diverse kindes of these shooes did distinguish the romane people also . to omit the difference in colours , we may reduce the chiefe kindes to fiue heads , mullei , vncinati , perones , cothurni , socci . all these sort of shooes were made halfe way vp the legge , as the turkish shooes are according to iosephus scaliger : and they were either laced close to the legge , as many of our bootes are now adaies ; or clasped with taches or haspes . the first sort called mullei ſ from the fish mullus , being like vnto it in colour , were also called from their claspes calcei t lunati , because the claspes were made in forme of an halfe moone , which halfe mooned claspe resembling a romane c , signified an hundred ; u intimating thereby , that the number of the senators ( they onely being permitted to weare this kinde of shooe ) were at first a full hundred and no more . vncinati calcei , were those , which the souldiers were wont to weare . perones ( as we may cōiecture ) were laced vp the legge ; for tertullian making but two sort of shooes , saith there were the mullei called frō their claspes lunati , & the perones made without such halfe mooned claspes , called also calcei puri , quoniam ex puro corio facti ; and these perones or puros calceos all the other romanes did weare x with this note of distinction , that the magistrates shooes were beset with precious stones , private mens were not . thus much cōcerning both the kinds & fashiō of the shooes may bee collected out of rosinus in the place aboue quoted . the description & vse of the cothurnus & soccus may be seene in the tract * de romanis ludis . chap. 6. de nuptijs & nuptiarum renunciatione . before we come vnto the solemne ceremonies vsed by the romanes in their mariages , we will first shew the manner of their contracts , y which were called by the romanes , sponsalia à spondendo ; because in their contracts each did promise other to liue as man and wife . now the manner of contracting was commonly thus : they did for the greater security write downe the forme of the cōtract vpon tables of record , as it appeareth by iuvenal . satyr . 16. si tibi legitimis pactam iunctamque tabellis non es amaturus — these tables were also sealed with the signets of certaine witnesses there present , who were tearmed from the act of their sealing signatores . moreover before they would begin the ceremonies of their contract , the mā procured one soothsayer , and the woman another , with whom first they would consult . whence iuvenal . — veniet cum signatoribus auspex . the token or signe which these soothsaiers in time of observing accounted most fortunate was a crow : z ea enim cornicum societas est , vt ex duabus socijs alterâ extinctâ vidua altera perpetuò maneat . the man also gaue in token of good will a ring vnto the woman , which shee was to weare vpon the next finger to the little of the left hand ; a because vnto that finger alone a certaine artery proceedeth from the hart . the word nuptiae which signifieth mariage had its derivation a nubo b which verbe in old time signified to cover : the custome being that the woman should be brought vnto her husbād with a vaile ( called flammeus ) cast over her face . againe because of the good successe that romulus and his followers had in the violent taking away of the sabine women , c they continued a custome that the man should come and take away his wife , by a seeming violence from the lap or bosome of her mother or her next kinne . shee being thus taken away her husband did dissever and divide the haire of her head with the top of a speare , wherewith some fencer formerly had beene killed . this speare was called by them hasta celebaris , d and the ceremony did betoken , that nothing should disioine them but such a speare or such like violence . we must note that e three manner of waies a woman became a mans lawfull wife vsu , cōfarreatione , coemptione . a woman became a mans lawfull wife vsu .i. by prescriptiō or long possessiō , if that she were wedded with the consent of her overseers , and so did liue with the man as with her lawfull husband a whole yeares space , nullo interrupto vsu .i. f shee beeing not absent three nightes in the whole yeare from him . and some haue thought that the counterfeited violence in taking away the maide from her friends was vsed onely in this kinde of mariage . a woman became a mans wife confarreatione .i. by certaine solemnities vsed before a pontifie or chiefe-bishop , when the woman was given vnto the man vsing a set forme of words , ten witnesses being present and a solemne sacrifice beeing offred , at which the maryed couple should eat of the same barly cake , which formerly had beene vsed in sacrifice . which sacrifice was tearmed from farre confarreatio , and the mariage it selfe farracia , and g sometimes sacra simply ; the dissolution of this kinde of mariage diffarreatio . a woman became a mans wife coemptione .i. by buying and selling , when the woman did vnder a feigned forme of sale buy her husbād , by giving him a piece of coine . h veteri romanorum lege , nubentes mulieres tres ad virum asses ferre solebant : atque vnum quidem quem in manu tenebant , tāquam emendi causa marito dare . i in which kind of mariage the man was not named by his proper name , nor the womā by hers , but the man was named caius , and the womā caia in the memory of the chast and happy mariage of ca●a cacilia wife to tarquinius priscus : from whence sprang a custome among them , that the new maried bride when shee was brought home vnto her husbands house , was to vse this proverbe , vbi tu caius , ibi ego caia ; by which wordes shee signifyed that shee was now owner of her husbands goods as well as himselfe : and therefore erasmus hath expounded that saying by these words , vt tu dominus , ita ego domina . if any of these ceremonies were omitted , k then was the mariage tearmed nuptiae innuptae , in which sense we call our enimies giftes no giftes , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . these ceremonies being ended , towards night the woman was brought home to her husbands house with fiue torches , signifying thereby the need which married persons haue of fiue gods or goddesses .i. iupiter , iuno , venus , suadela , and diana , who often times is called lucina ( the reason being rendred by ovid : — dedit haec tibi nomina lucus , aut quia principium tu dea lucis habes . ) the matter whereof these torches were made , was a certaine tree , from which a pitchy liquor did issue : it was called teda , and thence haue the poets figuratiuely called both the torches , and the wedding it selfe tedas . when the woman had beene thus brought to the dore , then did shee annoint the posts of the dore with oyle , l from which ceremony the wife was called vxor quasi vxor . this ceremony of annointing being ended , the bridemen did lift her over the threshold and so caryed her in by a seeming force , because in modesty shee would seeme not to goe without violēce into that place where she should loose her maiden head : at her carying in al the company did cry out with a lowd voice talassio , talassio : for which custome m plutarch allegeth many reasons ; this being one . among those who ravished the daughters of the sabines , there were founde some of the meaner and poorer sort carying away one of the fairest women : which being knowne certaine of the chiefe citizens would haue taken her from them , but they began to cry out that they caried her to talassius , a man well beloued among the romanes ; at which naming of talassius they suffered her to be caried away , themselues accompanying hir , and often crying talassio , talassio . frō whence it hath beene continued as a custome among the romanes ever after at their mariages to sing talassio , talassio : as the greeks did hymen , hymenaee . from this custome of leading or bringing home the new maried bride , commeth that comicall phrase ducere vxorem , to mary a wife . shee being thus brought home , receaued the keyes of her husbands house , whereby was intimated that the custody of al things in the house was then cōmitted vnto her . n the mariage bed was called genialis lectus , as we may suppose quasi genitalis . the next day after the mariage the bridewoman receaued gifts from her friends , which the lawyers termed nuptialia dona . o but cicero expoundeth these dona nuptialia , to bee certaine tokens which the husband sent vnto his wife before the betrothing . if after the mariage any discontent had fallen out betweene the man & his wife p then did they both repaire vnto a certaine chappell built in the honour of a certaine goddesse called dea viriplaca à viris placandis , whence after they had beene a whiles there , they returned friends . we hauing thus seen the rites and ceremonies which the romanes vsed in their contracts and mariages , it would not bee impertinent to annexe the manner of their divorcements , which vpō iust causes were permitted . there q were two manner of divorcements , the one between parties only contracted ; the second between parties maried . the first was properly called repudium , in which the party suing for the divorcement , vsed this forme of words cōditione tuâ nō vtar . the second was called divortium , wherein the partie suing for it vsed these wordes , res tuas tibi habeto : vel res tuas tibi agito . both these kinds were tearmed matrimonij renuntiationes , a renouncing or refusall of mariage . where wee must note that insteed of this verb renunciare , divers good autors do vse this phrase mittere , or remittere nuncium : as c. caesar pompeiae nuncium remisit , c. caesar hath divorce pompeia . and alluding herevnto , r cicero saith virtuti nuncium remisit .i. hee hath cast off all goodnesse , hee hath even divorced vertue . secondly we must note that this verbe renuncio , doth not only signifie to renounce or to refuse , but many times in tully it signifieth to declare or pronounce a magistrate elected , as renunciare consulem , praetorem , &c. chap. 7. quo apparatu , quibusque ceremonijs apud veteres defuncta corpora igni tradebantur . the romanes in ancient time when they perceaued a body dying , had such a custome , that the next of the kinne should receaue the last gaspe of breath from the sicke body into his mouth , as it were by way of kissing him : ( to shew therby how loath & vnwilling they were to be deprived of their friēds ) & likewise should close the eies of the party being deceased . whence anna said vnto her sister dido now dying — ſ extremus si quis super halitus errat ore legam — and penelope wishing that her sonne telemachus might out liue herselfe and his father , writeth to her husband in this manner ille meos oculos comprimat , ille tuos . after the body had thus deceased , they kept it seven daies vnburied , washing the corps every day with hote water , & sometimes annointing it with oyle , hoping that if the body were only in a slumber and not quite dead , it might by these hot causes be revived . per calidos latices & ahena vndantia flammis expediunt , corpusque lavant frigentis & vngunt . in these seaven daies space , all the dead mans friendes met together now and then making a great out cry or shout with their voices , hoping that if the dead body had beene onely in a swoune or sleepe , he might thereby be awaked . this action was tearmed conclamatio , whence when wee haue done the best we can in a matter , and cannot effect it , we say proverbially conclamatum est : for this third conclamation or generall outcry ( which was alway vpon the seaventh day after the decease ) was even the last refuge , at which if the body did not reviue , then was it caryed to burial being invested with such a gowne as the parties place or office formerly had required . those who had the dressing , chesting or embaulming of the dead corps were called pollinctores : after they had thus embaulmed the corps , they placed it in a bedde fast by the gate of the dead mans house , with his face and heeles outward toward the street , according to that of persius . — tandemque beatulus alto compositus lecto , crassisque lutatus amomis in portam rigidos calces extendit — this ceremony was properly called corporis collocatio : and fast by this bedde neere the gate also was erected an altar called in latine t acerra , vpon which his friendes did every day offer incense vntil the buriall . the gate in the outside was garnished with cypresse branches , if the dead mā were of any wealth or note : for the poorer sort , by reason of the scarcity of the tree , could vse no such testimony of their mourning . u et non plebeios luctus testata cupressus . in these seaven daies space certaine men were appointed to provide all things in readinesse for the funerall : which things were commonly sold in the x temple of libitina , from whence those providers were tearmed libitinarij ; though sometimes this word libitinarius doth signifie as much as capularis an old decrepit mā , ready for the graue . vpon the eighth day a certaine cryer in manner of a bell-man , went about the towne to call the people to the solēnization of the funerall , in this forme of words : y exequias l. titio l. filio quibus est commodum ire . iam tempus est . ollus ex aedibus effertur . after the people had assembled themselues together , the bed being covered with purple or other rich coverings , the last conclamation being ended , a trumpeter went before all the company , certaine poore women called praeficae following after , and singing songs in the praise of the party deceased . where wee must note that none but the better sort had a trumpet soūded before thē ; others had only a pipe . z senatoribus & patricijs tubâ ; minoribus & plebeiis tibiâ canebant siticines ; this word siticines signifying either a trumpetter or piper , because they did both ad sitos .i. mortuos canere . againe , except it were one of the senators or chiefe citizens , hee was not caried out vpon a bed , but in a coffin vpon a beere . those that caried this bed were the next of the kinne , so that it fell often among the senators themselues to beare the corps , and because the poorer sort were not able to vndergoe the charges of such solemnities , therevpon were they buried commonly in the duske of the evening ; and hence à vespertino tempore , those that caried the corps were tearmed vespae or vespillones . in the buriall of a senator or chiefe officer certaine waxen images of all his predecessors were caried before him vpon long poles or speares , together with all the ensignes of honour which hee deserved in his life time . moreover if any servants had beene manumized by him , they accompanied the mourners lamenting for their masters death . after the corps followed the dead mans children , the next of the kinne , and other of his friends atrati , .i. in mourning apparell . the corps being thus brought vnto their great oratory called the rostra , the next of the kin a laudabat defunctum pro rostris .i. made a funerall oration in the commendation principally of the party deceased , but touching the worthy acts also of those his predecessors , whose images were there present . the oration being ended , the corps was in olde time caried home againe in manner as it was brought forth , sedibus hunc refer ante suis & conde sepulchro . but afterward by the law of the twelue tables it was provided , that no man besides the emperour and vestal nuns should be buryed within the city ; though some vpon especiall favour haue obtained it . the manner of their burial was not by interring the corps , as in former times it had beene , but burning them in a fire ( b the reason therof being to prevent the cruelty of their enimies , who in a mercilesse revenge would at their conquests digge vp the buryed bodies , making even the dead also subiects of their implacable wrath . ) this fire before the burning was properly called pyra ; in the time that it burned it was called rogus , c quod tunc temporis rogari solerent manes ; after the burning then was it called bustum quasi benè vstum . this pyra was alwaies built in forme of a tabernacle , as it is * aboue more at large to be seene : whither after the dead mā had beene brought , his friends were wont to cut off one of his fingers , which they would afterward bury , with a second solemnity . the charges at funerals growing by this means to be doubled , the law of the 12. tables provided in these words homini mortuo ossa ne legito , &c : that no mans finger should be cut off , except he died either in the warre , or in a strange country . where we must obserue , that lego in this place doeth signifie as much as adimo or aufero , in which sense we cal him sacrilegum , qui legit .i. qui adimit & aufert sacra . after the dead body had beene laid vpon the pyra , then were his eies opened againe to shew him heaven if it were possible : d and withall an halfe penny was put in his mouth , they superstitiously conceiting , that that halfe-penny was naulum charontis , the pay of charon , the supposed ferry-man of hell , who was to cary mens soules in his boate over the stygian lake after their decease . about this pyra were first many boughes of cypresse tree to hinder the evill sent of the corps to be burned . the dead body being thus laid vpon the pyra , the next of the kin turning his face averse from the pyra , did kindle the fire with a torch : after this commonly certain fencers hired for this purpose did combate each with other till one of them was killed ; they were tearmed bustuarij frō bustum . the bloud of those that were slaine , served insteede of a sacrifice to the infernall gods , which kinde of sacrifice they tearmed inferiae . c inferiae sunt sacra mortuorum , quae inferis solvuntur . anon after the body had been burned , his nearest friends did gather vp the ashes & bones , which being washed with milk & wine were put into certain pitchers called vrnae : whence this word vrna is often vsed by poets to signifie a graue or sepulchre , as — vna requiescit in vrnâ . ovid. met. lib. 4. f though properly sepulchrum was in old time a vault or arched-roofe , rounde about the wals whereof were placed certaine coffines called loculi , within which those former vrnae were laid vp & kept , namely two or three in each coffine . now these funerall solemnities were commonly towards night , insomuch that they vsed torches ; these torches they properly called g funalia à funibus cerâ circundatis , vnde & funus dicitur . h others are of opinion that funus is so said from the greeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , signifying death or slaughter . the bones of the burned body being thus gathered vp , then did the priest besprinckle the cōpany with cleane water thrise , and the eldest of the mourning womē called praeficae , with a lowd voice pronounced this word , ilicet , thereby dismissing the company , ( the word signifying as much as ire licet ; ) then presently did the companie depart taking their farewel of the dead body in this forme of words : vale , vale , vale : nos te ordine quo natura permiserit sequemur . if any of these ceremonies had beene omitted i then was it tearmed sepulitura insepulta , in the same sense as nuptiae formerly were tearmed innuptae . the old & aged men were invited after the buriall to a feast , or funerall banquet called silicernium k quasi filicaenium .i. coena supra silicem posita , their custome being to eate that feast vpon an altar of stone , and because this feast was onely eaten at funerals , and by the elder sort , l hence figuratiuely this worde silicernium doeth sometimes signifie an old creeple ready for the graue . the poorer people insteede of a feast , received a dole or distribution of raw flesh : this dole was tearmed visceratio . moreover there was a potation or drinking of wine after the buriall called murrata or murrhina potio , which afterward the law of the 12. tables for the avoiding of expences did prohibit : as likewise for the moderating of griefe in the mourners it did prohibit the vse of this word lessum , [ neve lessum funeris ergô habento ] for that word was often ingeminated in their mourning as a dolefull eiulation , or note of inward sorrow . this sorrowing or mourning was in some cases vtterly prohibited , in others limited ; m namely an infant dying before hee was three yeares old , should not be mourned for at all ; because hee had scarcely yet entered into his life . neither might children mourne for their fathers , or wiues for their husbands any longer then ten monthes , within which time without speciall dispensation or licence , it was not lawfull for the widdow to marry another husband . here we may with raeuardus obserue a distinction betweene lugere and elugere . lugere signified no more then to mourne some part of the time prescribed ; elugere to mourne the whole and full time . lib. 3. sect. 1. of the romane assemblies . de comitijs . hithervnto haue we insisted vpō the description of the most remarkeable parts of the romane city , togither with the severall divisions of the romane people , as also the romane religion : where we haue seene the generall divisions of their gods , their sacrifices , with their ceremonies therevnto belonging ; and other collaterall tracts , as appendices vnto religion . now are we to proceede to that part of governement which is politicall or civill , where we will first speake of their civill magistrates , then of so many of their civill lawes , as i haue observed needfull for the vnderstanding of tully ; & that principally in his orations : for the more easie conceiving of both i haue premised a chapter or two de comitijs . chap. 1. de comitijs , idque calatis praecipuè , & de rogationibus . every assembly of all the romane people , being called togither by a lawfull magistrate to determine any matter by way of giving voices , is à co●undo tearmed comitia , simply , without the adiection of any other word ; or comitia calata , that is , assemblies called togither , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or the obsolete latin verbe calo , which signifieth to call : though afterward those assemblies onely , which were held either for the inauguring of some pontifie , some augur , some flamen , or him that was called rex sacrorū , or for the making of their wils & testaments were called calata comitia . whence the will that was made in these assemblies was called testamentum calatis comitijs . this kinde of assembly is sometimes called comitia a pontificia and comitia sacerdotum , in that sense as others are called cōsularia , or aedilitia comitia ; namely because the pontifies in these , is the consuls , & aediles plebis in the others were chosen . there followeth three other kindes of assemblies : for either the people did assemble themselues by parishes , called curiae ; or by hundredths , called centuriae ; or by wards , called tribus . the first sort of assemblies they called comitia curiata , the second comitia cēturiata , the last comitia tributa . b where by the way we must note , that that thing which was determined by the maior part in any parish , hūdreth , or ward was said to be determined by that whole parish , hundreth or ward , & that which was determined by the maior part of parishes , hundreths , or wards , was said to bee approued comitijs curiatis , centuriatis , vel tributis . secōdly we must note that neither children vntill they were seventeene yeares old , nor old men after the sixtieth year of their age , were allowed to suffrage in these assemblies , whence arose that adage sexagenarij de ponte deijciendi : and old mē were hence called depontani , for the explication of which see * before . likewise those whom for some notorious crime the cēsors had disfranchised , had no autority of suffraging : they were tearmed aerarij because they did pro capite suo tributi nomine , c aera pendere . here before we speake of those three severall kinds of assemblies , we will consider the māner of their proceedings in propounding cases vnto the assemblies . d the custome was at first , that the romanes should bestow their suffrages viuâ voce , but afterward that every one might with freer libertie giue his voice , they commanded certaine wooden tables , wherein the names of those that stood for offices were written , to bee caried about , every suffrager receaving so many tables , as there were suitors : then did the people giue backe that table with whom they would suffrage . but if a law were to be enacted , thē every suffrager receaued two tables , in the one or which were written these two great letters v. r ; in the other was written a great romane a. those who delivered these tables vnto the people , did stand at the lower end of * those bridges ( which were erected vp for the suffragers to ascend vnto the ovilia ) whence they were called à diribendo .i. from distributing diribitores . at the other end of the bridges were placed certaine chests or little coffers , into which the suffragers which did approue the law did cast in the first table ; those that disliked it , did cast in the second : for by those two letters v. r. which were written in the first , is meant vti rogas .i. be it as thou hast asked , this word fiat being vnderstood . by a. in the second table was meant antiquo .i. i forbid it , the word signifying , as much as antiquum volo ; i like the old law , i loue no innovations . the tables being thus cast into the chests , certaine men appointed for that purpose in manner of scrutators ( they called them custodes , and sometimes c nongenti ) did take the tables out of the chests , and so number the voices by making so many points or pricks in a void table , as they found tables alike : which kind of accounting occasioned these and the like phrases ; suffragiorum punctanō tulit septem , and omne tulit punctum ; where punctum is vsed for suffragium . the voices being thus numbred , it was pronounced by the common cryer what was decreed . because the vse of those tables is now growne quite out of vse , i shall make bold to insert that , which with much labour i haue collected out of severall autors touching these tables . it is certaine that a long time the vse of paper was not known , whence men were wont to write sometimes vpon the inward rinds of trees , called in latine libri ( so that to this day we call our bookes libri , because in olde time they were made of those rinds of trees : ) sometimes they did write in great leaues made of that rush papyrus , growing in aegypt , from which we haue derived our english word paper , and the latine word papyrus , now signifying our writing paper ; but the romans at this time did vse to write in tables of wood , covered with wax , called in latine ceratae tabulae . they wrote their wills and testaments in tables , f hinc secundum & contra tabulas bonorum possessio ; the possession of goods either according or against the testator his will. because of the wax wherewith these tables were covered , cera is often vsed in the same sense , as haeredes primae cerae .i. primae tabulae & in primo gradu instituti ; by which words i think are vnderstood such heires as g alexander calleth haeredes ex toto asse .i. heires to the maine inheritance , opposing them to those which did receaue only legacies , whom he calleth there haeredes in imâ cerâ , secūdos haeredes , & legatarios . h sylvius not vpon improbable grounds doth thinke that tully doth vnderstand by haeredes secundi , such heires as were nominated to succeed the chiefe heire or heires if they died . they wrote their accounts in tables , hence tabulae accepti & expensi , signifying reckoning books . they wrought their statutes also in tables , whence tabulae publicae , are englished statute books , or rather bookes of record . those writings or instruments which the senate or emperour caused to be hanged vp in the market place , to release and discharge any banckrupt from paying his debts , they tearmed i tabulas novas ; wee may english them letters of protectiō . they wrought their inventories of goods set at sale in tables calling them tabulas auctionarias : yea they indited their epistles and common letters in tables , insomuch that tabellae are expounded missiue letters , and tabellarius which properly signifieth a carier of tables , is now vsed to signifie a letter-carier . k the manner how they sealed their letters was thus : they did bind another table vnto that , wherein the inditement was , with some strong thread sealing the knot of that thread with wax , whence cicero saith linum incidimus .i. we opened the letters . l lastly they wrote their bookes in tables , whence from them we doe at this day call our bookes codices à caudicibus , caudex signifying properly the truncke , or stocke of a tree , whereof these tables or bookes were made . we must note withall that they wrote not with inck or quill , but with an instrument of steele or yron , having m a sharpe point at the one end , and being broad , yet keene and well edged at the other : with the sharpe point they did write what they pleased , with the broad ende they did scrape out what they had written : whence stylum invertere is to say and vnsay a thing , to turne his punch the wrong end downeward , as it were to scrape out that which one had formerly written . and as wee vse this word manus to signifie the writing it selfe , according to that of n tully , cognovit manum , & signum suum : so in the like sense we vse this word stylus , to signifie the peculiar tenure or straine of phrase , which any man observeth in the composing of an oratiō , epistle , or such like ; in which sense tully vseth it as the antithetō to gladius , in that speach of his o cedat forū castris , otiū militiae stylus gladio ; though in another place he vseth it to signify , if not a sword yet a pocket dagger , as etsi meus ille stylus fuisset ; p in which place stylus doth signifie as much as pugio . now that wee may returne to the matter whence we haue digressed , wee will proceed to shew the maner how they enacted their laws . al the romans had not power and autority of preferring a law , but onely eight of their magistrates which they called magistratus maiores : namely the praetor , the consuls , the dictator , the interrex , the decemviri , the military tribunes , the kings , and the triumviri , vnto these eight was added one of those whom they called magistratus minores , namely the tribunus plebis . if any of these magistrates thought it fit to preferre a law , then did he first write it downe at home , and consult with some lawyer , whether or no it might be for the good of the common wealth , whether it would not weaken anie former law , or whether it was not formerly included in some other law , &c. these and many other cautions were to be considered , before it was preferred , yea some would haue the approbation of the whole senate after the advise of their lawyer , though diverse times that hath been omitted . and the lawyer alone allowing it , the law was hanged vp publiquely in the market place for the space of three market-daies , which kinde of publishing the law was tearmed legis promulgatio quasi provulgatio , during which time of promulgation , reasons were alledged pro & con : by the spectators : and all the people had so much time to consult of the conveniency thereof , and every one vpon iust reason , had free liberty to admonish him that preferred the law , either to amend it , or to surcease the proposeall . after the third market-day , ( for vnlesse it were vpon an extraordinary occasiō , no assembly might be called vpon a market-day , because of the country folks businesses , they also having freedome of suffraging ) the magistrate did convocate , the people to that place where the law was to be proposed : there the towneclarke or notary reading the law , the common cryer proclaimed it , then did he which promulged it make an oration vnto the people , perswading them that it might passe . sometimes others of his friends would second him with orations in his behalfe , as likewise others that disliked it , would by orations disswade the people , shewing the inconveniency thereof . after the orations had been ended , an vrne or pitcher was brought vnto certaine priests there present , into which were cast the names of the tribes , if the comitia were tributa , or of the centuries if they were centuriata , or of the parishes if curiata : then sortibus aequatis .i. the lots being shakē togither , they drew their lots ; and that tribe or centurie whose name was first drawn , was called tribus vel cēturia praerogativa , à praerogando , because they were first asked their voices : that curia vpon which the first lot fel , was called q principium , because that curia did first suffrage . those tribes vpō whom the other lots fel , namely the second , third , fourth , &c : were tearmed tribus iurevocatae . from this distinction it is that such a man as hath the voices of the praerogatiue tribe , or century , is said to haue r omen praerogativum : which good fortune whosoever could attaine vnto , was in great hope of obtaining the other voices of the iurevocatae ; for they never or very seldome would swarue from the determination of the prerogatiue tribe or centurie . whiles the people were busie in their lottery , in the mean time if any ſ tribune of the cōmons would intercedere .i. forbid the proceeding , he might be heard , & the whole assembly therevpō should bee dismissed : likewise they were dismissed if either he which first promulged the law did alter his opiniō , or if the consul commaunded supplications to bee offred vp in the behalfe of their emperour , or any of those holy daies called feriae latinae vel imperativae to bee observed vpon that day ; or if any of the people assembled were taken with the falling sicknesse ( by reason whereof that disease is called by the t physitions at this day , morbus comitialis : ) lastly the assemblies were dissolved by reason of the soothsayings , which kinde of dissolution was caused either by the civill magistrate his observing of signes and tokens in the heaven , and that was called spectio , and sometimes de coelo observatio ; the very act of this observation , though no vnlucky token did appeare dissolved the assembly : or else it was caused by the augures , and civill magistrate promiscuously , whensoever any evill token was seene or heard either by the magistrate or augur ( amongst which thunder was alwaies counted the vnluckyest ) at which time the assemblies were in like maner to be dissolved : this maner of dissolution was tearmed obnunciatio or nunciatio . u obnūciabat , qui contra auspicia aliquid fieri nunciabat . both these kindes are easily to be collected out of that speech in tully x nos augures nunciationem solam habemus , consules & reliliqui magistratus etiam spectionē . here we may fitly in way of conclusiō vnto this tract , adde a iust difference to be observed between these phrases , promulgare , rogare , ferre , et figere legem . promulgare legem was to hang vp a law not yet asked , to the publique view of the people , to be examined by them touching the conveniencie thereof . rogare legem was to vse a certaine oration vnto the people , to perswade the conveniencie of the law , which oration because it began with this forme of words , velitis , iubeatisnè quirites ? .i. o yee romanes is it your wil and pleasure that this law shall passe or no ? hence was it tearmed legis rogatio . ferre legē was when the law had beene approved of by the people , then to write it downe vpon record , and so to lay it vp into the treasure-house ; y cùm approbata fuisset lex , in aes incidebatur , & in aerario condebatur , & tunc demùm lata dicebatur . lastly , figere legem was to publish the law after it had been approved & recorded z by hanging it vp in tables of brasse in their market places , or at their church doores : hence it is that wee vse a tabulam figere in the same sense , namely to enact or establish a law , & refigere legem to disproue or cancell a law . b and that which was determined comitijs curiatis was tearmed lex curiata , that which was comitijs centuriatis , lex centuriata , that which was comitijs tributis was not called a law , but plebiscitum . chap. 2. de comitijs curiatis . comitia curiata were those , wherin the romane people being divided into thirty parishes did giue their suffrages : they were so called from curia signifying a parish . and vntill servius hostilius his time , who did first institute the comitia centuriata , all things which were determined by the suffrages of the people , were determined by these curiata comitia : but after the other two sortes of assemblies had beene established , these curiata were vsed onely either for the enacting of some particular lawes , or for the creating of some certaine priests called flamines . for the better vnderstanding hereof we must remēber , that though at first these thirty parishes were parts of the three tribes ( each tribe being divided into ten parishes , ) yet in processe of time the encrease of the romane people was such , that a great part of the romane fields were filled with buildings & places of habitation , insomuch that the tribes of the romanes were encreased to thirty fiue : but the parishes ( because none that dwelt out of the citty were tied to the rites and ceremonies of the romane religion ) did not encrease , so that the parishes did not alwaies remaine parts of the tribes . hence it followeth that all the romanes had not power to suffrage in these assemblies , but those alone , who dwelt within the city : for no other could be of anie parish . the place where these assemblies were held , was the great hal of iustice called from these assemblies comitium . before these assemblies were held , it was required that some lawfull magistrate for some competent time before hand should solemnely proclaime them , and the thirtie serjants ( each parish hauing for that purpose his serjant ) should call the people together ; as likewise three augures or at least one should bee present to assure them by their observatiōs , either of the favor or displeasure of the gods. vpon these premises the matter was proposed vnto the people , who if they liked it , thē they proceeded vnto their election ; if otherwise they disliked it , then did the tribunus plebis intercedere .i. forbid their proceedings : wherevpon their assemblies were presently dissolved . chap. 3. de comitijs centuriatis . as those former assemblies were called curiata à curijs , so were these called centuriata à centurijs . servius tullius caused a generall valuation of every citizens estate throughout rome , to be taken vpō record together with their age : and according to their estates and age , he divided the romanes into six great armies or bands which he called classes ; though in truth there were but fiue of speciall note : the sixt contained none but the poorer sort and those of no worth or esteeme . the valuation of those in the first classis was not vnder two hūdred pounds , and they alone by way of excellency were termed classici : and hence figuratiuely are our best and worthiest authors called classici scriptores , classicall authors . all the others though they were enrolled in the second , third , or any other classis , yet were they said to be infra classem . the valuation of the second band was not vnder seuen score pounds . the valuation of the third was not so little as an hundred pounds ; of the fourth not lesse then forty pounds ; of the fifth not lesse then twentie fiue pounds . the sixt contained the poorer sort , whom horace calleth tenuis census homines , men of small substance ; and also they were called proletarij , à munere officioque prolis edēdae , as if the only good that they did to the common weale , were in begetting of children : and sometimes they were called capite-cēsi , that is such as paid either very little or nothing at all towardes subsidies , but only they were registred among the citizens as it appeareth by c sigonius . these six great bands or armies were subdivided into hundreths called in latine cēturiae . the first classis contained fourescore centuries of footmen , and eighteene of horsemen : the second contained twentie centuries of footmen , and two of workemen , which followed after to make military engins & weapons : the third also , as likewise the fourth contained twentie cēturies of footmen , but to the fourth were added two other centuries of trumpeters , drummers , and such like , who vpon iust occasion did classicum canere , sound the alarme and vpon iust occasion did againe receptui canere , sound the retrait : the fifth classis contained thirtie centuries of footemen : the sixt or last classis contained one centurie : so that in all the six classes were contained one hundred fourescore and thirteene centuries . where we must note that al the centuries of footmen did consist the one halfe in every classis of the younger sort , who were to make war abroad vpon the enimies ; the other halfe of old men , who remained at home for the safety of the citie . all that hath beene hitherto spoken of these centuriata comitia , may be collected out of sigonius in the place aboue quoted . the chiefe cōmander of every centurie was called centurio ; the rod or tip-staffe , wherewith he did strike his souldiers to keep thē in aray , was called by pliny , centurionum vitis . so then we may perceaue , that those centuriata comitia were those , wherein the people did giue their voices by centuries , or hundreds . now the cēturies did not consist of those alone which had their places of habitatiō at rome , but of certaine municipall states also , & such colonies or other states , that could d plenum civitatis ius cū iure suffragij adipisci . e now the custome in old time was , that al these centuries should march in their armour after the magistrate which assembled them , into the campus martius , there to giue their voices . but this custome continued not long , for thereby they did disarme the citie , and giue their enimies ( if any should assayle them in time of their assemblies ) the greater advātage : for their greater securitie therfore , they appointed a flagge to bee hanged out vpon the mount ianiculus , some few armed men standing there in watch & ward for the safegard of the citie : and when the assembly was to bee dissolved , then did the watch depart , and the flag was takē downe : neither could any thing after that bee determined ; but if they cōtinued their assemblies , then did they proceed to the giuing of their voices , in old time thus . those cēturies of the first classis being the wealthier had the prerogatiue of suffraging first , and because this first classis contained more centuries then all the rest , therefore , if they could agree among themselues , the other centuries were never asked their voices . this kind of suffraging being somwhat partiall in as much as the richer and wealthier being placed in the first classis did oversway the elections against the poorer sort of people ; thence did the after ages appoint that that cētury should haue the prerogatiue of suffraging first , vpon whom the lot fell . the other centuries were all called f centuriae iurevocatae , and did giue their voices not by lots ( as the tribus iurevocatae did ) but the elder and wealthier centuries did suffrage next after the prerogatiue centurie , accordingly as their place required . chap. 4. de comitiis tributis . for the better vnderstanding of these assemblies by tribes or wards , it will bee needfull first to learne , that this word tribus in this place doth signifie a certaine region , ward , or locall place of the citie , or the fields belonging therevnto according to that , g tributa comitia erant cùm ex regionibus & locis suffragabantur . it was so called either à tributo dando every several region or quarter paying such a tribute ; or quia primò tres tantùm fuerunt , the whole citie being at first divided only into three regions , or wardes , each nationall tribe having his seuerall region or locall tribe to dwell in . the first nationall tribe called ramnenses did in habit the mount palatine , and the mount coelius , & those two hills made the first locall tribe . the second nationall tribe called tatienses did inhabite the capitoll , and the quirinall mountaine , which two mountaines made the second locall tribe . the third nationall tribe did inhabite the plaine betweene the capitoll and the palatine hill , and that plaine was called the third locall tribe . of these tribes more is spoken in the * first division of the romane people . only here we must note thus much , that in processe of time after the citie was enlarged , and the number of the roman citizens encreased , these locall tribes were also augmēted , so that they amoūted at the last to the number of 35. some of them being called vrbanae , others rusticae ; h vrbanae ab vrbis regionibus , rusticae ab agri partibus erant nuncupatae . and of these two sorts the tribus rusticae were accounted the more honourable . moreover wee must remember , that a man might be reputed of this or that tribe , although hee had no place or habitation therein . concerning the place where these tributa comitia were had , sometime they fell out to be in the campus martius ; sometimes in their great hall of iustice called comitium ; sometimes in the capitoll ; many times in other places , according to the discretion of the magistrate which caused these assemblies . chap. 5. de candidatis . it shall not be impertinent to annexe some necessary observations touching the romane petitors or suiters for bearing office : where we wil obserue these three phrases ambire magistratum , inire magistratum , and abire magistratu . the first signifieth , to sue for an office , the second to enter into the office , the third to depart out of the office . againe the difference of these phrases , conficere legitima suffragia , & explere suffragia . i the first signifieth to haue so many voices as the law doth require . the second signifieth to haue more voices then any other competitor , but not so many as the law requireth . these persons were tearmed candidati , à togâ candidâ , from the white gowne which they did weare , as appeareth more at large * where we haue spokē de romanâ togâ . that they might the easier procure the good will of the people , k these foure things were expected from them . first nomenclatio , the saluting of every citizen by his name ; for the better discharge of which , they had a certaine follower , which should , by way of prompting , tell every citizens name as he passed by , and hence this prompter was sometimes called nomenclator , which word doth properly signifie a common crier in a court of iustice , such as call men to their appearance , whence they had their name from nomen & calo , an old latin word to call ; sometimes monitor ; sometimes fartor ab infarciendo in aures . secondly , blanditia , that is , a friendly compellation by the addition of some complementall name , as well met friend , brother , father , &c. thirdly , assiduitas , that is , an hote canvasing or soliciting men without intermission . lastly , benignitas , a bountifull or liberall largesse , or dole of mony called cōgiarium from the measure congius containing a gallon , because their l dole was at the first made of oile or wine distributed in those measures . howbeit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 any dole gift or larges in mony or otherwise is called cōgiariū . the distributors of this dole were called m divisores & n sequestres , although sometimes sequester signified a briber or corrupter of a iudge . likewise their bounty or liberality consisted in providing great dinners , and exhibiting great shewes vnto the people , &c. lib. 3. sect. 2. of the romane magistrates . chap. 1. de magistratibus romanis . we being to treate of the romane magistrates will first see what the definition of a magistrate is . a magistrate is he o who receiveth by publique autority the charge and oversight of humane affaires belonging to the commō wealth . these romane magistrates were either to be chosen only out of the better sort of romanes , called the patricij ; or else onely out of the commonalty . p the first were thence called magistratus patricij , the second magistratus plebeij . the patricij had power to hinder the assemblies of the people ; namely their comitia by observing signes and tokens from the heavens : howbeit some of them had greater power , others lesse ; insomuch that some were called maiores magistratus , quoniam habebant maiora auspicia .i. q magis rata . others were called minores magistratus , quoniam habebant minora auspicia . of these in their order . chap. 2. de rege & tribuno celerum . in the infancie of rome , it was governed by a king vntill tarquinius superbus his time , who by maintaining that shamefull act of his sonne towards lucretia did so incense the people , that they did not only for the present exile him , but decreed that their city should never after that be governed by a king . this king had absolute rule & governement over the city . for the safety of his person he had three hundred chosen young men alwaies to be attendant about him , much like vnto our kings maiesties guard here in england , or rather his pensioners . they were called r celeres à celeritate , from their readines in assistance : sometimes they were called trossuli , ſ because they alone without the helpe of any foote-men did take a certaine city in etruria called trossulum . other times they haue beene called flexumines , wherof as yet there hath beene no certaine reason rendred . each hundred of them had their severall overseer called centurio : and over them al there was one generall overseer and chiefe commaunder , whom they called praefectum vel tribunum celerum , his place being next to the king . a second sort of attendants about the king were called lictores à ligando , according to that , lictor colliga manus . they did somewhat resemble our serjants there being in number twelue of them . their office was to carie certaine bundles of birchen rods with an axe wrapped vp in the middest of them : the rods in latin were called fasces , the axe securis . t the reason why they carryed both axes and rods was to intimate the different punishment that be longed vnto notorious and petty malefactors . the reason why they were wrapped vp togither was not onely that they might be thereby more portable , but that the anger of the magistrate might be somewhat allayed , whiles they were vnbinding . hence because these fasces virgarum & securium , did betoken honour and chiefedome in place & autority , by the figure synecdoche this word hath beene vsed to signifie honour and dignity , as fascibus suis abrogatis , he being discharged of his magistracie or dignity . chap. 3. de senatu , & quis princeps senatus , & qui senatores pedarij ? touching the election of the senators , the number of them , and the distinction of them into senatores maiorum & senatores minorum gentium , sufficient hath beene delivered * in the second division of the roman people ; as likewise * in the third division hath been shewne the habit or gowne , by which the senators were distinguished from the romane gentlemen . here therefore it shall be sufficient for vs to vnderstand , that every solemne meeting or consistory of these senators was called senatus . the foreman of them ( which could bee no other then such as had been either consul or censor , was called princeps senatus , and his opinion was alwaies first asked . now among those that had borne those foresaid offices it was in the censors power to make whom he would fore-man . the decree of this consistory was called senatus-consultum . and manie times it is written with these two letters onely s. c. the place where this cōsistory was had they called senaculum . none was u ordinarily admitted into the place of a senator , before the fiue & twentieth yeare of his age : & of those that were admitted , some were allowed to ride vnto the senate-house in a curule chaire , others went on foote : x whence these latter were called senatores pedarij . they determined their acts which they called senatus consulta sometimes by departing downe their benches , & dividing thēselues into sides , those which did approue that which was proposed sided with the party who did referre ad senatum .i. propose the matter vnto the senate ; the others departed vnto the contrary side , or if they came not downe at all , but sate still on the benches , then did they signifie by holding vp or beckning with their hands what side they would take . now if the maior part were easie to be discerned , then they rested there , tearming that act to be decreed y per discessionem : and hence these & the like phrases haue taken their beginning , in illius sententiam iturus sum , and manibus pedibusque discedere in alicuius sententiam .i. to bee fully perswaded of ones opinion . now if both companies were almost equall , so that the maior part could not easily be discerned , then did they proceed to giue their voices , & that which was thus determined was said to bee decreed per singulorum sententias exquisitas .i. by voices . here wee may obserue that to those , who were favourably heard in senate , his senatus dari d●ebatur ; and z likewise they were said , stare in senatu : as on the contrary they were said iacere , whom the senate neglected or rather cōdemned . a cū mihi stanti iacens minaretur , saith b tully . if any senator were absent without a lawfull excuse , then was he fined , & for the payment thereof he did put in a pledge , which if he did not ransome , then did the common treasurer caedere vel concidere pignora .i. straine or seaze vpon the pledges , making common sale thereof , in which sense those two phrases are vsed , namely , capere pignora , & auferre pignora , .i. to straine or seaze vpon a mans goods . chap. 4. de consulibus . after the expulsion of tarquinius sup. the last roman king , all the citizens in rome assembled , and concluded that the government of their city , which before was in the hand of one alone governour , called their king , should now bee divided betweene two : c whom at first ( before there was any such subordinate office as a praetorship ) the romanes called praetores , quod praeirent populo . not long after they were called iudices à iudicando . in processe of time they were known by no other name then cōsules à consulendo populo . d no citizen , was ordinarily created consull before the forty third yeare of his age . neither might any be chosen without speciall dispensation either of their absence out of rome , e or in time of their triumph which was the reason that iulius caesar was glad to forgoe his triumph at that time , when hee was consul with bibulus . the signes or tokens of this consular dignitie were the twelue lictors carying their bundles of rodds & axes f the first month before one consul , & the second before the other ; as formerly they had done before their kings . g the reason why each consul had not twelue lictors alwaies , was because the tyranny of the consuls might then seeme to be doubled and to exceed the tyranny of the kings : another token was a certaine chaire of estate called sella ●burnea .i. an yvory chaire , so called from the matter whereof it was made , and h because this chaire was commonly caried about in a certaine coach or chariot , wherein the consul did ride , hence from currus which signifyeth a chariot , it is also called sella curulis : where i note that this word curulis is sometimes vsed substantiuely , & then it signifieth some chiefe magistracy or office amongst the romanes . the gowne , by which they were distinguished from other magistrats or private men , was a certaine purple gowne , which from the great embroadred workes was called trabea , and hee that did weare it was thence called trabeatus , according to that , trabeati cura quirini . it will be worthy our observation to note , that the romanes did date their deeds and charters in old time by naming the yeare wherein their citie was first founded ; as to say abvrbe condita the twentieth , thirtieth , or fortieth yeare , &c. but in processe of time their manner of dating was by subscribing the names of their present consuls : as to say , such a thing was determined l. valerio , m. horatio consulibus , such and such being consuls . whence suetonius speaking of iul. caesar , saith , he was appointed to be flamen dialis , sequentibus consulibus .i. the next yeare following . those alone who had borne the office of a consul , not every one that was capeable thereof were said to be viri consulares . k at the first those who were created consuls remained in their office the space of an whole yeare , being designati ad consulatum vpon the twentie fourth of october . l at consulatum non inierant ante calendas ian .i. the first of ianuary . the reason of this chasme , or interim betweene their designation vnto their office , and their entry into it , was ( as we may probably coniect ) that the competitors might haue some time to enquire de ambitu .i. whether there was no vndirect and vnlawful meanes vsed in their canvassing . in processe of time either by voluntary resignation or deposition or death many consuls haue beene chosen in the same yeare , and they were called m non ordinarij , & suffecti consules . at such times all their deedes were dated by the names of the two first consuls which began the yeare : whence those two first , and likewise all those that continued in their office the whole yeare were called n consules honorarij , and consules ordinarij . chap. 5. de censoribus . the consuls finding themselues encombred with so many businesses of a different nature , did by consent of the senate choose two peculiar officers called o censores à censendo ; because they cessed and valued every mans estate , registring their names , and placing them in a fit century . for it did concerne the romanes to knowe the number , and likewise the wealth of their people , to the end they might be informed of their owne strength , & so shape their course accordingly , either in vndertaking warres , transplanting colonies , or in making provision of victuals in time of peace . a second and maine part of their office was in reforming manners to which end they had power to enquire into every mans life . this part of their autoritie was noted out vnto vs by this phrase being called virgula censoria . if any one had plaied the ill husband , & neglected his farme , or left his vine vntrimmed , the censors tooke notice thereof . they did senatu & tribu movere .i. they did depose senatours , and pull downe men from a more honorable tribe to a lesse honourable . they did punish capitis diminutione .i. with losse of freedome : and that was threefold p maxima , media , & minima . the least degree of disfranchising was the pulling of a man downe from an high tribe to a lower . diminutio media , was an exilement out of the city without the losse of ones freedome . it is q commonly set downe in this forme of words , tibi aqua , & igni interdico . diminutio maxima was the losse of ones tribe , city , and freedome . these censors were reputed of the best rancke of magistrats in rome : they remained in their office an whole fiue yeares space ordinarily . i say ordinarily , because r through the abuse of their place , the office hath been somtimes made annuall . ſ that fiue yeares space the romanes did call lustrum , because they did once in every fiue yeares revolution lustrare exercitum romanum , by sacrifice purge the romane army . hence we say duo lustra , 10 yeares ; tria lustra , 15 yeares , &c. the performance of this lustration belonged also vnto the censors : for after the censors had performed the one part of their office in registring the iust valuation of every citizens estate , t they did lead a sow , a ramme , and a bull three times about the army , and in the end sacrificed them to mars : and thus to purge an army , is condere lustrum ; though sometimes condere lustrum doth signifie , to muster an army . these sacrifices , as likewise all others of the like nature , that is , wherein there was a sow , a ramme , and a bull sacrificed , were tearmed sometimes u suovetauralia , somtimes solitauralia , sometimes x taurilia . moreover it did belong vnto these censors to farme out the tributs , imposts , tollage , &c. y at the fiue yeares end , the acts of both their censors were registred vpon bookes of record , which records were laid vp in a certaine religious house dedicated to the nymphs . whence z cicero speaking of clodius , saith , qui aedem nympharum incendit vt memoriam publicam , incensis tabulis publicis impressam aboleret . chap. 6. de praetoribus . the consuls by reason of their many troubles in war , having no time to administer iustice vnto the romane people , did for their better help therein create two new officers for the executing of iustice , the one to examine and iudge of matters within the city between citizen , and citizen ; the other to decide controversies betweene forreiners : the first they a called praetorem vrbanum , and praetorem maiorem ; the other praetorem peregrinū , & praetorem minorem : we may english them lord-chiefe-iustices . where we must note that at the first there was only the praetor vrbanus , vntill the cases and suits in law became so many , that one was not sufficient to heare them all : b yea at last the number of the praetors came to sixteene : namely when those two were added for the providing of corne and graine : whence they were called praetores cereales ; c nay there were at last eighteene praetors , there being two others added to iudge of controversies touching feofmēts of trust called thēce praetores fidei cōmissarij . d causarū duo genera sut : aliae privatae , aliae publicae ; has criminosas , illas civiles appellant . in those cases which were private .i. e touching equity and vprightnesse of any act or the restitution of any mony or goods vnlawfully detained from the right owner , it belonged principally vnto the f two first praetors to iudge : g but vnder them vnto the centumviri , who often times are called by tully , recuperatores , & iudices hastae ; the court hasta centūviralis ; because one of the marks and speciall ensignes was a speare erected vp in the place the court was kept . those cases which were publique or criminall , as treason , murder , buying of voices in the canvassing for offices , &c : were called also , causae capitales , and capitis dimicatio .i. h such cases wherein if the party accused had bin found guilty he was capite damnatus : by which phrase we must not vnderstand alwaies vltimum suppliciū , sed aliquando exilium : quo scilicet caput .i. civis eximitur à civitate . i these cases at the first were heard by the kings & consuls ; afterward by certaine appointed therevnto by the people , being called from their inquisition quaesitores parricidij . in continuance of time the examination and hearing of these publique cases was turned over vnto certaine magistrates , who because they were to continue their office a full and entire yeare ( whereas the others had their authoritie no longer then they sate in iudgement ) were thence for distinction sake called praetores quaesitores , and the cases were tearmed quaestiones perpetuae : k because in these cases there was one set forme of giving iudgement perpetuallie to remaine ; wheras in those private or civil causes the praetor did commonly every yeare change the forme of giving iudgement by hanging vp new edicts . l here we must note that these quaesitores parricidarum , otherwise called praetores quaesitores , had not the examination of all publique cases , but sometimes vpon extraordinary occasions either the consuls , the senate , or the people themselues would giue iudgement . now as those former praetors had a speare erected vp , whereby their court for private causes was knowne ; so had these quaesitores a sword hanged out in token of their court . m praetorum insignia duo fuere , hasta , & gladius ; illa ad iurisdictionem , hic ad quaestionem significandam . the officers which did attend these praetors were scribae .i. certaine notaries much resembling the clearkes of our assises , their offices being to write according as the praetors or chiefe iustices did bid them , taking their name à scribendo . the second sort were called accensi ab acciendo , from summoning , because they were to summon men to their appearance . they much resembled our bayleiffes errant . the third sort were lictores , of which before : n the authority of the vrbane praetor was so increased in time , yea his honour was such , that whatsoever hee commaunded , it had the name of ius honorariū . o others are of opiniō that onely the praetors edict was that ius honorariū , p the praetor vrbanus being wont at the entrance into his office to collect a set forme of administration of iustice out of the former lawes and severall edicts of former praetors , according vnto which he would administer iustice all the yeare following . and vnlesse the people might be ignorāt of the contents thereof , he caused it to be hanged vp to the publique view . this forme of iustice was tearmed edictum , ab edicendo .i. q imperando ; because thereby hee did command , or forbid something to be done . whence pellitarius in the place now quoted doth translate consulum edicta , mandatory letters , that it might be distinguished from other magistrates edicts . it was commonly called praetoris edictum . and as pighius observeth in the place aboue quoted , it was called edictum perpetuum ; not absolutely , because the vertue thereof was perpetuall ( for that expired together with the praetors office , and therefore r tully calleth it legē annuam : ) but in respect of other edicts made in the middle of the year vpon extraordinary and vnexpected occasions , which latter sort of edicts ſ tully calleth peculiaria & nova edicta . afterwarde t salvius iulianus collected an edict out of all the old edicts of the former praetors , wherein almost all the whole civill law was contained and this was called properly edictum perpetuū , because that all the praetors ever after did administer iustice according to that edict by the appointment of hadrianus being then emperour . the edict being given out , the administration of iustice consisted in the vse of one of these three words , do , dico , & addico .i. u dat actionem , dicit ius , addicit tā res , quàm homines . for explanation whereof we must knowe , that this worde addico is sometimes verbum augurale , sometimes forense , sometimes a tearme of art belonging vnto the discipline of the augures , and so the birds are said addicere , when they shew some good and lucky token , that the matter consulted about is approved by the gods ; the opposite herevnto is abdicere . sometimes this verbe addico is a tearme of law signifying as x much as to deliver vp into ones hands , or into ones possession : whence we doe not onely call those goods that are delivered by the praetor vnto the right owner bona addicta , but those debtors also which are delivered vp by the praetor vnto their creditors to worke out their debt , are tearmed servi addicti : yea moreover because in all port-sales it was necessary that the praetor should addicere bona deliver vp the goods sold : hence doth this word often signifie to sell , as addicere sanguinem alicuius , to take mony to kill a man , to sell a mans life . touching the reason of their name they were called praetores à praecundo , quoniā iure prae●bāt . and y those alone were properly tearmed viri praetorij , which had borne this office , not they which were capeable thereof : in the same sense we say viri censorij and viri aedilitij , &c. chap. 7. de imperatoribus , caesaribus , sive augustis . vvhen c. iulius caesar had overcome pompey his sonnes in spaine , at his returne to rome the senate welcomed him with new invented titles of singular honour , styling him pater patriae , consul in decennium , dictator in perpetuum , sacro sanctus and imperator : all which titles were afterward conferred vpon octavius caesar ; and all the emperours succeeding desired to be called imperatores & caesares from him . where we must vnderstand that this name imperator was not altogether vnknown before , for by that name the romane souldiers were wont ( even at that time ) to salute their l. generall after some special cōquest . z these romane emperours were afterward called also augusti from octavius caesar whom when the senate studyed to honour with some noble title , some were of minde that he should be called romulus , because he was in manner a second founder of the city . but it was at length decreed by the advise of manutius plancus , that he should be styled by the name of augustus : which we may english soueraigne , and they counted this a name of more reverence and maiestie then that former name of romulus , because all consecrated and hallowed places were called loca augusta . the authoritie of these emperours was very great , even as great as the kings in former times . chap. 8. de principibus iuventutis caesaribus , & nobilissimis caesaribus . a a custome was receaued amongst the romane emperours in their life time to nominate him whom they would haue to succeed them in their empire : & him they called princeps iuventutis caesar , and nobilissimus caesar . the like custome was practised by charles the fifth emperour of germany , and so hath beene continued by his successors ; namely , that one should be chosen whom they called rex romanorum , who should be so farre invested in the title to the empire by the meanes of the present emperour , that vpon the death , resignation , or deposition of the then being emperour , he immediatly should succeed . chap. 9. de praefecto vrbis . romulus for the better government of the city appointed a certaine officer called vrbis praefectus to haue the hearing of all matters or causes betweene the master and the servant , betweene orphanes and their overseers , betweene the buyer and the seller , &c. afterward in time of the romane emperours this vrbis praefectus did assume vnto himselfe such authoritie , that hee would examine and haue the hearing of all causes , of what nature soever , if they were intra centesimum lapidem , within an hundred miles of rome ( for b lapis in old time signifyed a mile , because at every miles end a great stone in manner of a mark-stone was erected . ) in the absence of the king or consuls , he had all authoritie which belonged vnto them resigned vnto him . i am not ignorant , that some doe make this latter kind of praefecture or lieuetenantship a differēt office from the former : but i should rather thinke them to be one and the same , only his authoritie to bee more enlarged in the kings absence , and of this opinion doe i finde fenestella , alexand. neop . and c sigonius . chap. 10. de decemviris legibus scribendis . for the better administration of iustice the d romanes appointed three men , namely those who were reputed the gravest and wisest amongst them to goe to athens there to pervse the grecian lawes , to the intent that at their returne , both a supply might bee made of those lawes that were wanting in rome , and the other which were faultie might thereby be rectified and amended . at the returne of those three men , the consuls were deposed , and both their authority and ensignes given vnto these decemviri . the lawes which they brought from athens were written at first in ten tables of brasse : afterward two other tables were added . at which time those lawes began to be knowne & distinguished from others by the name of leges 12 tabularum . and according to those lawes iustice ever after was administred to the romane people . at first by these ten mē appointed therevnto , whose autority was as large even as the kings and consuls , in old time only it was annuall : one of them only had the ensignes of honor caried before thē ; one alone had the authoritie of convocating the senate , confirming their decrees and the discharge of all state businesses . e the other did little differ from private mē in their habit ; only when the first had ruled a set time , the others succeeded by turnes . this kind of government did not continue long in rome , for in the third yeare all their power was abrogated , because of their tyranny and oppression vsed by them towards the romane people . chap. 11. de interregia potestate . after the death of romulus f the senators divided thēselues into several companies called decuriae comitting the governmēt of the kingdome to that decury .i. to those ten men vpon whom the lot fell , calling thē the interreges : where we must knowe , that these ten did not rule altogether , but each man ruled for the space of fiue daies , whence g rosinus calleth this magistracy magistratum quin queduanum . after that fiue daies government had passed through the first , then did they goe to lots to haue a second decury chosen , and so a third , &c. this office of an interrex remained even in the consuls time , so that if by some extraordinarie occasion the consuls could not bee created , h then they chose one to whom alone they committed the whole governement of the kingdome , and him they called interregem . chap. 12. de dictatore . vvhensoever the romanes found themselues encombred with dangerous warres , or any other eminent dangers , they presently chose a dictator , to whō alone was committed the authority and rule of the whole kingdome , differing from a king onely in respect of his name , & the continuance of his office . touching his name he was so called , quoniam dictis eius parebat populus . his office continued but six months and at the expiration thereof if need required he was chosen againe for another six months . he was also called i populi magister , in as much as none could make their appeale from him vnto the people . as soone as himselfe was established in his office hee chose a subordinate officer whom he called k equitum magister : his authoritie much resembled his whom they called vrbi praefectum : for as the praefectus vrbi in the absence of the absence of the king , so this magister equitum in absence of the dictator had full and vncontroleable authoritie of doing what he would . chap. 13. de tribunis militum . these l military tribunes were of two sorts . the one had all power and authoritie , which beelonged vnto the consuls ; and thence were called tribuni militum consulari potestate . the occasion of them was this : the protectors of the commons called tribuni plebis did earnestly labour that the commonalty might bee made as capeable of the cōsular dignitie as the nobility : m this was followed so hot that in the end though the nobilitie would not graunt them way vnto that dignitie vnder the name of consuls ; yet in effect they would grant it them . namely the consuls should be deposed , and in their steed other magistrats should be chosen ; part out of the the nobility , part out of the commonalty , who though they were not called consuls , but tribuni , yet were they of consular authoritie : by which they were distinguished from the other sort of military tribunes , who had power and authoritie only in matters military , and were known by the name of tribuni militum without any addition . n sometimes there was one of these 3. words praefixed rutuli or rufuli , suffecti and comitiati ; not therby to intimate vnto vs any distinction of office or place , but to signify their manner of election . for if they were chosen by the consuls , then were they called tribuni rutuli or rufuli , because they had their authoritie confirmed vnto them by vertue of an act or law preferred by rutilius rufus , when he was consul . if they were chosen by the souldiers themselues in their campe , then were they called tribuni fuffecti .i. tribunes substituted or put in the place of another . whence we may cōiect that the souldiers were not permitted to make any electiō , but in time of need , when their former tribunes were taken from them by some violent or vnnaturall death . the last sort called comitiati were so called because they were chosen by the romane assemblies called in latine comitia . they were named tribuni , because at the first institution of them ( whether we vnderstand the consular tribunes or this latter sort ) there were but three of each . in processe of time notwithstanding i find the number not only of those consular tribunes , o but of those other also to haue beene encreased to six accordingly as the thousands in a legion were multiplied . these latter sort of tribunes , in respect of their military discipline which was to see the souldiers being faultie to bee punished , wee may english knights martiall : in respect that their authoritie was over footmē only , we may english them seriants maior : only this difference there was , to every thousand of footmen in any legion ; there were as many military tribunes vnder their chiefe commander called imperator . but in our english armies there is but one seriant maior , who alone vnder the l. generall hath command over all the footmeen , be there never so many thousands . chap. 14. de triumviris reipub : constituendae . this tyranny of the triumviratus began by a conspiration betweene augustus caesar , antonius , & lepidus . for these three vnder the pretence of revēging iul : caesar his death obtained chiefe power and authority for the space of fiue yeares thorough out rome , p pretending that they would settle the common wealth , which at that time by reason of iul : caesars death was much out of order . those fiue yeares being expired , they refused to resigne their authority , exercising excessiue cruelty towards all the romanes of what degree soever . q this kinde of governement remained but ten years , neither ever were there any other then those three aboue named . they had power to enact any new law , to reverse any former act without the consent of the senate , or commons . they might prescribe and bannish any romane at their pleasure ; and as often as we read de triumvirat● simply without any adiunction , or de triumvirat● senatus legendi , wee are to vnderstand it of this , though some vpon vnsure grounds doe disioine them . chap. 15. de quaestoribus ararij . this office of the quastors seemeth not vnlike to a publique treasurers , which collecteth the subsidies , customes , mony , yearely revenues , and all other paiments belonging to any state or corporation . and hence r quoniā publicae pecuniae quaerendae praepositi erant , they took their name quaestores : sometimes they are called quaestores vrbani , to distinguish them from the provinciall quaestors , which bare office in the romane provinces : somtimes they are called quaestores aerarij , to distinguish them from those that were called quaestores parricidij , or rerum capitalium , of which you may see more in the tract de praetoribus . ſ lastly they were called quaestores aerarij , to distinguish them from the tribuni aerarij .i. those martiall treasurers , or clarkes of the band , which did receiue the souldiers pay from these city-treasurers , and so pay it to the souldiers . the office of these city-treasurers ( then being at first but two ) was to receiue al the city-accounts ; to disburse at all occasions of publique expenses ; to take an oath of him that the souldiers had saluted by the name of imperator , that he had truely informed the senate both of the number of enimies slaine , as also of the number of citizens lost : otherwise he might bar the emperour of his triumph . moreover whatsoever spoiles were taken in warre they were delivered vp vnto these citty quaestors , and they selling them laide vp the mony in the great treasure-house called aedes saturni . chap. 16. de tribunis plebis . the t romane commonalty finding themselues oppressed by the wealthier sort , departed vnto the aventine mount , threatning the romane nobility , that they would forsake their city , and never againe adventure them selues in war for the defence thereof ; vnlesse they did finde some release and casement from those excessiue payments of vse and interest vnto their creditours : yea beside the remission of their present debts , before they would returne vnto their city again , they would haue certaine magistrats chosen , which should be u sacrosancti .i. such as might not be hurt or violently vsed , not so much as in words : and if any had violated that law , whereby they were made sacrosancti , then was he accounted homo sacer .i. an excommunicate person , or such an one whose soule should be vowed vnto some god ; insomuch that if any after had killed him , he should not be lyable vnto iudgement : x quoniam illius anima dijs devota amplius humani commercij non sit . to these y magistrats the protection of the commons was committed , who because they were at first chosen out of the military tribunes , therfore did they alwaies retaine the name of tribunes , being called that they might be distinguished from the others , tribuni plebis , protectours of the commons . at the first institution of them they were in number but 2 , as z some haue thought : a others say fiue : afterward ( as it is yeelded by al writers ) they encreased vnto tē . their autority at first consisted chiefely in this , that they had power to hinder any proceedings in the senate , which they thought might proue preiudiciall vnto the commons ; so that they had not autority to enact any new decrees , as afterward by abusing their authority they did . b sed eorū autoritas magis in intercedendo , quàm iubendo . and hence was it that in old time these protectours of the commons were not permitted to come into the senate : but c they sate with out at the dore , whether whatsoever was determined with in the senate was sent vnto them , to be pervsed by them , and if they did approue it , then did they subscribe a greate romane t being the first letter of this word tribuni . d the houses of these tribunes stood open night and day , as a cōmon refuge or place of succour for all that would come ; e neither was it lawfull for them to bee absent out of the towne one whole day through out the yeare . chap. 17. de aedilibus , & praefect● annonae . vve may read of three sorts of romane magistrates called aediles ; the two first had their names ab aedibus curandis , having in their charge to repaire both temples & private dwelling houses which belonged vnto the city . the first sort were called aediles curules , â sella curuli , from the chaire of state , wherein it was permitted them to ride ; and these were chosen f out of the senators . the second sort were called aediles plebeij , and they were added vnto the former at the earnest suit of the cōmons , they being to be chosen out of them . where we must note that they were not so added that both sorts should rule at one & the selfe same time , g but that the curules should rule the one yeare , and the plebeij the other . to these aediles it did belong , beside the reparation of temples and private houses , to looke vnto the weights & measures in cōmon sale : for they had power to examine actiones redhibitorias , that is , such actions , by vertue of which he that had sold any corrupt or sophisticated wares , was constrained to take them againe . moreover they had the charge of the publique conduits or water conveyances , of provision for solemne plaies , &c. of the third sort there were also two , who were in a manner clarkes of the market . h for vnto them belonged the looking vnto the victuals sold in the market , and corne : whence they were called by them aediles cereales ; & i by the greekes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . this office , for ought that can bee collected out of those that treate of it , differeth but little from his , whō the romanes called annonae praefectum ; onely this , the aediles cereales were magistratus ordinarij ; the praefectus extraordinarius , namely , k such as was chosē only in time of extraordinary dearths ; he having for that time larger authority then those ordinarie clarkes of the market . for as it appeareth by rosinus in the place now quoted , this praefectus had power of himself to examine all such cases or questions as should arise touching the dearth : as suppose we hoarding of corne , forestalling the market , &c. chap. 18. de triumviris . beside that triumviratus reip : constituendae , of which we spake before , there were divers kindes of triumvirates ; namely triumviri capitales , three high shireiffes , who had the charge of prisons and were to see malefactors punished : for which purpose eight lictors did attend thē . there were also l triumviri mensarij , three mē , we may tearme them bankers , who had autoritie to pay out of the common treasury poore mens debts . sometimes there were appointed fiue to this office , whence they were called also m quinqueviri mensarij , both being called mēsarij from mensa , a table , whereon they told their mony . another sort of triumviri there were appointed to presse souldiers , whence they were called triumviri conquirendi iuvenes idoneos ad arma ferenda . wee read also of certaine triumviri , which were elected as chiefe captaines to guid and conduct the people in trans●lanting colonies ; and thence were they named triumviri coloniae deducendae : but sometimes for this purpose they elected seaven , ten , or twentie , and so named them quinqueviri , septemviri , decemviri , and vigintiviri coloniae deducendae . three other sorts of triumviri remaine , which were offices of small account ; as the triumviri monetales , three masters of the mint , who thence were called triumviri a.a.a. f.f. .i. auro , argento , aere , flando , feriundo ; for they had the charge of coyning the mony . secondly , triumuiri valetudinis , three pest-men , which were to oversee those that lay infected with any contagious sicknesse . thirdly , n triumviri nocturni , three bell-men which were to walke the towne at night , and to giue notice of fire . chap. 19. de praefectis aerarij . avgustus caesar desiring for the better safetie of the citie to maintaine many bands of souldiers , which should alwaies bee in readinesse for the defence of the citie , desired of the citie an yearly subsidie for the maintenance of those souldiers : but being denied it , hee built a certaine treasure-house , which hee called aerarium militare , whereinto he cast his mony for himselfe , & tiberius ; and promised to doe so every yeare . afterward when hee saw the treasury not to be enriched enough , either by that mony which himselfe bestowed , or by the contributions of others , he appointed that the twentieth part of all inheritances and legacies ( except it were to the next of the kin , or to the poore ) should fall vnto this treasurie . for the charge & custody hereof he appointed three of those souldiers , which alwaies attended about him for the safegard of his person , calling them praefectos aerarij . chap. 20. de praefecto praetorio . all captaines and governours to whom the rule of an army belonged were in ancient time called o praetores ; this word praetor signifying then three chiefe officers among the romanes : first a consul ; secondly a l. chiefe iustice ; thirdly a l. generall in warre ; all of them being called p praetores , quasi praeitores qurniam iure & exercitu praeibant . answerable to which threefold acception this word praetorium hath three severall significations : sometimes it signifieth a princes palace or manour house ; sometimes a great hall or place where iudgment was wont to be given ; and lastly the l. generall his pavilion in the campe ; q from which last signification it is that those souldiers that gaue attendance about that pavilion for the gard of their captaines person are sometimes called milites praetoriani , sometimes cohors praetoria ; and hee to whom the oversight of these souldiers was committed was thence called praetorio praefectus . chap. 21. de advocato fisci . for the right vnderstanding of this office wee must first note a difference betweene these two wordes , aerarium , and fiscus . aerarium was a common treasury belonging vnto an whole state or corporation , whēce all publike and commō expences are to be supplied . fiscus was the kings or emperors private coffers : it may be englished the kings exchequer . the keeper thereof was called advocatus fisci . there are many other pettie offices with in the citie , which i haue purposely omitted , because there is but seldome mention of them in old autors ; and as oftē as they are mentioned , their names doe explaine their office . chap. 22. de praecipuis magistratibus provincialibus . over the provinces at first ruled certaine magistrats sent from rome by commission from the romane senate , called praetores , whose office was to administer iustice vnto the provinciall inhabitants : yea , and if occasion served , to make warre also vpon their enimies ; & this was the reason that the number of the praetors did so increase alwaies , namely accordingly as the number of provinces did encrease . the warres and tumults in the provinces sometimes were so great , that the praetour was not sufficient both to manage warre and execute iustice : wherevpon the senate thought fit to send another magistrate into the provinces , whom they called a consul , because properly the managing of warre belonged vnto the consul . so that there were at first two ordinary provinciall magistrates , a consul to manage warre , and a praetour , or l. chiefe iustice to sit in iudgement . and if these two by a second grant from the senate did continue in their office aboue the space of an yeare , then were they called proconsules , & propraetores . but in processe of time this custome was altered . for then none could bee proconsuls , but those alone who had beene consuls in rome ; neither could any be propraetours , which had not beene praetors at rome . their manner being , that the next yeare after the expiration of their offices in rome they should departe into some certaine province to beare the same offices againe being not called consules or praetores as before , but ſ proconsules & propraetores ; and for this cause alwaies , so soone as the consuls had beene created , the senate did appoint certaine provinces for the consuls , which being appointed the consuls did either agree between themselues , who should go to the one , who to the other ; and that was tearmed comparare provincias ; or else they did decide the question by lots , and that was tearmed sortiri provincias ; howbeit sometimes the senate did interpose their autority , and dispose the same . vnder the emperours the governours of some provinces were appointed by the senate , & the people , and those were called proconsules , and the provinces , t provinciae consulares , others were appointed by the emperours , and they were called propraetores , and the provinces praetoriae provinciae . for all this , which hath bin noted touching the provinciall magistrates , it is almost verbatim translated out of u rosinus . to which we adde this , namely that every proconsul and propraetor did vsually choose a lieuetenant such a one as should bee assistaunt vnto him in matters of governement , x whom they called legatum . so that this word legatus signified three several magistrates amongst the romanes , two whereof may bee proved out of y sigonius ; first that it signified such a lieuetenant or l. deputy vnder a proconsul or propraetour in a province : secondly , that it signified such a one as is imploied in the delivery of a message or embassage from one prince or state to another : we commonly call them embassadors . z lastly it signified a lieuetenant or chiefe captaine in warre , whose place was next vnder the l. general . moreover every proconsul and propraetour had with them certaine treasurers , called quaestores provinciales . these provinciall treasurers a were chosen by the romane people commonly , namely such a number as the number of provinces did require . after the election they between themselues did cast lots who should go vnto the one , who vnto the other provinces : b sometimes extraordinarily by vertue of speciall act or decree this or that speciall man hath obtained this or that province without any lottery . by the way we must note , that all provinciall quaestors could not be called proquaestores , as all provinciall consuls and praetours were called proconsules & propraetores . c for these only were called proquaestores , which did succeede these provinciall quaestors , when they did either die in their office or depart out of the province , no successor being expected from rome : at which times it was lawfull for the proconsul or propraetor to choose his proquaestor . moreover there were beside these legati & quaestores d other military officers ; such as are the tribuni militum , centuriones , praefecti , decuriones , togither with other inferiour officers , as their secretaries , baylieffes , cryers , serjants , and such like . lib. 3. sect. 3. of the romane lawes . chap. 1. de legibus . having spoken of the civill magistrates , wee will now also descende vnto the civill law : where first we will note among other differences betweene ius and lex principally these . first lex signifieth only the law , but a ius signifieth also that place , wheresoever the law or iustice was administred ; not only if it were administred out of the tribunall in the comitio , or great hall of iustice , which was tearmed by the lawyers agere pro tribunali : but also if it were administred in a private house , or in ones iourney ; so that it were by a lawfull magistrate , and out of the curule chaire ; and this was tearmed by the lawyers , agere de plano : and hence is it , that in ius vocare signifieth to cite one into the court . secondly lex signifieth onely the written law , but ius signifieth equitie ; so that b ius permaneat sempèr , nec vnquam mutetur : lex verò scripta saepiùs . notwithstanding these two words are vsed promiscuously one for the other ; & therefore leaving all curious differences between those words ( whether the romane lawes were truely iura or leges ) thus much wee may obserue , that the laws vsed among them were of three sorts ; either they were such as were made by severall romane kings , and afterward collected & digested into a method by papirius , c from whom it was called ius papirianū : or they were such as the decemviri brought frō athens , and were called leges 12 tabularum : or lastly they were such as the consuls , the tribuni plebis , & such magistrates did preferre , whence every severall law bore the name of him or them that preferred it . my purpose is to explaine only this latter sort ; and that not all of them , but such alone as i haue obserued in tully , and that chiefly in his orations . my proceeding shall bee first to shew the divers kindes of iudgements ; and then to descend vnto the lawes thēselues , beginning with those which shall concerne the romane religion , and then proceeding to the others , which concerne the common wealth . chap. 2. de iure publico & privato . the cases to be decided by the law were either publike or private ; & accordingly were the iudgemēts , d velprivata , in quibus ius suum privatus quisque persequebatur : vel publica , in quibus iniuria quae reip . facta erat vindicabatur . the private ( as we observed before ) belōged vnto the praetori vrbano & peregrino .i. the l. chiefe iustices , who did either giue iudgement themselues , and then were they said iudicare ; or they did appoint others to sit in iudgement , and e then were they said iudicium dare : yea in their absence there were ten called decemviri stlitibus iudicandis .i. f super lites iudicandas , who in the same manner , as the praetor , might either giue iudgement thēselues , or appoint others ; for they were even in g one place and in steed of praetors . those which either the praetor or the decemviri did appoint to debate the cases vnder them , were taken out of the centumviri .i. h out of certaine commissioners chosen for that purpose ; namely three out of every tribe or warde ; so that in all the number of them amoūted vnto an hundred and fiue , but in round reckoning they went for an hundred ; and from a certaine speare that was wont to be erected vp in token of this court , hence was the i court called either praetoria decemviralis , or centumviralis hasta . in some cases their forme of acquittance was thus , k secundum illum litem do ; whence l tully saith , quo minùs secundum eos lis detur , non recusamus .i. wee doe not deny , but they may be acquitted . those that were cast in their suit , were said lite vel causâ cadere . the publique cases belonged ordinarily ( except the consuls , the senate , or the people did interpose their authoritie ) vnto those whō we called praetores quaesitores . some haue m thought them to be the same with those , whom rosinus calleth iudices quaestionum , and that i thinke not altogether vpon vnsure grounds : first because most of these publique cases , which they tearmed quaestiones , had their n severall praetors to enquire them ; whence they were called quaesitores , & may in my opinion be called iudices quaestionū , especially seeing that those which would haue them bee different officers , cannot well shew the difference of their offices . now as the vrbane praetor had an hundred cōmissioners vnder him : so had these praetores quaesitores certaine iudges chosen o by the vrban or forreigne praetor , when he tooke his oath , and that not according to his pleasure as many as hee would , or whom he would , but sometimes more , somtimes fewer , sometimes only out of the senators , sometimes only out of the order of romane gentlemen , sometimes out of both ; sometimes also out of other orders , p according as the law appointed , which oftē times varied in those points . the iudges how great soever the number was , q were called iudices selecti , and were divided into severall companies called decuriae . these iudges were vpon any citation frō any of the praetors , to giue their assistance in the court vpon the day appointed by the praetor . now the manner how they did proceed in their iudgement followeth in the exposition of one of the lawes , and therefore i will referre the reader thither . only let him by the way vnderstand , that whereas tully is quoted in every law , it is not so much for the proofe of the law , as to signifie , that he in that place maketh mention thereof . for the proofe of the lawes i referre the reader to rosinus and sigonius : touching the expositions my marginall quotations doe proue sufficiently . chap. 3. de legibus religionem spectantibus . lex papiria . l. papirius trib. pleb . established a law touching the consecration or hallowing of places , that it should be vnlawfull for any to consecrate either houses , grounds , altars , or any other things iniussu plebis .i. without the determination of the roman people in their assemblies called comitia tributa , which determination was alwaies tearmed plebiscitum . roscia lex . l. roscius otho trib. pleb . preferred a law , that whereas heretofore the romane gentlemen did stand promiscuously with the commons at their theatrall shewes , now there should bee fourteene benches or seats built for those romane gentlemen which were worth h-s . quadringenta .i. about 3000● of our english mony . as for other gentlemē whose substance was vnder that rate , they had a certaine place allotted them by themselues , with a punishment imposed vpon them , if they offered to come into any of those 14. benches . here we must note that this character h-s standeth for a silver coine in rome called sestertius , and is by rosinus in this place improperly vsed for sestertium . for this character h-s is by our printers false printed , the true character r being ll-s signifying duas libras ( as the the two ll doe intimate ) and semissem which is intimated by the letter s. where if libra doth signify no more then the romane coyne called as , then is this opinion touching the character ll-s easie to be confirmed . for divers authors ſ rendring a reason of the name sestertius , say it was so called quasi semitertius .i. such a coyne as conteineth duos solidos asses & semissem . this sestertius , was such a common coyne among the romanes , t that nummus and sestertius became at length one to be vsed for the other . u mille huiusmodi ses●ertij vel nummi faciunt vnum sestertium in neutro genere , & conficiunt plus minus viginti quinque coronas . according to which rate quadringenta sestertia amounteth to 3000l l : and every particular sestertius is according to this rate , in value about three halfe-pence farthing q. clodia lex . publius clodius trib. pleb . made a law , by vertue wherof the priest called pessinuntius sacerdos ( from the place where he did first exercise those holy rites in the honour of the mother goddesse ) should bee depriued of his priesthood , and the temple built in the honour of this goddesse should be bestowed vpon brotigarus of gallo-graecia . domitia lex . cn. domitius ahenobarbus trib. pleb . enacted a law , that the colleges of priests should not as they were wont , admit whom they would into the order of priesthood : but it should be in the power of the people . and because it was contrary to their religion , that church-dignities should be bestowed by the common people , hence did he ordaine that the lesser part of the people , namely seventeene tribes should elect whom they thought fit , and afterward hee should haue his confirmation or admission from the college . lex incerti nominis de vacatione sacerdotum . cicero in his orations mentioneth a law ( not naming the author thereof ) whereby the priests were priviledged from their service in all warres , except onely in vproares or civill tumults . x and these privileges were tearmed vacationes . chap. 4. de civitate , & iure civium rom. porcia lex de civitate . m. porcius trib. pleb . established a law , that no magistrate should beate any romane citizen with rodds . lex sempronia . c. sempronius gracchus trib. pleb . preferred a law , whereby he disabled the magistrate frō punishing any romane citizen , either with roddes , or with his axe .i. with death , without the allowance of the people . secondly by vertue of this law , if any magistrate did condemne any romane citizen indictâ causâ , hee should bee liable to the iudgement and censure of the people . a third clause to this law was , ne quis coiret , conveniret , quo quis iudicio publico circumveniretur indictâ causâ . he was said to be condemned causâ indictâ , which was condemned before hee had spoken for himselfe . although y indicere pro non dicere , sicut & invidere pro non videre vix reperiatur ; tamen indictū & invisum , pro non dicto , et non viso saepè reperiuntur . z they were properly said coire , which did worke vnder hand against a man , that he might be condemned ; wee may translate it in this place , to conspire . a the verbe circumvenio doth commonly signifie as much as circumscribo , to deceaue or cheat one : b but in this place , to oppresse one with false iudgement , procured by briberie or confederacy . lex papia de peregrinis . the privileges of the romane citizens became so great , that almost all the inhabitants of the confederate nations , would forsake their owne dwellings , & vse meanes to become free denisons in the romane city ; insomuch that the embassadours of the allies , & associates , did grieue much and complaine of the losse of their inhabitants : wherevpon a law was made by papius , that all forreiners & strange commers should bee expelled out of the city . to the same effect was lex iunia , and also licinia mutia de peregrinis : the first being preferred by mar. iunius pennus : the second by l. licinius crassus , and q. mutius scaevola . servilia lex de civitate . c. servilius glaucia preferred a law , vt si quis latinus , if any of the latine associates could proue an action of bribery against a senatour , then should he be made a freeman of the city . quis latinus ] here we will obserue with c sigonius , that the latine people were not alwaies called latini & italici● sed & socij , & latini socij ; & socij nominis latini , & socij nomenque latinum , & socij ab nomine latino , & socij ac latium dicti sunt . sylvani & carbonis lex de peregrinis . silvanus and carbo being tribuni pl : preferred a law , vt qui foederatis civitatibus adscripti essent , si tum , cùm lex ferebatur , in italia domicilium habuissent , ac sexaginta diebus apud praetorem professi essent , cives romani essent . adscripti . ] for the right vnderstanding hereof , we must note , that there were d two sorts of citizens ; some cives nati .i. citizens by birth ; others civitate donati .i. citizens by donation , or gift : who because they were added vnto , and registred with the first sort of citizens , were thence called adscripti cives . professi apud praetorem . ] this verbe profiteri is some times e comitiale verbum , and signifieth as much as profiteri nomen .i. to tender ones name vnto a magistrate : & this construction it beareth in this place . cornelia de municipijs . l. cornelius sylla preferred a law , that all municipall states should loose their freedome in the romane city , and also their privilege of having commons in the romane fields . gellia cornelia lex . l. gellius publicola , and cn : cornelius lentulus being consuls decreed a law , that all those private persons vpon whom cn : pompeius in his wisedome shoulde bestow the freedome of the romane citizens , should ever be accounted free denisons . chap. 5. de legibus ad comitia spectantibus . aelia lex . q. aelius paetus asked a law in time of his consulship , vt quoties cum populo ageretur .i. as oftē as any romane magistrate did assemble the people to giue their voices , the augures shoulde obserue signes and tokens in the firmament , and the magistrates should haue power obnunciandi , & intercedendi .i. to gainesay and hinder their proceedings . ageretur cum populo . ] here we may note the difference betweene these two phrases , agere cum populo , and agere ad populum . f he was said agere ad populum , whosoever made any speech or oration vnto the people , & this might be done vpon any day indifferently : but then onely was it said agi cum populo , when the people were assembled to the giving of their voices by a lawfull magistrate , and this could not be done , g but vpō one of those daies , which they called dies comitiales . fusia lex . pub : furius sive fusius philus being consul ordained a law , that vpō some certaine daies , although they were dies fasti .i. leet-daies , yet no magistrate should s●mmon an assembly . clodia lex . p. clodius trib. pl. abrogated both those former lawes , making it vnlawfull to obserue signes & tokens in the heavens , vpon those daies when the roman people were to be assembled : and secondly , making it lawfull to assemble the people vpon any leet-day whatsoever . gabinia lex . at first for many yeares the romane people in their assemblies did suffrage vivâ voce : at which time many of the inferiour sort , gaue their voices contrary to their wils , fearing the displeasure of those that were of higher place . for the better help in this point , gabinius asked a law , that the people in all their elections might not suffrage vivâ voce , but by giving vp certaine tablets , the manner wherof hath beene formerly shewen : whence both this , and all other lawes tending to this purpose haue beene called leges tabellariae . cassia lex . after gabinius , cassius also preferred a law , that both the iudges in their iudgements , and the people in their assemblies should suffrage by rendring such tablets : h but this is to be vnderstood only of those assemblies by wards called comitia tributa : wherein they treated of mulcts & mercements . coelia lex . coelius trib. pl. established a law , that not onely in mulcts and mercements , but also in perduellionis iudicio .i. in taintments of treason against any person of state ( namely such as were sacrosancti ) or against the common weale , this tabellary libertie should haue place , when the people should iudge thereof . in perduellionis iud . ] l this word perduellis doth signifie an enimy vnto the state , a traytour : & hence commeth this word perduellio , signifying not onely the crime of treason , but the punishment also due therevnto , k si crimen quoderat gravissimum inter crimina , nempe imminutae maiestatis : si poena , quae erat acerbissima , nempe mortis . papiria lex . c. papirius carbo trib. pl. perswaded , that not only in their elections , but in the proposall of their laws also , this suffraging by tablets should be vsed . sempronia lex . c. sempronius gracchus trib. pleb . preferred a law , that the associates of latium should haue as great right of suffraging , as the romane citizens . manilia lex . c. manilius trib. pl. preferred a law , that all those who were libertini , in what tribe or ward soever , should haue the right of suffraging . chap. 6. de senatu & senatoribus . claudia lex . q. claudius trib. pleb . perswaded a law , that no senator or senators father , should haue any ship , which should conteine aboue three hundred of those measures called amphorae , deeming that sufficient for the transportation of their co●e from the romane fields . secondly , by this law the senatours were forbidden the vse of trading . amphorae . ] l alexander neopol . observeth two sortes of these measures , namely , amphora italica containing 2. vrnas ; and amphora attica containing 3. vrnas : everie vrna contained two gallons and a pottle . this in probability is vnderstood of the italian amphora . tullia lex . when as a custome had growne , that many of the senatours having by speciall favour obtained liberam legationem , vpon all occasions would abuse that their authoritie , procuring thereby their private gaine , and the encrease of their owne honour ; then m. tullius cic. being consul laboured , quite to take away these kinds of embassages : which though he could not effect , yet thus farre he prevailed ; that whereas in former times this libera legatio being once obtained , was never ( not through a mans whole life ) taken from him againe : yet afterward this autority should never be granted to any longer , then the space of one yeare . legatio libera . ] we may obserue in ancient autors three severall kindes of embassages . the one , which is a message sent from the prince or chiefe governours of one country vnto another , and that is expressed commonly by this one word legatio , without any addition therevnto , sometimes it is called legatio mandata . the second , which is whē one purchaseth the title of an embassadour , thereby the more honourably to performe some vow made , whence it was called legatio votiua . the third is the office or title of an embassadour , granted vpon speciall favour vnto a senatour , that he might with the greater autority prosecute his private suits in law , or gather vp his debts in that province whither he went : this last was tearmed legatio libera . all three sorts are b●●fly touched by m toxita . chap. 7. de magistratibus . cornelia lex . l. cornel●us sylla being dictator , made a law , that all such as would follow him in the civil warre , should be capeable of any office or magistracie before they came vnto their full yeares . a second part of this law was , that the children of such as were proscripti , should bee made vncapeable of the romane magistracies . before they came to their full age . ] for l. villius preferred a law , whereby he made such as were vnder age , to be vncapeable of the city preferments : and those he accoūted vnder age , who had not attained vnto that number of yeares , which he had prescribed each severall office : n and this law was tearmed lex annalis . proscripti . ] those were tearmed proscripti , who were not onely exiled and banished their country , but also their goods were seazed vpon and consiscated . o quoniam eorum nomina in publico scribebantur , hinc proscribi dicebantur . hircia lex . a. hircius made a law , that all those that followed pompey , should be made vncapeable of all places of office . cornelia lex . l. cornelius sylla finding the praetores .i. the l. chiefe justices not to giue sentence alwaies according to equitie , yea sometimes to goe quite contrary to their owne edict , made a law , that every l. chiefe iustice should administer iustice according to that his first edict , hanged vp at the beginning of his office . an additiō vnto this law was , that the l. chiefe iustice should not be absent out of the citie aboue ten daies . clodia lex . in former times it was lawfull for either of the censors to censure whom he pleased , and how hee pleased , except his fellow censor did plainely gaine say it , and make opposition therein . but many abusing this their authoritie , p. clodius trib. pl. made a law , that the censors should not overskip any in their election of senators ; neither should they brand any with disgrace , except such as had been accused vnto them , and beene condemned by them both . valeria lex . the office of a dictator at the first institution continued but six months space , vntill l. valerius flaccus , being interrex in the vacancy of the consuls preferred a law , that l. cornelius sylla should be a perpetuall dictator . cornelia lex . l ▪ cornelius sylla in the time of his dictatorship , did by vertue of a law preferred by him clip the authoritie of the tribuni pl. disabling them of bearing any office after the expiration of their tribuneship , taking away their authoritie of preferring lawes , of vsing any solemne speech or publike oration vnto the people , of hearing appeales , of hindring any statute or decree tending to the hurt of the populacy . chap. 8. de legibus . coecilia didia lex . q : coecilius metellus , and titus didius being consuls , forbad , that vna rogatione .i. in one and the same bill many things should be proposed vnto the people : least by that meanes , the people by graunting the whole bill might graunt something which they would not ; or in denying the whole bill might deny some particular clause , which by it selfe they would haue accepted . moreover these two consuls ordained , that before a law should be asked in the assemblies it should bee promulged .i. hanged vp to the publique view of the people three market daies . iunià licinia lex de trinundino . iunius silanus and l. licinius muraena being consuls , established that law of coecilius and didius , annexing a more severe punishment for the breakers thereof . clodia lex de intercessione . p. clodius trib. pl. made a law , that the trib. pl. should haue full autority and power to propose lawes ; neither should they be hindred by the intercession .i. gainsaying of any . licinia aebutia lex . licinius and aebutius being tribuni pl. ordained , that if any preferred a law touching the oversight , the charge or cure of any businesse in hand ; neither he , nor any fellow officer with him , nor any allyed vnto him should haue this oversight or charge committed to him . chap. 9. de provincijs . sempronia de provincijs . c. sempronius gracchus trib. pl. ordained ; that the senate every yeare before the election of their consuls , should as it seemed best to them , appoint out what provinces the consuls now to be elected ; should after the expiration of their office go vnto ; for which provinces afterward the consuls designed should cast lots . another clause to this law was , that whereas in former times , by a decree from the senate it was lawfull for the tribunes to hinder the romane assemblies , hēceforward they should haue no autority . cornelia de provincijs . l. cornelius sylla being dictator preferred a law , that whosoever went into a province cum imperio , tam diu illud imperium retineret , quoad in vrbem reversus esset : whereas in former times his rule and governement was to be resigned at the expiration of a set time appointed : yea although no successor were sent , it could he not continue there cum imperio without a new commission . a clause added vnto this law was , that after the comming of any new president or governour into the province , the old provinciall president should depart within thirty daies . esse cum imperio . ] .i. p exercitui praeesse q vel haebere ius administrandi , & suis auspicijs gerendi belli . titia lex de provincijs . titius , or ( as r some say ) decius preferred a law , that the provinciall treasurers called quaestores , should cast lots for their provinces : whence tully in the oration now quoted inferreth , that although ostia being the better province fell vpon servius sulpitius , yet in as much as it fell lege titia .i. by casting lots , he could not therefore challenge anie superiority aboue l. muraena . sed vtriusque nomen consedit in quaestura .i. their same and renowne was equall in their quaestorship . iulia lex de provincijs . c. iulius caesar established two lawes touching the romane provinces : one that no praetour should governe a province aboue twelue monthes ; nor procōsull aboue two yeare . the severall heads or clauses of his second law could not all be found out , but those which haue come to light are these . first that achaia , thessalia , and all graecia should be free , neither should any romane magistrate sit in iudgment in those provinces ( cic. pro domo . ) secondly , that the provinciall governours and their comites .i. assistants or attendants , should haue hay , and all other necessaries provided thē on the way , by those townes & villages through which they passed . ( cic. in pison . ) thirdly , that the provinciall magistrates at their departure , should leaue a book of their accounts in two cities of their province , and likewise shoulde sende a coppy of their accounts vnto the romane treasure-house ( cic. in pison . ) fourthly that it should neither be lawfull for the people to bestow , nor for the provinciall magistrate to receiue aurum eoronarium vnlesse it were in a triumph ( cic. in pison . ) lastly , that it should bee vnlawful for the provincial magistrate without the allowance of the people or the senate , to depart out of their province , to lead forth any army , to wage warre , or to go into any forreigne country . ( cic. in pison ) aurum coron . ] ſ there was a custome amongst the romanes in times of victory to present vnto the l. generall coronets of gold , insteede whereof the after-ages presented a certaine summe of mony , which was thence called aurum coronarium . vatinia de provincijs . p. vatinius trib. pl. procured a law , that c. iulius caesar should haue the government of gallia cisalpina , and ill●ricum for fiue years space , without any decree from the senate , or casting lots . secondly that they also should goe as legates or l. deputies vnto caesar , without any decree from the senat , whosoever were nominated in that law . thirdly that caesar should receiue mony out of the common treasure-house towards having an army . lastly , that he should transplant a colony vnto a certaine towne of cisalpina gallia called novocomum . clodia de provincijs . p. clodius being trib. pleb . procured a law that the governement of syria , babylon , and persia should be committed to gabinius . the governement of macedonia , achaia , thessalia , graeci● , and al boeotia should bee committed vnto piso ; and they should receaue together with an army , mony out of the common treasury towards their iourny . clodia altera de cypro . p. clodius preferred another law , that the iland cyprus should be made a province . that p●olemaeus the king of cyprus sitting in his purple , with his scepter and other his princely ornaments praeconi publico subiiceretur , & cum bonis omnibus publicaretur .i. should himselfe with all his goods be sold by a common cryer . that m. cato being then treasurer , cum iure praetorio , adiecto etiam quaestore , hauing by commission the office of a l. chiefe iustice , and another treasurer to accompany him , should bee sent into the iland cyprus , both to make sale of the kings goods & estate , and also to bring backe the mony . lastly it was decreed by this law , that those who lived in exilement at byzantium being condemned for some capitall crime , should be brought backe vnto that citie , vnder the name of romanes . praeconi publico subijceretur . ] for the better vnderstanding of that phrase , wee are to vnderstand the manner of portsale amongst the romanes : which wee may read in sigonius thus . those things were rightly sold in portsale , which were publikely sold per praeconem sub hastu .i. by the cryer vnder a speare sticked vp for that purpose , and some magistrate making good the sale by delivery of the goods . whence i take publico praeconi subijci , & hastae subijci to signifie one and the selfesame thing , namely to be set at sale : and t cicero vseth almost the selfe same phrase , bona cn. pompeij , voci acerbissima subiecta praeconis . this kind of sale was tearmed auctio ; because as sigonius saith in the same place , to him the goods were sold , qui plurimum rem augeret .i. which would bid most for it : & hence is the seller thereof tearmed auctor , as u cic. id quod à malo auctore emissent .i. that which they had bought of one which had no authoritie to sell : & from this custome of setting vp a speare in this kind of sale , this word hasta alone is vsed to signify portsale , as x hasta caesaris , the sale of caesars goods . those who bought these goods y tully doth call sectores , z quia spem lucri sui sectabantur . chap. 10. de legibus agrarijs . those laws were tearmed leges agrariae , which did concerne the division of the publique or common fields . and these were either given by romulus and other kings ; or taken from the enimies , or from private mē which had made incloasures ; or lastly bought out of the common treasury . vid. a sigon . sempronia lex agraria . titus sempronius gracchus trib. pleb . preferred a lawe which forbade , that any of the romanes should haue to his owne part aboue fiue hundred acres of the common fields , the one halfe of which it was lawfull for his sonnes to enioy . if it had so hapned that any should enlarge these common fields , three surveyers called the b triumviri agro dividundo , did marke out which was common , which private ground . moreover it was by this lawe provided , that the mony of king attalus who made the people of rome his heire , might be bestowed vpon those citizens , which had by this law obtained a part of the common fieldes , to the buying of instruments for husbandry . moreover , that the kings lands should be farmed out at a set rent by the censors , whence an yearely tribute should be paid to the people . cornelia lex . l. cornelius sylla being dictator preferred a law , that al the fields of those romanes which he had banished , should be common . this publication is to be vnderstood chiefly of those fields in thuscia nere vnto the city volaterrae , and the city fesulae , which grounds sylla divided amongst his souldiers . chap. 11. de frumentarijs legibus . sempronia lex . t. sempronius gracchus being tribune of the commōs provided , that a certaine quantity of corne shoulde monthly be givē vnto the poorer sort at a low price , semisse & triente , that is , about sixe pence farthing a bushell . herevpon was there a place appointed in rome for the keeping of this cōmon corne , togither with certaine laws hanged vp there called leges frumentariae . this place was called c horrea sempronia . semisse & triente . ] it appeareth by the next law , that semissis in this place , must signifie the same as semiaeris doth there . wherby we may note , that semissis doth not alwaies signifie the halfe part of the romane coine called as , but sometime it signifieth a greater coine ●alewing almost our sixe pence . clodia lex . p. clodius tribunus pleb . ordained that that corn which heretofore was sold to the poore senis aeris & trientibus in singulos modios , that is , for sixe pence farthing a bushell , should hereafter be given gratis , and the charge and oversight of this dole was committed to sext. claudius . terentia cassia . m. terentius and c. cassius being consuls preferred a law , vti alterae decumae à provincijs coemerentur , pretio in singulos modios hs trium constituto . item vt civitatibus aequaliter imperaretur , pretio in singulos modios hs quatuor constituto . for the better vnderstanding of this law , wee must note d a threefold tithe paid by the provinces . the first was the tenth part of the graine , growing in the province to bee paid in gratis , and that was properly called decumae , or frumentum decumanum , and those that tooke this tithe to rent were called thence decumani . a second sort of tithes was a certaine quantitie of corne taken vp for the l. president or chiefe governour of the province to keepe his house , & that was called frumentum aestimatum .i. corne gathered vp by way of taxation : for so this word aestimo comming from aes doth signifie . e est autem aestimare ab aere dictum , id quod vulgo dicunt appreciare & taxare . the third sort of tithes , was when the senate finding scarcitie of corne in rome , did inioyne the provinces to sell them a quantitie of corne at a price set downe by the senatours themselues , and this corne sould vpon iniunction , if it was paid but once in the yeare , it was tearmed frumentum emptum : but if in the same yeare a second sale was inioyned them , then they called that second pay fr●mentum imperatum . in the first clause of this law by [ alterae decumae ] is meant frumentū emptum ; in the second clause , by these words [ civitatibus aequaliter imperaretur ] is vnderstood frumentum imperatū . lex hieronica . hiero king of sicily obteined a law , wherein was set downe the quantitie of corne that the aratores or country farmers should pay vnto the publicani .i. those which receaued the tithes , together with the time of payment & the price agreed vpon . chap. 12. de re militari & bellis . gabinia lex . a. gabinius tr. pl. preferred a law that the managing of the war against the pyrats should be in such manner committed vnto pompey for three yeares space , that over the whole sea betweene hercules his pillars , and in the maritime provinces vnto the foure hundreth stadiū from the sea , he should haue power to cōmand any kings , l. presidents , or whole corporations to furnish him with all things necessarie for that warre . manilia lex . c. manilius trib. pleb . perswaded a law , that the managing of warre against mithridates should bee committed vnto cn. pompeius . that the whole province where l. lucullus ruled , together with his whole army should be resigned vp vnto him . moreover that bithynia , where glabrio ruled , should bee added , together with all those bands and forces , which hee had vpon the sea against the pyrats , and all those provinces , over which the law gabinia did entitle him governour , as phrygia , lyc●onia , galatia , cappadocia , ciliciae , colchis superior , and armenia . chap. 13. de tutelis . this word tutela doth signifie a wardship , guardianship , or protection of a child in his non age : whereof f camerarius observeth foure sorts , & we may with pellitarius adde the fift . either the overseers were appointed by will ; or else the next of the kinne were overseers ; or the magistrate did appoint whom he thought fit : and these three sorts g omphalius calleth thus : the first testamentariā , the second legitimam , the third dativam . the fourth sort camerarius calleth tutelam fiduciariam , quae eorum est , qui emancipati desijssent esse agnati . the fift h pellitarius calleth tutelam honorariam , namely when as the office of administratiō is cōmitted to others , but yet certaine chiefe overseers were appointed to see the will performed , who were called tutores honorarij . i where wee must note , that the law provided overseers , not for children vnder age only , but for women also . emancipati desijssent esse agnati ] by the roman law every sonne was in such subiection vnto his father , that before he could bee released of this subiection and made free , hee should by an imaginary sale k be sold three times by his naturall father to another man , who was called by the lawyers l pater fiduciarius .i. a father in trust ; yea & be bought againe by the naturall father , and so manumised by him , & then he became free . the forme of this kinde of sale or alienation is set downe more at large in the explanation of one of the laws that followeth , with an example not much vnlike this . this imaginary sale was called mancipatio ; the children thus alienated from the father were tearmed emancipati ; this forme of setting free was tearmed emancipatio . this f●duciaria tutela then , in my opinion was thus . that when any goods did fall vnto a child thus alienated , by the death of his father , then should not the oversight of this child fall vnto the next of the kinne tearmed agnati , but quoniam desiit esse agnatus .i. because he had in a manner lost his aliance with his kindred , therefore should the oversight of the child belong vnto the father in trust , tearmed pater fiduciarius , whence the gardianship it selfe was called tutela fiduciaria . laetoria lex . this law made by laetorius provided , that there should be overseers appointed for those which were distracted , or did prodigally wast their patrimonie . for , as it appeareth by the common adage , ad agnatos & gentiles deducendus est , they did account al prodigals , mad men : they meaning no more by that , then we do by our english proverb , when we say of a spend-thrift : let him be begged for a foole . the reason of their adage was , because if any were distracted , by the romane law his wardship fell adagnatos & gentiles .i. the next of the kinred . chap. 14. de testamentis . before we descend vnto the lawes themselues , we will explaine those three divers sorts of wils in vse amōgst the romanes . namely testamentum calaris comitijs , which was so called , because twice in the yeare in time of peace the romane people assembled themselues together to this end and purpose , that if any would make his will the whole people might beare witnesse there vnto : these assemblies were tearmed calata comitia . secondly testamētum in procinctu .i. when a souldier in time of warre readie to giue battle , did call out three or foure of his fellowes , & in the audience of them did by word of mouth pronounce his last will and testament . thirdly , testamentum per emācipationem familiae .i. by making over his goods and possessions vnder a fained forme of sale , vnto a second party called haeres fiduciarius & imaginarius .i. an heire in trust , who should afterward resigne them vnto the true and lawfull heire : and this imaginary kind of sale , was performed with certaine solemnities circa aes & libram : and also the sale it selfe was sometimes called nexus , as likewise emancipatio . hence was the will sometimes called testamentum per aes & libram , sometimes testamentum per nexum . for the proofe of this , which hath beene delivered , touching the three sorts of wills i will referre the reader to m sigonius . furia lex . c. furius trib. pleb . made a law , that it should not bee lawfull for any to giue away in way of legacy , vnto any , except to the kinsmen of him which manumised him , or some other certaine persons , supra mille asses .i. aboue fiftie shillings or thereabout , there going 2 asses & semis to the making of one sestertius . voconia lex . q. voconius saxa trib. pleb . tulit legem , ne qui census esset , virginem , neve mulierem supra quadrantem suorum bonorum haeredem institueret , plusue cuiquam legaret , quàm ad haeredem , haeredes ve perveniret . census . ] this word census doth sometimes signifie all such as haue tendered the iust valuation of their estate vnto the censors : and then incensus is opposite to it , signifying such an one , as hath not tendred his estate or name to bee registred by the censors . but in this place census is taken for such a rich man , whose estate was in the censors booke valued at one hundred thousand sesterces ( vid . asconium in verrin . 3. ) supra quadrantem suorum bonorum ] .i. no womā should be heire to more then one quarter of such a rich mans goods . for the right conceauing of this , we must note with n latomus , that the whole inheritance ( were it never so great ) was tearmed as , and that was divided into twelue parts which the lawyers called vnciae : duae vnciae dicebantur sextans ; tres quadrās , quatuor triens , quinque quincunx , sex semissis , septem septunx , octo bessis , novem dodrans , decem decunx , vndecim deunx , totum as , vt dictum est . againe every vncia was divided into six parts called sextulae : duae sextulae duellam , tres semunciam faciunt . so thē according to the lawyers ( as o alexander obserueth ) if there were one heire alone instituted , he was tearmed haeres in assem totum institutus ; if otherwise there were many coheires , then was it according as the testator did appoint . some were ex deunce haeredes .i. heires to eleven parts of his goods , there being but one part bestowed from him : some were haeredes ex quadrante .i. heires to one quarter of his goods : others were haeredes ex semuncia .i. they had the foure and twentieth part : others were sextula aspersi .i. they had the threescore and twelfe part of the whole as .i. of the whole inheritance be it more or lesse , &c. here wee must vnderstand that there is great difference betweene these two phrases . institui haeres in totum assem , & ex toto asse . for all those , which were nominated haeredes , whether it were ex dodrante , quadrante , vel semuncia , or howsoever , yet were they tearmed haeredes ex toto asse .i. they were not legatarij , such as receaued legacies . now none cā be said in totum assem institui , but he which is the alone & sole heire vnto the whole . chap. 15. de vsu-capione . atinia lex . a tinius made a law , that the plea of prescription or long possession should not availe in things that had beene stollen , but the interest which the right owner had in those stolne goods should remaine perpetuall . the words of the law are these : quod surreptū est , eius rei aeterna auctoritas esset . where by p auctoritas is meant ius dominij . this crime of theft as likewise of vsury was so odious vnto the romanes that whosoever was found guilty therof was condemned q lege quadrupli .i. to pay foure times as much : whence the informers against such were tearmed quadruplatores . chap. 16. de iudicibus , & iudicijs . lex accusatoria . tvlly mētioneth a law tearmed lex accusatoria , which in truth was no lawe , neither was there any author thereof : but there was a such a received custome amongst the romans , that the accuser should obiect against the party accused , not onely the present crime then questioned , but all other scapes and faults cōmitted long before to the bettering of his matter : that at length this accusatory custome became in manner of a law , and so was called lex accusatoria . vid. franc. syluium in orat . pro mur. r their custome also was to procure others to ioine with them in their accusations ; those ſ tully calleth subscriptores , because they did subscribe vnto the accusation . lex servilia & sempronia . whereas sempronius had preferred a law , whereby he tooke away the autority of sitting in iudgement from the senatours , and appropriated , it to the romane gentlemen ; q. servilius caepio being consul did afterwarde preferre another law , whereby the administration of iudgement was divided betweene the senatours and the gentlemen . rupilia lex . rupilia lex vetabat diebus triginta sortiri dicam . ] here we must note with t sigonius , that this law was of force onlie in the province of sicilia : also that it is one thing scribere dicam .i. to enter an actiō , another sortiri dicam .i. by lots to choose the iudges , which was 30. daies after . livia lex . though by vertue of servilius his law the senators were made capeable of the office of a iudge , yet they were not thereby equally capeable with the romane gentlemen : & therefore did m. livius drusus ordeine , that the iudges should be elected equally out of both orders , namely three hundred out of the senat , and three hundred out of the gentry . plautia lex . m. plautius sylvanus preferred a law , that the number of iudges should bee chosen not onely out of the romane senators and gentlemen , but out of the populacy also , namely out of every tribe fifteene iudges . aurelia lex . l. aurelius cotta being praetor made a law , that the iudges should be chosen out of the senators , the gentlemen , and those martiall treasurers or clearks of the band called tribuni aerarij . pompeia lex . cn. pompeius magnus being consul ordained , that the iudges should bee elected out of the wealthiest centuries , tying the election notwithstanding to those three degrees of people , namely senatours , gentlemen , & martiall treasurers ; also he added that the number of iudges to examine causes should be seaventy and fiue . iulia lex . c. iulius caesar ordained , that the election of iudges should be out of the senators and gentlemen onely , leaving out the martiall treasurers ; and this tully calleth legē iudiciariam caesaris . antonia lex . m. antonius tulit legem , vt tertia iudicum decuria è centurionibus , antesignanis , alaudis , manipularibus fieret . iudicum decuriae : ] when the l. chiefe iustice had taken his oath , he chose out some ex certis ordinibus , non ex omni populo .i. out of such degree and place , as the law required , to sit in iudgement in the triall of those cases , which were tearmed causae publicae : and these iudges he afterward divided into lesser numbers called decuriae . vid. sigon . de iure rom. lib. 2. cap. 18. e centurionibus . ] centuriones were captaines over an hundred footmen . antesignanis . ] this word antesignanus hath a double acception in the romane histories . sometimes antesignani do signifie the third part of the romane army : for all those souldiers , that fought before the banners or ensignes , as they were called hastati in respect of their weapō , so were they called antesignani in respect of their ensignes , before which they fought . the second part of the army as they were called principes in respect of their prowesse and valour , so were they called subsignani , as fighting vnder the ensignes . the third part , as they were called triarij because they fought in the third , or rereward , so were they called postsignani , as fighting behinde the ensignes . where we must not think , that those which were called antesignani , & subsignani , were altogither destitute of ensigns amōg themselues ( for every maniple had his ensigne ) but the eagle and other chiefe ensignes were caryed by the subsignani , and in respect had to them they had their names . and hence ariseth the second acceptiō of this word , namely that all those souldiers of every maniple , which stood in front before their ensigne were called antesignani , & those were commonly the best souldiers in the company . see the severall proofes of this . lips . milit. rom. lib. 4. dial . 3. alaudis . ] iul. caesar pressed a legion of souldiers out of gallia transalpina , all which afterwarde he made free of rome . this legion he called legionem alaudarum , frō the forme of their helmets which did resemble the head of the larke , called in french alauda . barthol . latomus in philip . 1. manipularibus . ] those captaines which governed a maniple of souldiers , were called manipulares . fr. maturantius in phil. 1. cornelia lex . l. cornelius sylla , preferred a law , that the chiefe iudge of the bench called iudex quaestionis , should referre it vnto the choice of the defendant , whether he would haue iudgment passed on him clam an palam .i. ( as sylvius observeth ) either by voices , or by tables . memnonia lex . this law ( made by memnius ) provided , that no action should be entred against those , who were imploied abroad in businesses for the common wealth . an addition vnto this law was , that whosoever should calumniari .i. forge an accusation against another , a certaine letter should bee burnt in his forehead in token of infamy . this law is sometimes called lex rhemnia . here we may with u fr. sylvius obserue the difference of these three phrases , calumniari , praevaricari , and tergiversari . he which doth in his accusation forge faults never committed , is said calumniari . he which vndertaketh ones suit , and either will not vrge reasons in the behalfe of his client , or answer the obiections of his adversarie when he is able , is said praevaricari .i. to play the false proctour . he which doth desist in his accusation , and let his suit fal , is said tergiversari . lex incerta de nexu . in ijs rebus quae mancipi sunt , is periculum iudicij praestare debet , qui se nexu obligavit .i. if the buyer of any thing in that forme of sale called nexus be troubled in law , the seller thereof must secure him , and saue him harmelesse . mancipi sunt . ] x those things were tearmed res mancipi , which were alienated from the seller nexu .i. by such a forme of sale as followeth . the forme was thus ; at the least fiue witnesses , all romane citizens and of full age , besides one called libri-pens ( from holding of a paire of ballāces ) should be present : and the chapman or buyer should come with a certaine brasse coyne in his hand , and say ( for example sake , if it were a bondslaue to be sold ) hunc ego hominem ex iure quiritium meum esse aio , i●que mihi emptus est hoc aere ; and forthwith striking the ballance with the brasse coyne , he gaue it to him that made the sale . this kinde of chaffering was tearmed nexus , as we may suppose a nectēdo , because it did bind the seller to make good the sale : y sometimes it is called per aes & libram venditio , because of the ceremonies vsed in it . z now it is commonly called mancipatio , a à manus capione , from taking that which is sold into ones hands or possession : whence the word mancipatus , and mancipium are vsed to signifie a bondslaue , that is in this maner solde ; though sometimes mancipium doth signifie the sale it selfe : whence cic. vseth this phrase , lex mancipij , to signifie a clause or condition put in the sale . all things solde after this maner were tearmed res mancipi ; b the word mancipi being a nowne indeclinable , as frugi , cordi ; huiusmodi , &c. we may coniect the reason of these ballances , why they should bee vsed in this kind of bargaining , to be , because c in olde time they did not bargaine by paying coined mony , which was called aes signatum , but by paying a certaine weight of money , whence such mony was tearmed aes graue . and hence it is , that metaphorically we translate pendo and rependo , to pay and repay . chap. 17. de maiestate . lex varia . q. varius trib. pl. made a law , that the praetores quaesitores should sit in iudgement vpon those , by whom the allies or associates had been moved to attempt warre against the romane people . iulia lex . c. iul. caesar ordained , that such as were condemned of treason , or causing vproares in the common wealth , should be banished . chap. 18. de ambitu . those lawes were tearmed leges de ambitu , which were made against vndirect or vnlawfull courses vsed in canvasses for offices . fabia de ambitu . this lex fabia restrained the number of those poore mē who because they were wont to follow vp & downe , & all the day to attend such as did stand for offices , were thence called sectatores . acilia calpurnia . m. acilius glabrio , and c. calpurnius piso , being consuls , made a law , that such as were convinced of sinister and vndirect meanes vsed in their canvasses , should be fined at a certaine summe of money set on their heads , & they should be made both vncapeable of bearing office , and vneligible into a senators place . senatus-consultum de ambitu . m. tullius cic. and c. antonius being consuls , a certaine decree was made by the senate , that if such as did either salute or attend vpon those that stood for offices , were hired by any manner of reward ; or if any publike prizes were occasioned to be plaid ; or any publike feasts made by thē , they should be liable to the censure of calpurnius his law . tullia lex . m. tullius cic. made a law , that no man standing for an office should cause any publike prize to bee plaid , within two yeares that he either had stood , or should stand for an office , vnlesse the day had formerly beene appointed by some will. item he ordained , that senatours being found to haue vsed vnlawfull meanes for the attaining of any office , should suffer ten yeares exilement . and the commonaltie offending in that point , should bee punished with an heavier punishment , then the law made by calpurnius la●ed on them . an addition vnto this was , that if any being cited to his answere in the court for his vndirect meanes , si morbū excusaret .i. if hee did vrge his sicknesse for his not appearance , then should he vndergoe a penaltie . si morbum excusaret . ] so that tully here seemeth to cut of that libertie which the twelue tables permitted in these words [ si iudex alteruè ex litigatoribus morbo sontico impediatur , iudicij dies diffisus esto ] .i. if either iudge , plaintiffe , or defendant were sick , they should diffindere diem . .i. d proferre & in aliud tempus reijcere , proroge the time of iudgement . and vnlesse some might thinke , that by morbus sonticus was meant some strange disease , sigonius inferreth that every disease is tearmed sonticus , which hindreth vs in the performance of our businesses : sontes enim nocentes dicunt . licinia de sodalitijs . m. licinius . crassus being consul , perswaded vt in sodalitijs iudices ab accusatore ex tribubus ederentur . sodalitia . ] in the later times the romanes in their canvasses would gather together a certaine company of their side or faction to follow them , tearming them sodales : & these sodales would as it were by violence force the people to suffrage with them , whence the violence offered by them was tearmed sodalitia . sig. de iud. lib. 2. cap. 30. iudices ab accusatore ederentur ex tribubus . ] wee may read of three sorts of iudges among the romanes , or rather of three divers kinds of elections of their iudges . for either they were lecti sortitione , of which more may be seen in one of the lawes following ; or editione , by nomination or naming them , the manner thereof being thus ; that either the plaintiffe should choose them all , and then were they called iudices edititij ; or the plaintiffe should choose one halfe , and the defendant the other , and then were they called iudices alterni . melancthon in cic. pro muraen . chap. 19. de pecunijs repetundis . first touching the word repetundae , sigonius saith , that such money was tearmed pecuniae repetundae , quae possent repeti , which might by the course of lawe bee recovered ; namely such money as any magistrate , iudge , or publike officer , did either in the provinces , or in the citie receaue as a bribe , from the allies and associates , or from the romane citizens for the administration of iustice , or the execution of any publike dutie : & this kind of bribe they tearmed pecunias repetundas , pecuniam ablatam , captam , coactam , conciliatam , aversam ( cic. in verrinis ) but as it seemeth very probable , these lawes against briberie were first occasioned , for the ease and reliefe of the romane provinces and allies , called in latine socij , who were much abused in this kind by the prov. consuls , praetours , & quaestors , &c. whence tully calleth this law against bribery , legem socialem . iunia lex . m. iunius pennus trib. pleb . preferred a law , that such as were convinced of bribery , praeter litis aestimationem , exilium etiam damnato esset irrogatum . litis aestimationem . ] here we wil consider the difference of these three phrases , litis contestatio , litis redemptio , and litis aestimatio . e the first signifieth the producing of witnesses , when both sides shall openly in the court vse this forme of words , testes estote : which was not done , antequā satisdationes factae essent , before sureties were put in , by the one , that hee would iudicatum solvere , pay that which hee was condemned : by the other , that he would rem ratam habere .i. stand to the verdict or sentence in the court . the second phrase signifieth a composition or an argument agreed vpon by both sides betweene themselues : f redimere lites est pactionem facere ; qui enim paciscitur , facit vt lis non sit . the third is , when the partie which is cast in the suit is adiudged to pay the mony , or the worth of the goods called in question , together with the cost and damages in law vnto his adversarie . g litem aestimare est pecuniam , de qua lis fuit , & propter quam condemnatus est reus , in summam redigere , quae de bonis eius redigatur . h and aestimare litem est , quod vulgò dicitur , taxare litis expensas . acilia lex . m. acilius glabrio made a law , that such as were accused of briberie , neque ampliari , neque comperendinari possent .i. they must out of hand receaue iudgement . for the right vnderstanding of these two words [ ampliari & comperendinari ] we must consider the ancient customes and ceremonies vsed by the romanes in handling their suits of law . first there was in ius vocatio .i. a citation of one into the court . secondly postulatio .i. a request put vp vnto the praetour , that it might be lawfull for the plaintiffe to enter his action against the defendāt ; whence postulare aliquem de hoc vel illo crimine , is to accuse one of this or that crime . thirdly nominis delatio .i. the taking of the defendants name into the court-booke : and this was tearmed intendere actionem , vel litem ; and diem alicui dicere .i. to enter an actiō against one . at which time the plaintiffe did vadari reum .i. demaund sureties or bale frō the defendant , that he would appeare vpon the day appointed by the praetour , which commōly was the third day following , called properly dies perendinus , and sometimes dies tertius simply , as it appeareth by those capitall letters . i. d. t. s. p. vsed to be written in their actions : which letters i probus expoundeth thus . in diem tertium , siue perendinum . so that thē properly , lis vel reus dicitur comperendinari , when the giving of sentence is differred til the third day . moreover before the praetor would suffer the action to be entered , he would sweare the plaintiffe that he did not accuse the defendant calumniandi causâ .i. falsely or maliciously , and this kind of swearing was tearmed calumniam iurare , calumniam deiurare , and in litem iurare . now if either party were absent from the court vpon the third day , except he were sicke , he was cast in his suit , and the praetor did graunt an executiō called edictum peremptorium , whereby he gaue autority to his adversary to seaze vpon his goods . sometimes there were two or three edicts in manner of processes or writs before the edictum peremptorium could be obtained ; some times it was graunted at the first , and then was it k called vnum pro omnibus . l now if both parties came into the court and did appeare , then were they said se stitisse : so that this word sisto amongst the lawyers did signifie to shew ones selfe in the court . vpon the third day the praetor also with the whole bench of iudges did meete , and the iudex quaestionis ( whom rosinus maketh a distinct officer differing from the praetor ) did cause all the select iudges to pull out certaine lots , out of an vrne or pitcher brought thither for that purpose , & those iudges vpon whom the lot fell were to sit in iudgment : this was called sortitio iudicum . now if either the plaintiffe or defendant did suspect any of those , that they would be partiall , then might he except against them , and that was called iudicum reiectio : then the iudex quaestionis would in manner aforesaide choose other iudges into their places , and that was called subsortitio . which being ended , those iudges which were thus chosen received every one of them from the praetor three tables , the one having this letter a written in it , betokening absolution : whence tully calleth it literam salutarem : the other having this letter c written in it , betokening condemnatiō : the third having these two letters n. l. betokening non liquet . after the receipt of the tables , then did the praetor mittere vel dimittere iudices in cōsilium .i. send them to cast their tables into the vrnes , there being three vrnes or little coffers purposely provided ; the one for those iudges which were chosen out of the senators , the other for those that were chosen out of the gentlemen , the third for those which were chosen ●ut of the martiall treasurers . now if they did cast the first sort of tables into the vrnes , then the praetor pronounced the defendāt absolued ; if the second , then he pronounced him condemned ; if the thirde , then hee pronounced amplius cognoscendum , that they must haue longer time to enquire : and this is properly termed ampliatio , a repriue ; and in such maner it is said , quod lis vel reus dicitur ampliari . the proofes for this manner of proceeding in law may bee collected out of rosinus lib. antiq . 9. cap. 19. 20. & 24. and out of sigonius according to the marginall quotations . lex cornelia de sicarijs , veneficio , & parricidio . cornelius sylla being dictator ordained a law , that the chiefe iudge called iudex quaestionis with the whole bēch of iudges , should sit vpon life and death on such as had killed a man ; on such as had with an evill intent set any place on fire ; on such as should walke with any weapon either to kill or rob a man ; on such as had either made , bought , sold , had , or given any poyson , thereby to kill a man ; on anie magistrate , whosoever should cause any conventicle or secret assemblies , or should giue their consent to the suborning of any man to accuse another falsely , that thereby he being innocent might be oppressed & condēned by publique iudgement . moreover de eius capite quaerito , &c. .i. let them sit vpon life and death on that man , which shall beare false witnesse , that another might be condemned to death ; on that magistrate or chiefe iudge , which shall take a bribe to condemne another to death . parricidium . ] this word doth properly signifie onely a murthering of ones parents or kinsfolke , but in numa pōpilius his time it signified as much as homicidium .i. any māslaughter whatsoever . chap. 20. lex 12. tabularum de vindicijs . si qui in iure manum conserunt , vtreique superstitibus praesentibus vindicias sumunto . si qui in iure : ] here we must note , that the custome among the romanes in old time was , that as often as any controversie did arise touching the possession of an house , a field , or any such like thing , the praetor did goe vnto the house , field , or the thing questioned , being accompanyed thither with the plainteiffe and the defendant , togither with others whom the law required to be present as witnesses . this place wheresoever it were , though in the open fielde , during the time that the praetor sate there to giue iudgement , was tearmed in latin ius , in english a court. where in the presence of the praetor and the witnesses , the plaintiffe and defendant did manum conserere , that is , as m camerarius supposeth , argue and dispute the case pro and con in a solemne forme of wordes prescribed them by the law . for this phrase is borrowed by the lawyers from the art military , where souldiers are said manum vel manu conserere , when they fight hand to hand . [ v●reique superstitibus praesentibus ] .i. let both parties in the presence of witnesses ( so n festus expoundeth superstites ) [ vindicias sumunto ] .i. let them take a turffe of the ground : for so o sigonius expoundeth vindiciae ; though properly ( as hee observeth ) it signified the possessiō of a thing , rather then the thing possessed . this turffe being taken vp , was caryed to the praetor , and iudgment was given vpon that , as vpon the whole . i do presume that in other cases , as in taking the possession of an house , &c : some other thing in maner of the ●urffe was presented vnto the praetor , vpon which as vpon the whole he gaue iudgement . in processe of time , the praetor by reason of the multitude of other imployments , not finding convenient leasure to review every particular groūd , or house called in question , p it was ordained contrarie to the twelue tables , that the plaintiffe in such cases shoulde come into the court , and challenge the defendant in this forme of words , ex iure manu consertum te voco .i. i challenge thee to goe out of the court into the field , to vse one towards the other that solemne forme of words which the law enioyneth . then did the defendant either yeeld the possession of the ground , or else he did reply , vnde tume ex iure manu consertum vocasti , inde ib● ego te revoco . thē did they both taking witnesses with them without the company of the praetor inire viam .i. goe into the ground bringing back a turffe thereof , vpon the which ( as in maner shewne ) the praetor gaue iudgement at their returne . for the better vnderstanding of this that hath been spoken in the explanation of this law , we must note , that the action tearmed vindicatio was twofold : either the suit for the possession of a thing , or the suit for the lordship or right owning thereof . the possessiō of any thing was recovered , either by a true & real violence , or by a seeming violēce . this seeming violence was twofold , either it was manus cōsertio , which was shewne immediately before ; or moribus deductio .i. a customary leading the vnlawfull possessor out of the groūd thereby to enter possessiō . vis simulata altera à lege , altera emanavit à moribus ; saith q sigon . the first of these did arise from the romane law , the other from a custome amongst the romanes : the first of these is to bee seene in tully his oration pro muraena , the other pro caecinnâ . to these sigonius addeth a third kinde of seeming violence ; which how iustly he hath tearmed a violence , i shal leaue to the indifferent iudgement of the vnpartial reader . the right of the lordship or owning any thing was sued for in this maner : the plainteiffe did question with the defendant thus ; first an auctor esset ? .i. whether hee had not covertly made away the possession of the thing , thereby to frustrate the action . secondly , an sponderet .i. whether he woulde put in a gage of mony into the court , which hee would forfeit if he were cast ; which being done , the plaineteiffe did also vpon the demande of the defendant put in a gage of mony to be forfeited , if he prevailed not in his suit . this gage of mony was tearmed r sacramentum ; and in this sense , tully pro milone , saith , iniustis vindicijs , & sacramentis alienos fundos petunt , that is , they sue for other mens grounds , with vniust actions and gages of mony . thirdly , an satisdaret , that is , whether hee woulde put in surety , that during the triall in law , the ground or house called in question should not be impaired . the solemne forme of words vsed in the first demande , is thus to be seene in ſ tully , quando in iure te conspicio , postulo ann●e sies auctor ? if the defendant held his peace , then was he adiudged to pay all costs & damages ; if he professed himselfe the present possessor , then did the plainteiffe proceed in māner as he should for the possession thereof ; if he denyed it , then did the praetor say vnto the plainteiffe , quando negat , sacramento quaerito : therevpon said the plainteiffe to the defendant , quando negas , te sacramēto quinquagenario provoco , spondesne te soluturum quinquaginta asses , si auctor sis ? to whom the defendant replyed , spondeo quinquaginta asses si auctor sim . tu verò spondesne idem , ni sim ? the plaineteiffe answered , ego quoque spondeo . now in this kinde of stipulation , the plainteiffe was said sponsione & sacramento pro vocare , sacramento rogare , quaerere , & stipulari .i. to challenge one to pawn a summ of mony for the trial of a suit in law . the defendant was said , cōtendere ex provocatione , cōtendere sacramento , & restipulari .i. to be sued in such manner . this mony was tearmed sacramentū , t because when it was forfeited , it was bestowed in rebus sacris & divinis . touching the last interrogatory , i reade no set forme of words , but by the word satisdatio , the intelligent reader may coniect that it did somwhat symbolize with our english custome of putting in bale . lib. 4. rites and customes observed by the romanes in their warres . de militiâ . touching the art military vsed among the romanes , it will not be impertinent to consider , first how warre was proclaimed , and peace established by them : then to march on to the description of their bands or cōpanies , where wee may first obserue the office of their chiefe captaine , and their subordinate leaders , togither with the severall wards into which the vniversall army was divided . after this we may descend vnto the diversity of punishments vsed towards captiues , & likewise towards refractarious and disobedient souldiers : adding as a corollary or period to our whole discourse the severall rewards , which the l. generall with his souldiers after the performance of certaine noble atchieuements received . chap. 1. de ritu , quem romani observârunt vel foedus ferientes , vel bellum inferentes : & de triplici ratione cons●ribendi milites . vve may remēber that it , hath been already shewn , that both the proclaiming of warre & peace belonged longed vnto a certaine order of romane priests called foeciales , whom by reason of their office i englished heralds at armes . the rites and ceremonies , which they vsed , when they proclaimed peace were as followeth . vz. one of those heralds having his commission from the state ( after that both sides had agreed vpon the truce & league now to bee concluded ) tooke vp a stone in his hand a vsing this solēne forme of words : sirectè & sine dolo malo hoc foedus atque hoc ius iurandum facio , dij mihi cuncta felicia praestent ; sin aliter aut ago aut cogito , ( caeteris omnibus saluis ) in proprijs patrijs , in proprijs legibus , in proprijs laribus , in proprijs teplis , in proprijs sepulchris solus ego peream , vt hic lapis è manibus decidet , and therwithal he cast the stone out of his hand : which maner of oath was tearmed i●●are iovem lapidem , or per iovem lapidem .i. as it hath been rendred by festus , to swear by iupiter holding a stone in ones hand . b many say that he did cast that stone at an hogge or porker brought thither purposely , adding these words to the former ; si prior populus romanus defexit publico cōsilio , tum ille diespiter populū rom. sic ferito , vt ego hunc porcum hodiè feriam : alluding to which custome virgill saith , et caesâ iungebant foedera porcâ . the maner of denouncing warre hath beene * alreadie shewen . the act of service in warre was termed mereri sub hoc vel illo duce .i. to serue in warre vnder this or that captaine : and whatsoever souldier was discharged of his service , as having served out his whole time ; hee was called miles emeritus , and by c tully , such an one is said stipendia confecisse . d servius hath observed , that the romane souldiers were pressed three maner of waies : per sacramentum , coniurationem , & evocationē . but e lipsius censureth him for the amisse-explanation of the last member . therefore the indifferent reader shall giue me leaue to borrow the tearmes from servius ; but the explanation of them partlie from servius , partly from lipsius in the places now quoted . ordinarily souldiers at their presse did each severallie take their oath not to forsake their captaine or country ; & this oath was called sacramentum militare . the wordes thereof are rendred by f polybius thus : obtemperaturus sum , & facturus , quic quid mandabitur ab imperatoribu● , iuxta vires , and those were tearmed milites per sacramentum . vpon extraordinary occasions , ( as when tumults or commotions did cause any suspicion of imminent danger ) the chiefe leader of the souldiers did go vnto the capitoll and bring forth two banners or flags , the one red , called therefore vexillum roseum , vnto which the footmen repaired ; the other sky-coloured called therefore coeruleum , which the horsemen followed . the reason why the horsemens bāner was sky-coloured is g rendred thus , because it did most resemble the colour of the sea , which colour they deemed most acceptable to neptune , who was both the god of the sea , and the first autor of horses . now because the suddaine daunger woulde not yeelde so much time , that they might severally bee sworne , therefore did they take their oath in common altogether ; and thence were they called milites per coniurationem ; as likewise h milites subitarij in respect of their suddaine presse . the third member may also be admitted , if we with i lipsius vnderstand it in its true sense , namely for those souldiers who by the l. generall were added vnto the body of their army ; hee hauing autoritie to call out such other souldiers , who for their long service were discharged from giuing in their names at a muster . and these are generally by all autors tearmed milites evocati ; and lipsius deemeth them all one with those whom servius calleth milites per evocationem . the souldiers being thus pressed , if they purposed to make warre vpon their enimies , then did the l. generall summon them to prepare themselues by a sound of trumpets ; & this was tearmed classicum canere , à calando , which signifieth to call . which being done , a skarlet banner was hanged out at the l. generall his pavilion : from which ceremony i thinke that that common adage did first arise , conferre signa & collatis signis pugnare , to ioine battle . immediatly vpon this they did barritum tollere , make a great shout or noyse with their voices to the greater terrour of their enimies : and that the noyse might be the greater , they did arma concutere , rustle together with their armour , and clash their swords . these foure ceremonies are to be seene more at large in k lipsius . vnto which wee may adde the fift observed by l fr. sylvius ; namely that at the removing of their campe , they did conclamare vasa , giue a great shout or cry in token that the souldiers should trusse vp their bagge and baggage : and hence it is that m plautus vseth this phrase , colligatis vasis to signifie as much as paratè or expeditè . now that they might be the readier for battle , they did gird ( as i suppose ) their souldiers coates close vnto them : and a souldier thus girt was called cinctutus .i. ( saith n pighius ) cinctu tutus . o inde discinctos ignavos , & militiae minimè aptos putârunt ; praecinctos verò fortes & strenuos . hence also is that proverbiall speech in praecinctu stare or vivere , to be in a readinesse continually . chap. 2. de legione , auxilijs , & legionis partibus . the romane forces were in olde time divided into two severall parts ; namely in legiones & auxilia , into legions and auxiliarie bands . the auxiliary bands were such forces as the neighbour and confederate countries did send vnto the romanes . the legions were taken out of the body of the romanes : p legio , à deligendo dicta est , from the choice and selecting of souldiers . q romulus is said to haue beene the first author of these legions , making every legion to containe three thousand footmen , and three hundred horsemen , r one thousand footmen and one hundred horsemen being taken out of each nationall tribe . afterward it was augmented by romulus himselfe into foure thousand footmen , ſ whence it was called quadrata legio . and in processe of time a legion encreased vnto the number of six thousand : which number it seldome or never exceeded ( as it appeareth by sigon . in the place now quoted . ) now t none could bee ordinarily registred for a souldier vntil the seventeenth year of his age , u at which his first admission he was tearmed tyro , a fresh water souldier : and hence figuratiuely tyrocinium hath not beene translated only the first entrance into warre , but also the initiation or first entrance into any art or science whatsoever . after he had served many yeares , then was he tearmed veteranus , an old beaten souldier . x the romane legion was divided in pedites & equites , there being commonly for every thousand footmen an hundred horsemen . pedites distributi erant in cohortes●● chortes in manipulos ; manipuli in centurias : equites distributi erant in turmas ; turmae in decurias . the word cohors doth signifie that part of ground , which is commonly enclosed before the gate of an house , y which from the same word we calle a court : and z varro giveth this reason of the metaphor . as in a farme house ( saith hee ) many out buildings ioined together make one inclosure : so cohors consisteth of severall maniples ioined together in one body . it is manifest ( saith a alexander ) that the romanes in ancient time did very seldome , yea never ( exceptin great necessitie ) inroll into their vniversall army aboue foure legions : and in an ordinary legion which he tearmeth legionē iustam ten cohortes , every cohors containing 3 maniples , every maniple two cēturies , every cētury an hundred souldiers : whence they from centū were called centuria , a centurie . b these centuries were sometimes divided into lesser numbers called contubernia ; every contubernium containing tenne souldiers besides their captaine , c which was called decanus , and caput contubernij . where we must obserue that contubernium doth signifie as well the pavilion or lodging it selfe , as the souldiers lodging therein : and it may be so called quasi contaberniū , frō taberna signifying any slight lodging made of boards . those that ruled over a thousand footmen we may in english cal seriants maior . they called them tribunimilitū . those that governed over the centuries were called by thē centuriones , by vs in english centurions : and they had their inferiour officers vnder them which were called tergiductores , or extremi agminis ductores . d their office was to oversee and looke vnto those of the campe which were sick , who commonly came behind the army , quasi extremum agmen , et tergum aciei . the horsemen were divided into severall troopes called turmae , every turma containing thirtie horsemen . againe every turma was subdivided into three lesser companies called decuriae , every decuria containing ten horsemen : whence their captaine was called decurio , and the captaines over the greater troopes , namely over the severall wings of the horsemen , were called equitum praefecti . now the chiefe governour over the vniversall army was called cōmonly imperator : we in english call him a l. generall . his lieutenant or l. deputie was called legatus , e who in old time was sent non tam ad imperandum , quàm ad consulendum imperatori . this word imperator in the romane histories hath a threefold acception . first it is taken for him ; who by commission from the state hath the managing of an army , being the same that praetor was in ancient time : and in this sense it hath affinitie with the office of our l. generall . secondly for such a l. generall , who by his prowesse having put f one thousand of his enimies to the sword , both his souldiers saluted him , & the senate styled him by the name of imperator : but if hee had slaine lesse then one thousand , he was not thought worthy of this solemne salutation by that name . lastly it was takē for a soveraigne prince , king , or monarch , in which sense it was the praenomen of all the romane emperours frō iulius caesar forward . now because the souldiers in a legion must of necessitie differ much in estate , age , and experience , some being welthier , elder , and of more experience then others ; hence was it requisite also , that there should be a distinction of places in their armies , according to the desert and worth of each severall person . we are therefore likewise to vnderstand , g that the consuls every yeare made a generall muster : at which time the military tribunes chose out the youngest and poorest of all the rest , & called them by the name of velites . their place in regard of the other souldiers was base and dishonourable , not onely because they fought a farre off and were lightly armed ; but also because they were commōly exposed to their enimies as forelorne hopes . according to h lipsius these velites did commonly make vp the spaces betweene the maniples of the pikemen ; notwithstanding they did like scouts run to & fro , casting out their darts ( as occasion was offered ) & so retire : whence when a man doth leape from one thing to another in his talke , wee say hee doth agere velitatim . having chosen out a competent number of these scoutes , they proceeded to the choise of thē , which they called hastati .i. pike-men : forasmuch as they fought with a kinde of iaueling , which the romanes called hasta . these pike-mē fought in the first part or fore front of the maine army . the third choise which they made , was of the strōgest & highest bodiedmed men , who for the prime of their age were called principes : and hence was the second place or warde in the maine army called principia , according to i thraso his speech , ego erapos● principia .i. i will followe the principes , thereby choosing to himselfe the best , and safest place . the last sort of souldiers , which stood in the third place or rereward , were called triarij . they were of al , the most approved , and the very last helpe and refuge ; so that if they failed , all was lost : and hence ariseth that forme of speech , ad triarios ventum est , k whereby we signifie that a thing is come to the last push . as i suppose , the weapon , wherwith these triarij fought , was a dart with yron fastened at the end of it , called in latin pilum . the reasons of this my cōiecture are these : first because the first century of these triarij was called primum pilum , and their centurion primopilus , and primipilus , and primus centurio , because he was the chiefe centurion in a whole legion , as having the charge of the chiefe banner called the eagle ; l whence aquila is sometimes vsed to signifie primopilatum , the office and place of the primopilus . the second century was called secundum pilum , & their centurion secundipilus , &c. secondly , they called the principes , which marched in the battle immediatly before these triarij , antepilanos : which argueth that those souldiers , which followed next shoulde be the milites pilani ; and by consequence their weapon should be that kind of dart , which they called pilum . their maner of embattelling was divers . sometimes they would make a winged army , so that the maine body thereof should be in the middle , & on each side a lesser company : the maine body we in english call the vauntgard , & the two lesser companies we call wings ; as likewise in latine they called them alas aciei , and dextrum vel sinistrum cornu . m pancirollus calleth them vexillationes , because there fought no more in either wing , then belonged to one banner called in latin vexillum . the governours of these wings he calleth alarum praefectos . sometimes they embatled so , that the forefront of the army being smal , it was enlarged bigger and bigger backwarde in manner of a triangle : by n lipsius it is demonstrated vnto vs vnder the forme of the greeke letter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . he in the same place calleth it caput porcinum , quia velut fodit & ruit invadendo . commonly it was called cuneus militū , the metaphor being borrowed not only from the resemblance it had with a wedg , but also from the vse of a wedge : for they never embatled in that forme , vnlesse it was to breake through their enimies , the piercing angle being thicke compacted with targets . sometimes they did in a quite cōtrary maner enlarge their army in the forefront , making it to end in an angle : & o this they called forfex and forceps militum . sometimes their forme of embatling was circular , and then was it called orbis vel globus militum . the banner or flagge was properly called vexillum , being a diminutiue of velum . it was also called p bandum : whence we do at this day call so many souldiers , as do fight sub eodem bando , a band of souldiers : as romulus called those that fought sub eodē manipulo foeni ( an handfull of hay being vsed at that time insteed of a flagge ) manipulum militum . ovid. pertica suspensos portabat long a manîplos , vnde maniplaris nomina miles habet . chap. 3. de oppugnatione vrbis , & ijs quae ad oppugnationem requiruntur . if the siege of a towne seemed difficult and hard to compasse , then did the romanes vse certaine meanes of policie for the better effecting thereof . they invironed the towne with a broad and deepe ditch , adding therevnto a rampier , fortified with many castles and fortresses , whereby they both kept the towne from any forraigne succour , and withall secured themselues from sallies and other stratagems . this rampier did extend it selfe toward the wals of the city , so that by making ( as it were ) a great hill , they might overtop the city , and fight with the greater advantage . now that this great heape of earth might become firme and well able to support the buildings to bee erected vpon it , they did cast in much timber & stones amongst the earth ; and this heape of earth , stones , and timber when it was reared , was properly called agger ; whence commeth both the latin verbe exaggerare● , and the english to exaggerate .i. to amplifie or encrease a matter . the stakes , posts , & trees , which were ramined in about this bulwarke or rampire to vpholde the earth , were sometimes called q ceru , because of their forked and sharpe tops ; but more properly r valli , and valla. the distance or space betweene each stake was called intervallum ; though now intervallū doth signifie not onely such a distance , but any distance either of place or time , as it appeareth by that of ſ tully : intervallo locorum , & temporum d●siuncti . sometimes vallus doth signifie a pole or stake , wherevnto vines are tyed ; according to that received adage , which we vse when a speciall friend forsaketh one , vallus vitem decepit . from the first signification it is , that vallum doth often signifie the inclosure , or hedging in of trees and stakes , wherwith the bulwarke is vpheld : alluding wherevnto t a. gellius translateth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vallum dentium . the meanes of their defense , whiles they were making this their rampire , was a certaine engine or ordinance of warre u made of plankes and hurdles , running vpon wheeles , vnder which they might rest secure frō all stones and darts cast from the wals of the city : it was called vinea . a second engine was musculus : the matter wherof it was made i haue not read : but the vse of it was , that vnder it the souldiers might approch vnto the wals of the city , and vndermine them . thus much x lipsius seemeth to inferre , when he rendreth the reason of the name : musculus ideò dictus , quia instar eius animalculi foderent sub eo terram . a third meanes of their defense was militaris testudo . this word testudo in the art military had a double acception , both being borrowed from the resemblance of the tortoise shell , which is the true & genuine signification of this word . in the first acception testudo , y doth signifie a warlike engine or fense made with boards covered over with raw hides , which served against fire and stones cast at the souldiers : vnder this they might safely assaile the wals . z in the second acceptiō it signifieth a target-fense , which was a close holding togither of targets over head like a vault or roofe , wherewith the footemen did defend themselues from the thicke shot of arrows or slinging of stones . their rampier or countermure being finished , they vsed certaine great timber towers made vpon wheeles to run to and fro , which they called turres ambulatoriae , moueable turrets . these towers had many stories one over the other , a wherein they carryed ladders & casting bridges thereby to scale the wals . the engines hithervnto haue been defensiue , such wherwith the romanes defended themselues in their siege : others there were offensiue , wherwith they did assaile the city ; and of those the chiefe were balista sive catapulta , scorpius sive onager , aries , & malleoli . the first of these engines , as it was called balista 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from darting or casting forth any thing , b so was it in old time called catapulta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifieth a shaft or dart . the forme thereof followeth trāslated word for word out of c marcellinus . [ betweene two plankes there is set in frame , and fast ioyned a strong & bigge yron , reaching out in length after the māner of a good great rule ; out of the round body whereof , which is artificially wrought , there lyeth forth farther out a fowre square beame , made hollow with a direct passage in manner of a narrow trough , tyed fast with many cords of ●inewes twisted one within the other , and therevnto are ioined two wooden skrewes ; neere vnto one of which standeth the cunning balistier , & subtilly putteth into the hollow passage of the beame a wooden shaft with a bigge head glewed fast to it . this done on both sides , two lustie young men doe bend the engine by turning about certaine wheeles . when the top of the head is drawne to the vttermost end of the cords , the shaft being carried forth of the balista , by the inward force thereof , it flyeth out of sight . ] that the reader may receaue the more light in the vnderstanding of this obscure description . i haue added the very words of marcellinus . [ ferrum inter axiculos duos firmum compaginatur & vastum ; in modum regulae maioris extentū : cuius ex volumine teretis , quod in medio ars polita componit , quadrat us eminet stylus extensius recto canalis angustimeatu cavatus , & hac multiplici cordâ nervorum tortiliū illigatus : eique cochleaeduae ligneae coniunguntur aptissimè , quarum propè vnam adsistit artifex contemplabilis , & subtiliter adponit in temonis cavamine sagit tam ligneam spiculo maiore conglutinatam : hocque facto hinc inde validi iuvenes versant agilitèr rotabilem flexum . quum ad extremiatem nervorum acumen venerit summum , percita interno pulsu à balista ex oculis evolat . in respect of its vse we may english it a crossebowe : but it was much bigger , and of a different forme . the scorpion , which now they call onager , is described by marcellinus in the same place thus . [ two oaken or elme beames are hewen out , and somewhat bended , so that they seeme to bunch out in backs ; and these in maner of a * saw engine are tied fast together , being bored through with wide holes , through ( which by the meanes of those holes ) strong cords are tied , keeping in the whole frame , that it start not asunder : * from betweene these bunches , another wooden beame reaching forth overthwa●t , and in maner of a waine beame erected vp , is tied with such devises vnto certaine ropes , that it may be pulled vp higher , or let downe lower at ones pleasure ; and at the top thereof certain yron hooks are fastned , from which hookes there hangeth down a certain sling either of iron or tow : vnder which erected beam there lyeth a great peece of haire-cloath full of small chaffe tied fast with cords , and placed vpon a bancke of tur●es , or a heape of bricks : when therefore it commeth to the point of skirmish , a round stone being put into the sling , foure young men on one side loosing the beames , into which the ropes are incorporated , doe drawe backe the erected beam vnto the hooke . thus at length the master of the engine standing in some high place , giving a mightie stroke with a hammer ( and , as i suppose , vpon the cord , wherevnto the erected beame was fastned , with his hooke ) se●teth opē the rayles , that containe the whole worke , insomuch that this erected beam being now at liberty with that quick stroke , and hitting against the soft haire-cloath , it hurleth out the stone , that will batter whatsoever is in the way . and it is called tormentum , quod ex eo omnis explicatio torquebatur . it is also called scorpio , because when the long beame or tillar is erected , it hath a sharpe top in maner of a sting . the moderne time hath imposed vnto it the name of onager .i. a wild asse ; because that wild asses , when they are coursed by hunters , fling backe stones with their heeles a farre off . so that often times they pierce the breasts of those that follow them . ] the latine word is made from the greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 .i. asinus & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , rus vel ager . now if any aske me , why that sa●k cloath of ashes was interposed , the reason is rendered by marcellinus in two lines , which i purposely did not translate in their place , because i would continue the sense , without such a long parenthesis . the reason is there delivered thus ; because the violence and force of the erected beame recoiling , after it had beene by the stroke discharged , was such , that it would shake in peeces the strongest wals , except there were some soft thing interposed , whereby the forceable strength of the recoile might bee by degrees slacked . the aries or ram is described also by marcellin . in the same place . [ the ram was a great tree , or beame like vnto a mast of a ship , having a peece of iron in maner of a rams head , fastned at the end thereof , wherewith they did demolish and batter downe the wals of a city . it was hung vnto a beam , which lay a crosse over a couple of pillars , and hanged thus equally ballanced , it was by force of men pulled backward , and then recoiled vpon the wals . ] in lieu of these rammes another engine was found out , called helepolis , ab invsitato 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 .i. capio , & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 .i. civitas . the forme of it is to bee seene also in marcell . ibid. [ there was ( saith hee ) a testudo , or vaulted frame made , strengthned with very long peeces of timber : it was covered over with oxe hides , and greene wicker hurdles : the vpper part or convexe sur-face thereof was overlaid with mud , to the end that it might keepe of the fal of fire and casting of weapons . now there were fastned in the front of it certaine cuspides tri●ulcae .i. iron pikes with three edges very massy , in maner of the thunderbolts , which painters and poets exhibite vnto vs. this great engine the souldiers ruling within with divers wheeles & ropes , with maine force they thrust it against the wals . ] [ malleoli ( saith the same marcellinus ) were certaine darts fashioned on this maner ; there was an arrow made of a cane , betwixt the head & the nocke whereof was fastned an iron full of cle●ts ; which arrow like vnto a womans distaffe , on which linnen is spinned , was finely made hollow within the belly , yet open in many places : in the belly it receaved fire with fuell to feed vpō . and thus being gently discharged out of a weak bow ( for with an over strong shooting the fire was extinguished ) if it tooke fast hold on any place , it burned the same , & water being cast thereon , the fire increased : neither was there any meanes to quench it , but by casting duston it . ] now if they could not prevaile by these engines called machinae , then did they make certain passages vnder groūd which they called cuniculi from cuniculus signifying a cony-berry : insomuch that these two phrases are opposite , machinis , & cuniculis oppugnare , as it appeareth by that of d plutarch : caesar non iam cuniculis , sed machinis tollit rempublicam .i. he doth not now covertly , but with open violence assault the common weale . chap. 4. de poenis in hostes devictos . albeit after the victory the romanes inflicted divers degrees of punishment , according to the malice found in an enimie ; yet were they alwaies compassionate , and ( as histories testifie ) more exorable then any other nation . the punishments which we find them to haue vsed toward a conquered nation are these . either they punished them by death ; or sold them sub coronâ ; or dismissed them sub iugum ; or merced them in taking away their territories ; or made them tributarie states . e an enimie was said to be sold sub coronâ , when he being placed in the market place , a crowne was put vpon his head in token of such a sale : or therefore certaine capti●es were said to be sold sub coronâ , because at such times they were invironed about with souldiers to keepe them together , and this circle of souldiers , as likewise of all other companies , is called corona . when they dismissed any sub iugum , f they erected two speares with a third lying a crosse in maner of a gallowes : then they caused them being di●armed , and their belt takē away to passe vnder in token of bondage . when their territories were taken from them , they were commonly conferred vpon old beaten souldiers , in way of remunoration for their faithfull service . this transplantation was termed coloniae deductio ; and the place ever after romana colonia .i. a romane colonie . at which times they chose out every tenth man , viz. such as were able and of best sufficiencie to make and establish a publike councill , g whom they named decuriones . whence wee may obserue , that decurio is not alwaies taken for a captaine over ten horsemen , but sometimes it is vsed to signifie an alderman , or chiefe burgesse in a romane colonie . divers times the romanes would bee content after the conquest to grant to their enimies a peaceable enioying of their lands and possessions , conditionally , that they woulde yeelde all faithfull allegiaunce vnto that l. deputy , whōsoever the senate of rome should place over them . the l. deputy was either styled by the name of a propraetor , a proconsul , or a praefectus . those places , where the two first sorts of governours did rule , were tearmed provinciae ; the other from the governour was termed praefectura . where wee must obserue that this word provincia hath a threefold acception . first it is taken for a country , which by the force & power of armes is subdued to the romane empire , and governed by some romane deputie sent from the senate : and this is the proper and primi●iue signification thereof , it being so called , h quod populus rom eam provicit .i. ante vicit . secondly it is taken for any region or country , where the l. generall or chiefe captain over a romane army doth manage warre against any nation by commission from the senate . lastly it signifieth any publique function or administration of office , yea any private dutie , charge , or taske either vndertaken , or imposed ; according to that of i terence , provinciam cepisti duram .i. thou hast vndertaken an hard taske . now the tribute to be paid was either certaine , or vncertaine . the certain was properly called tribut●● vel stipend●●● ; and those who paid it were tearmed tributarij sive s●ipendiarij : and this tribute was of two sorts , either ordinarie , such as was required from every house yearely , even in the time of peace ; or extraordinary , such as was levied by a law or decree of the senate towards vnexpected charges . the vncertaine tribute k properly called vectigal , was l either impost-mony , such as was collected in haven townes for the transportation of marcha●ts wares , and that was called from portus portorium , or from porta portarium , and the receavers thereof portitores : or tithe corne , namely the tenth part of their graine , and that was called from decem decumae , and the receauers thereof decumani ; though decumanus when it is an adiectiue signifieth as much as maximus , according to that of ovid. lib. 1. de trist . qui venit hic fluctus ▪ fluctus supereminet omnes ; posterior nono est , vndecimoque prior . the reason of this signification is m supposed to be , because in arithmeticke amongst simple numbers the tenth is the greatest : or lastly that mony , which was paid by certaine heardes-men for pasturing their cattle in the romane fields and forrests . this kinde of tribute was called scriptura , and the pastures agri scripturarij ; because ( as n festus saith ) the bayliffe or receaver of this mony , called pecuarius , did scribendo conficere rationes .i. keep his account by writing . where we must note , first that all these kindes of tributes were not only required in provinces or countries subdued , but throught italy , even in rome it selfe . secondly though each collectour of these tributes was distinguished by a peculiar name , yet by a generall name they were al called o publicani , in as much as they did take to rent these publike tributes . the chiefe of them , which entred into bond , as the principall takers or farmers of these tributes tully calleth mancipes . the others which were entred in to the same bond as sureties , were tearmed praedes . many times the romanes did bestow the freedome of their citie vpon forraigne countries ; & the degrees of freedome was proportioned accordingly as the countries were . some they honoured with the name of romane citizens , but excluded them from the right of suffraging , leaving them also to be governed by their owne lawes and magistrates . this state they called a municipal state , in latine municipium , because they were muneris huius honorarij participes . p by munus honorarium in this place is vnderstood nothing but the bare title of a romane citizen , whereby they were privileged to fight in a legion as free denisons , not in an auxiliary band as the associates . now the first that ever obtained this municipall state , were the cerites , who for preserving the holy things of rome in the time of the warre against the gaules , were rewarded with the freedome of the citie , but without power of suffraging ; from whence it is , that those tables , wherein the censors inrolled such as were by them deprived of their voices , were called cerites tabulae ; horace calleth such a table ceritem ceram , for the reason shewne before . but wee must withall obserue , that some municipall townes haue either by desert or instant suit obtained the libertie of suffraging also , which occasioneth that receaued distinction , that there was municipiū sine suffragio , and municipium cum suffragio . other countries which could not bee admitted into the freedome of the citie , haue obtained , and that not without speciall and deserved respects to be associats and confederats vnto the state of rome . the inhabitants of such countries were sometimes called so●ij , sometimes amici , sometimes latini nominis socij , &c. the king or prince of such a countrie did stile himselfe amicus & socius senat. & pop. rom. here we must obserue a difference betweene pactio and foedus , both signifying a kind of league . that tru●e which in time of warre is concluded vpon , and accepted of both sides for a certaine q limited space of time , is properly called pactio ; we commonly call it induciae ; and it differed from foedus : r first , because that foedus is a perpetuall truce or league ; secondly because it was necessary , that one of those heralds at armes called foeciales , should by a solemne proclamation confirme this league called foedus ; neither of which conditions was absolutely requisite in their truce tearmed pactio . chap. 5. mulctae militares , quibus milites romani ob delicta afficiebantur . touching the punishments that the romane l. general vsed towards his owne souldiers when they were faulty , they were commonly proportioned vnto the fault committed . sometimes they were easie , of which sort were al those punishments which did only brand the souldiers with disgrace ; other times they were heavier , such as did hurt & afflict the body . to the first sort belonged these ; first ignominiosa dimissio .i. a shameful discarding of a souldier , when he is with disgrace removed from the army . secondly , fraudatio stipendij .i. a stopping of their pay : & such souldiers which suffred this kinde of mulct were said to be are diruti , ſ because aes illud diruebatur in fiscū , non in militis sacculum . thirdly , censio hastaria , whereby the souldier was inioined to resigne and giue vp his speare : for as those which had atchieved any noble act , were for their greater honour hastâ purâ donati : so others for their greater disgrace were enforced to resigne vp their speare . fourthly , the whole cohors , which had lost their banners , were compelled to eat nothing but barly bread , being deprived of their allowance in wheat ; and every centurion in that cohors had his souldiers belt or girdle taken from him , which was no lesse disgrace amongst them , then it is now amongst vs , that a knight of our order of the garter , should be deprived of his garter . fiftly , for petty faults they made them to stand barefooted before the l. general his pavillion , with long poles of ten foote length in their hands : and sometimes in the sight of the other souldiers to walke vp and downe with turfes on their necks . in the last of these they seemed to imitate their city discipline , whereby malefactors were inioined to take a certaine beame resembling a forke vpon their shoulders , and so to cary it round about the towne ; whence from fur●a , & fero they were tearmed furciferi : it hath some affinity with our carting of queanes here in england . in the first wee haue no custome , that doth more symbolize , then the standing in a white sheet in the open view of a congregation . the last of their lesser punishments was the opening of a vaine or letting them bloud in one of their armes : t which kinde of punishment was vsed toward those alone , which ( as they conceited thorow the abūdance of their hote bloud ) were too adventurous and bold . the heavier kinds of punishments were these : first virgis vel fuste caedi , to be beaten with rods or with staues and cudgils . none were ordinarily beaten with cudgils , but those who had not discharged their office , in the sending about that tablet called tessera , wherein the watchword was written ; or that had forsaken their place , where they were appointed to keepe watch ; or those who had stollen any thing from out the campe ; or borne false witnesse against their fellowes , or abused their bodies by women ; or lastly that had beene punished thrise for the same fault : those which were in this manner cudgilled , were often killed in the place ; but if they escaped aliue , they were to liue in perpetuall exilement . the ceremony vsed in this kinde of cudgilling was , that the u knight martiall should lightly touch the party to be punished with a club , which being done , all the souldiers did beat him with staues and cudgils ; whence we may say of one that deserveth a good cudgelling in x tully his phrase , fustuar●um meretur . if a romane souldier had broken his rancke by going out of order , then virgis caedebatur .i. hee was scourged with rods . sometimes the knight martiall vpon iust occasion would cause them to be sold for bondslaues , to be beheaded to be hanged . all these punishments were personall or particular ; there remaineth one which was general , namely when the fault was generall , as in their vproares , conspiracies , &c. vpon such occasions the souldiers were called togither , and every tenth man vpon whom the lot fell was punished with that kinde of cudgilling aboue spoken of ; all the others escaped either without punishment , or with very litle . the punishment it selfe was tearmed dec imatio legionis , and the reason of this kinde of punishment , is rendred by y tully : vt metus viz. ad omnes , poena ad paucos perveniret . chap. 6. de donis militaribus ob rem fortitèr gestam . cōcerning the rewards which were bestowed in war , some were by the senate conferred vpon the l. generall : others were by the l. generall conferred vpon his souldiers . those honours which the l. generall received were three . first nomen imperatoris , of which * before . secondly supplicatio .i. a solemne procession continued for many daies togither , sometimes more , sometimes fewer : all which daies the romane people did obserue as holy daies , offring vp dayly praiers and sacrifice to the gods in the behalfe of their l. generall : the custome being that after some notable victory , the souldiers having saluted their chiefe captaine ( whom i call their l. general ) by the the name of imperator , then would he send letters vnto the senate dight with lawrell , wherein he required both that name to be confirmed , and approved by them , as likewise that they would decernere supplicationes .i. appoint such solemne supplications . thirdly , they honoured him at his comming home also with a triumph . triumphus vel maior , vel minor erat , saith alexander . the lesser kinde of triumph was properly called ovatio , z ab ove , from a sheepe , which in this time of his triumph was led before him , and afterward sacrificed by him : as also in the greater triumph ( called properly triumphus ) the l. generall sacrificed a bull . it differeth from the greater triumph first in the acclamation ; for in the lesser triumph the souldiers following did as it were redouble this letter o , and some are of opinion that it was therefore called ovatio . in the greater triumph the souldiers followed crying io triumphe , io triumphe : an example whereof may be seene in a horace , where he describeth the triumph of bacchus , the first autor of this greater triumph ; from whose b name also divers autors doe deriue this word triumphus , he being in greeke called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which by a litle change is made triumphus . secondly they differed , because in the greater triumph , the l. generall did weare a garment of state , called by some trabea , c by others triumphalis , picta vel aurata vestis : likewise a garland of lawrell , riding in a chariot , the senators themselues with the best of the romanes meeting him , his souldiers with their coronets , their chaines , and other rewards following after : but in the lesser triumph the l. generall did weare a plaine purple gowne without any gold imbrodering , and a garland of myrtle tree d commonly going on foote , sometimes permitted to ride on a horse ; the gentlemen and commonalty of rome alone without the senators did meete him . moreover for a perpetuall memory of this their triumph in some publique place certaine trophies were erected . e tr●phaeum monumentum dixere nunc marmoreum , mod●o aeneum , cum in scriptione & titulis aevo perpetuo duraturis . f dictum est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 .i. à conversione , from making the enimies to retire and turne backe . sometimes there were statues , columnes , and arches built in token of triumph . these arches though commōly they were known by the name of arcus triumphales , yet sometimes they are called for●ces , g whence it is that tully calleth fabianes triumphall arch fabianum fornicem . if it so happened that the romane generall himselfe personally , did take away any spoiles from the chiefe captaine of the enimies , then did hee hang them vp in a temple consecrated to iupiter feretrius , who was so called , h because as the romanes conceited , without the speciall assistance of iupiter , dux duce●● fer●e non poterat : these spoiles had the name of opima spolia .i. royall spoiles . the rewards bestowed vpon the souldiers were divers : either places of office , as the place of a centurion , of a praefectus , a decurio , &c. or their pay was increased , the spoiles distributed amōgst thē , or lastly they received certaine gifts tearmed dona militaria . in ancient times those souldiers which ha d best deserved , receaved a certaine measure of corne called by them adorea ; i and hence it is , that adorea is now vsed to signifie such laud & praise , as is due vnto a souldier . but after ages for the better encouraging of the souldiers , haue found out more honourable rewards , of which k these were the chiefest ; armilla .i. bracelet for the hand-wrest ; torquis , a chaine to weare about their necke ; phalerae , horsetrappings ; hastapura .i. a speare having no iron at the end of it ; ( l it is sometimes called hasta donatica , and hasta graminea : ) lastly coronae , crownes , of which a. gell. observeth these to haue beene the chiefe : 1. corona triumphalis , which in olde time was made of laurell , but afterward of gold , & thence was it called corona aurea : it was sent by the senate vnto the l. generall in honour of his triumph ; secondly corona obsidionalis , which was given by the souldiers vnto their generall , when they were freed from a siege : it was made of grasse growing in that place , where they were besieged , whence it had the name also of corona graminea . now the reason why they made this crowne of grasse growing in the place where they were besieged , was thereby to yeeld vp their right in that place vnto their captaine : for by that ceremony , as m pliny obserueth , they did terrâ & ipsa altrice humo & humatione etiam cedere . and hence it is , that in races , and the like masteries , hee that was overcome , did gather some of the grasse of that place , and giue it vnto the conquerour , as a token that hee did acknowledge himselfe conquered . n this is the reason of that adage , herbam dare .i. to yeeld the victory . thirdly corona civica , which was bestowed only vpon him , which had saved a citizens life , o though in processe of time it was also bestowed vpō the l. generall , if he spared a romane citizen , when hee had power to kill him . it was commonly made of oake ; whence it was called corona quernea . fourthly corona muralis : p he only was honored with this , which did first scale the wals , & enter first into the enimies citie : & hence this crown was cut vpon the circlet or top like vnto the battlements . fiftly corona castrensis : this the l. generall bestowed on him , which first entred into the enimies tents ; it did beare in it the resemblance of a bulwarke , or at least of the mound , wherewith the bulwark was strengthned ; which mound was called in latine vallum , and thence the crowne it selfe was often called vallaris corona . lastly corona navalis , with which hee was honoured , which first entred into the enimies ship in a battle vpon sea : it was portrayd with many ship-beakes called in latine rostra , q whence the crown it selfe was often called corona rostrata . finis . index rervm et verborvm maxime insignivm . a a. litera in tabulâ scripta quid significet ? 98 a. litera salutaris . 166 abdicere quid ? 119 abire flaminio . 47 ab ovo ad mala . prov. 78 acca laurentia quae , & ei cur sacra instituta ? 39 actiones redhibitoriae quae ? 128 accumbendi ratio apud romanos qualis ? 76 acerra quid ? 91 actus neque plures , neque pauciores in fabula , quàm quinque esse debent . 71 ad agnatos , & gentiles deducēdus est . prov. 154 ad meridiem . 65 ad mediam noctem . ib. ad te tanquam ad aram confugimus . 2 ad te tanquā ad asylum conf . ib. addicere quid significet ? 119 addicta bona quae ? 120 addicti servi qui ? 28. & 120 adijcialis coena quae ? 56 adorea quid ? 192 adscriptus civis quis ? 14● adulterium quid ? 85 advocatus fisci . 131 aedes saturni . 10 aediles vnde dicti ? 128 aediles curules qui , & vnde dicti ? ib. aediles plebeij qui ? ib. aediles cereales qui , & vndè dicti ib. aera corybantia , & vndè dicta ? 55 aerarij qui ? 97 aerarium vnde dictum ? 10 aerarium sanctius . 11 aerarium militare . ib. aerarium quomodò differat à fisco ? 131 aere diruti qui , & quare dicti ? 188 aes signatum , 161 aes grave . ib. aesculapij insula . 12 agere forum quid ? 6 agere pro tribunali quid ? 134 agere de plano quid ? ib. agere ad populum . 141 agere cum populo . ib. agger . 179 agonalis mons . 3 agonales salii . 49 agones qui , & vndè dicti ? 60 agrariae leges . 150 agri scripturarii . 186 alae aciei . 178 alarum praefectus . ib. alba toga quomodò differebat à togâ candidâ . 81 albo-galerus . 46 albi dies qui ? 66 altare quid , & vnde dictum ? 20 altè praecincti pro expeditis dicti . 79 amphitheatrum quid ? 15 amphora mellaria . 54 amphora italica . 143 amphora attica . ib. ampliatio quid ? 166 ampliari quid ? ib. an auctor esset ? 169 an sponderet ? ib. an satisdaret ? ib. ancile coelo delapsum . 49 angues pinge duos i. duos genios . 34 angusticlavia . 34 angusticlavij . ib. anniversariae feriae quae ? 66 annonae praefectus . 129 annus quasi annulus . 62 annus lunaris . ib. annus à romulo institutus . ib. annus bissextilis . 63 annus iulianus . 64 annus magnus , & vertens . ib. ante coenium quid , & vnde dictum ? 76 ante-pilani qui ? 178 ante-signani qui ? 159 antiquo quid significet ? 98 aperire ludum . 67 apex quid ? 46 apex pileorum genus . 49. apollinares ludi qui ? 73 aquâ & igni interdicere . 116 ara quid , & vnde dicta ? 20 arae quare gramineae dictae ? ib. archi-gallus quis , & vnde dictus ? 54 ar●us triumphalis . 191 arena . 16 in arenam descendere . ib. arietem emisit . prov. 50 aries machinae genus , & eius descriptio ex marcellino . 183 armis versis pugnare . 74 arvales fratres qui , quot , & vnde dicti ? 39 aruspices vnde dicti ? 40. as. 155 assiduitas in candidates . 109 asylum . 1 atri dies qui ? 66 attellanae vnde dictae ? 70 auctio quid ? 149 auctor quis ? ib. aventinus mons. 4. & vnde dictus ? ib. augurum collegium 40 augures vndè dicti ? & eorum numerus initio , ac deinceps quātus ? 41 auguratus semèl vni datus eidem vivo nuquam adimi potuit . ib. augurandi ceremoniae 42 auguria prospera & adversa quā do dicta ? 43 auguria impetrativa . ib. auguria oblativa . ib. augustus octavius caesar dictus 120 avibus bonis quid ? 41 avibus malis quid ? ib. avis sinistra quid significet ? 43 aurea corona 192 aurum coronarium quid ? & vndè dictum ? 148 auspices quasi avispices . 40 auspicijs bonis 41 auspicijs malis . ib. auspicari rem quid ? ib. auspicium coactum quid ? & vndè dictum ? 44 auxilia quae ? 174 axare quid ? 50 b. balista quid ? & vndè dicta ? 181 a band of souldiers cur sic dict ? 179 bandum . 179 barritum tollere 174 basilica quae pars templi ? 17 basilicae romanae quae ? 8 bellare coestu quid ? 68 bellum quomodò indici solitum ? 50 benignitas in candidatis 109 berecynthia vndè dicta ? 54 bessis quid ? 155 biclinium vndè dictum ? 76 bissextilis annus qui ? 63 bissextus dies qui ? 64 blanditia in candidates . 108 bona dea : 53. & quare dicta ? ib. bustuarij qui ? 74. & 94. bustuarij vndè dicti ? 74 bustum quid ? & vndè dictum ? 93 c. caballus mons 34 coelius mons 3 caesar 120 caesar juventutis princeps 121 caesar nobilissimus . ib. cajus , caja , maritus & vxor dict . 88 calantica 84 calcei mullei 85 calcei lunati . ib. calcei vncinati 85 calendae 64 calumniam jurare , dejurare . 165 calumniari , praevaricari , tergiversari quomodo differūt ? 160 campus sceleratus 11 campus martius quare tiberin dict ? 12 candida toga 79 candidatus vnde ? 81.108 candidatus principis 82 candidatus quaestor . ib. capitolinus mons 2 capitolium vnde ? ib. capite-censi 105 capitis dimicatio 117 capitis diminutio , maxima , media , minima 116 capite damnatus 117 capnomantes 45 caput porcinum in bello quid , & quare dict ? 178 carceres in circo quid , & vnde ? 14 a carceribus ad metam . ib. castoris templum 9 castrenses ludi 75 catapulta quid , & vnde ? 181 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 70 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. catastrophe vitae humanae . ib. cavea quid ? 14 caudex quid ? 100 causae capitales 117 celebaris hasta 87 celeres qui & vnde ? 27.111 celerum tribunus 111 censor , censoria virga . 115 census quid signif . ? 155 census senatorius 25 census equestris . ib. centum viri 117 centuria quid ? 175 centuria praerogativa 161 centurio 106. 176 ceratae tabulae 99 cereales ludi 73 ceres quomodo effingi solita ? 37 cereris sacra apud romanos quo tempore facta ? 37 cereri sacrificat . prov. 38 cerites , municipes primi . 187 cerites tabulae . ib. cervi , pars aggeris quare dicti ? 179 cestus 85 chorus tam è viris , quàm mulieribus constabat 71 cinctura laxior 79 cinctura astrictior . ib. cinctus gabinus . ib. cinctutus 174 cimiliarchium quid ? 11 circum venire quid signif● ? 137 circenses ludi 68 circus maximus 13 circus , quare dicitur fallax ? 14 cives originarij 27 civitate donatus . ib. civilis dies quomodo dividitur ? 65 clarigatio quid ? 50 classicus 105 classici scriptores . ib. infra classem 105 classicum canere . ib. clientes qui ? 23 clodius accusat moechos . prov. 54 coactum auspicium 44 codex vnde ? 100 coena vnde dicta ? 76 coena adjicialis ; pontificia . 56 coenae caput 78 cognoscere pronunciare quomodo diff● ? 8 cohors 175 coire quid signif● ? 137 collegij magister 41 colligatio vasis 174 collina 22 collini salij 49 collis salutaris 3 martialis latiaris collis cispius 4 oppius septimius coloniae deductio 185 comoedia vnde ? & ejus part . 69 comoediae & tragoed differentiae quaedam 72 comessatio 76 comitium quid , & vnde ? 8 locus quis ? 104 comitia , & comitium quomodo differunt ? 8 comitia calata 96 comitia , pontificia , consularia , aedilitia . 97 comitia curiata 97.103 comitia centuriata 97.104 comitia tribu●a 97.107 comitialis morbus 102 comitialis dies 67 comitialis homo . ib. comperendinari quid propriè ? l65 compitales ludi 68 conclamare vasa 174 conclamatum est 91 concubium 65 conditione tua non vtar 89 confarreatio 87 congiarium 109 conscripti patres , quomodo primùm dicti ? 23 consul 112 consularis vir 114 consules honorarij , ordinarij 115 consules non ordinarij , & suffecti . ib. conticinium 65 contubernium : contubernij caput 175 convivia romanorum quàm varia ? 75 convivarum quantus numerus ? 77 cornu dextrum vel sinist : aciei . 178 corona quid ? 184 corona quae prima apud rom. 40 corona trium phalis , aurea , obsidionalis , graminea 192 corona civica , quernea , muralis , castrensis 193 corona vallaris , navalis rostrata . 193 sub corona quid ? 184 corybantes vnde ? 55 corybantia aera . ib. cultrarij . 60 cuneus militū quid & quare ? 178 cunei in theatris quid ? 5 cuniculis oppugnare . 184 curia per se quid sig . ? 4 curia per se aliquando idē quod domus curialis . 40 curia hostilia . 4 pompeia iulia curiae olim apud rom. quot ? 40 curiales flamines . ib. curialis domus . ib. curio maximus . 40 curiones sexaginta . ib. curionia . ib. curulis sella . 114 custodes qui ? 98 cybelle , vel cybele . 54 cybelleius circulator . ib. d. damnatus voti . 74 dapes saliares 50 dare herbam . 192. 193 de meridie . 65 de media nocte . ib. dea viri-placa . 89 dea bona . 53 decanus . 175 decemviri . 122 decimatio legionis . 190 decum● decumanus . 186 decumanus idem quod maximus & quare ? 186 decunx . 156 decuriae . i56 decurio quot signif ? 185 delubrum quid & vnde ? 17 deorum mater . 54 depontani . 97 devorat sacra haud immolata . 61 devovere dijs inferis quid ? 23 deunx . 156 dialis flamen . 46 dianae mons . 5 dicam scribere . 157 dicam sortiri . ib. dictator . 123 dies bissextus . 64 dies civilis quomodo divid . 65 dies albi & atri . ib. dies festi , feriati , profesti , intercisi 66 dies fasti , ex parte fasti , & nefasti . 67 dies comitiales . ib. diem alicui dicere . 165 diffarreatio . 87 diffindere diem . 163 dij maiorum gentium . 30 dij consentes ib. dij & divi quomodo differūt . ib. dij animales qui ? 31 dij patrii . ib. dij tutelares . ib. dij communes 32 dijs iratis aliquid facere . ib. diluculum . 65 dimicare quid ? 74 diminutio capitis , maxima , media . minima . 116 diribitores . 98 discumbendi ratio . 76 discus . 61. 68 divortium . 89 do , dico , addico . 76 dodrans . 155 domus curialis . 40 dona militaria . 192 donatica hasta . ib. duella . 156 duumviri sacris faciundis . 51 e. edictum vnde ? 119 edictum perpetuum . ib. edictum peculiare & novum . ib. edictum peremptorium . 165 effari templa quid ? 18 elephantini libri qui ? 11 eleusina ceres dicta . 37 eloquentiae candidatus . 81 emancipati qui ? 153 emancipatio . ib. emancipati desijssent esse agnati . ib. emisit arietem . prov. 50 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quid ? 70. epulonum triumviri . 57 equestria . 15 equestris ordo . 24 equitum magister . 123 equus publicus . 24 equus militaris . ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quid gell. signif . 180 esquilinus mons . 4 esquilina tribus . 22 ex parte fasti dies . 67 ex iure manu consertum te voco 168 exaggero vnde ? 179 extispices qui , & vnde dicti ? 45 extra-muraneus mars quare dictus ? 48 extremi agminis ductore● . 176 f. fabiani luperci . 37 fabulae palliatae , & togatae . 73 fagutalis iupiter . 5 fagutalis mons . ib. familiaris pars in victimis . 45 fanum quid , & vnde dictum ? 17 fana sistere . 18 farracia . 87 fartor . 108 fasces pro magistratu . 111 fasti dies . 67 fatua fauna bona dea appellata . 53 fax prima . 65 februarius vnde dictus . 36 feretrius quare iupiter dictus ? 192 feriati dies . 66 feriae● privatae , publicae , anniversariae , stativae , & conceptivae , 66 feriae latinae , imperativae , & indictivae . 67 ferre legem . 103 festi dies . 66 fidei flamines . 51 fidus idem olim quod foedus . ib. figere legem , & refigere . 103 figere tabulam . ib. flama . 46 flamines quot , & vnde dicti ? ib. flamen dialis . ib. flamen martialis . ib. flamen quirinalis . ib. flamines maiores , & minore● . ib. flamines curiales , 40 & 47 flaminio abire . 47 flaminicae . ib. flaminii & flaminiae . ib. flaminia aedes . ib. flammeus . 87 flexumines , 111 florales ludi . 73 focus quid , & vnde dictus ? 20 foeciales . 50 vnde dicti ? 51 foedus quid ? 18● folium sibyllae . 52 folia sibyllae colligere . ib. forfex , seu forceps militum . 178 fornices . 191 forum quotmodis sumitur ? 6 forum agere . ib. frorum indicere . ib. forum iulium . 7 forum augusti . ib. forum transitorium , & cur sic dictum ? ib. forum traiani . ib. forum salustij . ib. forum romanum , quod & forum vetus . ib. fori in circo max. quid ? 13 fratres arvales qui , quot , & vnde dicti ? 39 frumentariae leges . 150 frumentum aestimatum . 151 frumentum decumanum . ib. frumentum emptum . 152 frumentum imperatum . ib. funalia vnde ? 94 funus . ib. furcifer vnde ? 189 fuste caedi . ib. fustuarium meretur . ib. g. galli cybelles sacerdotes 54 gallica quid ? 85 gallicinium 65 gemoniae scalae vbi 5 genialis arbor quae ? 33 genialis quid sig ? ib. genialis lectus . 89 genius bonus & malus . 32 genio indulgere . 33 genium defraudare . ib. genius loci . 34 globus militum . 178 gradivus à gradiendo . 48 graeca sacra . 37 graeca sacerdos . ib. gramineae arae . 20 graminea hasta . 192. graminea corona . ib. gymnici ludi . 68 h. hasta pura . 192 hastâ purâ donati . 188 hasta donatica . 192. hasta gramin●a . ib. hasta celebaris . 87 hasta centum viralis . 117 hasta pro venditione . 149 hastae iudices . 117 hastaria censio . 188 hastati qui 177 haeredes primae cerae . 99 haeredes ex toto asse . ib. haeredes in imâ cerâ . ib. haeredes secundi . ib. haeredes legararii . ib. haeres fiduciarius , & imaginarius . 154 haeres in totum assem institutus , quomodo differat ab haerede ex toto asse ? 156 haeres ex deunce . ib. haeres ex quadrante haeres ex semunciâ . haeres sextulâ aspersus helepolis machinae genus , quid & vnde ? 183 hemones aliquando homines dicti . 31 herbam dare . 192. 193 herculis sacerdotes . 38 histrio vnde dictus ? 69 homo comitialis 67 homo omnium scenarum . 71 homo plurimarum palmarum . 74 homo sacer . 127 homini mortuo ossane legito 93 horrea sempronia . 151 horri salustini . 7 hostia vnde dicta ? 58 hostiare victimam . ib. hostilia curia . 4 hostilis pars in victimis . 45 i. iacere in senatu . 113 ianualij . 50 idus . 64. ientaculum vnde dict . 75 igni & aquâ interdicere . 116 ignominiosa dimissio . 188 ilicet quid signif . 94 illotis manibus accedere ad rem . 59 illotis pedibus . ib. imago idem quod nobilitas . 26 immolatio . 60 imperativae fe●iae . 67 lmperator . 120 190 quot signif . 176 impetrativa auguria . 43 in alicujus sententiam ire . 113 inauspicatò . 41 incensimarium . 11 incensus . 155 incestus vnde 85 indicere forum quid . 6 indictâ causâ damnari . 137 indiem tertium siue perendinum 165 indigites . 30 inferiae . 94 ingenui qui. 27 in jus vocare . 134 in jus vocatio . 165 in justis vindicijs & sacramentis alienos fundos petere . 169 in litem jurare . 165 in praecinctu state vel vivere . 174 intercalaris dies . 63 intercisicdies . 66 intendere actionem , litem . 165 intempesta nox . 65 intervallum quid . 179 interrex . 123 intonuit laevum . 43 intra centesimum lapidem . 121 iudices selecti . 136 iudices quaestionum . ib. iudices lecti sortitione . 163 indices editione , edititij , alterni . ib. iudicum decuriae . 158 iudicum rejectio . 166 sub iugum quid ? , 179 iulia curia . 4 iulianus annus . 64 iunonij . 50 iunus , sive invus aliquando nomen panis . 36 iurare io vem lapidem , vel per iovem lapidem . 172 iupiter feretrius . 192. ius honorarium . 118 ius papirianum . 134 ius & lex quomodo diff . ib. l. lacerna quid ? 84 lacernatus oppositus togato ib laena qualis vestis . 42 laevum in rebus sacris quid ? 43 lanx . 61 lapis manalis . 48 lapis pro mille pass . 121 lares . 34 lare sub parvo . ib. lari sacrificat . ib. latiaris coilis . 3 laticlavia , laticlavij . 83 latini no minis socij . 187 latinae feriae . 67 latinus quis . 140 laudare defunctū pro rostris . 92 lectus genialis . 89 legatio mandata , votiva , libera . 143 legatus quot signif . 133 leges 12 tabularum . 122. 167 leges tabellariae . 142. leges de ambitu . 161 legio vnde . 174 legio alaudarum . 159 legio quadrata . 174 legio iusta 175 legis promulgatio . 101 lemniscus quid . 74 lemniscata palma . ib. lessum . 95 lex & ius quomodò differūt . 134 lex accusatorla . i57 lex incerta de nexu . 160 lex acilia . 164 lex acilia calpurnia . 162 lex aelia . 141 lex atinia . 156 lex aurelia . 158 lex coecilia didia . 145 lex caelia . 142 lex cassia . ib. lex clodia , ad religionem spect . 138. ad comitia spect . 141. de magistrat . 145. de intercess . 146 de provinciis , 148. de cypro , ib de frument 151 lex cornelia , de municipijs . 140. de magistrat 144. 145. de provincijs , 146 lex agraria ,   150. de iudic. 159. de parricidio 167 lex curiata , centuriata . 103 lex domitia . 138 lex fabia . 162 lex furia . 155 lex futia . 141 lex gabinia , 141.152 lex gellia cornelia . 140 lex hircia . 144 lex hieronica . 152 lex iudiciaria caes . 158 lex iulia de provincijs 147. de iudic. 158. de maiestate . 161 lex iunia . 139 164 lex iunia licinia de trinundino . 146 lex licinia . 163 lex licinia aebutia . 146 lex licinia mutia . 139 lex livia . 157 lex manilia . 142. 152 lex mancipij 161 lex memnonia . 160 lex papia . 139 lex papiria . 137. 142 lex plantia . 158 lex pompeia . ib. lex porcia . 139 lex quadrupli . 116 lex roscia . 137 lex rupilia . 157 lex sempronia de civitate , 139 de comit . 142. de provinc . 146 lex agrar. 150 lex servilia de civit. 140. de iudic . 157 lex socialis 164 lex sylvani & carbonis . 140 lex terentia cassia . 151 lex titia . 147 lex tullia de senat. 143. de ambitu . 162 lex valeria . 145 lex varia . 161 lex vatinia . 148 lex voconia . 155 libatio . 60 libamina prima . ib. liberi alij ingenui alii libertini . 27 libera toga . 80 libitina . libitinarij . 91 libitinarius idem quod capularis . ib. libri vnde . 98 libri-pens vnde . 160 lictores qui & vnde . 111 linum incidere . 100 litare . 61 lite vel causa cadere . 136 litis contestatio , litis redemptio , litis aestimatio , quomodo differ . 164 loculi . 94 lucus vnde dict . 19 luceres . 22 ludus . 67 ludum aperire . ib. ludi compitales , circenses , & scenici . ib. ludi gymnici . 68 ludi sacri , funebres , votivi , ludicri , megalenses , cereales . 73 ludi florales , martiales , apollinares . ib. ludi castrenses . 75 ludus trojanus . ib. lugere differt ab elugere . 95 lunaris annus . 62 lupercalium origo , & ceremoniae . 36 lupercalibus quid immolaretur . ib. lupa aluit romulum & remum expositos . ib. lupercal vbi . ib. lupercorum licentia quanta . ib. luperci fabiani , 37 luperci quintiliani . ib. lustrum . 116 lustrum condere . ib. m. machinis oppugnare . 184 mactare hostiam . 60 magnus annus . 64 magister collegij . 41 magister equitum , populi magister . 123 magistratum ambire : magistratū inire . 108 magistratu abire . ib. magistratus quis . 100 magistratus majores . ib. magistratus minores . ib. magistratus patricij , plebeii . ib. magistratus quinqueduanus . 123 malleoli , machinae genus . 183 mancipatio . 153 mancipes . 186 mancipium , mancipatus . 161 mane. 65 quisque suos patimur manes . 32 manibus illotis accedere ad rē 59 manibus pedibusque discedere in alicujus sententiam . 113 manipuli . 175 manipulus militum . 179 manipularis . 159. 161 manum conserere . 167 manumissionis formula . 27 mars quomodo effingi solebat . 48 marte vario pugnatum est ib. marte proprio , 48 martiales ●udi . 73 martialis collis . 3 mater deorum . 54 mavors . 48 megalenses ●udi . 73 megalesia . ib. mel laria amphora . 54 mensae romanorum quales . 75 merenda , vnde dict . 76 mereri sub hoc vel illo duce . 1●2 meridies . 65 meta 14 miles emeritus . 172 milites per sacramentum . 173 milites per conjurationem . ib. milites evocati . 172 milites subitarij . ib. militaria dona . 193 mimi , qui , & quare planipedes dicti . 69 mimicae fabulae . ib. minervij . 50 mitra . 81 mitriaci . 55 mola . 60 monitor . 108 mons palatinus vnde dict . 1 mons capitolinus , tarpeius , saturni . 2 mons quirinalis , agonalis , caballus , coelius . 3 mons querculanus , esquilinus , aventinus , 4 mons murcius . 5 mons dianae . ib. mons remonius , sacer , viminalis , fagutalis . 5 mons vaticanus . 6 montorius . ib. more romano .i. ex animo . 21 morbus comitialis . 102 morbus sonticus . 163 moribus deductio . 169 mullei , calceorum genus , vnde . 85 municipium , quid & vnde . 187 munus honorarium . ib. murcia venus . 5 murrhata , murrhina potio . 95 muralis corona . 193. musculus , vnde & quare . 180 mutare vestem ; quid signif . 81 n. navails corona . 193 naulum charontis . 93 nefastus dies . 67 nexi , qui. 28 nobilitatis ius . 26 nomen idem quod debitum . 28 nomina facere , liberare , exigere . ib. nomenclatio , nomenclator . 108 nominis delatio 165 nonae . 64 nongenti qui. 98 novi qui dicebantur . 25 nox intempesta . 65 nox media . ib. nun tiatio . 102 nun cupare vota . 74 nuptiae . 86 nuptiae innuptae . 88 nuptialia dona . 89 o. obnunciatio . 102 observatio de coelo . ib. obsidionalis corona . 192 oblativa auguria . 43 occasus solis . 65 olympica certamina . 68 omen praerogativum . 102 omne tulit punctum . 98 omnium scenarum homo . 71 opera & impensa perijt 68 qperam & oleam perdidit . ib. opima spolia . 192 oppius collis . 4 ops. 53 optimates qui. 26 oracula sibyllina . 51 oratio quid & vnde dict . 160. 191 orbis militum . 178 orchestra . 15 ovile , quis locus in campo martio . 13 p. pactio quid . 187 palati● salii . 49 palatia vnde dicta . 1 palatina tribus . 22 palatinus mons vnde 1 palla . 84 palliatae fabulae . 73 palliati pro graecis dicti . 78 pallium . 78 , 84 palma , quare victoriae fignum . 74 palma lemniscata ib. palmarum plurimarum homo . ib. palmata toga . 82 paludamentum . ib. pan ly●aeus , & ejus forma . 35 papia lex . 139 papiria lex . 137 papyrus . 99 parricidium quid 167 parricidij quaesitores . 116 pars hostilis & familiaris in victimis . 45 pater fiduciarius . 153 pater-patratus quis ▪ 50 patres conscripti quando primū dicti . 23 patricij qui. ib. patroni qui. ib. pecuarius quis . 186 pecuniae repetundae . 163. pecunia ablata , capta , coacta , aversa . 164 pendere , idem quod solvere . 161 penula . 84 perduellio ; perduellionis iudicium . 141 perones , calceorum genus . 85 pessinuntia . 54 pessinuntius sacerdos . 138 picta toga . 82 pignora caerdere . concidere , rapere auferre . 113 pilani milites , qui. 178 pilum quid . 177 p●strinum quid , & vnde . 16 in p●strinum te dedam . ib. planipides excalceati . 69 plebeii qui. 23 plebiscitum . 103. 137 poculum boni genij . 33 poculum charitatis , ib. pollinctores . 91 pomoerium quid . 1 pompeia curia . 4 pondus pro toga . 81 de ponte deij●rendus . 13 pontes per quos sufrragia tulerint apud roman , qui. 13 ponfifices vnde dict . 56 pontificia coena . ib. pon● sublicius . ib. popae 58 populares . 26 popularia . 15 po●titores qui. 186 portorium . portarium , vnde . ib postsignani . 159 postulatio , postulare aliquem , de hoc vel illo crimine . 165 potitij cuius sacerdotes dicti . 38 praecidaneae hostiae . ●9 praeconi publico subijci , 149 praedes . 186 praefectus annonae . 129 praefectus aerarij . 136 praefectus praetorio . 130. 131 praefectus vrbis . 121 praefectura . 185 praefica . 92 praerogativa tribus vel centuria . 101 praerogativum omen . 102 praetexta toga . 82 praetextate . 69 praetextatus differt à togato , 82 praetextata aetas . ib. praetores vnde . 113. 117 praetor vrbanus , seu major . 117 praetor peregrinus , seu minor . ib. praetores cereales . ib. praetores fidei commis●arij . ib , praetores quaesitores . 118 praetorium quot significat . 131 prandium . 76 pridiè calendas . 65 prima fax . ib. prima libamina . 60 principes inter milites rom. qui 177 principta quae . ib. privatae feriae . 66 proconsul . 132 profesti dies . 66 proletarij . 105 prologus quid sit . 71 prologus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. pronunciare , & cognoscere quomodo discrepant . 8 promulgatio legis . 101. 103 propraetor . 132 proquaestor . ib. proscripti , qui. 144 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 70 provincia quot fig. & vnde dict . 185 provincias comparare , 132 provincias sortiri , ib. provinciae consulares . ib. provinciae praetoriae . ib. provinciam cepisti duram ▪ ` 181 publicanus quis . 186 publicae feriae . 66 pulla toga . 81 pullarius . 44 pulpitum . 15 pulvinar , aliquando idem quod templum . 18 punctum pro suffragio . 98 pura hasta . 192 purpurea toga . 82 puteal libonis . 9 q. qvadram quid . 155 qundruplatores . 156 quaesitores parricidij . 118 quaestiones perpetuae . ib. quaestor , vnde . 126 quaestores aerarij . ib. quaestores vrbani . ib. quaestores rerum capitalium . ib. quaestores provinciales . 133 querculanus mons . 4 quernea corona . 193 quincunx , quid . 155 quindecimviri sacris faciundis . 51 quinqueviri mensarij . 129 quinqueviri epulonum , 57 quinctiliani luperci . 37 quintilis mensis . 64 quirinalis mons . 3 quirinalis flamen . 46 quirinales salij . 49 quirinus nomen romuli . 3 r. reddere . 61 regina sacrorum . 48 rem ratam habere . 164 remonius mons . 5 renunciatio matrimonij . 40 repudium . 89 res tuas tibi habe●o . 90 reus voti . 74 rex sacrificulus , & rex sacrorum . 47 rhamnenses qui. 2● rhea . 54 rignarius mons . 5 rogare legem . 103 rogus . 93 roma vrbs septicollis . 1 romanae vrbis nomen incognitum . 32 romani civis descriptio . 21 romano more . 〈◊〉 . ex animo . ib. romulum & remum exposito● lupa aluit . 36 rostra vbi fuerint & vnde dicta 9 rostrata corona . 193 rude donatus . 75 rudis apud gladiatores quid . ib. rupes tarpeia . 2 s. sacer homo . 127 sacra haud immolata devorat . 61 sacramentum , quid sig . 170 sacramento & sponsione provocare , ●●gare , quaere●e , stipulati . ib. sacramento contendere , restipulati . ib. sacrarium , quid . 19 sacri ludi qui dicti . 73 sacrificia , & ritu● sacrificandi . 58 sacrilegus , quis & vnde . 93 sacrorum rex . 47 sacrosanctus , quis dictus . 127 sagum , quid . 79 ad saga ire . ib. saga togae cedant , idem quod cedant arma togae . ib. saliares dapes . 50 salij , quot , & vnde dicti . 49 salij palatini . 49 collini . agonales . quirinales . salij quales pileos gestent . ib. salutaris collis . 3 salutaris litera quae . 166 salustini horti . 7 satisdatio quid . 170 saturni aedes , quare aerarium populi . 10 saturni mons . 2 satyrae . 69 satyra quale genus carminis . ib. scalae gemoniae . 5 scena , in theatro , quid . 15 scena , in fabulis , quid . 71 scenici ludi , quare & quomodo primum instituti . 69 scena tragica . 71 comica . satyrica . scena versatilis , vel ductilis . 15 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , vnde dict . 14 scorpio , machinae genus . 182 scriba . 118 scribendo cōficere rationes 186 scriptura vectigalis genus quare dict . ib. secespita . 61 sectores . 149 secundum illum litem do . 136 secundipilus . 178 sella curulis . 114 eburnea . semidei . 30 semissis . 151. 155. semones , quasi semi homines . 31 semuncia . 156 senatus senator : senatus consultum : senaculum . 112 senator princeps , senatores peda●ij . ib. ad senatum referre . ib. in senatu stare . 113 senatores minorū gentiū qui. 23 senatus consultum de ambitu . 162 septem convivium , novē convitium faciunt . 77 septem viri epulonum . 57 septa , qualis locus in campo martio . 13 septicollis vrbs. 1 septimius collis . 2 septun● . 155 sepulchrum . 94 sepultura insepulta . ib. sequestres . 109 servi addicti . 120 servorum duo genera . 28 sestertius . 137 sexagenarij de ponte deijciendi . 97 sextans . 155 sextilis mensis . 64 sextulae . 156 sibylla , vnde dict . 53 sibyllae , quot . 52 sibyllina oracula . 51 sibyllae folium . 52 sibyllae folia colligere . ib. sigma , quid , & quomodo olim figuratum . 77 signa conferre , collatis signis pugnare . 174 signatores . 86 silatum . 75 silicernium quid . 94 simpulum , vel simpuvium . 60 sinistra avis . 43 sinistrum in rebus sacris quid . ib. siticines . 92 soccus . 73 sodalitia . 163 solea . 85 solis occasus . 65 solistimum tripudium . 44 sophocleo digna cothurno . 73 sordidatus vnde dict . 81 sortitio iudicum , subsortitio . 166 spectio . 112 sphinx in pronao quid signif . 17 sponsalia . 86 stativae feriae . 66 stipendium , quid . 186 stipendiarij . ib. stipendij fraudatio . 188 stola quid & vnde . 79 stuprum . 85 stylus , quot signif . 100 stylum invertere . ib. subbasilicani , apud plautum qui 8 sublicius pons . 56 subscriptores . 157 subsellia . 8 subsignanus . 159 suburana . 22 suffragia legitima conficere . 108 suffragia explere . ib suffragiorum puncta non tulit septem . 98 suovetauralia , solitauralia . 116 supplicatio . 190 supplicationes decernere . ib. synthesis . 55 t. tabellarius . 99 tabellae . ib. tabernariae . 69 tabulae ceratae , 99 tabulae accepti & expensi . ib. tabulae novae . ib. publicae . auctionariae . tabulam figere . 103 tabularium , quid & vnde . 11 talassio quid signif . 88 tarpcius mon● . 2 tarpcia rupes . ib. tatienses qui. 22 taurilia . 116 taeda , quid . 88 templum . 16 templum apud augures certa coeli regio . 42 tergiductores . 176 testera quid . 189 testamentum calatis comitiis . 97 154 testamentum in procinctu . 154 testamentum per emancipationem familiae . ib. testamentum per aes & librā . 155 testamentum per nexum . ib. testudo , quot signif . 180 testudo militaris . ib. theatrum quid & vnde . 14 titij , qui & vnde . 57 toga , vnde dicta . 78 togata mulier , pro impudica . 79 tagam vitilem sumere . 80 toga pura quid . ib. toga alba. 81 candida . pulla . toga praetexta , purpurea . 82 toga picta , palmata . ib. toga triumphalis . 83 togatae fabulae . 73 togati pro romanis dicti . 78 tormentum , quid & vnde . 182 trabea . 114 trabea auguralis . 83 regia . consecrata tragoediae & comoediae differētiae quaedam . 72 triarij . 159. 177 ad triarios ventum est . 177 tribunus celerum . 111 tribus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 2● tribus locales quot . ib. tribus vrbanae . 107 tribus rusticae . ib. tribus iurevocata . 102 tribus praerogativa . 101 tribuni militum . 104 tribuni rutuli , rufuli . 124 tribuni suffecti , comitiati . ib. tribuni plebis . 127 tributum quid ; tributarij . 186 triclicium vnde dictum . 76 triens quid . 155 triumphus vnde dict . 191 triumphus quomodo differt ab ovatione . ib. triumphus major ; minor . 190 triumphalis arcus . 191 triumphalis corona . ib. triumviri reip cōstituendae . 125 triumviri capitales . 129 triumviri mensarij . ib. triumviri conquirendi juvenes idoneos ad arma ferenda . ib. triumviri coloniae deducēdae . ib. triumviri monetales . ib. triumviri valetudinis 130 triumviri nocturni . ib. triumviri epulonum . 57 tripudium . 44 tripudium solistimum . ib. troia . 75 trojanus ludus . ib. tunica . 83 tunica pallio propior . ib. tunica laticlavia . 83 angusticlavia recta . turma . 157 turres ambulatoriae . 180 tutela testamentaria . 153 legitima . dativa . fiduciaria . honoraria . tutores honorarii . ib. tyro , tyrocinium . 175 v. v. r. tabulis inscript . quid sign . 98 vacationes 139 vadarireum . 165 vallaris corona . 193 valla , valli . 179 vallus vitem decepit . 180 vbi tu caius , ibi ego caia . 88 vectigal . 186 velites . 177 velitatim agere . ib. venditio per aes & libram . 160 versis armis pugnare quid . 74 vesper . 65 vespae , & vespillones qui & vnde . 92 vestales virgines . 57 vestes romanae . 78 vexillum vnde . 128 vexillum roseum . 172 vexillum coeruleum . ib. vexillationes vnde , & quare . 178 vicesimarium aurum . 11 victima vnde dicta . 58 victimam hostiare . ib. victimarii . 60 vigilia 1. 2. 3. 4. 65 viminalis mons . 5 vimineus iupiter . ib. vindicias sumunto . 168 vindicatio quid . ib. vindicta liberare . 28 vinea quid . 180 virgis caedi . 189 virgula censoria . 115 virilis toga . 80 visceratio . 95 vncia quid . 156 vnum pro omnibus . 165 vota nuncupare . 74 votireus . ib. votivel voto damnatus . ib. votivi ludi . 73 vovere ludos vel templa . 74 vrna . 94 vt me ludos facit . 67 vt tu dominus , ita ego domina . 88 vxor vnde . ib. vxor vsu . 87 confarreatione coemptione z. zona quid . 84 zonam perdere . ib. zonam solvere . ib. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a01818-e310 in eadem herba apis florem , capra germen , sus radicem captat . plut. lib. de poetis audiendis . notes for div a01818-e990 a plutar. vit . rom pighius b rosin antiq . lib. 1. c. 2. c sig de iur . rom. l. 1. c. 2. d rosin . antiq . lib 1. c. 4. e rosin . ib. f alex. gen. dier . l. 3. c. 20. g rosin . antiq . li. 1. c. 5. h plutarch . in romulo . i dion . halicar . lib. 4. k lipsius de magnitud . rom. cap. 5. l antiq. rom. lib. 1. cap. 6. m alex. gen. dier . l. 6. c. 11. n alex. gen. dier . l. 1. c. 16. o rosin . antiq . lib. 7 c. 6. p rosin . ibid. q munster in sua cosmog . lib. 2. cap. 9. r alex. gen. dier . l. 6. c. 11. ſ rosin . antiq l 1. cap. 8. t alex. gen. dier . li. 6. c. 11. u alex. gen. dier lib 3. c. 5. x plutarch . in romulo . y rosin . ant. lib. 1. cap. 11. z barthol . latomus in verrin . 7 ●m cic. a munster in sua cosmog . lib. 2. cap. 8. b hubertus in cic. lib. 3. ep . fam . 6. c rosin antiq . lib. 9. c. 7. d henr. salm in pancirolli lib. rerum deperdit . cap. de basil . & taber ▪ e sigon . de iudiciis lib. 1. cap. 28. f sig. de iud . lib. 1. cap. 7. g sig. de iud lib. 1. cap. 28. h hubert . in cic. lib. 8. ep . fam . 1. i sueton. in iulio caesare k plutarch . in publicola . l alex. gen. dier . l. 4. c. 15. m alex. gen. dier . lib. 2. c. 2. n alex. gen. dier . l. 4. c. 15. o alex. gen. dier . lib. 2. c. 2. p servius l. 2. virg. georg. q alex. gen. dier . lib 2. c. 2. r plutarch in suis problemat . vid. franc. sylviū in catilinariam 4. ſ munster . in sua cosmog . t plutarch . in numa . u rosin . antiq . lib. 6. c. 11 ▪ x serv. in bucol . eclog. 1. y ioan. saxonius in orat pro s. roscio . z rosin . antiq . lib. 5. c. 4. a ioach. camerarius in orat . pro l. flacco . b servius lib. 2. virg. geor. c alex. gen. dier . l. 5. c. 16. d serv. lib. 3. virg. georg. e servius i● . f de amphitheat . cap. 14. g pancirollus lib rerum deperditarum cap. de amphitheat . h lipsius de amphitheat . cap. 3. i rosin antiq ▪ lib. 2. c. 2. k fr. sylvius in orat . pro muraen . l rosin . antiq . li. 2. ca. 2. m rosin . ib. n barthol . latomus in philippic . 4●● . o cic. pro milone . p franc. sylvius in orat . pro l. muraen q alex. gen. dier . l. 5. c. 26. r virg. aen. 12. ſ serv. in bucolic . eclog. 5. a sig. de iur . rom. l. 1. c. 1. b sigon . de jure rom. lib. 1. cap. 3. c lazius de repub. rom. lib. 12. cap. 3. d martin . ph● leticus in cic. lib 1 ep. fam . 1. e alex. gen. dier . l. 2. c. 29. f rosin . ant. lib. 1 cap. 17. g lipsius de magnitud . rom. l. 1. dial . 5. h alexan genial . dier . li 2. cap. 29. i suet. in august . k plin. lib. 33. cap. 2. l sig● de iur . rom. l. 2 c. 20 ▪ m alexan. genial . dier . lib. 5. cap. 24. n barthol . latomus in verrin . 7. o cic pro sextio . p geor. merula in orat . pro. ligario . q iustin . inst . lib 1. tit . de ingenuis . vid. franc. sylviū in catilinariam . 4. r p. ramus i● orat pro c. ra●●●● . ſ dion halicarn . lib 4. t sigon . de iudiciis l. 1. cap. 31. u michael toxita in orat . pro p. quintio . x fr. silvius in epist . vir orum illust . l. 1. epist . 6. a alex. genial . dier . lib. 6. cap. 6. b servius . in lib. georgic . c in aeneid . lib. 5. d rosin antiq . l. 3. c. 18. e serv. in ae● lib. 3. f rosin . antiq . lib. 2. c. 19. g sylvius in epist . virotū illuctrium . h alex. gen. dier . l. 6. c. 4. i plutarch . in bruto . k rosin . antiq l. 2. ca. 14 ▪ l vid. erasm . adag . m franc. sylvius in orat . pro sext. roscio amer. a servius in virg. ecl. 2. b fenestella d●●●cerd . c. 1. c fenest . 〈◊〉 . d pomponius l●tus de sacerdot . cap de luper . e plutarch . in romulo . f plutarch . in romulo . g rosin . antiq . lib. 3. c. 2. h sueton. in august . i cic lib. 3. de nat deor . k rosin . antiq . li. 2. c. 11. l plautus in aulularia . m serv. aen. lib. 8. n serv. 〈◊〉 lib. 8. o fenest . de sacerd. c. 3. p plin lib. 17 cap 2. q dion halicar . lib. 2. r dion . halicar . lib. 2. ſ bened. pe●er lib 2 de magia . t fr. sylvius in orat . pro cluentio . u pomp. laetus cap. de augur . x rosin . a●● . lib. 3. cap. 8. y rosin . ib. z rosin ib. a alex. gen. dier . l. 5. c. 19. b alex. ib. c pomp. laetus . c. de aug. d serv. aenei . lib. 6. e vox subitò audita est , neque erat cognoscere promptū vnde , sed audita est . ovid. met. lib. 3. ●ab . 1. f serv. aene● . lib. 2. g cic. de divina . lib. 1. h hubert . in lib. 6. ep fam . cic. i alex. gen. dier . l. 1. c. 29. k alex. ib. l senec o●d . act. 2. seen . 2. m oedip. act. 2. scen . 2. n cie . de divinat . indigenae dixēre tagem , qui primus hetruscam edocuit gētem , casus ape●ire futuros . ovid met. l. vlt. o rosin . antiq . lib. 3. c. 15 p rex anius , rex idem hominum phoebique sa cerdos , virgil. aeneid . lib. 3. q alex. gen. dier . l. 6. c. 12. r servius aen. lib. 1. ſ fenest de sacerd . cap. 5. t alex. gen. dier . l. 6. c. 12. u serv. aeneid . 10. x rosin . antiq . lib. ● . c. 10 ▪ y rosin . ibid. z plutarch . in numa . a dion . halicarn . lib. 2. b plutarch . in numa . c dion . halicar . lib. 2. d horat. lib. 1 ode 37. e pomp. laetus de sacerd . f dion . halicar . lib. 2. g serv. aenci. lib. 10. h vid. erasm . adag . i pighius septim . lib. 1. k munster in sua cosmog . lib. 2. l fenestel . de sacerd . c. 13. m serv. aenei . lib. 6. n munster . in sua cosmog . lib. 2. credite me vobis folium recitare sibyllae . o epist . lib. 1. epist . 1. p serv. aen●i . lib. 6. q cic. orat . de arusp . respōsis . r alex. gen. dier . l. 6. c. 8. ſ pomp. lae●us de sacerd . t cybelêius atys exuit hac hominem truncoque induruit illo . ov. me● . u rosin . antiq . li. 3. c. 27. x plutarch . in numa . y fenest de sacerd . z rosin . antiq . lib. 3. c. 22. a lazius de repub. rom. lib. 3. cap. b panciroll●● lib rerum deperdi arum cap. de mole hadriani . c plutarch . in numa . d suet in iulio . * vid. s●p . p. 11. e munst . in sua co●●og . lib. 2. c ▪ 9. f vid. eras● . adag . g plutarch . numa . h serv. ae●e● . lib. 1. i p●ncirol li. re●●um deper d●t . c de sale ammoniaco . k textor in sua officina . sparg● 〈◊〉 colla taurorum molâ sen oedip . act. 2. ●c . 2 l pancitol . li. ●erum deper dit cap de ammoniaco ●ale . m media inter cornua ●undit . virg. aeneid . n rosin . antiq . lib. 3. c. 33. o ioach. camerar . pro flacco . a plutarch . in numa . b plutarch . ib c vid. geor. merulam in orat . pro q. ligario . d g merula in orat . pro q. ligario . e g. merula in orat . pro q ligar . f rosin . ant rom. lib. 4. * hubert lib. 3 epist . famil . 18. g alex. gen. lib. 1. cap. 12. h vid. erasm adag . vnione signare . i ascensius in epist . 3. illust . vir . lib. 2. k rosin . antiq . lib. 4. c. 3. l alex. gen. dier . lib. 5. c. 7. m alex. gen. dier . lib. 5. c. 7. n serv. aenei . lib. 1. o carminun . lib 2. ode . 13 ▪ p ioach. camerar . pro flacco . q bersman . in suis annot . in rom calend ad finem o● fast . r alex. gen. dier . lib. 6. c. 19. ſ rosin . ant lib. 5. cap. 5. t vid. erasm . adag . operam & oleum pe●dere . u macrob. lib satur. * vid. pag. 14. x lazius de repub. rom. lib. 10. cap. 11. y alex. gen. dier . l. 6. c. 19. z alex. ib a antesignan in suis obser . de metris comicis . teren. praefixis . b vid erasm . adag . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . c vid. erasm . adag . d rosin . an t . cap. de trag . & com . lib. 5. e alex. gen. dier . l. 5. c. 16. f antesig . in suis observ . de metris comicis teren. praefixis . g antesig . ib. h ascensius epist . viror . illust . lib. 5. i saturn . sermon . l. 2. c. 19. k fr. sylvius in orat . pro sex. roscio . l fr. sylv. ib. m arist . prob . 7. plut. symp . 8 q 4. a. gell. lib. 3. cap. 6. n eras . adag . rudem accip . o suet in iulio . caes . c. 39. p rosin . ant. lib. 5. cap. 29. q rosin . antiq . l. 5. cap. 27 ▪ r plutarch . in symp . l. 8. q 6. ſ plutarch . in symp . l. 8. q. 6. t iust . lips ▪ ep cent . 1. ep 65. u plutarch . in symp . ib. x laevinus torrent . in suet. vitell. vid. rosin . antiq . l. 5. c. 27. y in orat . pro m. coelio . z lazius de repub. rom. lib. 3 cap. 3. a iust . lips . cent . 1. ep . 65. b iust . lip. ib. c a. gel. 〈◊〉 attic lib. 13. d alex. gen. dier . l. 5. c. 21. e pancirol . li re●um deperdit cap. de cibi capiendi modo . f sigon . de iudic . lib. 3. cap. 19. g mic. toxita in orat . philippic . 2am . h mic. toxita ib. i rosin . an t . rom. k sig. de iud . lib. 3. cap. 19. l sig. ibid. m sig. ibid. n serv. aenci. lib. 7. o alex. gen. dier . l. 1. c. 14. p sig de iud . lib. 3. cap. 19. q rosin . antiq . lib. 5. c. 32 ▪ r rosin . antiq . rom. lib. 5. c. 32. ſ aldus manutius . vid. rosin . ib. t cic. in orat . pro caelio . u sig de iud . lib. 3. cap. 19. x sigon . ib. y sigon . ib. z sig. de iud . lib. 3. cap. 19. a fenestella de mag . rom. cap 3. b pet. pellitarius in orat . pro a. cae●in c alex. gen. dier . l. 5. c. 18. d sig. de iud . lib. 3. c. 29. e sigon . ib. f rosin . antiq . li. 5. c. 31. g sig. de iud lib. 3. c. 19. h serv aenei . lib 7. i alex. gen. dier . li. 5. c. 18. k sig. de iud . lib. 3. cap. 20. l salmuth in pancirol . lib. rerum deperdit . cap. de fibula . m ro●●● ant lib. 5. 〈◊〉 . 35 n 〈…〉 lib. 3. cap. 19. o sigon . ibid. p sigon . ibid. q caelius in orat pro milone . r rosin . antiq rom. lib. 5. c. 36. ſ salmuth . in pancirol . lib. rerum . deperdit . cap. de fibula . t appositam nigrae lunam subtexit alutae . iuvenal . u salmuth . in pancirol . lib. rerum deperdit . cap. 〈◊〉 fibula . x salmuth in pancirol . lib. rerum deperdit . c. de fibula . * vid. pag. 37. y salmuth in panciroll . lib. rerum deperdi●arum c. de nupti●s . z alex. gen. lib. 2. a aul. gell. b rosin . antiq . lib. 5. c. 37 c sig. de iur . rom. l. 1. c. 9. d salmuth in pancirol . lib. rerum deperdit . cap. de nuptiis . e fr. silv. in orat . pro l. flacco . f sig. de iure rom. l. 1. c. 9. g cic. orat . pro muraena . h sig. de jure rom lib. 1 c. 9. i cic. orat . pro muraena . itē . fr. sil. ib. k hieron . ferarius in philippic . corat . l serv. aenei . lib. 4. m plutarch . vita pompeii n alex. gen. dier . l. 2. c. 5. o vid. fr. silv pro clientio . p sig. de iure rom. l. 1. c. 9. q rosin . antiq . l. 5. cap. 38. r ep. fam . l. 5. ſ virg aen. 4. t alex. gen. dier . lib. 3. c. 7. u lucanus . x alex. gen. dier . l. 5. c. 26. y rosin . ant. ib. 5. z alex. gen. dier . lib. 3. a suet. c. iulius caesar . c. 6. b salmuth in pancir . lib. rerū deperd . ca. de exequijs . c servius aeneid 5. * sup. pag 30. d alex. gen. dier . l. 3. c servius . f rosin . antiq lib. 5. g servius in aeneid lib. 1. h hub. in cic. ep . fam . lib. 4. i hier. ferrarius in cic. orat . philip. k servius in aeneid . lib. 5. l antesig in tere. adelph . act. 4. m alex. gen. dier . lib. 3. c. 7. a ioan. tiflinus in orat . pro coelio . b sigon . de iure rom. li. ● . cap. 17. pars putat vt ferrent iuvenet suffragia soli● pontibus infirmos praecipitasse senes . ovid. fast . * pag. 13. c sigon . de iure rom. lib. 1. cap. 17. d philip. beroaldus in orat . phil. 11. * vid. pag. 13. c plin. l. 33. cap 2. f p. pellitar . in orat . pro a. coecinna . g alex. gen. dier . l. 1. c. 1. h fr. sylvius pro 〈◊〉 i fr. sylv. in orat . catilin . 2am . k fr. sylv. in orat . catilin . 3. l p. p●llitar . in orat . pro a. coecinna . m vid. erasm . adag . n cic. orat . contra catil . o cic. orat . pro muren . p mic. toxita in orat . philippic . 2. q rosin . antiq . lib. 6. c. 7 r 〈…〉 ſ 〈…〉 t 〈…〉 u stadius in flor. l. 3. c. 7. x cic. orat . philip. 2. y fr. maturātius in phil. 1. z corn. tacit annal . l. 11. a fr. matur . in philip. 12. b sig. de jure prou . lib. 3. c. 1. c sig. de rom lib. 1. cap. 4. d rosin . ant lib. 6. cap. 10. e rosin . antiq . rom , lib. 6. c. 16. f rosin . antiq rom. lib. 6. c. 20. g a. gel. l. 15. cap. 27. * vid. pag. 22. h sig. de iure rom. l. 1. c. 3. i rosin . an t . rom. l. 6. c. 20 ▪ * pag. 18. k rosin . ant. rom. l. 7. c. 8 l g. trapez . in phil. 2am . m sig. de iud . lib. 2. c. 29. n barth latomus in orat pro m. coelio o sig. de iur . rom. l. 1. c. 20. p sig. de iure provinc . l. 3. cap. 1. q fenest . de magist . rom. cap. 1. r plutarch . in romulo . ſ plin. lib. 33. cap. 2. t ioac . camerarius in orat pro flacco . immedicabile vulnus ense recidatur &c. * sup. p. 23. * sup. p. 24. u mart. phi leticu● . in cic l 1. ep . fam . 1. x mart. phileticus . ibid. y hubert . in cic. lib. 1. ep . fam . 2. z ascensius in cic. l. 1. epist . fam . 4. a cic. orat . de arusp . respons ▪ b rosin . antiq . l 7. cap. 7. c rosin . an t . rom. l. 7. c. 9. d cic. orat . philid . 5. e suet. iul. caes . cap. 18. f alex. gen. dier . lib. 3. c. 3. g fenest . de magist . rom. h a. gell l. 3. cap. 18. i stadius i● flor. l. 1. c. 5. k i. tislinus in orat . cic. pro coelio . l p. ramus in orat . ca●il . 1. m fr. sylvius in cic. orat. pro muren . n rosin . an t . rom. l. 7. c. 9. o fenest . de magist . rom. cap. 17. p i. tis●in . in cic. orat . pro a. coecinna . q i. camerar . in orat . cic. pro muren . r fenest . de rom. magist . cap. 7. ſ pomp. laetus de rom magist●● . de censor . t panciroll . 〈◊〉 rerum depe●di●arum 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 capiendi modo . u alex. gen. dier . l. 5. c. 27. x pomp. lae tus de mag . rom. cap. de censor . y pancirol . l. rerum deperdit . cap de ci bi capiendi modo . z cic pro milone . a pighius aequipet . comp b alex. gen. dier . l. 2. c. 15. c fenest . de mag . rom. cap. 19. d fr. sylvius in orat . pro muraen . e i saxonius in cic. orat . pro s. roscio f rosin . antiq . lib. 7. c. 11. g i. saxonius ibid. h fr. sylv. in orat . pro mur i rosin . antiq . l. 9. c. 18. k rosin . antiq . lib. 7. c. 11 l rosin ant lib. 6. cap. 18. m sig. de iud . lib. 1. cap. 7. n fenest . de rom. magist . cap. 19. o p. pellit . in cic orat . pro a. coecinna . p pighius aequipet comp . q p. pellit . in cic. orat . pro a. caecinna . r cic. in . verrin . 2. ſ cic. in verrin 5. t sigon . de iudic . lib. 1. cap. 6. u i. camerar . in cic. orat . pro. flacco . x m. toxita in orat . pro pub. quint. y fr. maturantius . in philippic . 13. z servius aen. lib. 6. a rosin . an t . l. 7. c. 13. b despaute●●us in sua syntaxi . c sig. de iure rom. l. 1. c. 20. d fenest . de mag . rom. cap. 14. e rosin . an t . rom. l. 7. c. 19 f dion . halicar . l. 2. g rosin . lib. 6. cap. 16. h alex. gen. dier . li. 5. c. 6. i pighius in tyrannif . k stadius in flor. l. 1. c. 11. l rosin antiq . lib. 7. c. 20. m rosin . ibid. n alex. gen. dier . lib. 6. c. 18. o rosin . ant. lib. 7. cap. 20. p fenest . de magist . rom , cap. 21. q suet octa. aug. cap. 27. r fenest . de rom. mag . c. 3. ſ sig. de iure rom. l. 2. c. 8. t i. rosa . in epit. rerum rom. u rosin . ant. l. 7. c. 23. x alex. gen. dier . l. 6. c. 14. y rosin . an t . lib. 7. c. 23. z pighius in suo tyranni fug . a pomp. laetus . b stadius in flor. lib. 3. c. 2. c pighius in suo tyranni fug . d rosin . an t . lib. 7. cap. 23. ● e pighius in suo tyranni-fug . f philet . in l. 2. cic. epist . fam . 10. g alex. gen. dier . l. 4. c. 4. h alex. gen. ibid. i pighius in suo tyrannif . k rosin . antiq . l. 7. c. 38. l alex. gen. dier . l. 3. c. 16. m i. camerar . in orat . cic. pro flacco . n alex. gen. die● . l. 3. c. 16. o pancirol . in notitiam imper . orient . cap 5. p pighius in aequipet . compos . q asconius in verrinam 3. christr fr. sylvius in catil . 2am . ſ alex. gen. dier . l. 3. c. 3. t i. camerar . pro l. flacco u rosin . antiq . l. 10. c. 24. x pomp. laetus de magist . rom. y sig. de iure prou. l. 2. c. 2. z rosin . an t . rom. l. 10. c. 7. a sig. de iure prov. l. 2. c. 3. b sig. ibid. c rosin . an t . rom. l. 7. c. 45. d sig. de iure prov. l. 2. c. 2. a sig. de iud . lib. 1. cap. 7. b fr. sylv. in orat . pro mil. c fr. sylv. in epist . virorū illus . l. 5. ep . 1● . d sig de iure rom. l. 2. c. 18. e sig. de iud. lib. 1. cap. 7. f rosin . an t . l. 7. c. 29. g alex. gen. dier . l. 3. c. 16. h pet. ramus in 2am de lege agrar. i sig. de iud . lib. 1. c. 28. k sig. de iud . lib. 1. cap. 29. l cic. pro quin. roscio . m rosin . antiq . lib. 2. c. 18 n sig. de iud . lib. 2. c. 4. o sig. de iud . lib. 2. cap. 6. p sig. ibid. q ● sig. de iur . rom. l. 2. c. 18. cic. pro domo . cic. philip. 2. item pro muraen . r fr. matur . in philip. 2. ſ chr. hegēdorphinus in verrinam 1. t p. nannius in verrin . 5. u ch. hegen dorph ius in verrin . 5am . cic. pro sextio item de arusp . respon ▪ cic. agtar . 2. cic. philip. 8. & pro font. x b. latomus in philip 7. cic. pro rabi● . & saepè aliàs . cic. pro cluentio . & saepè aliàs . y p. ramus in orat . pro rabirio . z fr. sylv. in orat . pro cluentio . a i. camerar . in orat . cic. pro l. flacco ▪ b fr. sylv. in orat . pro cluentio . cic. pro balbo ▪ cic. offic . l 3. cic pro balbo . c sig. de iure ital. l. 1. c. 2. cic. pro. archia . d fr. sylv. in orat . pro lege manil. e p. ramus in or . cic. agra● 2. cic pro domo . cic. pro balbo . cic. multis in locis . f a. gel. l. 13. cap. 14. g bersman . de vet . dier . ratione ad finē ovid fast . cic. in suis orat . saepè . cic. pro sext. cic. 3 de leg . cic. in laelio h rosin . antiq . lib. 8. c. 3. cic. 3. de leg . l caelius sec. curio . in ora . pro m●lone . k sig de iud. lib 3. cap. 3. cic. de leg . 3. cic. multis in ●ocis . cic pro mur. cic. verrin . 7. l alex. gen. dier . l. 2. c. 20. cic. philip. ● m m. toxita in orat . phi. ● . cic. in pison . n p. ramus in agrar. 2. o fr. maturātius in phil. 5. cic. phil. 13. cic philip. 2. cic. pro se●t cic. verrin . 4. cic. 3. de leg . cic. philip. 5. cic. philip 5. cic. pro sext cic. contra rullum 2. cic. de province consularibus . cic ep . 9. ad lentul . p sig. de 〈◊〉 . prov. l. 3. c. 13 q sig. eiusd . lib. cap. 6. cic. pro l. muraen . r melanct●ō . in orat . pro muraena . cic. philip 1. ſ lipsius de magnit . rom. lib. 2. cap. 9. cic. pro bal bo . cic. pro domo . cic. pro sext t cic. phil 11 u verrin . 7. x cic. phil. 8. y cic. in ver. z sig. de iud . lib. 2. c. 24. a sig. de iure ital. l. 2. c. 2. cic. pro sext. b sig de iure ital. l. 2. c. 2. cic. in rullū . cic. pro sext. c rosin . antiq . lib. 8. c. 1● cic. pro sext. in pisone . cic. verrio . 5. & 7. d sig. de iure prov. l. 1. c. 1. e fr. sylv. in or . pro cluentio . cic. ve●rin . 4 ▪ cic. pro lege manilia . cic pro lege manilia . f i. camerar . in orat pro l. facco . g i. omphal . in orat pro cecinna . h pellitarius pro cecin . i cic. pro muraen . k vid leg 12. tabul . l sig. de iure rom. l. 1. c. 10 ▪ c. 3. de offic . m sig. de iure rom. l. 1. c. 12 ▪ cic. verrin . 3 ▪ cic. verrin . 3 ▪ n barth . latom . in orat . pro cecinna ▪ o alex. gen. dier . l. 1. c. 1. cic. ve●rin . 3 ▪ p sig. de iure rom. l. 1. c. 11 ▪ q fr. sylv. in verrin . 1. cic. pro mur. r alex. gen. dier . l. 3. c. 5. ſ cic. pro muraen . curio in ora . pro scauro . cic. in verr. t sig. de iure prov. l. 2. c. 5. cic. de orat . l. 3. cic. pro cornel . cic. in verr●e saepe . cic. in pison . cic. philip. 1. cic. philipp . 1. & 5. cic. pro c●entio . cic. in vatin . cic. pro sext roscio . u fr. sylv. in orat . pro cluentio . cic. pro mur. x fr. sylv. in orat . pro mur ▪ y sylv. ibid. z melanct. 〈◊〉 ora . pro mur. a i. camerar . in orat . pro muraen . b priscian . l. 3 vid. f. sylv. in ora . pro mur. c alex. gen. dier . l. 4. c. 15. cic. pro cornel . cic. philip. 1. cic. pro mur. cic. pro mur. cic. pro sext ▪ d sig. de iud . lib. 1. cap. 28. cic. pro plācio . e sig. de iud . lib. 1. cap. 27. f fr. sylv. in ora● . pro q. roscio . g fr. sylvius in orat . pro cluentio . h i. tislin in orat . pro rabirio . i sig. de iud. lib. 1. cap. 27. k sig. eiusd . l. cap ▪ 28. l sig. eiusd . l. cap. 21. c. pro cluen . m i. camerar . pro l. muraen ▪ n rosin . an t . lib. 8 c. 29. o sig. de iud . lib. 1. c. 21. p a. gell. vid. rosin . ant. l. 8. c. 29. q de iudic . lib. 1. cap. 21 ▪ r sigon . de iu dic . lib. cap. 21 ▪ ſ cic. orat . pro muraena & pro coecina . t sig. de iud . lib. 1. cap. 21. a polyb. vid. rosin . antiq l. 10. c. 2. b sig. de iure ital. l. 1. c. 1. * vid pag. 50. c orat. pro lege manil. d serv. l. 2. & 7. aeneid . e lips●de milit . rom lib. 1 dial . 8. f vid. lips . de milit . rom. l. 1. dial . 6. g serv aenei . lib. 8. h lips . lib. 1. d●e mil. rom. dial 4. i lib. 1. de mil rom. dial . 8. k lib. 4. de milit . rom. dial 11. & 12. l in ep viror . illust . l. 4. ep 1 m plaut in pseudolo . n pigh . in sua praef . ad lib. 1. septim . o alex. gen. dier . l. 1. c. 20. p plutare . in romulo . q rosin . ant lib. 10. cap. 4 r sig. de iure rom. l 1. c. 15. ſ sigon . ib. t alex. gen. die● . l. 1. c. 20. u pancirol li. rerum deper . dit . cap. de habit . & vest . veter . x sig. de iure rom. l. 1. c. 15 y edmunds in his observ . vpon caesars comment lib. 2. c. 3. z varro . lib. 3. de re ru i●a . a alex. gen. dier . l. 1. b varro . vid. rosin . an t . rom. l. 10. c. 5 c rosin . ibid. d veget. vid. rosin . an t . rom. l. 10. c. 7 e lips . de mil. rom. lib. 2. dial . 10. f barth la tom . in phil. orat . 14. g lips . de mil. rom. l. 1. dial . 3. h lip. de mil rom. lib. 4. dial . 3. i terent. eunuch . act. 4. scen. 7. k alex. gen. dier . l. 5. c. 15. l lip. de mil. rom. lib. 2. dial . 8. m pancir in notit . orient . & occident imper . c. 32. n lips . milit . rom. lib 4. dial . 7. o lips . milit . rom. lib. 4 dial . 7. p festus vid. panc. in not . orient . & occident ●●p . cap 32. q lips polio● lib 2 dial 2. r serv. aenei . lib. 10. ſ cic. ep . fam . lib. 1. ep . 7. t a gel. noc . attic. l. 1. c. 15 u rosin . an t . rom. l. 10. c. ●6 x lips . polior . lib. 1. dial . 9. y rosin . an t rom. l. 10. c. 16 z stad . in flor. l 4. c. 10. a rosin . an t . rom. lib. 10. cap 16. b lips . poliorc . lib. 3. dial 2. c am. marc. lib. 23. cap. 3. * machinae serrat●●iae . * ab hac medi●tate testi●● ] here we must 〈◊〉 that this significatiō of testes is borrowed from the anatomists , which doe call certaine eminēt parts behind 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 testes . vid fuchs . inst●t . med . l. 1. sec . 5. d plutarc . in vit . c ▪ caes . e a. gell. lib. 7. cap. 4. f stad . in flor lib. 1. c. 12. g sig. de iure ital. l. 2. c. 4. h pig. lib. tyrannif . i terent. in phor. k sig. de iure rom. l. 1. c. 16 l stadius in flor. l. 3. c. 13. m fr. sylv. in viror . illust . ep . 2. lib. 1. n sig. de iure rom. l. 2. c. 4. o cic. de a rusp . respons . & alias saepe . p sig. l. 2. de iure ital. c. 7. q sig. de iure ital. l. 1. cap. 1. r sigon . ibid. ſ rosin . antiq . l. 10. c. 25. t alex. gen. dier . l. 2. c. 13. u trib. milit . x cic. orat . phil. 3. y cic. pro cluent . * vid. p. 176. z salmuth . in pancir . l. ●erū deperd cap. de triumph . a ode . 2. li. 4. b salmuth . in pancir . l. rerū deperd . cap. de triumph . c alex. gen. lib. 6. cap. 17. d dion . halicar . lib. 5. e alex. gen. dier . li. 1. c. 22. f serv. aenei . lib. 10. g fr. sylv. in orat . cic. pro. cn. plancio . h alex. gen. dier . l. 1. c. 14. i alex. gen. dier . l. 4. c. 18. k sig. de iure rom. l. 1. c. 15. l rosin . an t . lib. 10 c. 27. m plin. l. 22. cap. 4. n salmuth . in pancir . l. rerū deperd . cap. de coronis . o pigh . l. tyrannif . p dion . halicar . lib. 10. q pigh . lib. tyrannif . lucans pharsalia: or the ciuill warres of rome, betweene pompey the great, and iulius cæsar the whole tenne bookes, englished by thomas may, esquire. pharsalia. english lucan, 39-65. 1631 approx. 575 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 216 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2006-02 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a06415 stc 16888 estc s108868 99844520 99844520 9340 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a06415) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 9340) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1475-1640 ; 1354:05) lucans pharsalia: or the ciuill warres of rome, betweene pompey the great, and iulius cæsar the whole tenne bookes, englished by thomas may, esquire. pharsalia. english lucan, 39-65. may, thomas, 1595-1650. hulsius, friedrich van, b. 1580, engraver. the second edition, [310] p. printed by aug. mathewes, for thomas iones, and are to be sold at his shop in st. dunstanes church-yard, london : 1631. in verse. with an additional title page, engraved, omitting the printer's name and signed: fridericus hulsius sculps:. signatures: a (a1 + chi¹) a-s t² . reproduction of the original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng pharsalus, battle of, 48 b.c. -poetry -early works to 1800. rome -history -civil war, 49-48 b.c. -campaigns -poetry -early works to 1800. 2005-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2005-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2005-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion lvcans pharsalia : or the civill warres of rome , betweene pompey the great , and ivlivs caesar . the whole tenne bookes , englished by thomas may , esquire . the second edition , corrected , and the annotations inlarged by the author . london , printed by aug. mathewes , for thomas iones , and are to be sold at his shop in st. dunstanes church-yard . 1631. this dying figure that rare lucan showes , whose lofty genius great apollo chose when roman liberty oppr●st should dy , to sing her sad , and solemne obsequy in stately numbers , high , as rome was great ; and not so much to yeares indebted yet , as thou , fam'd maro , when thy infant verse the gnats low funerall did first reherse . thy favour●d muse did finde a different fate : thou gott'st augustus loue , he nero's hate ; but t was an act more great , and high to moue a princes envy , then a princes loue . heu nero crudelis , nullaque inuisior umbra ▪ debuit hoc saltem non licuisse tibi . martial lvcan's pharsalia : or the civill warres of rome , betweene pompey the great , and ivlivs caesar . the whole ten bookes . englished by thomas may. esquire . london printed for thomas iones . anno 1631. to the right honorable william , earle of devonshire . &c. my lord , the great subiect of this stately poem , together with the worth of the noble author , haue enboldned me to present the translation ( how meanely soever i have performed it ) to your honourable hand . i cannot but presume that the high , and rich conceits of lucan from your deepe iudgement shall finde their proper , and due approbation , and my defects , from your noble candor , an easie , and gentle censure . the matter of this worke is a true history adorned and heightned with poetical raptures , which doe not adulterate , nor corrupt the truth , but giue it a more sweet and pleasant relish . the history of it , is the greatest of histories , the affaires of rome , whose transcendent greatnes will admit no cōparison with other states either before , or after it ; rome was then at that great height , in which s. augustin wished to haue seen it , which after ages almost with adoration haue admired , and do rather coniecture then fully comprehend . the blood of her valiant citizens , and the conquests , and triumphs of so many ages had raised her now to that vnhappy height , in which shee could neither retaine her freedom without great troubles , nor fall into a monarchy but most heavy and distastfull . in one the greatnesse of private citizens excluded moderation : in the other the vast strength , and forces of the prince gaue him too absolute and vndetermined a power . the vices of rome did at this time not only grow vp to their power , but overthrow it . luxury and pride , the wicked daughters of so noble a mother as the roman vertue , began to consume that which brought them forth . these were the seeds of that faction , which rent the state , and brought in violently a change of governement . the two heads of this great division ( if wee may terme pompey the head of a faction , & not rather the true servant of the publike state ) were pompey the great , and julius caesar , men of greater eminence then the former ages had seene any , whose prosperous atchiuements in forreine wars had too far enabled them to ruine that state , which before they served . the author of it was a noble roman , rich in his minde as his large fortunes , of whose happy conceits , and high raptures i forbeare to dispute , or any way anticipate your lordships iudgement . to whose noble censure i refer both the author , and my poore endeavours , and shall ever rest . your lordships to command , tho. may. the life of marcvs annaevs lvcanvs . marcvs annaeus lucanus was by nation a spaniard , and borne at cordubu . his fathers name was marcus annaeus mela , sonne to lucius annaeus seneca the oratour , and brother to iulius gallio , and lucius seneca the philosopher , nero's tutor . the two elder brothers employed at rome in state affaires ( especially seneca ) arrived at the height both of dignity , and renowne . they were both senatours , and by their worthy endeavours deserved not only to bee powerfull in their owne times , but famous to all posterity . marcus mela the youngest brother content with that title , which his birth gaue him , a roman knight , and preferring the sweetnesse of a countrey life before the glorious trouble of a court employment , lived at home at his natiue corduba ; hee married caia acilia the daughter of acilius lucanus the orator , on whom hee begat marcus annaeus lucanus surnamed of his grandfather by the mothers side . annaeus mela , though but a roman knight , was ( saith tacitus ) a great man , and hee begate lucan , no small addition to his greatnesse ; a great testimony of lucan's worth from so judicious an author as cornelius tacitus . he was borne at corduba , the third of the nones of november in the second consulship of caius caesar germanicus with lucius caesianus . when he was eight moneths old , his father brought him to rome , to season his infancy ( so soone as it might bee capable ) with the choisest education in learning , and manners . at which time ( if we may credit fame , and as was before reported of plato ) bees swarmed about the childes cradle , and pressed in clusters toward his mouth . a happy presage ▪ ( as the learned interpreted it ) of his future wit , and admired eloquence . his tutors , and schoolemasters were the most eminent , and famous men of those times , rhemnius palaemon the grammarian , and flavius virginius the rhetorician . by whose carefull instructions , as by his owne diligence , and admirable facility of naturall wit , he arrived in a short time to an high perfection as well in the greeke , as roman language . of all his schoolefellowes hee most vsed the friendship of salcius bassus , & anlus persius the satyrist , hee marryed polla argentaria the daughter of pollius argentarius , a noble , rich , and learned lady . brought to the court by his vncle seneca , he grew suddainly into great favour with nero the emperour . he was made quaestor before the vsuall time , and admitted into the colledge of augurs . but what vertue could long be safe in such a court ? the jealous tyrant being not able to brooke another mans praises ; who amongst all his other crueltyes , was most severe in depressing the fame of deserving men. nero therefore envying the wit , and excellent poetry of lucan , supprest his works , and forbad him any more to recite verses . which indignity of all other most hard to bee endured ( as witty martiall . qui velit ingenio cedere rarus erit . ) discontenting lucan , drew him into pisoes conspiracy . the conspiracy detected , lucan by nero was commanded to dy , but liberty given him to choose his death . who after a full feast , bad the physitians cut his veines ; and when hee perceived through losse of blood his hands , and feete to waxe cold , and the vitall spirits forsaking the outward parts of his body , with a minde , and looke vndaunted hee recited these veries of his owne in the third booke of his pharialia . scinditur auulsus , nec sicut vulnere sanguis emicuit lextus , ruptis cadit ●n●ique venis ; discursusque animae diversa in membra meantis interceptus aquis ; nullius vita perempti est tanta dimissa via . but others say he did not repeat these verses , but those in the ninth booke , sanguis erant lachrymae : quaecunque foramina novit humor , ab his largus manat cruor : ora redundant , et patulae nares : sudor rubet : omnia plenis membra fluunt venis : totum est pro vulnere corpus . these were his last words . hee dyed the day before the calends of may , in the seven and twentyeth yeare of his age , nerva syllanus , and vestinius atticus being consuls . he was buryed at rome in his owne most faire , and sumpteous gardens . to my chosen friend , the learned translator of lvan , thomas may , esquire . when , rome , i reade thee in thy mighty paire , and see both climing vp the slippery staire of fortunes wheele by lucan driv'n about , and the world in it , i begin to doubt , at every line some pin thereof should slacke at least , if not the generall engine cra●ke . but when againe i vtew the parts so peiz'd , and those in number so , and measure rais'd , as neither pompey's popularity , caesar's ambitions , cato's liberty , calme brutus tenor start ; but all along keepe due proportion in the ample song , it makes me ravish'd with iust wonder cry what muse , or rather god of harmony t●ught lucan these true moodes ! replyes my sence what gods but those of arts , and eloquece ? phoebus , and hermes ? they whose tongue , or pen are still th' interpreters twixt gods , and men ! but who hath them interpreted , and brought lucans whole frame vnto vs , and so wrought , as not the smallest ioynt , or gentlest word in the great masse , or machine there is stirr'd ? the selfe same genius ! so the worke will say . the sunne translated , or the sonne of may. your true friend to iudgement and choise ben. ionson . vpon this vnaequall'd worke , and the author . rome had beene still my wonder : i had knowne lucan , in no expression but his owne : and had , as yet coniectur'd it , a wrong , to haue prais'd caesar in another tongue . to bring foorth one , that could but vnderstand , i thought a pride too great , for any land , yea , for romes selfe . who would be posde to tell how great she was , when she could write so well . tell truth was neerer brought by thee : till i found lucan languag'd , like my infancy . till rome was met in england in that state that was , at once , her greatnesse , and her fate ; so all to vs discover'd , that naught 's hid which either she could speake , or caesar did . beyond which , nothing can be done by thee , though thou hadst more of lucan , then we see reveal'd in this : wherein there is so much of myracle , that i , durst doubt him , such as thou hast rendred him but that i know t is crosse to be thy friend , and lucans foe , whom thou hast made so much thy selfe , that we may almost striue about his pedigree , since rome hath nothing left , to prooue him hert but the foule instance of his murtherers . so neatly hast thou rob'd her of his name , that she can onely reskew't with a shame , which may she doe ; whilst nations reckon thee , lucan in all , except romes infancy . i. vavghan . lvcans pharsalia . the first booke . the argument of the first booke . the fatall causes of this warre are showne , enraged caesar passes rubicon , invades arim'num , where to him from rome curio , and both the banish'd tribunes come with new incitements to these civill warres . caesar's oration to his souldiers , bold laelius protestation , which by all the rest confirmed makes the generall draw out from every part of france at once his now dispers'd , and wintring legions , rome's feare ; great pompey with the senate , flyes ; heaven , ayre , and earth are fill'd with prodigies . the prophets thence , and learned augures show the wrath of heaven , and romes ensuing woe . warres more then civill on aemathian plaines we sing : rage licens'd ; where great rome disdaines in her owne bowels her victorie us swords ; where kindred hoasts encounter , all accords of empire broke : where arm'd to impious warre the strength of all the shaken world from farre is met ; knowne ensignes ensignes doe defie , piles ( a ) against piles , ' gainst eagles eagles fly . what fury , countreymen , what madnesse cou'd moove you to feast your fo●s with roman blood ? and choose such warres , as could no triumphs yeeld , whilst yet proud babylon vn or quer'd held the boasting trophaes of a roman hoast , and vnrevenged wander'd crassus ( b ) ghost ? alas , what seas , what lands might you haue tane , with that bloods losse , which ciuill hāds haue drawne ? yours had been titans rising , yours his sett , the kingdomes scorched in meridian heate , and those , where winter , which no spring can ease , with lasting cold doth glaze the s●ythian seas ; the seres yours , the wilde araxis too , and those that see niles spring , if any doe , then ' gainst thy selfe , if warre so wicked , rome , thou loue , when all the world is overcome , turne backe thy hand : thou didst not want a foe . but now that walles of halfe fall'n houses so hang in italian townes , vast stones we see of ruin'd walles , whole houses empty be , and ancient townes are not inhabited ; that vntill'd italy's with weedes orespread , and the neglected plowes want labouring hands , not thou fierce pyrrhus , nor the punicke bands this waste haue made ; no sword could reach so farre , deepe pierce the wounds receiu'd in ciuill warre . but if no other way to neroes raigne the ●ates could finde , if gods their crownes obtaine , at such deare rates , and heaven could not obey her ioue , but after the sterne giants fray ; now we complaine not , gods , mischiefe and warre pleasing to vs ; since so rewarded , are ; let dire pharsalia grone with armed hoasts , and glut with blood the carthaginian ghosts : with these let munda's ( c ) fatall battle goe , mutina's ( d ) siedge , perusias ( e ) famine too : to these add actiums ( f ) bloody navall fight , and neere sicilia ( g ) sextus slavish fleete . yet much owes rome to civill ●nmity for making thee our prince ; when thou the sky though late , shalt clime , & chāgethine earthly reigne , heaven , as much grac'd , with ioy shall entertaine , and welcome thee , whether thou wouldst put on ioues crowne , or ride in phoebus burning throne , ( earth will not feare the change ) thēce maist thou shine downe on thy world ; to thee all power divine will yeild , and nature to thy choise will give what god to be , or where in heaven to liue . but neere the northern bea●e oh doe not reigne , nor crosse the point of the meridian , from whence obliquely thou shouldst rome behold , if all thy weight one part of heaven should hold , the honour'd loade would bowe heavens axletree ; hold thou the middle of the poysed sky : let all the ayre betweene transparent be , and no darke cloud twixt vs , and caesar fly . then let mankinde forget all warre and strife , and every nation loue a peacefull life . let peace through all the world in this blest state once more shut warre like ianus iron gate . oh be my god : if thou this breast inspire , phoebus from cirrhaes shades i 'll not desire , nor nysa's bacchus , caesar can infuse vertue enough into a roman muse . the cause of these great actions i le declare , and ope a mighty worke , what drew to warre , our furious people and the world beside ; fates envious course , continuance still deny'd : to mighty states , who greatest falls still feare , and rome not able her owne weight to beare . so when the knot of nature is dissolu'de , and the worlds ages in one houre inuolu'd in their old chaos , seas with skyes shall ioyne , and starres with starres confounded loose their shine : the earth no longer shall extend her shore to keepe the ocean out : the moone no more follow the sunne , but scorning her old way crosse him , and claime the guidance of the day . the falling worlds now iarring frame no peace , no league shall hold ; great things themselues oppresse , the gods this bound to groning states haue set ; but to no forraine armes would fortune yet lend her owne envy ore great rome , that awes both land and sea ; shee 's her owne ruines cause subiected ioyntly to three ( b ) lords ; how ill prooue shared rules accords , and fatall , still ? ambition blinded lords , what 's th' happinesse to mixe your powers , and ioyntly th' earth possesse ? whilest land the sea , and ayre the land shall bound , whilest labouring titan runnes his glorious round , and through twelue heavenly signes night follows day , no faith keepe those , that kingdomes ioyntly sway ; rule brookes no sharers ; doe not this beleeue in forraine states , rome can examples giue . a brothers bloud did our first walls distaine ; nor was the spacious earth and watry maine this mischiefes price : a refuge for theeues fled . a little house this brothers hatred bred . this iarring concord lasted for a space dissembled twixt the two : for crassus was the warres sole let , like that small necke of land , that in the middst of two great seas doos stand , and will not let them ioyne ; that tane away , straight the ioni●n meets th' aegaean sea : so when war parting crass●● sadly slaine with romane bloud did asian charan staine , that parthian losse to homebred rage gaue reines ; more then you thinke you did fierce parthians that day : our civill war your conquest wrought , and now romes empire by the sword is sought : that state , that mistresse ore the world did reigne , rulde land and sea , yet could not two conteine . for iulia's ( t ) de●th , whom cruell fates before had slaine , the pledge of their alliance bore downe to her graue ; if fate had spar'de her life , her furious husband , and sterne fathers strife she had compos'de , and made their armed hands let fall their swords , and ioyne in friendships bands : as once the sabin women enterposde , their sires and husbands bloody iarres composde , thy death , faire iulia , breakes off all accords , and giues them leaue againe to draw their swords : on both sides powerfull aemusation beares on their ambitious spirits ; great pompey feares that his pi●aticke laurell should giue place to conquerde france , and caesars deeds deface his ancient triumphs ; fortunes constant grace makes him impatient of a second place ; nor now can caesar a superior brooke , nor pompey brooke a peere ; who justlier tooke vp armes , great iudges differ , heaven approoues the conquering cause ; the conquerde cato loues nor were they aequall , one in yeares was growne , and long accustomde to a peacefull gowne had now forgot the souldier : fame he bought by bounty to the people : and much sought for popular praise : his theaters loud shout was his delight ; new strength he sought not out , relying on his ancient fortunes fame , and stood the shadow of a glorious name . as an old lofty oake , that heeretofore great conquerors spoiles , and sacred trophies bore , stands firme by his owne weight , his roote now dead , and through the ayre his naked boughes does spread , and with his trunke , not leaues , a shaddow makes : he , though each blast of easterne winde him shakes , and round about well rooted trees doe grow , is onely honour'd ; but in ceasar now remaines not onely a great generalls name , but restlesse valour , and in wa●re a shame not to be conquer●ur ; fierce , not curb'd at all , ready to fight , where hope , or anger call , his forward sword ; confident of successe , and hold the fauour of the gods to presse : orethrowing all that his ambition stay , and loues that ruine should enforce his way ; as lightning by the winde f●rc'd from a cloude breakes through the wounded aire with thunder loud , disturbes the d●y , the people terrifyes , and by a light oblique dazels our eyes , not ioues owne temple spares it ; when no force , no barre an hinder his prevailing course , great wa●e , as fo●rth it fallyes and roures , it makes and gathers his dispersed fires . these causes m●ou'd the che●fes , and such as are in might● st●tes the common seeds of warre for since our c●ests the conquer'd world hath fill'd too full , and vertue did to riches yeild , since spoiles , and warrelike rapine taught vs riot , excesse in plate , in buildings reignes ; he dye● of formertimes wee sco●n ; that soft attire . that women were asham'd of , men desire . strength-breeding pouerty is fled , and nought but wealth from all the spoiled world is sought , the banc of states ; those lands encreas'd they hold in th' hands of vnknowne tenants , which of old caemillus plow share wounded , and the hands of th' ancient curii till'd ; the state now stands , not as of old , when men from auarice free could liue in peace , and wisht but liberty . hence quarrels grow , what pouerty esteemed a vild offence : now 's greatest honour deem'd , by sword our countreys power in curbe to hold : might measures ●ight : lawes and decrees are sold , consuls and tribunes iarres all right suppresse , fasces are bought , the peoples suffrages corruptly sought , and giuen ; hence bloody iarres oft staine elections in the field of ma●s : so griping vsury growes , so faith is l●st , and ciuill warre , as gainefull , sought by most . by this time caesar the cold alpes orepast , in his great thoughts the future warre had cast , and now to rubicon's small current come , he dreames the image of affrighted rome with countenance sad through dusky night appeares● on her towre-bearing head her hoary haires , hung downe all torne , her armes were nak'd when she t●us sighing speakes ; oh whither carry yee , my ensignes souldiers : if you come as friends , as roman citizens , your march here ends ( k ) a suddaine feare straight chilles the generall veines , his haire 's with horrour rais'd , faintnesse detaines his steps vpon the banke ; then thus he pra●●s : thou , ioue , whose eye these citie walles surueyes from thy tarpeian hill : you dei●ies , of troy , and romulus hid misteries , thou latian ioue worshipt on th' alban mount , you vestall fires , and rome , whom i account my greatest god , blesse this attempt ; not thee , doe i inuade : conquerour by land and sea thy caesar comes , thy souldier still : be hee he in the fault , that caus'd this enmity then brooking no delay , the streame showre-swell'd he marches ore ; so in a ●ibyan field a lion viewing his sterne foe at hand , till he collect his ire doth doubtfull stand : but straight whē his tailes swindge has made him ho● , and rais'd his shaggy m●ne , from his wide throat he roaves ; then if a mauritanian speare , or shaft haue pierc'd his side , voide of all feare , reg●rdlesse of that wound he rushes on . gently along flowes ruddy rubicon from a small spring , when summer's in her pride , and gliding through the valley dooes divide gallia from italy , now winter lent him strength , and cynthia her full hornes had spent in showres to rayse his fl●od , and melted snow the moist east-wind made downe the alpes to flow . the horse-men first are plac'd against the streame , to take the waters fury : vnder them the foote men shelter'd , found a passage ore more calme , the current being broke before but now when caesar had orecome the flood , and italy's forbidden ground had trod , he●e peace , and broken lawes i leaue , quoth he , f●rewell all leagues : fortune i le follow thee no more wee le trust : warre shall determine all : this said , by night the actiue generall swifter then parthian back-shot shaft , or stone from balearieke slinger , marches on t' invade ariminum ; when every star fled from th' approaching sunne but luc●fer , and that day dawn'd , that first these broiles should see , either the moist southwindes , or heavens decree with pitchy cloudes darkned the fatall day ; vvhen now the soldiers by command made stay i●th market place , shrill trumpets flourisht round , and the h●●rse hornes wicked alarums sound . vvith this sad noise the peoples rest was broke , the young men rose , and from the temples tooke their armes , now such as long peace had marr'de . and their old bucklers now of leather's bar'de : their blunted piles not of a long time vs'd , and swords with th'eatings of blacke rust abus'd . the roman colours , and knowne eagles then , an caesar in the midd'st high m●uted seene , the townesmens trembling joynts for horror faint , and to themselues they make this sad complaint : oh ill built citty too too neere the gaule , oh sadly situated place ; when all the world haue peace , we are the spoyle of warre , and first that are inua●ed : happier farre might we haue liu'd in farthest north , or east , or wandring tents of scythia , then possest the edge of italy . this towne of ours first felt the furious gaules , and cymbrian powers , hither the libyans first , and germans come , this is wa●●es way , when fortune threatens rome . thus silently they mourne , and durst not lend their griefe a word , nor teares in publique spend . as birds by winters raging cold are still'de , and the mid-ocean dooes no murmur yeild but when bright day dissolu'd the dampes of night , the fates new firebrands bring , and stirre to fight caesars yet doubting minde , leaving no pause to shame , but fortune findes him out a cause of armes , and labours to make just his war. the factious tribunes by the senate are against their sacred priviledge exil'de , and by the graechi's ( l ) factious names revil'de . these now to caesar came , and brought along with them bold curio's ( m ) mercenary tongue : that tongue , that once the peoples , boldly stood gainst armed great ones for the publike good . hee when he saw the generall musing , said , while this my voice , caesar , thy cause could aide , wee did prorogue , though gainst the senate's will , thy gouernement , while oratoryes skill could turne the wauering peoples hearts to thee . but since by warres rough hand lawes silenc'd be ; wee are exil'd , and gladly it sustaine , to be endeniz'd by thy sword againe , whilst their yet strengthlesse side is only scarr'de , vse no delay : delay hurts men prepar'de , a greater price on equall danger heere is set ; in gallia's warre alone ten yeare , thou hast consum'd : but here , one field well fought , rome has the world to thy subiection brought , now thy returne from france with victory no pompous triumph waites : no bayes for thee , shall deck the capitoll ; ba●e enuy's hands keepe back thy due : conquest of warrelike lands , is made a crime in thee , and pompey's pride excludes thy rule : nor canst thou now diuide the world ; the world thou maist possesse alone . this speech gaue fire to caesar too too prone before to warre ; so peoples showtes raise more a fierce olimpicke steed striuing before to force the lists , and breake th' opposing barres , straight to the standard all his souldiers caesar assembling , ' middst their murmuring noise commands a silence with his hand and voice , fellowes in armes , that haue endur'd with me , a thousand stormes in ten yeares victory , haue our spent bloods in northerne climes deseru'de this , all our wounds , so many winters seru'de vnder the alpes ? not more prouision rome would make for warre , if hanniball had come ouer the alpes : cohorts they reinforce , forrests are fell'd for shipping ; all the force of land and sea is arm'd gainst caesar now . what more ( had wee beene vanquisht ) would they do ? if the fierce gaules our flying backes pursu'de , that dare now wrong vs ; when our warres conclude successefully , and friendly gods vs call ? let the long peace-infeebled generall his gownes , and new rais'd souldiers bring along ; vaine names the catoes , and marcellus tongue . must he with forreigne , and bought clients be glutted with still continuing soueraignty ? can hee triumphant charriots mount before the year 's appointed , ( ● ) and let goe no more honours ( o ) vsurp't ? why should i now complaine of the lawes breach , and famine ( p ) made for gaine ? th' affrighted forum ( q ) with arm'd men beset , drawne swords enuironing the iudgement seat , when ' gainst all law , milo for murder try'de pompey's proude colours clos'd on euery side ? now lest his age , though tir'd , a priuate state should end , by impious ciuill warre his hate he seekes to glut , scorning but to excell his master sylla's guilt : as tigers fell , whom their fierce damme with slaughtred cattels blood vvas wont to nourish in th' hyrcanian wood , nere loose their fury : so thou pompey vs'd to lick the blood that sylla's swords effus'd retain'st thy former thirst ; neuer againe grow those lawes pure , that blood did once distaine . vvhen wilt thou end thy too long tiranny , vvhere bound thy ( r ) guilt ? in this at least to thee a patterne let thy master sylla be to leaue off such vsurped soueraignety . after the pirates , and tir'de ponticke king , vvhose war to end scarce poisons ( s ) helpe could bring must caesars fall pompey's last triumph make , because commanded i did not forsake my conquering army ? but if i be barr'd my labours me●de , let these haue the reward of their long service ; let these soldiers all triumph , though vnder any generall , where shall their bloudlesse age after the warre finde rest ? what lands shall my old soldiers share ? where shall they plow ? where shall their city stand ? are pirates , ( t ) pompey , worthier of land ? march on victorious colours , march away , the strength that we haue made , we must employ . he giues the strongest all things , that denyes his due ; nor want we ayding deities , nor spoile those armes doe seeke , nor soveraignty : but to free rome , though bent to slauery . thus spake he : the yet doubting soldiers vncertaine murmurs raise : though fierce with wars long vse , their houshold gods their minds gan mooue , and piety : but straight the swords dire loue and feare of caesar turnde them backe againe . lalius the first files leading did obtaine : for saving of a roman soldier oake-crownd , and freed from duties of the war. if i may speake , romes greatest generall , thy soldiers thoughts , quoth he ; it grieues vs all , that such long patience kept thee from so just a war : or didst thou not thine army trust ? while life-bloud keepes this breathing body warme , while brandisht darts fly from this agile arme , wilt thou weake gownes , and senates raigne endure ? in civill war is conquest so impure ? lead vs through libyas gulfes , cold seythian land , lead vs ore thirsty affrickes scorched sand . this arme the conquerde world behind to leaue has plowde the brittish oceans curled waue , and broke the rhines swift current ; thy command to doe , my will 's as ready as my hand . hee s not my friend , gainst whom thy trumpets sound , by these thy colours , which ten camps haue found ever victorious , caesar , here i sweare , and by thy triumphs , ore what foe so ere , if thou command me spill my brothers life , kill my old father , or my pregnant wife , i le doo 't though with a most vnwilling hand ▪ fire temples , rob the godds at thy command . great iunoes temple in our flames shall sinke : if to encampe on tuscan tybers brinke , i le boldly pitch in italy thy tent . if to dismantle townes be thy entent , these armes of mine the battering ram shall place , although the city , thou wouldst quite deface , were rome it selfe . the souldiers all agree , and promise ●im their lifted hands on high to any war. their shout not that can passe , which the loud blast of thracian boreas on piny ossa makes , and bowes amaine the ratling wood , or lets it rise againe . caesar perceiving that the fates gaue way to war , and his men prone , fearing delay , his troopes through france dispers'd straight calling home with flying colours marches on to rome . they leaue their tents pitcht by lemanus ( v ) lake , and those on vogesus high rockes forsake , which aw'de the painted lingones so strong , isara's fords they leaue , that runne so long alone ; but in a river of more fame falling to ' the ocean beares an other name . the yellow ruthens eas'de of their long feare : milde a tax ioyes no roman shipps to beare : and varus italyes encreased bound . that haven alcides consecrated ground with cliffes orelookes the sea ; no northwest winde , nor west blow there ▪ cirtius their proper winde reignes there , where safe alcides fort dooes stand . and that still doubtfull-coast , that sea and land callenge by turnes : firme land it is when low the ocean ebbes , but sea at every flow . vvhither the winde strong blowing from the pole , and then retiring , to and fro doe rowle the sea : or that the moone his course doe guide : or burning titan moist foode to provide , attracting lift the ocean to the sky , seeke you that labour for such skill : for me , vvhat ere thou be that cause this ebbe and flow , be still conceal'd ; since heauen will haue it so . they march away that nemasus did hold , and adors bankes , where tarbe does enfold in her crookt shore the sea that gently flowes . the santoni reioyce now free'd from foes : th'leuci and rhemi archers good ; with these bituriges , and speare-arm'd suessones . the dwellers neere sequana skilfull riders . the belgae hooke-arm'd chariots expert guiders . sprung from the troian blood the hedui , that durst claime b●otherhood of italy . rebellious ne●uiars ( x ) stain'd with cotta's fate ; and they that in loose mantles imitate sarmatia ; fierce batauians whom to warre crookt trumpets call ; those that neere cinga are ; vvhere araris with rhodanus now met runnes ioyn'd into the sea ; the men whose seate is on gebenna mount couer'd with snow . the pictones now free their fields can plow. the fickle turones are not restrain'd by garrison ; the andian now disdain'd to pine in medna's thick fogges : but goes for pleasure , where delightfull liger flowes . faire genabos is freed from garrison ; treuer is glad the warre from thence is gon : the ligures now shorne , once like the rest . long haird , of all the vnshorne gaules the best : and where with offerings stayn'd of humane blood hermes and mars their cruell altars stood , and ioue that vil● as scythian dian's are . then you that valiant soules , and slaine in warre doe celebrate w●th praise that neuer dyes , you bards securely sung your elegyes . you dr●ides now free'd from warre maintaine y●ur barbarous rites , and sacr●fice againe . you what heauen is , and gods alone can tell , or else alone are ignorant ; you dwell in vast , and desert woods : you teach no spirit plutoes pale kingdome can by death inherit . they in another world informe againe : the middst twixt long liues ( if you truth maintaine ) is death . but those wilde people happy are , in this their errour , whom feare greatest farre of all feares iniures not , the feare of death ; thence are they prone to warre : nor losse of breath esteeme : nor spare a life that comes againe . they that the hair'd cayes did conteine in their obedience , marching now to rome , from rhines rude bankes , and new found countrey come vvhen caesar's novv collected strength had bred more lofty hopes ; through italy he spred his troopes , and all the neighbouring cities seiz'd , then idle rumours their true feares encreas'd , and peirc'd the peoples hearts , swift fame gan show the warres approach , and their ensuing woe . then euery tongue a false alarum yeilds : some dare report that on the pasture fields of faire meuania is the warre begunne , and bloody caesar's barbarous cohorts runne vvhere vmbrian nar does into tyber flow : that all his eagles , and ioyn'd standards now with a vast strength make furious approach : nor doe they now suppose him to be such , as once they saw him : fiercer far then so they thinke , and savadge as his conquer'd foe : that all th' inhabitants twixt th'alpes and rhine drawne from their countries and cold northerne clime follow : and rome ( a roman looking on ) by barbarous hands shall fall ; thus every one by feare giues strength to fame : no author knowne , they feare what they suppose : but not alone the people dooes this vaine surmise deceiue : the senate shakes ; th' affrighted fathers leaue their seates : and flying to the consuls giue directions for the war ; vvhere safe to liue , vvhat place t' avoide they know not : whither ere their suddaine wits directs their steps , they be●re th' amazed people forth in troopes : whom nought so long had stirr'de : a man would then haue thought the city fir'd , orth'houses sudaine fall by earthquake threatned , the madd people all vvith hasty steppes so vnadvised runne , as if no way at all were left to shunne their imminent , and feard destruction , but to forsake their habitation : as when rough seaes by stormy auster blowne from libia's sands , haue broke the maire mast down , master and marriners their ship forsake not torne as yet , leape into th' sea , and make themselues a shipwracke : so from th' city they fly into warre : no sire his sonne can stay , no weeping wife her husband can perswade : no nor their houshold gods , till they haue made vowes for their safety ; none an eye dares cast back on lou'd rome , although perhaps his last . irrevocably doe the people flye . you gods that easily giue prosperity , but not maintaine it , that great city fill'd vvith natiue soules , and conquer'd ; that would yeeld mankinde a dwelling : is abandon'd now an easie prey to caesar ; when a foe begirts our souldiers in a forreine land , one little trench nights danger can withstand ; a soddaine worke rais'd out of earth endures the foes assault ; th' encamped's sleepe secures . thou rome , a war but noysd , art left by all , not one nights safety trusted to thy wall . but pardon their amaze ; when pompey flyes , 't is time to feare ; then lest their hearts should rise with hope of future good , sad augury bodes a worse ensuing fate : the threatning gods fill heaven , and earth , and sea with prodigies . vnheard-of starres by night adorne the skies : heaven seemes to flame , and through the welkin fire obliquely flyes : state-changing comets dire display to vs their bloud portending haire : deceitfull lightnings flash in clearest ayre . strange formed meteors the thicke ayre had bred like iavelins long , like lampes more broadly spread ▪ lightning without one cracke of thunder brings from the cold north his winged fires , and flings them ' gainst our capitoll : small starres , that vse onely by night , their lustre to diffuse , now shine in midst of day : cynthia bright in her full orbe , like phoe●us , at the sight of earths blacke shades eclipses titan hid●s , ( when moun●ed in the midd'st of heaven he rides ) in cloudes his burning chariot , to enfold the world in darknesse quite ▪ day to beh●ld , no nation hopes : as once backe to the east he fled at sight of sad thyestes feast ; fierce vulcan opts sicilian aetna's throate , but to the sky her flames she belches no● , but on th' italian shore obliquely flings ; bloud from her bottome blacke charibdis brings : sadlyer barke scyllaes doggs then they were wont : the vestall fire goes out : on th'alban mount ioues sacrificing fire it selfe divides into two parts , and rises on two sides , like the two theban princes funerall fires . earth opes her threatning jawes : th' alpes nodding spires shake off their snow : thetis does highe● now twixt libyan atlas , and spaines calpe flow . the natiue gods did weepe : romes certaine thrall the lares sweating shew'd : the offrings fall downe in the temples : and ( as we haue heard ) nights fatall birds in midst of day appear'd : vvilde beasts at midnight from the deserts come , and take bold lodging in the streets of rome . beasts make with mens articulate voice their mon● ; births monstrous both in limmes proportion , and number ; mothers their owne infants fear'd : sibilla's fatall lines were sung and heard among the people : and with bloody armes cybel's head-shaking priests pronounc'd their charmes , i th' peoples eares howling a balefull mone : and ghosts from out their quiet vrnes did grone . cl●shing of armour , and loude showtes they heare in desert groues , and threatnings ghosts appeare . the dwellers neere without the city wall fled : fierce erynnis had encompast all the towne : her snaky haires , and burning brand shaking : as when she rul'd agau●'s hand , or the selfe maim'd lycurgus : such was she , vvho once , when sent by inno's cruelty , great hercules ( new come from hell ) did fright : shrill trumpets sounded , dismall ayres of night that horrid noise , that meeting armies yeild , did then present : in midst of mars his field rose sylla's ghost , and woes ensuing told : plowmen neere aniens streames marius behold rise from his sepulchre , and flye appall'd . for these things were the tuscan prophets call'd as custome was : the sagest of them all dwelt in etrurian luna's desert wall . aruns , that lightnings motion vnderstands , birds flight , and entrailes op'te ▪ he first commands those monstrous birthes , that from no seede did come , but horrid issues of a barren wombe , to be consum'd in fire : then all the towne to be encompast in procession : th' high priests ( whose charge it is ) he next doth vrge the city walles with hallowed rites to purge through their whole circuit : following after these th' inferiour priests attir'd gabinian wise : the vestall maides with their vail'd sister come , that only may see troy's palladium : then those that sibyll's secret verses keepe , and cybell yearely in still almon steepe : septemuir● that governe sacred feasts ; the learned augurs , and apolloes priests : the noble flame● , salius that beares on his glad neck the target of great mars . vvhilst they the towne compasse in winding tracts , aruns the lightnings dispers'd fire collects , and into th' ea●tn with a sad murmure flings : then names the places , and to th' altar brings a chosen bull : then wine betwixt his hornes he ●owres , and sprinkles ore with salt and corne his knife : the bull impatient long denyes himselfe to so abhor'd a sacrifice . but by the guirded sacrificers strength hanging vpon his hornes , ore come at length bending his knees holds forth his conquer'd necke ; nor did pure blood come out , but poyson black instead of blood , from the wound open'd flyes aruns grew pale at this sad sacrifice , and the gods wrath he in the entrailes seekes , vvhose colour scar'd him : pale they were with streakes of blacke th' infected blood congealed showes ( sprinkled with different palenesse ) various . the liver putrifi'de , on th'hostile side vvere threatning veines : the lungs their fillets hide : a narrow line divides the vitall parts : the heart lyes still , and corrupt matter starts through gaping clefts : no part oth'cause is hid : and that which never w●thout danger did appeare , on th' entrailes was a double head , one head was sicke , feeble , and languished : the other quicke his pulses nimbly beates . by this when he perce●u'de what woe the fates prepar'de , he cri'de aloud , all that you doe o gods , i must not to the people show : nor with this haplesse sacrifice can i great iupiter thy anger pacifie : the blacke infernall deities appeare in th' entrailes : woes vnspeakable we feare , but greater will ensue : you gods lend ayd● , and let no credit to our art be had , but counted tages fiction : thus with long ambages darkly the old tuscan sung . but figul●● , whose care it was aright to know the gods and heavens : to whom for sight of planets , and the motion of each starre , not great aegyptian memphis might compare , either no lawes direct the world , quoth he , and all the starres doe moue vncertainely ; or if fates rule , a swift destruction threatens mankinde , and th' earth ; shall cities downe by earthquakes swallow'de be ? intemperately shall ayre grow hot ? false earth her seedes deny ? or shall the waters poyson'de be ? what kinde of ruine is it , gods , what mischiefes finde your cruelties ? many dire aspects meete , if saturne cold in midst of heaven should si● aquarius would deucatious flood haue bred and all the earth with waters overspred ; if sol should mount the nemean lions backe , in flames would all the worlds whole fabrick cracke , and all the sky with sol's burnt chariot blaze . these aspects ce●se ; but thou that burn'st the clawes , and fir'st the tayle of threatning scorpion , vvhat great thing breedst thou mars ? milde ioue goes downe oppressed in his fall , and in the skyes the wholesome starre of venus dulled is ; mercury looses his swift motion , and fiery mars rules in the sky alone vvhy doe the starres their course forsaking , glide obscurely through the ayre ? why does the side of sword-bearing orion shine too bright ? vvarres rage is threatned , the sword's power all right confounds by force : impiety shall beare the name ●f vertue , and for many a yeare this fury lasts ; it bootes vs not to craue a peace with peace a master we shall haue . draw out the series of thy misery , o rome , to longer yeares , now onely free from civill warre . these prodigies did scarre the multitude enough : but greater farre ensue ; as on the top of pindus mount the thracian women full of bacchus wont to raue ; so now a matron ran possest , by phoebus vrging her inspired brest . vvhere am i carried now ? where leau'st thou me , paean , already rapt aboue the sky ? pangaea's snowy top , ph●lippi plaines i see : speake , phoebus , what this fury meanes : vvhat swords , what hands shal in romes battels meet , vvhat warres without a foe ? oh whither yet am i distracted ? to that easterne land , vvhere nile discolours the blew ocean : there , there alas i know what man it is , that on nile's banke a trunke deformed lyes . ore syrtes sands , ore scorched libya , vvhether the reliques of pharsalia erinnis carry'd ore th' alpes cloudy hill , and high pyrene am i c●rried still . then backe againe to rome , where impious ▪ and fatall warre defiles the senate house . the factions rise againe ; againe i goe ore all the world ; shew me new kingdomes now , new seas ; philippi i haue seene ; this spoke the furious fit her wearied breast forsooke . finis libri primi . annotations on the first booke : ( a ) romane darts or iavelins which their footmen vsed , about fiue foot long . if any man quarrell at the word pile , as thinking it scarse english , i desire them to giue a better word . for , dart or iavelin is a wood too generall , and cannot intimate a civill warre : for darts had fought against darts , though a roman army had fought against barbarous , and forreigne nations . but pilum was a peculiar name to the roman darts , and so meant by lucan , which if any deny , let him read these verses in the seventh booke of our author ▪ — sceleris sed ●r●mine nullo externam maculant chalybem , stetit omne coactum circa pila nefas . — ( b ) marcus crassus a great , and rich roman , ruling the province of syria , went with a consular army to the parthian warre , and was there defeated , and slaine , together with his sonne , and his whole army , by surena the kings generall . ( c ) nere munda a city in spaine , the two sonnes of pompey were overcome by iulius caesar . c●eius was slaine , and sextus fledde , thirty thousand pompeians were there slaine : insomuch that caesar to besiedge the conquered , made a countermure of dead carkasses . ( d ) anton●us besiedged d. brutus in mutina a city of gallia cisalp●na : in raising which siedge , both the consuls , hircius and pansa were slaine : but augustus afterward raised it . ( e ) perusia a city in thuscia , whither lucias antonius had fledd , was by augustus forced to yeed through famine . ( f ) where augustus in a sea-fight vanquished antonius and cleopatra . ( g ) a fight on the sicilian sea , where sextus pompeius had armed slaues and bondmen against augustus , by whom he was there defeated ( h ) these three were crassus , caesar , and pompey ; who all excelling in wealth , dignity , fame , and ambition , reconciled to each other , and linked together in affinity , entred into such a league , that nothing should be done in the common wealth , that displeased themselues , dividing among themselues , provinces , and armies . pompey by his lieutenants governed spaine and affrica , caesar had his government over all gallia prorogued for another fiue yeares ; crassus governed all syria ( i ) iulia a vertuous roman lady daughter to caesar , and wife to pompey the great ; who dyed vntimely for the common-wealth , since her life might haue preserved peace betweene her husband and her father . ( k ) beside rubicon was a pillar raised vp , and vpon it a decree of the senate engraven , that it should not bee lawfull for any to come armed homeward beyond that place . ( l ) quintus cassius and marcus antonius tribunes of the people , for speaking boldly in the behalfe of caesar , were commaunded out of the court by the two consulls , marcellus and lentulus , who vpbraided them with the sedition of the gracchi , and threatned the same ende to them vnlesse they departed ; the tribunes escaping out of the citty by night , in poore and base attire , fled to caesar , and with them curio . ( m ) this curio had lately beene tribune of the people , and a great enemy to caesar ; he was beloved by the vulgar , and an excellent speaker ; but being much in debt , caesar relieved him , and made him of his faction . ( n ) the lawfull age to triumphin , was thirty yeares-old ; but pompey the great had triumphed over hiarbas king of numidia , when hee was but foure and twenty yeares old . ( o ) the praetorship pompey , without voyces , tooke to himselfe , being twenty three yeares olde , he was consull alone , and had held other honours contrary to custome . ( p ) pompey the great , that hee might beech ●sen at rome overseer for corne , tooke a course that none should bee brought in from other parts , insomuch as that the city endured fami●e : vpon which clodius could say , the law was not made for the famine , but a famine was brought in of purpose , that such a law might bee made . ( q ) when milo was arraigned for clodius death , pompey to suppresse the tumult of the people , environed the iudgement place with armed men , a thing vnlawfull to doe . ( r ) sylla 60. yeares old gaue over his dictatorshippe , and lived privatly at putcoli . ( s ) mithridates king of pontus warred with the romans forty yeares ; he was weakened , and received overthrowes from sylla and lucullus , and conquered by pompey , being besiedged in a towne by his sonne pharnaces , he could not poyson himselfe , having much vsed antidotes , but fell vpon his sword , and dyed . ( t ) pompey the great had made a colony of cicilian pirats , whom he had vanquished . ( v ) lac de lorange ; those severall townes and countries of france , where caesars army lay in garrison , and from whence they were now drawne , are heere set downe by their old ●amos ; and this little volume will not afford roome so far to enlarge my annotations , as to set down the names as they are now called , being all changed . ( x ) the most fierce people of the belgians , where t●turius sabinus , and arunculus cotta , two of caesars lieutenants , with fiue cohorts were entrapped , and slaine by fraude of ambiotix . lvcans pharsalia . the second booke . the argument of the second booke . th' author complaines that future fates are known , the sorrow of affrighted rome is showne . an old man calls to minde the civill crimes of marius , and syla's bloudy times . brutu● with cato does conferre ; to whom chast martia come from dead hortensius tombe againe is married in a funerall dresse . pompey to capua flyes . what fortr●sses by caesar are surprisde ; who without fight , puts sylla , scipio , lentulus to flight , and takes domitius at corfinium . pompey's oration . from brundusium he sends his eldest sonne to bring from farre the easterne monarchs to this civill warre . but there besiedg'd by caesar scarse can he scape safe away by nights obscurity . now the gods wrath was seene : playne signes of warre the world had given : forespeaking nature farre from her true course , tumultuous monsters made , proclaiming woe , oh ioue , why dost thou adde this care to wretched men , to let them see , by direpo●tents their following misery ? whether the worlds creator when he did from the darke formlesse chaos light divide , stablisht eternall lawes , to which he ty'de the creatures , and himselfe , and did divide the worlds set ages by vnchanged fate : or whither ( nothing preordain'd ) the state of mortall things chance rules : yet let that be secret that thou entendst : let no eye see his future fate , but hope as well as feare . vvhen the sad city had conceiu'd how deare heavens truth would cost the world : her generall woe , proclaim'de a fast : the mourning senate goe like the pl●beians clad : the consuls ware no purple roabes : no words their griefe declare : mute is their sorrow ; such a silent woe a dying man's amazed houshold show , before his funerall conclamation , before the mothers lamentation call on the se●vants weeping ; but when she feeles his stiffe limmes , dead lookes , and standing eye , then t is no feare but griefe : downe she doth fall , howling vpon him . so romes matrons all leaue off their habits , and attires of grace , and in sad troopes the altars doe embrace . one weepes before the gods ; one he● torne lockes throwes in the sacred porch : another knocks her breast against the ground : the god , whose eares vvere vide to p●ayers , now onely howling heares : nor to ioues temple did they all repaire : they part the gods : no altar wants his share of envy-making mothers : but one there her pl●int-brusde armes , & moystned cheekes did teare now , now , quoth she , oh mothers teare your haire , now beat your breasts ; doe not this griefe deferre till the last ills : while the cheifes doubtfull are ; we may lament : when one is conquerer , we must reioyce ; thus griefe it selfe did mooue . such just complaints against the powers aboue the souldiers make , that to each army turne : oh miserable men , that were not borne when carthage warr'de , at trebia's overthrow , or cannae's mortall field ; nor beg we now for peace , oh gods ; stirre each fierce nation , raise mighty cities : let the world in one conspire : let median powers from susae come , nor let cold ister hold his scythians from this war : the suevians from the northren clime let albis send , and the rude head of rhine : make vs all peoples foes , so not our owne : here let the daci , there the getes come on : let one his forces against spaine employ ; gainst th'easterne bowes let tothers egles fly : let rome haue war with all ; or if our names you gods would ruine , let the sky to flames dissolv'd fall downe , and quite consume our coasts ; or thunder strike both captaines with their hosts while they be guiltlesse , ioue ; seeke they to try with so much mischeife who romes lord shall be ? 't were scarse worth civill war that none should reigne ; thus then did bootlesse piety complaine . but the old men mov'd with particular griefe curse their old age , and ill prolonged life , their yeares reserv'd againe to civill war : ( a ) one seeking presidents for their great feare ; such woes , quoth he , the gods intended vs , when after ( b ) both his triumphs , marius his flying head among the reedes and sedge once hid ; the fennes then cover'd fortunes pledge● but taken he endur'd a prison's stinch , and his old limmes did iron shackles pinch . to dye a consull , happy , and in rome before ( c ) hand suffered be for guilt to come , death fled him oft , and power to shed his blood in vaine a cimbrian . ( d ) had , who trembling stood : offring a stroke , his faultring hand the sword let fall ; his dungeon did strange light afford . th' affrighted cimbrian furyes seem'd to see , and heard what marius afterward should be : thou canst not touch this life to fate he owes thousands of liues , ere he his owne can loose : cease thy vaine fury : if you cimbrians wou'd revenge on rome your sl●ughtred nations blood , saue this old man , whom their sterne will to serue not the gods loue , but anger did preserue : a cruell and fit man , when fate contriu'de romes ruine : he on libyan coasts arriu'de wandred through empty cottages vpon triumphed iugurth's spoil'd dominion , and punicke ashes troad : each others state carthage ( e ) and marius there commiserate , and both cast downe , both now the gods excus'd : but into marius minde that ayre infusde a libian rage ; when fortune turn'de againe , slaues from ( f ) their lords , & prisoners frō the chaine he free'de , and arm'de : no man his ensignes bore , but who the badge of some knowne mi●chief● wore , and brought guilt to the campe : oh fates how sad a day was that , when conquering marius had surpris'de the walls ? how swift flew cruell death ? senators with plebeians lost their breath . the sword rag'd vncontrol'de : no breast was free : the temples stainde with blood , and slippery were the red stones with slaughter , no age then was free , the neere spent time of aged men they hasten'de on ; nor sham'de with bloody knife to cut the infants new span thread of life . what crime had lnfants done to merit death ? but 't was enough that they could loose their breath . fury directs them , guilty liues to take a lone , seem'd too remisse ; for number sake some fall ; one cutt ' off heads he does not know , whilst empty-handed hee 's a sham'd to goe . no hope to scape , but kisse the bloud-staind ( g ) hand of marius ; though a thousand swords did stand ready , base people , did you not disdaine at such a price a life , though long , to gaine , much lesse a time so short , so troublesome , and breath but respited till sylla come ? who now has time to waile plebejan fates ? scarce can we thine , braue babim , ( h ) whom the hates of the fierce multitude in pieces tore : nor thine antonius ( i ) that thy death before couldst prophesie , whose gray-head bleeding yet on marius table the rude souldier sett . torne are the headlesse crassi , ( k ) impious wood is stain'd with sacred tribunitiall ( l ) blood . thou scavola ( m ) that didst a kisse disdaine of marius hand , at vestaes altar slaine , and never quenched fires ; but ages drought left thee not so much blood ; as would put cut the flame . his seventh ( n ) consulship now come , old marius dies : a man , that had orecome fortunes worst hate , and her best loue enjoy'de , and tasted all that fates for man provide . how many neere the colline port were kill'd , how many carcasses on heapes were pil'de at sacriportum ? ( o ) where almost her seate had the worlds e●pire chang'd , and s●mnis yet hop'd deeper farre to wound the roman name , then at the caudine ( p ) forkes ; then sylla came with a revenge more bloody : his sword reft rome of that little blood before was left , whilst cutting off ( cruell chirurgian ) th' affected parts , too farre his lancing hand followes the sore ; first guilty men are slaine , at last when none but guilty could remayne their hates take greater freedome ; forth they breake without the curbe of any law ; they wreake their private angers now : for sylla's sake all is not done : for every one fulfills their owne blood thirsty , and revengefull wills pretending his command ; with impious steele servants their masters , sonnes their fathers kill ; which sonne shall be the parricide by strife they seeke : a brother sels a brothers life . some hide themselues in tombes : liue men remaine among the dead : beasts dennes can scarse containe the flying multitude ; one strangled dyes by his owne hand ; one from a precipice dyes broken with the fall , preventing so the tyranny of his insulting foe . his funerall pyle one making , ere he dyes leapes in , and whilest he may , those rites enjoyes . great captaines heads born throgh the streets on spears are pil'de vp in the market ; there appeares each secret murder ; not so many heads in stables of the tyrant diomed's thrace saw ; nor lybia on antaeus wall , nor mourning greece in oenomaus hall . limmes putrifi'de , which all knowne markes had left worne out by eating time , by fearefull theft the wretched parents take , and beare away : my selfe ( i still remember that sad day ) desirous those forbidden rites to do to my slaine brothers head , searcht to and fro the carkasses of sylla's peace , to see what trunke ' mongst all , would with that head agree . what neede i tell how catulus was paide with blood , how marius a sad offring made and wretched sacrifice before the tombe of his perchance vnwilling foe did come . his ( q ) mangled joynts , as many wounds as limmes we saw : yet no wound deadly given him through his spoyl'd body , an example rare of cruelty , a dying life to spare . his hands chopt off , his tongue cut out as yet wagg'de , and the ayre did with dumbe motions beat : one slits his nostrils , one cuts off his eares ; his eyes out last of all another teares , left in till then his mangled limmes to see , a thing past credit , one poore man should be the subject of so many cruelties . a lumpe deform'd his mangled body lyes so strangely slaughter'd , not disfigur'de more floates a torne shipwrackt carkasse to the shore from the mid-sea . the fruit of all your toile why doe you loose , and marius face so spoile , that none can now discerne him ; 'twere more neede silla should know him to applaud the deed . ( r ) praneste's fortune saw her men all dye in one death's space , the flowre of ( s ) italy , the onely youth of latium sadly slaine did wretched romes ovilia distaine . so m●ny men to cruell death at once oft earthquakes , shipwrackes , or infections of aire or earth , famine , or warre hath sent : never before a doome of punishment the souldiers throng'de could scarcely weild at all their killing hands , the slaine could hardly fall supported so ; but number did oppresse the dying people , and dead carcasses encreasde the slaughter , falling heavily on living bodies ; his strange cruelty secure and fearelesse sylla from aboue beheld ▪ nor could so many thousands mooue his heart , by him commanded all to dye . i' th' tyrthene gulfe their pil'de vp bodies lye . the first throwne in vnder the water lay , the last on bodies ; strongest ships they stay , and tiber parted by that fatall bay sends one part to the sea ; carkasses stay the other ; till the violent streame of blood enforc'd the waters course to tibers flood . nor can the bankes the river now containe ▪ but ore the fields the bodies floate againe rowling at last into the tyrrhene maine , on the blew waues it sets a purple staine . for this did silla merit to be stil'de happy , and ( t ) saviour , and in mars his field to be interr'de ? but these blacke mischiefes are to be endurd againe ; this cruell war will the same order , and conclusion take , but feares more horrid suppositions make , and in this war mankind shall suffer more . the exil'de maris sought but to restore themselues againe ; and sylla's victories sought but the ruine of his enemies . their aymes are higher ; both long powerfull take vp armes ; and neither civill war would make to doe as sylla did . thus wayles old age , remembring past , and fearing future rage . this terror strooke not noble brutus heart , nor in this frightfull stir was he a part of the lamenters ; but at midnight he ( when now her waine parrhasian helice turn'de ) at his unkle catoes no large house knockes ; him he findes waking and anxious , for rome , and the whole state a fearefull man , not for himselfe ; when brutus thus began . banisht , and flying vertue 's onely hold , and refuge , which no storme of fortune could ere reaue thee off ? guide thou this wavering heart , and to my thoughts a certaine strength impart at caesars side , or pompeye's others stand , ore brutus none but cato shall command . wilt thou keepe peace , and in this doubtfull age vnshaken stand ? or mingling with the rage of the mad rout , this civill war approue ? others to this sad war bad causes mooue : one his stain'd house in peace , and feare of lawes , another fights for want , mingling that cause vvith the worlds wracke ; blind fury leades on none ▪ all drawne with gainefull hopes ; but thee alone the war it selfe affects ▪ vvhat bootes it thee t' haue beene so long from the times vices free ? this onely meede of thy long vertue take , the warres find others guilty , thee they make . but let not wicked war haue power t' employ these hands , o gods , let not thy lavelin flye ' mongst others in a thicke skie darkning cloude : let not such vertue be in vaine bestowde . the warres whole chance will cast it selfe on thee . vvho would not dye vpon that sword , and be cato's offence , though slaine by another hand ? thou might'st alone , and quiet better stand , as starres in heaven still vnshaken are , vvhen lightnings , stormes and tempest rend the ayre , nearer to earth : vvindes rage , and thunders spight ▪ plaine grounds must suffer ; when olympus height plac'd by the gods aboue the cloudes , ●s free ; small things jarres vexe , the great ones quiet be ▪ 't will glad proud caesar , in this war , to heare so great a citizen has deign'de t' appeare : nor will it grieue him that great pompeye's side is chose , not his ; 't will be enough his pride that cato has approu'd of civill war. romes senate , and both consuls armed are vnder a private man , and many moe of note and worth , to these adde cato too vnder command of pompey , none liues free in all the world but caesar ; but if we doe for our countreyes , lawes , and freedome goe to war ; then brutu● is not ●aesars foe , nor pompeys , but the conquerours , who ere : thus brutus spake ; when for an inside cleare these sacred words drew cato ; we confesse , brutus , that civill war's great wickednesse : but where the fates will leade , vertue shall goe securely on ; to make me guilty now shall be the gods owne crime , who would endure to see the world dissolue , himselfe secure ? who could look on , when heaven should fal , earth faile , and the con●usde world perish , and not waile ? shall vnknowne nations in our roman war engage themselues ? and forreine kings from far crossing the seas ? and shall i rest alone ? farre be it , gods , the daci , and getes should mone their losses in rome's fall , and cato lie secure : as parents , when their children die , in person mourne , build vp with their owne hands the funerall pyle , and light the fatall brands ; i will not leaue thee , rome , till i embrace thy hearse , and liberty , thy dying face , and fleeting ghost with honour doe attend . so let it goe ; let th' angry gods intend a compleate romane sacrifice ; no blouds will we defraud the war of ; would the gods of heaven , and ereb●● would now strike dead for all our crimes this one condemned head . devoted decius by his foes could fall : me let both roman hosts assault , and all rhines barbarous troupes ; let me i' th midst receiue all darts , all wounds , that this sad war can giue . let me redeeme the people : let my fate what ere romes manners merit , expiate , why should the easily conquer'd people die , that can endure a lord ? strike onely me , me with all swords , and piles , that all in vaine our wronged lawes , and liberties maintaine : this throate shall peace to italy obtaine . after my death he that desires to raigne , need not make war : but now let 's follow all the common ensignes , pompey generall . though he orecome , 't is not yet knowne that he meanes to himselfe the worlds sole monarchy . i le helpe him conquer , lest he should suppose he conquers for himselfe . from this arose young brutus courage : this graue speech too farre made the young man in loue with civill war. now phoebus driving the cold darke away , they heard a noyse at doore ; ( v ) chast martiae come from hortensius tombe , stood knocking there : once given a mayd in marriage happier : but when the fruit , and price of wedlocke she three births had payd : another family to fill , was fruitfull martia lent a bridle , to joyne two houses by the mothers side . now w●en hortensius ashes vined rest , she in her funerall robes , beating her breast with often strokes and tearing her loose haire , sprinkled with ashes from the sepulchre , to please sowre cato , with a gesture sad thus speakes : whilst blood , & childing strength i had , cato , i did thy will , two husbands tooke : now worne away , and with oft travell ●roke i come , no more to part : grant now our old wedlocks vntasted rites : grant me to hold the empty name of wife , and on my tombe write cato's martia , lest in time to come it may be ask'de whether i left the bed of my first lord bestow'de or banished . nor c●me i now prosperity to share , but to partake thy labours , and sad care . let me attend the campe ; leaue me not heere in peace , cornelia to the war so neere . these speaches mou'd the man ; though these times are vnfit for hymen , when fate cals to war , vvithout vaine pompe to tye a nuptiall knot in the gods presence , he refuses not . no garlands on the marriage doores were worne ▪ nor linnen fillets did the posts adorne : no bridall tapers shone : no bed on high vvith ivory steps , and gold embrodery : no matron in a towred crowne , that led the bride , forbid her on the threshold tread : no yellow veile cover'd her face , to hide the fearefull blushes of a modest bride : no precious girdle guirded her loose gowne : no chaine adornd her necke ; nor lin●en downe from off her shoulders her nak'de armes orespred ; so as she was , funerall habited , even like her sonnes , her husband she embrac'de , a funerall robe aboue her purple plac'de . the vsuall iests were sparde : the husband wants , after the sabine vse , his marriage tants . none of their kindred met ; the knot they tye silent : content with brutus auspicy . his ore-growne haire he from that sacred face shaues not , nor will in his sad lookes embrace one joy ( since first that wicked war begun he lets his vnshorne hoary lockes fall downe ore his rough front , and a sad beard to hide his cheekes ▪ for he alone from factions free'd , or hate , had leasure for mankinde to weepe ) nor in his bridall bed would cato sleepe , even lawfull loue could continence reject . these were his manners , this sowre cato's sect , to keepe a meane , hold fast the end , and make nature his guide , dye for his countreys sake . for all the world , not him , his life was lent he thinks ; his feasts but hungers banishment ; his choisest buildings were but fence for cold : his best attire rough gownes , such as of old vvas roman weare ; and nothing but desire of progeny in him warm'd venus sire : father , and husband both to rome was he , servant to justice , and strict honesty : for th'publike good , in none of catoes acts creepes selfe borne pleasure , or her share exacts now with his fearefull troopes pompey the great to trojan capua fled , mean't there to seate the war : his scatter'd strength there to vnite , and his aspiring foes assaults to meete . vvhere apenine rais'd somewhat higher fills the midd'st of italy with shady hills ? then which no part of earth dooes swell more high in any place , nor neerer meetes the sky . the mountaine twixt two seas extended stands th'vpper , and lower sea : on the right hand is pisae seated on the tyrrhene shore : ancona on the left vex'd evermore vvith stormes and windes that from dalmatia blow . heere from vast foun●aines doe great rivers flow , and into th'double seas divorce doe slide in severall channells ; downe on the left side metaurus swift , and strong crustumium flow , isapis ioyn'd t'isaurus , sonna too and aufidus the adriaticke beates : eridanus , then which no river gets more ground ; whole forrests rowles into the sea oreturn'd : and robs of rivers italy . they say that poplars on this rivers side first grew , when phaeton amisse did guide the day ; his wandring chariot burnt the skie , and scorcht the earth : all rivers then were drye but this ; whose streames did phoebus fires withstand , not lesse then nile , if on playne libyan sand it flow'd like nile : not lesse then ister 't were , vnlesse that ister running every where the streames that fall into all seas , does meet , and not alone the scythian ocean greet from springs , that downe the hils right side doe flow ; rutuba , tyber , swift vulturnus grow : night-ayre infecting sarnus , liris too runnes , strength'ned by the vestine rivers , through maricars wooddy lands : siler that glides through salerne's fields ; macra whose ford abides no ships , into the sea neere luna fall . the hill ( where he in length extended all meeting the b●nding alpes france oversees ) tot● ' vmbrians , marsians , and sabellians is fer●ile , and does with wooddy armes embrace the people of the ancient latine race : nor leaues he italy , before he end in the scyllaean cavernes , and extend vnto lacinian iuno's house his hill . longer he was then italy , vntill the s●a divided him , and water forc'd the land ; then when two meeting seas divorc'd what was conjoyn'd , part of the hill the sea gaue to pelorus in sicilia . caesar now mad of war loues not to finde , but make his way by blood , nor is his minde ioy'd that in italy he sees no foes , no countreys guarded from him , meetes no blowes : but counts his journey lost ; desires to breake not open gates , and loues his march to make by fire and sword , not sufferance ; thinkes it shame to tread permitted paths , and beare the name of citizen the italian cities are doubtfull which way to leane ; and though when warre makes her first fear'd approach , all easily vvill yeeld : with bulwarkes yet they fortify their walls , dig trenches round about below : vast stones and weapons from aboue to throw they get , and engines on their walles provide . the people most encline to pompey's side : but faith with terrour fights : so when we see the south-windes horrid blastes possesse the sea . the waues all follow him , till by the stroke of aeolu● his sp●are , the open'd rocke to the rough seas lets out the fasterne winde : they still retaine , though new assaults they finde , the old , though th'eastwind th' aire with darke stormes fill , the ocean d●es the southwind challenge still . but peoples minds feare changes easily , and fortune swayes their wavering loyaltie . by libo's flight etruria's naked left , and vmbria , thermus ( y ) gone , of freedome rest : sylla farre differing from his fathers fame in civill war , flyes hearing caesars name . varus , ( z ) before the first assault forsakes auximum's walles , and flight disorder'd takes ore rockes and desarts : le●tuius ( a ) is beate from as●ulum : the foes pursuing get his men ; that now alone the captaine flies with empty standards rest of companies . thou scipio , ( b ) leau'st the trust committed thee luceria's fort , though in thy campe there be the valiantst youth , whom feare of parthian war from caesar tooke , whom pompey to repaire his french losse , lent him ; and while he thought good bestow'd on caesar th' vse of romane blood . but faire corfinium's well fenc'd walls containe thee , slout domitius : ( c ) in thy campe remaine , those that arraigned milo did inclose . he when a cloude of dust from far arose , and on bright armes the sunne reflecting shone , and glittering swords , cries , run my souldiers , run downe to the river , drowne the bridge , and thou encreas'd from all thy empti'd fountaines now rise swelling streame : breake downe and beate away this scatter'd bridge : there let the war now stay : let thy bankes make our furious enemy linger a while : wee le count it victory that caesar first staies here . this said , in vaine he sends swift cohorts from the towne amaine . for caesar first , when from the fields he spy'de . his passage lost by bridge , enraged cry'de , cannot your walles , base cowards , shelter you enough , but that the fields and rivers too must helpe ? i le passe , through ganges in my way rowl'd all his strength : no streame shall caesar stay since rubicon is past ; goe winged horse , second bold foote , the bridge now falling force . thus spake he : foorth the winged horse-men ride , and like a storme of haile on tother side the water , their well brandisht iavelins light : caesar then takes the river , puts to flight the souldiers all that were in station to guard the banke , and safe before the towne is come : when straight vp lofty workes are throwne , and engines rais'd the walles to batter downe . when lo ( oh shame of war ) opening the gate the souldiers brought their captaine bound , and at the feet of his proud foe present : but he with lookes not shaming high nobility offers his throate vndaunted : caesar sees death 's sought ▪ and mercy fear'd , then thus replies , liue , though thou wouldst not , by our bounty liue , enjoy this light , and to the conquer'de giue good hope : th' example of our clemency be thou : or else againe warres fortunes trie : naught for this pardon caesar from thy hands expects , if thou orecome : with that commands t'vnbinde him : had his death the conquerour pleas'd ▪ how much a romans blush had fortune easde . for following romes , the senates , pompey's armes , pardon t' a roman was the worst of harmes . he yet vnfear'd , his anger doth retaine , speakes thus t'himselfe : wilt thou , base man , againe see rome , or seeke peacefull retirements ? no , rather into warres fury dying goe , rush boldly through the midst , sure ende to make , of this loath'de life , and caesars gift forsake . pompey , not knowing he was tane , provides forces , to strengthen with joyn'd power his side ; meaning his campe next morning to remoue , the souldiers spirits before their march to proue , he thus with a majesticke voice bespake his silent troopes ; guilt-punishers , that take the better side , you truely roman band , arm'de by the state , no private mans command , feare not to fight : italy's wasted all by barbarous troopes : throgh the cold alpes the gaule is broken loose : blood has already dy'de caesars polluted swords : the gods provide well that the mischiefe there begins , and we first suffer wrong ; oh n●w let rome by me take punishment : nor can you call it here true war , but ouer revenging countrye's ire : nor is this more a war , then that wherein nak'de-arm'de cethegus , and fierce catiline meant to fire rome , lentulus , and their mates ▪ oh madnesse to be pittyed ▪ when the fates vvould with camillus , and metellus joyne thee caesar , thou to marius shouldst encline , and ci●●a ; fall thou shalt , as lepidus fell vnder gatulus , carbe by vs beneaded then , that in sicilia lyes , and he that made the spaniards fierce to rise banisht se●to●i●● : though i grudge with those thou caesar should be plac'd : and rome oppose my armes ' gainst thee vvould from the parthian war crassus had safe return'd , and conquerer : that thou in such a cause as spartacus mightst fall : but if the gods intend to vs thou shalt one title adde : this arme a dart can ably brandish yet : about this heart the blood is hote ; know then not all that loue to liue in peace , in war will cowards proue : nor let my age affright you , though he call me worne , and weake : let an old generall be in this campe ; in that old souldiers be . i haue attain'd what ere a people free can giue , and nothing but monarchie about me left : he that in rome would be greater then i , no private state demands . heere both romes consuls , heere her senate stands shall caesar then subdue the senate ? sure th' art not quite shamelesse fortune , to endure things should so blindly turne does rebell france so long a taming , and those wartes advance his thoughts so high ? because from germany he fled ; and calling a small streame a sea on the sought brittaines turn'd his flying backe ? or swells he cause all rome , though arm'd , forsake the citie , hearing his fierce troops are nigh ? ah foole they flie not thee , all follow me . my glorious ensignes on the ocean borne . ere cynthia twice had fill'd her waned hornes , all pirats fled the seas , and at my hand humbly crav'd dwellings in a narrow land. i that stout king , that stayd romes growth , did force flying along the scythian seas divorce , ( vvhich sylla ne'r could bring to passe ) to dye by his owne hand : no land from me is free : my trophees all that titan sees possesse . going from thence ph●sis cold river sees me conquerour in the north : in the hote zone knowne aegypt , and syene , that at noone no shadow spreads : my lawes the west obeyes , baetis , that meets the fa●thest vvesterne seas ▪ me tam'd arabia knowes , th'aenio he bold , and colchos fam'd for her sto●ne fleece of gold the cappadorians from my colours flie , and lewes that serue an vnknowne deitie : me soft sophene feares , th' armenians , taurus , and the subdu'd cilicians : vvhat warres for him , but civill , doe i leaue ? these words his souldiers with no shout receiue , nor are they eager of the fight : their feares . great pompey sees , and backe his standard beares , loath in so great a war to venture men orecome with same of caesar yet not seene . as a bull beat in the first fight he tries , through th' empty fields , and desart forrests flies exil'd , and tries ' gainst ev'ry tree his hornes , nor till his strength be perfited , returnes to pasture , then recovering his command , maugure the heardsman , leads them to what land he lift : so now as weakest , italy dooes pompey leaue , and through apuli● fly , himselfe immuring in brundufirm's hold , a towne by cretan colonies of old possest , that in th' athenian nauy fled , vvhen lying sailes reported theseus dead . hence italy's now straightned coast extends her selfe in forme of a thin tongue , and bends her hornes t' inclose the adriaticke sea : nor yet could these straight shut vp waters be a haven , if high cliffes winds violence did not restraine , and the tir'd waters fence on both sides , nature , the windes tyranny to stop high cliffes opposes to the sea ; that ships by trembling cables held may stand . hence all the maine lyes ope , if to thy land we saile corcyra , or our courses bend on the left hand , where epidamnus tends to the ionian ; thither saylers flye when th'adrian's rough , and cloudes obscure the high ceraunian mountaines , and with violent dash the foaming seas calabrian sason wash . when of forsaken italy there was no hope at all , nor that the war could passe into the spanish coast , for twixt that land the lofty alpes did interposed stand . thus th' eldest of his noble progeny pompey bespake ; the worlds far regions try nile and euphrates , wheresoere my name is spread : and all the cities where romes fame i haue advaunc'd ; bring backe vnto the seas the now dispers'd cicilian colonies . the strength pharnaces holds i charge thee bring : arme my tigranes , and th'aegyptian king. those that inhabit both armenia's ore , and the fierce nation by the euxine shore : riphaean bands , and those , where scythian carres on his slow back congeal'd maeotis beares . why speake i more ? through all the east my sonne carry this war ; through every conquer'd towne i' th' world : to vs all triumph'd regions joyne . but you , whose names the latian feasts doe signe , to epire saile with the first northeast winde , through greece and macedon new strength to finde while winter giues vs respite from the war. to his commands they all obedient are , and from th'italian shore their anchors weigh , caesar impatient of warres long delay , or rest , lest changing fates might ought withstand , his flying sonne in law pursues at hand . so many townes at first assault surpriz'de , and forts disarmed others had suffic'de : rome the worlds head , warres greatest booty , left a prey ; but caesar in all actions swift , thinking nought done , whilst ought vndone remain'd , feircely pursues , and though he haue obtain'de all italy , and that great pompey liues in th' vtmost edge , that both are there , he grieues : nor would he let his foes passe foorth againe by sea , but seekes to stop the watry maine , and with vast hills damme vp the ocean : but this great labour is bestow'de in vaine : the sea those mountaines swallowes , mixing all with sands below ; so if high erix fall into the midst of the aegaean sea , no land aboue the water seene can be ; or if the lofty gaurus quite torne downe were to the bottome of avernus throwne . but when no earth throwne in would firmely stand , then with a bridge of fastned ships the land he joynes ; each galley doe foure anchors stay : once ore the sea proud xerxes such a way made by report : when ioyn'd by bridge he saw sestos t' abydos , europe t' asia ; and fearing not th'eastwinde , nor wests affront walk'd ore the curled backe of hellespont , when ships their sayles round about athos spread ; so now this haven's mouth ships straightened , on which their bulwarkes vp apace they raise , and lofty towers stand trembling on the seas . when pompey saw that a new land orespread the ocean's face : care in his brest is bred to ope the sea , and carry foorth the warre . fill'd sailes , and stretching shrowds the ships oft bare against these works , breaking them downe made roome into the sea for other ships to come ▪ oft well driven engines lighten'd the darke night with flying fires . when time for their stolne flight was come : he warnes his men , no sailers noyse might on the shore be heard : nor trumpets voice divide the houres : nor cornets sound at all the marriners should to their charges call . now neere her end virgo began to be ; and libra followes his first day to see . the silent fleete departs : the anchors made no noise , when from thicke sands their hookes are weigh'd silent , while they the sayle-yard bow , and reare the maine-mast vp the fearefull masters are : the saylers softly spread their sailes , nor dare shake their strong shrowds within the whizzing aire . the generall makes his prayer , fortune , to thee to giue him leaue t' abandon italy , since thou 'lt not let him keepe it ; but alas the fates will scarce grant that : the waters flash , and furrow'd with so many keeles at once the st●mme beat sea with a vast murmur grones . the foes let in by gates , and vp the wall ( which faith by fortune turn'd had open'd all ) along the havens stagge-like hornes they runne swiftly to shore , griev'd that the fleete was gon . is pompey's flight so small a victory ? a straighter passage let him out to sea , then where th'eubaean channell chaleis beates . here stuck two shipps , which fast the engine gets . in fight , and neere the shore the skirmish tri'de : heere first the sea with civill blood was dy'de . the fleet escap'd of those two ships bereft : so when thessalia iasons argo left for colchos bound , cyanean isles at sea shot foorth ; the tayle-maim'd ship escap'd away amidst the rockes : in vaine the ilands beat the empty sea : she comes a sayler yet ▪ now that the sunne was neere the easterne skie declar'd , palefac'd before his rosie dye : the plejades grow dimme : each neerer star looses his light : bootes lazy carre turnes to the plaine complexion of the skies , and lucifer , the great starres darkned , flies from the hot day : and now wert thou at sea pompey , not with such fate , as when from thee the fearefull pirats through all seas retir'd : fortune revolts with thy oft triumphs tyr'd : now with thy countrey , houshold gods , thy sonne , and wife , art thou a mighty exile gone . a place for thy sad death is sought afar , not that the gods enuy thee sepulcher at home ; but damn'd is aegypt to that crime , and latium spar'd : that fates in forreine clime may hide this mischiefe , and the romane land cleare from the blood of her deare pompey stand . finis libri secundi . annotations on the second booke : ( a ) an old man to expresse the present calamity , repeats the whole course of the civill war , betweene mariu● and sylla , as it followes in this discourse . ( b ) marius had twice triumphed , once over iugurtha king of numidia , and afterward over the cimbrians and teutones ; but afterwards envying the honour of sylla , to whose hands bocchas king of mauritania had delivered iugurtha , and endeavouring by the ayde of sulpitius tribune of the people to hinder sylla from his expedition against mithridates king of pontus , bed incensed sylla being then warring in campania , so farre , that sylla brought his army to rome , and entring the citie , subduing his adversaries , got them to be iudged enemies by the senates decree , and banished the citty ; marius escaping by flight , hid himselfe in the fennes neere minturna ; but being there taken , he was put in a dungeon at minturna . ( c ) marius suffered before hand at minturna for those cruelties , which he afterwards acted at rome , when he returned , and was consull the seventh time . ( d ) the executioner of minturnae being a cymbrian , entering the darke dungeon to kill marius , saw fire sparkling , out of marius his eyes , and heard a voyce saying , darest then kill carus marius ? at which the cymbrian affrighted fled away , and the men of minturnae mooved with pitty , and reverence of the man , that once had saved italy , released c. marius , and let him goe ( e ) marius escaped from minturnae , tooke flight by obscure passages toward the sea , and getting into a ship , a tempest arising , was cast vpon the ●●anas c●lled meninges , where he receiv●d some companions , and heard that his sonne , with cethegus were ●otten safe into affrick , to hy●mpsall ; he then sayed to the coast of cartha●e , but being forbidden by the lictor of sextilius the prator , to set foot in affrick ; gee tell thy praetor , quoth he , that thou hast seene ca●us marius sitting in the ruines of carthage : not vnfitly comparing the ruin'de estate of that great city to his owne now decayed fortunes . ( f ) when caius cinna the consull appealed to the people , for restering those banished men , whom the senate at request of sylla had iudged enemies : a great contention arising , cinna was expelled the city , by his colleague cneius octavius and flying , sollicited the cities of italy to war ▪ he armed slaues and prisoners , and ioyning himselfe to marius returning , they entred rome in a fourefold army , cinna , marius , carbo , sert●rius , and tyrannized over their adversaries . ( g ) marius had given this token to his souldiers , that they should kill all , whom he did not resolute , and offer his hand to kisse . ( h ) baebius was torne in pieces by the souldiers . ( i ) marcus antonius an excellent orator , that by his eloquence made the murtherers relent : at last his head being cut off , anius the tribune brought it to marius , as he was at supper , who handling it a while , and scoffing at it , commanded it to be nayled to the rostra . ( k ) fimbria a cruell souldier of marius killed the two crassi , father and sonne , in each others sight . ( l ) that place of the prison , from whence offenders vsed to he cast downe headlong , was stained with the bloud of licinius the tribune , whose office was sacred . ( m ) mucius scaevola the high priest , an old man , embracing the altar of vesta , was there slaine ( n ) c. marius entring his seventh consulship , within thirteene dayes after dyed mad of a disease in his side , being 70. yeeres old , having tasted the extremities of prosperity , and adversity . ( o ) at sacriportum , not far from praeneste , sylla overcame caius marius the sonne of old c. marius , who fled to praneste ; sylla sent lucretius o●●lia to besieage him there ; but marius offering to escape through a min● vnder ground , and being discovered there killed himselfe ; sylla then not ten furlong● from porta collina overthew lamponius , and telesinus , two captaines of the samnites , who came to raise ofellas siedge . at these two places sylla flew aboue seventy thousand men . ( p ) marius had promised the samnites , who had been of his party , that he would translate the seat of the empire from rome to them , who now conceived a hope of subiecting the romans mere then once they did ad furcas caudinas where the romans vnder the conduct of titus veturius , and spurius posthumius received a disgracefull overthrow . ( q ) quintus luctatius catulus , which had been colleague with c. marius , and triumphed with him over the cimbrians , hearing that marius was determined to put him to death , entring his chamber , voluntarily choaked himselfe . in revenge of which , his brother catulus obtained of sylla , that marius the brother of c. marius might he delivered into his hands , who sacrificed him at his brothers tombe , and wounding his armes , thighes , and legs , he cut off his nose , and eares , cut out his tongue , and digged out his eyes , letting him so liue awhile that he might die in paine of every limme . ( r ) lucretius offella by sylla's command and having taken praneste , had killed , or cast in prison all the senators , that he found there of marius faction : but sylla comming thither , commaunded fiue thousand and men of praeneste , who in hope of mercy had cast away their armes , and prostrated themselues vpon the ground , to be all slaine . ( f ) sylla commanded foure whole legions , which had beene of his enemies side , among whom were many samnites , to be all killed at one time in the field of mars . ( t ) sylla called himselfe felix : he named his sonne faustus , and his daughter fausta ; leaving his dictatorship , he lived privately at puteoli , where be dyed eaten with lice , his funeralls were kept with great honour in the field of mars . ( v ) martia being a virgin was married to cato , by whom she had three children ; and then his friend hortensius desiring to haue her , and wanting children , cato bestowed her vpon him , being the● great with childe : after hortensius his death she returned thus to cato . ( x ) cornelia the daughter of lucius scipio , and widdow of publius crassus , was married to pompey after iuliaes death . ( y ) at the fame of caesars approach , the governors through italy all fled , not daring to withstand him , or maintaine any forts against him ; many of those are here named : first scribonius libo leaues his charge at hetruria , and thermus forsakes vmbria : faustus sylla , son to sylla the dictator , wanting his fathers spirit , and fortune in civill war , fled at the name of caesar . ( z ) atius varus , when hee perceived that the chiefe citizens of auximum favoured caesar , tooke his garison from thence , and fled . ( a ) lentulus spinther with ten cohorts , kept the towne of asculum who hearing of caesars comming , fled away , thinking to carry with him his cohorts , but was forsaken by most of his s●uldiers . ( b ) lu scipio father in law to pompey the great , fled from luceria , although hee had two strong legions . marcellus to diminish the strength of caesar , counselled the senate to make a decree , that caesar should deliver one legion , and pompey another to bibulus , whom they pretended to send to the parthian war●e : caesar according to the senates decree , delivered to him one legion for himselfe , and another legion which he had borrowed of pompey for a present supply , after the great losse received by his two praetors , teturius , and cotta . both these legions caesar delivered , and they were new in scipio's campe . ( c ) lu : domitius aenobarbus with twentie cohorts was in corfinium : hee had with him those souldiers of pompeys who had enclosed the forum , when milo was arraigned for clodius death . hee sent fiue cohorts to breake downe the bridge of the river watch was three miles from the towne ; but those cohorts meeting the forerunners of caesars army , were beaten backe againe . ( d ) spartacus a thracian fencer fled with 70 companions of his , from lentulus his games at capua , and gathering slaues to his party , and arming them , made vp an army of 70000 he overcame many roman prators , and consuls ; at last he was vanquished , and slaine by marcus cr●ssus . ( c ) caesar having wasted germany with fire and sword , after eighteene dayes returned in o france , cutting downe the bridge behind him , that it should not be vsefull to the germanes ; which pompey detractingly calls a flight . lvcans pharsalia . the third booke . the argument . faire iulia's ghost a dreame to pompey shewes . curio for corne into ●icilia goes . to rome comes caes●r with vnarmed bands , where though metelius all in vaine withstands , he robs the tre●sury each nations name that to the warre in ayd of pompey came . caesar thence hasts to spaine , and by the way layes cruell siege to true massilia , but stayes not there himselfe : brutus maintaynes the siege , and caesars first sea-conquest gaines . the wind-stuff'd sailes had sorth the navy sent into the main , the sailers lookes were bent vpon th'●onian wants : but pompey's eye was nere tu●n'd back● from his deare italy , his natiue coast , and that beloved ●hore , which fate ordaines he nere shall visite more , till the high cliffes no more for cloudes he se●s , and the hilles lessening vanish from his eyes : sweete sleepe did then his weary limbes compose , when iulia's ghost through the cleft ground arose in wofull wise , and with a funerall brand seem'd fury-like before his face to stand . from the blest soules abode , th'elizian field , to stygian darknesse , and damn'd ghosts exil'd since this sad war , i saw the furies fire their brands ( quoth she ) to moue your wicked ire . charon pre●ares more boates for soules to come , and hell 's enlarged for tormenting roome . three sisters speedy hands cannot suffice , for breaking threads has tyr'd the destinies , pompey , whilest mine , a life triumphant led : thy fortunes changed with thy marriage bed : strumpet cornelia , damn'd by destiny to ruine her great lords , could marry thee , my funerall fire scarse out . let her in flight attend thee now , and through this civill fight follow thy standard , whilst i still haue power to breal●e your rest at every sleepy hower . no how regiues freedome to your loues delight ; the day holds caesar , iulia holds the night . lethe's dull waters made not me forget thee husband , and hell princes did permit that i should follow thee ; through both the hosts i le rush , while thou art fighting : iuliaes ghost shall tell thee still whose sonne in law thou art ; thinke not that war shall this alliance part ; th●s war shall make vs meete againe . this sed she through her fearefull lords embraces fled , he , though the gods by ghosts doe threaten , still madder of war , with sure presage of ill , why are we scarr'd ( quoth he ) with fancies vaine ? either no sense doth after death remaine , or death is nothing now the setting sunne to drowne as much of his bright or●e begun , as the moone wants , when after full she waines , or growes neere full . dyrrachium entertaines his navy now ; the saylers make to shore , pull downe the sailes , and labour at the oare . caesar perceiving all the ships were gone past sight with prosperous windes , and he alone left lord in italy , no joy receiv'de in th' honour of great pompey's flight , but griev'd his foes fled safe along the ocean ; no fortune could suffice this eager man , differring of the war to him seem'd more then this small conquest ; but he now giues ore warres care awhile , entent on peace againe , and knowing how the peoples loues to gaine , that corne most stirres their hate , most drawes their loues , that onely famine to rebellion moues cities , and feare is bought , where great men feede the sloathfull commo●s ; nought starude people dread . curio is sent to the s●ilian townes , where once the violent sea did either drowne , or cut the land , and made it selfe a shore in the mid-land , the waters ever roare , and strugle there , lest the two hills should close . part of the war into sardinia goes : both famous ilands for rich fruitfull fields , no land to italy more harvest yeelds , nor with more corne the roman garners fills : not libia these , as granaries excells , when boreas blasts ( the southwindes ceasing ) teare the showring clowdes , and make a fruitfull yeare . these things provided thus , with peacefull showes , and troopes vnarm'd to rome the conquerour goes . oh had he but come home with victory onely of brittaine , france and germany , what long triumphant pompe , what honour than , what stories had he brought ? how th' ocean , and the rhine both his conquests brideled , the noble gaules , and yellow brittaines led behind his lofty chariot ; winning more he lost those triumphs were deserv'd before . no flocke● of people now his comming greet vvith ioy ; all feare his lookes ; none stand to meet his troopes ; yet proud is he such feare to mooue , and would not change it for the peoples loue . now anxurs steepest hills he had orepast , vvhere a moist path ore pomine fennes is plac'd ; vvhere the high wood does scythian dian ' show : vvhere to long alba● feasts the consuls goe . from an high reeke he viewes the towne afar not seene before in all his northren war. then thus ( admiring his romes wall ) he spake , could men not for●'d by any fight forsake thee the gods seate : vvhat city will they dare to fight for ? ●ere the gods their loues declare , that not the furious easterne nations , pannonians , or swift sarmatians , daci , or getes invade thee : fortune spares thee rome in this to send thee civill warres , having so saint a cheife . then fearefull rome he ent●rs with his troopes ; they thinke him come to fire and sacke the city , not to spare the gods themselues ; this measure had their feare . they thinke hee 'le doe what ere he can ; no songs , no shoutes they counterfet in ioyfull throngs ; they scarse haue time to hate ; the fathers meet in phoebus temple by no lawfull right of convocation , from their houses set , and lurking holes : the consuls sacred seate vvas not suppli'de ; next them no praetor fills his roome , but em●ty stand those honor'd sells . caesar was all the s●nate fit to beare vvitnesse of private power , and grant what ere he please to aske ; crowne● , temples , their owne bloud or banishment ; fortune in this was good he blusht more to command , then rome t' obey , but liberty in this durst make ass●y by one , if law could overmaster force ; metellus seeing the vast massy doores of saturn's temple ready to flye ope ; running enrag'd breaking through caesars troope , before the yet vnopen'd doore he stay'd . ( only the loue of gold is not afraide of death and threatning swords ; the lawes are gone and broke without one ●onflict : wealth alone the worst of things had power this iarre to make ) staying the rapine thus the tribune spake aloud to caesar ; thought this breast of mine the temple opes ; n●●r asure shalt thou finde , robber , but what thou buyest with sacred blood ; this office wrong'd will finde a vengefull god. a tribunes curse pursuing cr●ssus , made a fatall parthian war ; but draw thy blade : let not the peoples eyes scarre thee from this thy wickednesse ; the towne forsaken is : no wicked souldier from our treasuryes shall pay himselfe , finde other enemies to spoile , and conquer , other townes to giue . no neede can thee to this foule rapine driue ; in me alone , caesar , thou find'st a war : these words incens'● the angry conquerer ; in vaine , metellus , h●p'st thou to obtaine a noble death ( quoth he ) we scorne to staine our hand in such a throat ; no dignity makes thee worth caesars 〈◊〉 ; must liberty be sau'd by thee ; the fates confound not so all this , but that the lawes , rather then owe to thee their preservat●on , would be broke , and tane away by caesar ; thus he spoke ; but when the temple doores the tribune stout left not , more angry growne , he lookes about on his keene swords , to play the gowne man now he had forgot ; when cotta gan to woo metellus to giue ore his enterprise ; the freedome of men subjugated dyes , by freedomes selfe ( quoth he ) whose shadow thou shalt keepe , if all his proud commands thou doo . so many vnjust things haue conquer'd we already suffred , and this now must be th' excuse t' our shame , and most degenerate feare , that naught can be deny'd ; now let him beare away from hence these seeds of wicked war. losse hurts those people that in freedome are . worst to the lord is serving poverty . metellus is remoov'd , and open'd be the temple doores ; all the tarpejan hill with horrid noyse the broken hinges fill , and from the bottome of the temple there the roman peoples wealth , which many a yeere had not been toucht , which carthage warres to vs , and the two kings , philip , and perseus both conquer'd brought , is ransackt ; gold they reaue which flying pyrrhus to thee , rome , did leaue , for which fabritius would no traytour be . what ere the vertuous frugality of our forefathers had yet kept vnspent , and asias wealthy tributaries sent . what ere metellus brought from conquer'd crete , and ore the seas from cyprus cato ●et . the spoyles of all the east , and treasures proud of captiue kings , which pompey's triumphs show'd . this temples impious robbing brought to passe that rome then first then caesar poorer was . now had great pompey's fortune drawne from all the world strong nations with himselfe to fall . aid to the war so neere first graecia lends , and cyrrha on the rocke ; amphissia sends her phocian bands ; parnassus learned hill from both her tops sends men , baeotians fill the campe , neere whom th' oraculous waters flow of swift cephissus ; men from pisa too , and theban dirce , and where vnder sea alphaeus sends his streames to sicily . th'arcadians leaue their maenalus , and from herculian octa the trachinians come . the thesprots came , and their now silent oake th'epirots neere chaonia forsooke . athens , though wasted now with musters quite , yet levies men , and to this civill fight three saliminian ships sends from her fleet to phaebus dedicated : ioue-lou'd crete from gnossus , and gortina sends to 'th field archers , that need not to the parthians yeeld : souldiers from out dardanian oricum , from athamas , and from encheleae come , fam'd for transformed cadmus funeralls : from colchos , where absyrtus foaming falls into the adrian : those where peneus flowes : he that iolchos in thessalia plowes : thence was the sea first try'd , when argo bore those that first sailed to a forreine shore , and first of all committed fraile mankinde to mercy of the raging sea and winde : that ship taught men a way vnknowne to die ▪ from thracian aemus , and from pholoe beely'd with centaures , and from strymon too , from whence the birds to nile in winter goe : from barbarous cone , where into the seas sixe headed ister dooes one channell ease at peuce , souldiers come : the mysian , and cold caicus-washt idalian , barren arisbe helpes , and pitane : celenae by apolloes victory condemn'd , that curst minervaes fatall gift ; where into crook'd maeander marsyas swift falling , there mingled backe again● dooes flow ; the land , that from gold mines letts hermus goe , and rich pactolus ; those of ilium with ilium's fate to falling pompey come ; the tale of troy , and caesar : pedegree drawne from iulius could no hindrance be . the syrian people from or●ntes goe , windy damascus , happy minos too ; gaza , and idumaea rich in palmes ; instable tyre , sidon , whom purple fames : these ships bound to the war , the cynosure guides straight along the sea , to none more sure ; phaenicians , that ( if fame we dare beleeue ) to humane speech first characters did giue . the rivers yet had not with paper serv'd aegypt ; but ●arv'd beasts , birds , and stones preserv'd their magicke language . taurus lofty wood forsaken is ; tarsus , where per●eus flood , from coricus , digg'd from an hallow rocke , mallos , and aegae the cilicians flocke no pirates now , but to a just war prest . fame of this war had stirr'd the farthest east where ganges is , that only crosse doo●s run of all earth's rivers to the rising sunne , and roules his waues against the easterne winde . philips great sonne , there stay'd , was taught to finde the world more large , then his ambitious mind conceiu'd it : and where double channell'd inde feeles not hydaspes mixture : indians , that sucke sweete liquor from their sugar canes : and those , whose haire with saffron is bedy'd , whose garments loose with colour'd gemmes are ty'd ; those that aliue their funerall piles erect , and leape into the flames helping t' effect fates worke ; what glory 't is , content to liue no more the remnant to the gods to giue ; fierce cappadocians , th' hardy nations neare to ammannus , the armenians neare strong niphates ; the coastrae from their lofty woods , and the arabians come into an vnknowne world , wondring to see shaddowes of woods on the right hand to be . farthest olostrians come to romane war ; carmanian captaines too ; who southward far see not the set of the whole northerne beare ; by night but little shines bootes there . the aethiopian land not seene at all by any of the signes septentrionall but crooked taurus hoofe ; those people too whence great euphrates , and swift tygris flow , from one sp●ing persis sends them ; 't is vnknowne what name , should those two channells meet in one , they 'd bea●e euphrates flowing on the fields , that profit there , that nile in aegypt , yeelds . but tigris swallow'd by the gaping earth long hides his course : but at his second birth deni●s not to the sea his new-borne flood . betwixt bo●h campes fierce parthians neuters stood , content that they alone had causde this war. vvith poyson'd arrowes wandring scythians far come to the campe , whom bactros ioy flood en●los●s , and hyrcania's desert wood . the valiant heniochian horsemen there sprung from the spartan race : sarmatians neere to the fierce moschi , where cold phasis glides , and col●hos richest pasture fields divides . vvhere halys fatall to the lydian king does flow ; where tanais , that drawes his spring from the riphaean hills , and doth divide europe from asia , giving to each side the name of severall worlds , and ( as he bends ) now to this world , now that encrease he lends . where slow moeotis driven into the seas , takes from the pillars of great hercules their fame ; denying that the gades alone admit the sea . scythonian nations , the valiant arians , arimaspians with gold deck'd lockes , and swift gelonians . the massegets , their thirst that satisfie with the same horses bloods , whereon they fly . not cyrus leading th'easterne troopes , nor when xerxes by darts numbring his armed men came downe ; nor agamemnon bound to set his brothers ravisht wife with that fam'd fleet , so many kings brought vnder their commands , so many nations drawne from severall lands , different in language , and attire ; nor ere did fortune bring so many men to beare part in a mighty ruine , making all sad obsequies at pompeys funerall . marmaricke troopes the horned ammon prest , and all scorcht affricke from the farthest vvest to th'easterne shore , send ayde , as far as ly the syrtes gulfes ; lest caesar severally , and oft be troubled , here all nations pharsalia brings to be suddu'de at once . caesar now leaving fearefull rome in hast vvith his swift troopes the cloudy alpes orepast : but though his fame all people else affright , phocian massyllia ( f ) dares yet keepe aright her faith , and far from greekish levity the cause , the lawes , not fortune followes she : but first of all they labour to asswage vvith peacefull parley his vncurbed rage , and stubborne minde : and to their foe now nigh they send an oliue-bearing embassy . as latiums annals can true mention make , massilia still was ready to partake the fate of rome in any forreine war : and now if triumphs over nations far caesar , thou seeke , to such a conflict take these hands , and liues of ours ; but if you make sad civill war , then giue vs leaue to bend to neyther side , and naught but teares to spend . let not our hands in wounds so sacred be : if th' heavenly gods had civill enmity , or earth-borne giants should assault the sky , no ayde to ioue durst human piety by armes or prayers lend ; their states aboue we know not , but are bound to thinke that ioue has thunder still ; besides how many from all nations now doe voluntaryes come ? the slothfull world is not from vice so far that you should need forc'd sword to civill war. would every people would this cause refuse , and this sad war no hands , but roman vse . some hands would falter at their fathers sight , and brothers faintly would ' gainst brothers fight . the war will soone haue end , if forreine states you vse not t'exercise their ancient hates . our humble suite is , that within our wall thou ' ldst trust thy selfe , and leaue behinde thee all thy threa●ning eagles ; let vs this obtaine to shut out war , and caesar entertaine . let this place free from guilt safely receiue thy selfe and pompey , if fates please to giue peace to vnconquer'd rome ; here both may meete vnarm'd ; but why , when danger did invite thy wars to spaine , turn'dst thou to vs aside ? we are of no availe to turne the tide of your great wars ; our armes haue prooved still vnfortunate ; when fortune did exile vs from our first plantation , here we sate , and phocis sackt towers hither did transla●e : here in a forreine coast , and weake wall'd towne safe haue we liv'd ; our faith is our r●nowne . if thou intend seidge to our walles to lay , or through our gates t' enforce a speedy way ; in the defence we are resolv'd to dye , and fury of the sword , and fire to try . if thou divert our waters course , the ground wee le dig , and licke the puddle we haue found : if foode should faile , flesh of our children slaine ( fearefull to touch or see ) our jawes should staine : for liberty to suffer wee le not feare vvhat once saguntum , when besiedg'd , could beare in carthage war : our babes in vaine that striue to sucke their mothers dry'd vp breasts , wee le giue freely to th' fire : a wife shall sue for death at her deare husbands hand : a brothers breath a brothers hand shall stop ; this civill war vvee le choose o'th'two ; so spoketh ' embassador . but caesar's troubled looke his anger speakes before his words ; but this at last ; these greekes vaine hope of our departure has possest ; though we were marching to the farthest vvest , yet haue we time to sacke massilia , souldiers rejoyce , fate meetes vs in the way vvith war ; as windes in th' empty aire doe loose their force , vnlesse some strong growne oake oppose : as mighty fires for want of fuell dye , so want of foes , breedes our calamity . our strength were lost vnlesse some durst stand out to be subdu'd ; but if i come without my armes , they will receiue me ; they desire not to exclude , but take me prisoner . but they ( forsooth ) would faine that guilt eschew that followes civill war ; i le make them rue their asking peace , and know that nought can be safer then war to those serue vnder me . then on he marches ; the towne fearelesse shut their gates , and souldiers on the rampiers put . not far off from the walles a hill there stood , vvhose top was like a field levell and broade ; vvhich caesar in surveying judg'd to be safe for a campe , and fit to fortifie● the townes n●e●'st part did an high castle raise aequall to th'hill ; in midst a valley was . caesar resolues on a labor●ous thing , to fill the valley , and together bring both hills ; but first to shut vp quite the towne by land , from both sides his high campe brings downe a long worke to the sea , a bulwarke rais'd of turfes , with rampiers on the top , and plac'd in length , to cut all convoyes from the towne . this was a thing for ever to renowne this greekish towne , to stay the violent course of this hot war , not t●ne by suddaine force , or feare ; when caesar all the rest orerunne , the cities conquest as'kd him time alone : t' was much ●o stay ●is fates : fortune in hast to make him lord of all the world did wast time at this ●eidge : n●w round about the towne the lofty woods are fell'd , large oakes hew'n downe , to fortifie with posts t●e bulwarkes side , lest earth too brittle of it selfe should slide away , not able the towers weight to beare . a wood vntoucht of old was growing there , of thicke set trees , whose boug●s spreading and faire , meet●ng obscured the enclosed aire , and made darke shades exil●ng phoebus rayes , there no rude fawne , nor wanton silvan playes ; no nimph disports , but cruell deityes claime barbarous ●ites , and bloody sacrifice : each tree's defil'd with humane blood : if we beleeue traditions of antiquitie , no bird dates light vpon those hallowed bowes : no beasts make there their dens : no wind there blowes , no lightning falls : a sad religious awe the quiet trees vnstirr'd by winde doe draw . blacke water currents from darke fountaines flow : the gods vnpolisht images doe know no arte , but plaine and formelesse trunks they are . their mosse , and mouldinesse procures a feare : the common figures of knowne deities are not so fear'd : not knowing what god t is makes him more awfull : by relation the shaken earths darke cavernes oft did grone : fall'n yew trees often of themselues would rise : with seeming fire oft flam'd th'vnburned trees : and winding dragons the cold oakes embrace : none giue neere worship to that balefull place ; the people leaue it to the gods alone . when black night reignes , or phoebus guilds the noone , the priest himselfe trembles afraid to spie o● find this woods tutelar deity . this wood he bids them fell : not standing far from off their worke : vntoucht in former war , among the other bared hills it stands of a thicke growth ; the souldiers valiant hands trembled to strike , moov'd with the majestie , and thinke the axe from off the sacred tree rebounding backe would their owne bodies wound ▪ tn ' amzement of his men when caesar found , in his bold hand himselfe an hatchet tooke , and first of all assaults a lo●ty oake , and having wounded the religious tree , let no man feare to fell this wood ( quoth he ) the guilt of this offence let caesar beare . the souldiers all obey , not voide of feare , but ballancing the gods , and caesars frowne . the knotty holmes , the tall wild ashes downe , ioues sacred oake , ship-building alder falles , and cypresse worne at great m●ns funeralls , then first cut downe , admit the sight of day ; the falling trees so thicke each other stay . the gaules lament to see the wood destroy'd : but the besieged townesmen all orejoy'd , hope that the wronged gods will vengeance take ; but gods oft spare the guiltiest men , and make poore wretches onely feele their vengefull hand . when wood enough was fell'd , waines they command from every part , plowmen their seasons lose , whilst in this worke souldiers their teames dispose . but weary in this ( g ) lingring war to stay , before the walles caesar goes far away to meet his troopes in spaine ; his army stayes before the towne : there lofty forts they raise , and bulwark●s equalling the height o' th towne , which had in earth no fixt foundation , but rowled to and fro , the cause vnknone : the townesmen viewing this strange motion , thought it some earthquake , where the strugling wind from the earths cavernes could no passage find : but much they wonder their owne walls stand fast : from thence against the towne their piles they cast ; but the greeks missill weapons did more harme to caesars men , sent from no feeble arme , but mighty engines with a whirlewinds might ; these not content one breast alone to split , through many bodies , bones , and armours cleaue , not loosing in one wound their strength , and leaue behind them many deaths ; but when they throw great massie stones , the mortall force is so as from a mountaines top a falling rocke , which the winds force , and ruining time has broke ; not only killes what man so ere it dash , but every limme dooes into pieces pash . but when with fence of shields conjoyned all the sheltred souldiers could approach the wall , their heads all cover'd like a fishes shell , those darts and stones flue over them , which fell with danger on their heads before ; but now the greekes at such small distance could n●t throw , nor th'engine change , content with weight alone on their foes heads they roule downe heavy stone : but while the fence did last , hurtlesse did all their stones , and darts , like haile on houses fall ; vntill the townesmens teased valour broke ( when caesar's m●n were tir'd with often strokes ) the fence , and did their ioyned shields divide : then did a thin earth cover'd worke proceede ; vnder whose covert those that lay did fall to worke in vndermining of the wall . sometimes the back forc'd ramme did strongly driue forward , the well compacted wall to riue . but from aboue with fires , with often stroakes of broken bars , stakes , and fire harden'd oakes they force the fence ; the worke broke downe & vaine , the souldiers tir'd fly to their campe againe . the greekes then sally fo●th , not satisfi'd that their walles safely stand , and fire workes hide ( h ) vnder their armes no mortall bow nor speare armes the bold youth , but flaming fire they beare , which with swift wings into the romane trench the strong windes carry : nought has power to quench or slacken it , the wood though greene dissolues , and in blacke clouds of smoke the aire involues , but fire all pieces of the buildings take , not onely wood , but stones , and rockes doe cracke , and moulder into ashes : greater now the failing bulwarkes in their ruines show . the conquer'd now loosing all hope by land resolue the hazard of sea-fight to stand : their ships f●re-decke no gilded names adorne ; but timber plaine , such as the woods had borne growing , make stations firme for navall fight , now downe the streame of rodanus the fleet from staechas comes to sea , and there attends br●tus praetorian ship : massilia sends her vtmost strength to triall of the war ; old men , and beardlesse boyes all armed are . the fleet then ready on the ocean was rigg'd , and ●ld wo●ne ships repair'd againe . now when the sky is cleare , and his bright rayes on the calme sea the rising sunne displayes : the north and southerne windes their fury spare , and leaue the calm●d ocean fit for war : both nations rowing from their stations meete , here the caesarian , there the graecian fleete . with oft and lusty strokes of rowers from the havens trembling the great gallies come . the ho●es of caesar's fleete gallies that bore three oares aside , and some that went with foure or more did ma●e , themselues opposing so in front , behinde them smaller vessels goe , liburnian gallies with two oares content . con●oyn'd in fo●me of a● halfe moone they went. brutus praetorian galley swe rt the sea like a vaste house , then th' rest more high was she , and row'd with sixe strong oares on a side . but when 〈◊〉 little sea-roome did divide both fleetes , as that one stroak would make them meet , numberlesse voyces the vaste ayre did gree● , plowing the seas . souldiers loud shouts quite drown'd the noise of rowing , and shrill trumpets sound . then sweepe they the blew waues : the rowers seat thēselues , & ' gainst their breasts strong stroaks they f●t ships against ships , beakes meeting beakes resound , and run ●sterne ; the ayre is darkned round with flying darts , which fa●ling th' ocean hide . then turning their forecastles far more wide , they make their hornest ' engir● the adverse fleet . as when strong windes with tydes repugnant meet , one way the sea , the waues another go , these ships vpon the furrow'de ocean so make different tracts , and waues vpon the maine , which oares rais'd the sea beats downe againe . but the greeke vessels were more nimble far either to flye , or turne about the war , they could without long tedious turning weild themselues , and quickly to the sterne could yeeld the roman ships slow keel'd would firmely stand , and lend sure footing like a fight by land . the master then of his praetorian ship brutus be spake , why doest thou let them slip ? leaue thy sea-tricks and joyne the battells close , ' gainst the phocaicke stemmes ●ur ships oppose : he straight obeyes , and turnes his owne bro●d side against their stemmes ; what ship so ere they tride to encounter her , with her owne stroke orecome sti●kes fast , and is surprisde ; they ho●ke in some , with oares some , some they with chaines hold fast : on the seas cover'd face the war is plac'd . no brandisht iavelins manage now the war , no darted steele bestowing wounds from far : hands ioyne with hands , and in this navall fight the sword acts all : in their owne ships vpright they face their foes prone strokes , some fal down slaine in their owne ships ▪ dy'd is the ocean , and the waues stiffen'd with congeal●d blood : ships hook't together could not meet , withstood by falling carcasses ; some halfe dead sinke , and their owne bloud mixt with salt water drinke : some , that desire their strugling liues to keepe , fall in the ruines of their broken ship . iavelins , that mist the aime they did intend , fall in the sea , and finish there their end , finding their bodies to receiue a wound . a roman ship by greeks inviron'd round fights stiffely still , on left hand , and on right maintaining long ' gainst all a doubtfull fight ; vpon whose lofty decke whilst ta●us bold strived a seazed graecian flag to hold , two darts together sent together split his breast and backe , and in the middle meet : the blood not knowing yet which way to run makes stand ; but out at last both darts are throwne : he in two wounds his dying soule divides . hither his ship whilst haplesse telo guides , then whom none better on a boistrous sea could guide a ship , none better knew then he tomorrow 's weather , if the sunne he spy'de , or moone , and could for fut●●re stormes provide . he vvith his stemme a roman ship had broke , but through his heart a trembling javelin stroke ; the ship turnes off following his dying hand ; gyareus leaping to his friends command straight with a roman javelin strongly flung was slaine , and to the ship fast nailed hung . two twinnes stand vp , their fruitfull mothers fame , that from one wombe with fates far different came , ( death par●s them : their sad parents reft of one without mistaking know their living sonne , whose lookes the cause of lasting sorrow keepe , and make his friends for his slaine brother weepe . ) one of those twinnes from his greeke ship was bold vpon a roman keele to lay strong hold : but from aboue a stroke cuts off his hand , which in the place did still fast bended stand , and kept the hold ; the nerues more stiffe became by death , his courage by this noble maime was rais'd , and greater by this accident his valiant left hand ' gainst his foes he bent , and rushes on his lost right hand to reach , but that ( alas ) another sword did fetch off by the shoulder : now both hands were gone , nor sword , nor target could he weild ; yet downe he did not sinke , but naked breasted stood , formost to saue his armed brothers blood , and there all darts , all wounds that were ordain'd for many deaths one dying breast contein'd ; and then his soule fleeting so many wayes he recollects , and in his tir'd limmes stayes that little strength , and blood was left , to skip before his death into the roman ship his enemies by weight alone t' oppresse : for now the ship laden with carcasses , and full of blood , bor'd through the side had been , and through her ●eakes drinking the water in was fill'd vp to the hatches , sinking than it turn'd the face of the neere ocean : the waters to the sinking ship gaue way , and in her roome clos'd vp againe . that day miraculous fates the ocean did behold . an iron hooke throwne to lay violent hold vpon a ship , on lycidas did light : drown'd had he been , but his friends hinder'd it , and on his lower parts caught hold , in two the man was pluckt : nor did his blood spin slow as from a wound , but gushing in one spout from all his broken vaines at once let out : into the sea falls his life-carrying blood . never so great a passage open stood to let out any soule , life straight forsakes his lower halfe , since vitall parts it lackes : but in his vpper halfe ( since in that part ) lay the soft lungs , and life susteining heart , death sta●es a while , and findes repugnancy , nor at one time could all his members dye . the men , that mann'd one ship , eager of fight all pressing to one side leaue empty quite the other side : whose weight ore turn'd the ship , which topsie turvy sinking downe did keepe the saylers vnder water ; all of them were drown'd nor could their armes haue roome to swim . one horrid kind of death that day was seene , a yong man swimming was , whose breast betweene two meeting ships sharpe stemms was bored through . the brazen stemms through bones , and flesh did goe , and made a noise ; his squeezed belly sent vp through his mouth blood mixt with excrement . but when the ships divide themselues againe , the body throwne into the ocean , the water through his bored bosome came : now in the sea shipwrack'd massi●ia●s swame towards their fellowes ship to saue their liues : but that already over burden'd str●ues to keepe her friends ( though thus distressed ) out , and from aboue with swords the souldiers cut their armes , when hold vpon the ship they lay , then downe againe into the sea fall they leauing their hands behinde , the ocean can now no longer their maim'd trunkes sustaine . but now when all the souldiers darts were gone , fury finds weapons , oares by some are throwne against their foes : with a strong arme . the mast do some teare downe , and in their fury cast : some teare the saylers seates , bords from the decke some throwe ▪ for weapons they their ships do breake . some wanting swords their friends dead bodies spoile : from his owne breast one drawes the mortall pile , with the left hand holding the wound , so long to keepe in blood and strength , till he had flung the iavelin at his foe , then lets it run . but nothing wrought so much destruction at sea , as seas opposed element , the fire , which wrapt in vnctious stuffe was sent , and sulphur balles , the ships apt fuell were , their pitch , and melting waxe tooke easily fire : nor now could water quench th'vnruly flame , fragments of broken ships still burning swam : into the sea to quench his fire one skips , for feare of drowning to the burning ships another cleaues : that death , that vvas most neare among a thousand deaths , they most did feare . nor did their shipwrackt valouridly liue : darts floating on the waues they take and giue their fellowes in the ship , or on the seas themselues those darts ( though feebly ) exercise . when vveapons vvant , the seas their vveapons be ; foes grasping foes together gladly die . but in that fight one phocian did excell : to search the seas he vnder vvater vvell could keepe his breath , diue to the lowest sands , and loosen fastned anchors with his hands . he grapling vvith a foe downe in the maine had sunke and drown'd him , and himselfe againe safe , and a conquerour rose : but rising found ships in his vvay , and so at last was drown'd . some with their armes on their foes oares lay hold to stay their flight : deare as they could they sold their liues : some vvounded , to keepe off the blowes from their friends ships , their bodies enterpose . tyrrhenus standing on the decke aloft , ●●gdamus vvith a balearicke shaft vvounded : the ponderous lead his temples broke , his falling eyes their hollow feate forsooke , the opticke nerues , and ligaments were broke : he now starke blind , amazed at the stroake thinks this to be deaths darknesse : finding than that all his limmes their perfect strength retaine , fellowes ( quoth he ) place me vvhere i may throw a pile , and plant me as you vse to doe engines of vvar : this little life that now remaines , tyrrenus , on all hazzards throw ; this body , though in part already dead , vvill serue for vvarlike vses , and instead of men aliue take vvounds ; thus hauing spoke in his blind aymelesse hand a pile he shooke , and threw it not in vaine , vvhich as it light below his belly noble argus hit , vvhose vveight now falling made it further glide . argus vnhappy sire on t'other side the beaten ship then stood ( to none vvould he , vvhen he vvas young , in feates of souldiery giue place , his strength is now by age decay'de , and he no souldier but a patterne made ) he seeing his sonne fall vvith trembling step stumbling along came to that side the ship , and finding there the body panting yet , no teares fell from his cheekes , nor did he beat his vvofull breast ; his hands now stiffe vvere growne , and all his joynts cold numnesse seizes on : a suddaine darkenesse closes vp his eyes , that he discernes not argus , vvhom he sees . argus his dying head began to reare , and feeb●e necke seeing his father there speachlesse , yet seem'd in silence to demand a kisse , and to invite his fathers hand to close his dying eyes ; but the old man free from amaze , vvhen bloody griefe began to recollect his strength , i vvill not loose that time ( quoth he ) that angry f●te bestowes . pardon thy wretched father , that from thee argus , and from thy last embrace i flee ; thy wounds warme bloud yet signes of life do giue , th' art but halfe dead , and yet a whil● maist liue : i le goe before thee sonne : these words exprest , and with a bloudy sword piercing his brest he leapt into the sea , hasting to death before his dearest sonne : his flitting breath vnto one single kind of destiny he durst not trust . now great commanders dye ; and now no longer doubtfull is the fight ; some of the greekes are sunke : by hasty flight some get into the haven ; others beare ( changing their loade ) the roman conquerer . but now sad parents mournings fill the towne : the shore with mothers lamentation did ring ; instead of her deare husbands face , a weeping wife mistaken did embrace a roman ; fathers funerall rites to giue about their sonnes deformed bodies striue . but brutus conquerer on the ocean to caesar's side first navall honour wan . finis libri tertii . annotations on the third booke : ( a ) the vsuall time of mourning , among the romans , for the losse of husband or wife , was ten moneths ; within which space of time it was accounted infamous to marry ; and therefore cornelia daughter to lucius scipio , and widow of pub. crassus , who was married to pompey the great within that time , it here stiled by iulia strumpet . ( b ) caesar , although it much concerned him to pursue pompey , and overtake him before his strength were too much encreased by forreine aide , yet partly for want of ships , and partly fearing lest in his absence there might happen some new commotion in italy , and withall fearing the pompeian army , that was then in spaine vnder the conduct of afranius and peticius , he resolved first to goe and settle things at rome , and afterwards to goe fight against those armies in spaine . ( c ) valerius was sent into sardinia to fetch corne , and curio into sicily as propraetor with three legions ; those countreys were two the greatest granaries of the romane empire . ( d ) caesar assembled the senators into apolloes temple , and there with curteous language excused himselfe concerning this war , as a thing vndertaken only to preserue his owne dignity against the envy and iniury of a few , he entreateth them to take care of the common-wealth , and ioyne with him in it : likewise to send embassadors to pompey and the consuls concerning peace . ( e ) the tribunitiall power was held so sacred , that whosoever did offer any violence vnto it , they thought the gods would take revenge , and conceived the reason of that great and miserable overthrow , which marcus crassus received in , parthia , to be because at●ejus the tribune had cursed him as he went away ( f ) caesar passing through the further gallia , and vnderstanding that domitius , whom he had lately taken prisoner at co●finium , and released againe was come into massylia , a city that favoured pompey's faction , he called out some of the chiefe of the city , and admonished them not too much to obey one man , and so draw a warre vpon themselues ; th●y shut the gates against caesar , but requested him gently to passe by them , hoping by that meanes to haue kept themselues in safety , and to haue remained as neuters in the war , but that drew this heavy seidge vpon them . vnhappy massilia ( saith florus ) which desiring too much to preserue her peace , for feare of war fell into a war. ( g ) caesar had sent caius fabius his lieutenant with three legions into spaine , to dislodge afranius a lieutenant of pompey's in the pyrenaean straights : and now himselfe leaving caius trebonius to besiedge massilia by land , and decius brutus to besiedge it by sea , goes with nine hundred horsemen into spayne to fabius his campe . ( h ) the story in the place concerning the firing of these workes which caesars souldiers had raised , and the actions of the massy●ians is not rightly related by lucan ; but differs much from the relation of true histories . lvcans pharsasia . the fourth booke . the argument . caesar in spaine neere high ●erdaes walls e●campes ' gainst two pompeyan generalls . by suddaine floods his campe endanger'd i● . caesar divides the streame of sicoris , oretakes petrejus flight , who bloodily . breakes off his souldiers new-made amity ; but by extremity of thirst compell'd , afranius , and himselfe to caesar yeild . famish'● antonius yeilds t' his enemy . vulteius , and his valiant cohort dye by their owne swords . curio on libya● sand● is slaine by iubaes manritanian bands . bvt now sterne caesar in spaines farthest coast makes war : on which , though little blood it ( a ) cost , the fortunes of both generalls much did stand . affranius ( b ) and petreius did command those campes with aequall power , but concord made their governement more firme : their men obay'd alternally both generalls commands . heere besides romans bold asturian bands , light vestones , and cel●a ( c ) were , that came from france , and with th' iberi mixt their name . a little hill not steepe of fertile lands swells vp , on which the old ilerda stands ; before the towne flowes sicoris soft streame , among spaines rivers of no small esteeme ; on which a bridge of stone high arched stood t' endure the violence of a winters flood . the next hill the pompeyans campe did beare ; aequall to which caesar his tents did reare . the river in the midst both campes divides , from whence the champion fields vpon both sides extend themselues b●yond the ken of man. swift cinga bounds them , that to th' ocean carryes no name , ( d ) iber , where you two joyne , that giues the land her name , takes from thee thine . the first day they encamp'd , from fight was free : the captaines stood each others strength to see numbring the eagles ; shame did then beg●n to damne their rage , and hold their fury in ; one poore dayes respite to their countrey they and broke lawes gaue ; but caesar when the day declin'd , did with a suddaine trench enclose his campe about , and to deceiue the foes his army in the front kept station to hide the worke ; and when the morne drew on , he sends swift troopes the next hill to surprise , that twixt the foes campe , and il●rd● lyes ; thither the foes with shame and terror make , and by a neerer way the hill they take . the fight growes there ; on sword , and valour one relyes , the other on possession . laden with armes march caesar's souldiers vp ' gainst the steepe hill : their following fellowes prop their backes with targets vp , to keepe them so from falling backe ; their piles against the foe they could not vse ▪ pile● guide their faltring steps : hold , as they clime , they catch on shrubs and slips : their swords serue not to fight , but cut their way . this danger caesar saw , and sent away his horse to wheele charging in flanke the foe , and all his foot retreat in safety so the skirmish ended thus and neither side obtain'd the conquest . thus farre fighting try'd . what other fates were added to this war grew from th'vnconstant motions of the ayre , for by cold winters dry north-windes the r●ine the clowds congeale● bowells did containe . snowes on the hills , and tops of mountaines lye , and frosts , that at the sunne 's appearance flye . all lands within those westerne climates are hardened by winters dry con●ealing aire . but when the sunne now wexed warmer came to take possession of the heavenly ram , making the aequinoctiall againe , when day t' exceede the night in length began , when cynthia from the sunne 's conjunction but newly come could hardly yet be knowne ; boreas sh ' excludes , and fire from eurus takes : he all the cloudes that his whole quarter makes throwes to the west with nabathaean blasts , the foggs that india , that arabia casts exhal'd , and growne vnder the rising sunne , sky darkening co●us exhalation , which cooles the indian aire , now blowne away from thence , make hot the easterne countreys day . nor could the loades of those thicke clouds fall downe on the mid world , strong tempests driue them on from north and south ; alone does calpes ground drinke the moist aire , the farthest westerne bound , where heavens bow'd hinge does with the ocean meete● the cloudes driven thither could no further get : their vastnesse hardly could involved be in such strait roome , as twxit that earth and sky . those clouds then crusht together by the pole contract in th' ayre , and downe amaine they roule in gushing showres ; lightnings though thicke retaine no flashing fire , extinguisht by the raine . iris no colours can distinctly show circling the ayre with an imperfect bow : she drinkes the sea , and to the ocean the ponderous waues fall from the sky againe . the pyrenaean nowes , which titan yet could never melt , flow downe : the rockes are wet with broken ice : rivers their wonted way fors●ke ; as channells the whole fields display themselues : and now as shipwrack'd on the seas flo●e caesars tents , and drenched companyes the streame breakes downe his campe : rivers oreflow his trenon and workes , nor an the souldiers goe to for●age : the drown'd fields no vittaile leaue : the wayes by water cover'd all deceiue the fetchers of provision ▪ then came on a famine still the sad companion of other woes : the souldiers by no foes besidg'd , are pin'd , one his whole wealth bestowes vpon a crust of bread not dearely sold : ( oh meagre thirst of gaine ) for ready gold an hungry ●eller is not wanting there the waters now haue all , no hils appeare , the joyning rivers like ore-spreading fe●ns cover high rockes ; transported are the dens of beasts ; the streame carryes the strugling horse not touching ground , and as of greater force then th' ocean , repells the oceans tide . the darkened pole does phaebus lustre hide , and the blacke skies all colours doe confound ▪ so lyes the farthest part of the worlds ground , which the cold zone , and frosts perpetuall cover those countreys see no starres at all : their barren ice breedes nothing : good alone to temper with their cold the torrid zone . so let it be , great ioue , so let it be neptune , whose three fork'd scepter rules the sea . thou , ioue , with stormes perpetuall fill the ayre : thou , neptune , let no rivers home repaire , let no streames finde prone passage to the maine , but with the oceans tide turne backe againe . make the strooke earth to deluge pervious : these fields let rhine oreflow , and rhodanus . hither their course let all great rivers bend : hither riphaean snowes , lakes , fountaine● s●nd ; hither all standing pooles from far command , and saue from civill war this wretched land . but caesars fortune , with this little feare of his content , returnes greater then ere : the gods gan favour , and deserv'd t' obtaine pardon : the clowded ayre clear'd vp againe : the master'd waters sol in fleeces spred : the night , presaging a faire morne , look'd red : things keepe their place : moisture the skye forsakes ; vvater ( late high ) her owne low center takes : trees , and emergent hills t' appeare began : the fields at sight of day grow drie againe . vvhen sicoris to his owne bankes restor'd had let the field , of twigs , and willow bord they made small botes cover'd with bullockes hide , in which they reacht the rivers further side . so saile the veneti if padus flow , the britaines saile on their calme ocean so . so the aegyptians saile with woven boates of papery rushes in their nilus floates . the army in these boates transported now build vp a bridge , and fearing th' overflow of the fierce streame , their worke they doe note●nd vpon the banke , but ore the fields extend . and lest againe sicoris should oreflow , in severall channells cut , he suffers now for his first crime : but when petreius spy'd that caesars fort●ne did all actions guide , ilerda he forsakes , trusting no more the strength of that knowne world , but seeking for vntamed nations fierce with wars dire loue , ( e ) to that worlds end the battell to remo●ue . when caesar saw the hills and campe forsooke , he bids his men take armes , and never looke for bridge , or ford , but with their hardy armes swim ore the streame : the souldiers his alarmes obey with speed , and rushing on to fight venture those wayes , that they would feare in flight , then taking armes cherish their bodies wet , and their be●ummed joynts with running heat , till noone made shadowes short ; the horsemen then o retake the hindniost of petreius men . who doubtfull are whether to fight or flye . two rock● hills lift their proud tops on high making a vale beneath : aboue the ground is ioyn'd : below safe passages are found through windings darke : which straights if once the foe had in possession , caesar well did know he might from thence carry the war as far , as spaines remote , and barbarous nations are . runne without ranke ( quoth he ) pursue your foes : turne backe the war , that by their flight you loose : make them turne face to face : though they would fly , giue not the cowards leaue basely to dy , but on their breasts let them receiue our blowes this said , with swiftnesse they prevent their foes flight to the hills , encamping close beside . a narrow trench did both the campes divide , and of so little distance was the place , they might distinctly know each others face . there finding fathers , brothers , sonnes , they see the wickednesse of civill enmity . and first for feare standing a little mute with nods , and swords lift vp frends , frends salute ; but when deare loue conquer'd the law of warres , over the trenches leape the souldiers t' embrace each other : some their old hosts meete , some their schoolefellowes , some their kinsemen greete . he was no roman , that no enemy knew : sighs breake their kisses , teares their armes bedew , and though no act of blood were yet begun , they feare the mischiefe that they might haue done . vvhy mourn'st thou foole ? why doe it thou beat thy breast , and weepe in vaine ? why hast thou now confest thou ' gainst thy will to wicked war doest goe ? stand'st thou in such great feare of him whom thou thy selfe mak'st dreadfull ? let this trumpets sound , neglect the cruell noise , let none be found to beare his eagles , and the war there ends ; caesar and pompey private men are frends . now concord come , that all things doest enfold in thy white armes , and the worlds safety hold , the earths blest loue : future impietyes our age may feare ; the ignorance heere dyes of their misdeeds : and from excuse does bar their guilt , they know , their foes their kinsemen are . sinister fates , that will by this short peace their future woes , and wickednesse encrease . t' was peace , and in both campes mixt souldiers stray'd , and on the grasse their friendly banquets made : by the same fire together bacchus rites they celebrate , and spend the watchfull nights in storyes of the war as lovingly together they in ioyning lodginges lye . where first they did encampe , from what hand fled each pile , and boast of every valiant deede denying much they graunt the wish of fate , and loue the wretched souldiers renovate . this loue their future wickednesse encreast , for when petreius saw their friendly feast , thinking himselfe and campe to sale betray'd he armes his houshold servants to invade dire war : and guarded with a troope of those out of his campe th'vn●rm'd caesarians throwes . the sword , as in embraces joyn'd they stood , divides them , and disturbes the peace with blood . then wrath these war provoking speeches gaue , souldiers vnmindefull of the cause you haue , though caesars conquest you cannot bestow vpon the senates cause , this you can do , fight till you are orecome : whilest you haue hands , and blood , and whilest the war yet doubtfull stands , will you go serue , and traitrous eagles take ? and beg of caesar he no odds would make betweene his slaues , and at his hands d●sire your captaines liues ? our safetyes treasons hire shall never be ; nor make we civill war to liue : by name of peace betray'd we are . people for veines of brasse , which deepe-hid lye would never seeke , nor townes would fortify : no stately horses to the war should pace , no tower-like shipps ore spread the oceans face , if liberty for peace were ere well sold . shall caesar's souldiers damn'd obedience hold bound by a wicked oath , and you make light your faith , because in a good cause you fight ? but pardon 's hop'd : oh shames dire funerall . not knowing this , great pompey , thou ore all the world art mustring , and each farthest king bringing to fight , whilest we are articling basely about thy safety . this feirce speech turn'd backe their mindes , & stirr'd warrs wicked itch ; as when wild beasts wean'd from the woods , and shutt vp close to ●ame , haue off their wildenesse put , and learn'd t' endure a man , if blood once staine their iawes , their wildenesse straight returnes againe , their iawes grow hot , and their new boyling rage the trembling keeper hardly can aswage . they run on wickednesse , and what might seeme in a blinde war the gods or fortunes crime , deceived trust makes ours ; at bord , and bed the late embraced breasts are murthered ; and though vnwillingly at first they draw , yet when their wicked swords drawne out they saw , and striking were , their friends they truely hate , and with the stroke themselues they animate . petreius campe is with strange tumult fill'd , and horrid murther : sonnes their fathers kill'd : and as if hidden mischiefe lost should be , they boast their guilt , and let their captaines see . caesar , though robbed of thy men , yet see the gods high favour : not so much for thee on aegypt , or massilias seas is done , nor so much honour in pharsalia won . ( f ) for this sole crime of civill war does make that thou at length the better cause shalt take . the generalls now their blood-stain'd souldier no more dare trust within the campe so neere . but by swift flight toward ilerda make , from whom all passage caesars horsmen take , and there in those dry hills shut vp their foes , whom caesar striues with a deepe trench t' enclose cutting all water off , he lets them take no springes , nor tents neere to the river make they seeing the way of death , convert their feare to rage ; their horses , that vnusefull were to men beseidg'd , they kill , and since in flight t were vaine to hope , addresse themselues to fight caesar perceiues them comming , and well knowes that death is sought by his devoted foes . containe your piles , and swords , souldiers ( quoth he ) i le loose no blood to get this victory . that foe , that meetes the sword , nere gratis dyes : hating their liues , and cheape in their owne eyes , they come to mixe our losses with their death : they 'll feele no wounds , but ioy in losse of breath . but let this heate forsake vm , this mad fit , they 'll loose their wish of death . caesar the fight forbids , and lets their choller spend in vaine , till sol descended to the ocean , and starres appear'd ; then when no hope 's at all of fight , their feircenesse does by little fall , their mindes grow cold . so is most courage found in late hurt men , whilest freshnesse of the wound , and the blood hot giues nimble motion to every nerue , and muscles guide the bone : if the wound-giver hold his hand , and stay : then a cold numnesse , ( strength being tane away ) seizes the minde , and the stiffe members tyes , the wound growne cold ( the blood congealing ) dryes . the souldiers wanting water through each creeke of the digg'd earth for hidden fountaines seeke . not only now the mattocke , and the spade , but swords earth-digging instruments are made . downe from the tops of mountaines as profound they goe , as lyes the lowest marish ground . farther from day , and deeper in earths mould divers not the searcher for assyrian gold . but no sought rivers hidden course is showne ; no springs appear'd opening the pummice stone : no bubbling brooke rowles little pibble stones : nor sweating caue makes distillations . weary with digging then the sweating men are from those rocky pits drawne out againe : and this vaine search of water the dry aire makes them lesse able to endure ; nor dare they f●ede their weary bodyes , eating nought , as medi●●ne against thirst is hunger sought . if the soft earth doe moisture yeild , they bring the clods , & ore their mouths with both hands wring . the blacke vnstirred mud , that every sinke aff●rds by strife the greedy souldiers drinke . and what to saue their liues they would haue stucke to take now dying drinke ; like beasts some sucke beasts dugs , and when milke failes , with greedy jaw meere blood from their exhausted udders draw . hearbs , and greene leaues they wring : bedewed twigs they licke , and juce of bleeding vines : small sprigs of t●ees they for their tender sap doe squeeze . oh happy men , whom barbarous enemyes flying by ( e ) poysoning all the rivers kill'd : but , caesar , though these rivers should be fill'd with poysons , carrions , and pale aconite growing on cretan rockes ▪ yet knowing it these romans then would drinke , their bowells now are scorcht , their mouths , & tongs dry'd rougher grow , their veines shrinke vp : their lungs in this distresse not moist contract the breathing passages breathings hard drawne their vlcer'd palates teare , they ope their thirsty mout●es , to drinke nights aire , and wish such showres , as all did lately drowne , and the dry cloudes their lookes are fixt vpon . but that which most encreas'd their misery , they were encamp'd not no dry meroe , nor where the naked garamantes plow hot cancers tropicke ; but betweene the flow of swift iberus , and full sicoris : the thirstie campe two neighbouring rivers sees . now both the generals yeild ; afranius layes downe armes and peace ( become a suppliant ) prayes . in●o the enemies campe his starved bands drawing before the conquerors feete he stands : then begging pardon with a carelesse breast he lost no majesty ; but twixt his ●ast , and former state he beares himselfe in all , a conquer'd man , but yet a generall . had i fall'n vnder a base enemy , i had not lack'd an hand my selfe to free : know then the cause that now i beg to liue , i thinke thee , caesar , worthy life to giue . for no sides favour , nor as foes to thee did we take armes ; both generalls were we before this civill war , and haue maintain'd the former cause : now wee 'll not fate withstand . spaine we deliver vp , and ope the east : of all the world behind thou now mayst rest secure : nor has much bloods effusion , sharpe swords , or weary'd armes this conquest won : onely thy foes , that thou hast conquered , forgiue : nor beg we much , grant vs to lead vnarm'd those liues , that thou hast now bestow'd : suppose that all our slaughtered troopes lay strow'd over the field● : to mixe vnfortunate with happy armes , and we participate thy tryumphs were vnfit : our fates we know : ( h ) compell vs not with thee to conquer now . but caesar gently , and with smiling cheare both pardons , and dismisses them from war. but when the league was firmely ' gree'd vpon , the souldiers to th' vnguarded rivers run , fall on the bankes , troubling the granted streame . but long continued draughts in many of them , not suffering aire through th' empty veines to flye , shut vp their liues : nor could they easily cease this dry plague : but though their guts they fill , the covetous disease is craving still . at last their nerues , and strength againe it brings oh luxury too prodigall of things , content with no provision easily brought ; ambitious hunger for things dearely sought ore land , and sea , pride of a sumptuous table : see what small store to cherish life is able , and nature please : these souldiers fainting soules no vnknowne consuls noble wine in bowles of mirrhe , and gold restores from fountaines pure water , and bread their fleeting liues assure . wretches that follow warres . these souldiers being now disarm'd are made secure , from cares exempt , and innocent returne againe to their owne townes . when peace they did obtaine , how much they griev'd that ever they had cast one pile , or suffer'd thirst , or ever askt the gods in vaine to grant them prosperous warres ? for to the happyer fighting souldiers what toiles through all the world , what doubtfull fields remaine to fight ? though fortune alwayes yeilds happy successe , yet must they oftentimes conquer , spill blood throughout all lands , and elimes , and follow caesar , through all fates of his . when the world's ruine's neare , he happy is , that knowes his setled place . their weary armes no war calls forth : their sleepes no loud alarmes disturbes ; their wiues , children , and houses they ▪ and lands ( though no deducted colony ) , enjoy ; by fortune from this burden free'd no favour does their mindes disquiet br●ed : one generall sav'd their liues : t●ther their owne commander was . thus happy they alone free'd from desires the civill warres behold . but through the world this fortune did not hold ; she durst act some what against casar's side . where long ( f ) salonae's beaten with the tide of th' adriaticke sea ; where zephyre blowes vpon the warme iader's gentle flowes , ant●nius there trusting the warlike bands of his curetes , whose environ'd lands the adriaticke sea encircles round , was straight beseidged in the vtmost bound , safe from warres reach , if famine , that alone conquers the strongest fortresses , were gone : the ground no pasture for their horses yeilds , nor yellow ceres cloaths the fallow'd feilds . the men eat grass● , and when the feilds grow bare , the grasse from off their camps dry'd turffes they teare . but when their friends on th' adverse shore they spy'd ▪ and zasil●● the admirall , they try'd new wayes of flight by sea ; for their sterne end they did not hoift , nor did their keele extend ( as custome was ) but with vnusuall sleight firme timber boates to beare a mighty weight they made . these empty boates on every side susteine the ship ; whose double rancke was ty'd with chaines acrosse nor were the oares dispos'd on th' open front to the foes darts expos'd : only that sea , that was enclosed round by those conjoyned boates , their oares did wound . a miracle of silent slight it show'd ; she bo●e no sailes , or sea discover'd row'd . now they obserue the tides , till th' ebbing seas leaue the sands bare , and make the shore encrease ; then from aboue into the ocean prone the ship falls by two galleyes waited on : ore which a lofty threatning tower was rear'd , where spires , and trembling pinnacles appear'd . octavius keeper of th'illyrian sea would not assault this ship too suddainly : but his swift vessells thought it good to stay till th' easy passage might encrease his prey , and farther on to sea by peace invites his rashly enter'd foes ; such are the slights of huntsmen , when their toiles they haue dispos'd : and fearefull deere in plumed nets enclos'd : their dogs of crete and sparta they containe , and their wide mouth'd molossians restraine : no dog is trusted in the wood , but he , that can vpon a full sent silent be , and never open when he findes the game , content alone to signifie the same by wagging of the string ; then presently the souldiers leaue the i le , and eagerly they come a boord the ship , when day 's last light gaue place to the approach of dusky night . but the cilicians of great pompey's side according to their old sea-craft , had ty'd chaines through the midst o'th'sea , of which no show appear'd aboue , but loosely let them flow : the chaine was fasten'd to th' illyrian shore . the first , and second ships not staid got ore : the third was caught of burden much more vast , and to the rocke by a drawne rope was cast . the rocke hangs ore the sea ( a wonder tis ) hollow , and still ( though falling ) stands , with trees making a shade : hither the sea by tides oft driues : and in those darkesome cavernes hides ships broke by aquilon , and drowned men : which hidden store the rocke restores againe ; and when the cavernes belch it vp , in heate sicilian charybdis cannot get preheminence . heere did the great ship stand , that was with valiant opitergians mann'd her from all havens did all ships enclose : some from the rocke , some from the shore oppose . vulteius found this vnder-water traine ( the captaine of the ship ) who all in vaine striving to cut the chaines , did then desire without all hope , to fight : where to retire , or how to conquer is not seene : but here as much as snared valour could appeare , it did : against so many thousand wights , that did enclose , scarse one full cohort fights , not long endeed , for night in her blacke shade shut vp the day , and peace the darkenesse made . then stou● vulteius thus gan animate the cohort fearing sad ensuing fate . yong men , that but for one short night are free , provide in time for sates extremity : there 's no man's life is short , that does allow him time to seeke his death : nor thinke it now lesse glorious that we meete a fate at hand . the times of future life none vnderstand . t is aequall praise of minde to giue away our liues last moment , and the hoped stay of many yeres , so we the actors be : no man can be compell'd to wish to dye . no way for flight is left : at every hand bent ' gainst our throates the sterne cilicians stand . let feare be banisht then : resolue to dye , and let your wishes meete necessity . nor shall we fall in a blinde cloud of war , as when two battels joyn'd in darkenesse are , vvhen heapes of carcasses bestrow the field , valour lies buried , all are aequall held . but in a ship the gods haue placed vs both to our friends and foes conspicuous . the i le , the continent , the seas allow vvitnesses to vs , and two parties now . from divers shores behold vs : in our ends vvhat great , and rare example fate entends i know not . vvhat ere chronicles afford of trust , of souldiers faith maintain'd by sword , vve shall excell : t is a small thing to die vpon our swords , caesar , we know for thee : but greater pledges in this sad distresse vve want , our great affections to expresse and envious fates vs of much praises barre , that not our parents , nor our children are heere with vs. let our foes our valour finde , and feare our force , and death contemning minde : let them be glad that no more ships were caught , perchance they 'll try by leagues what can be wrought , proffering base life : would they would promise vs pardon , to make our deaths more glorious , lest when we fall our killing swords vpon , our foes should call it desperation . much valour must deserue that caesar may account the lesse of vs a fatall day among so many thousand . should fate giue egresse from hence , i would not wish to liue ; i haue already cast away my breath , drawen by the sweetnesse of approaching death : a fury t is , which none but they can know , to whom nere fates such knowledge doe allow ; the gods deaths sweetnesse doe conceale , to make men liue . a noble courage straight did take the young mens minds ; though all with weeping eyes ( before the captaines speech ) had view'd the skies , and fear'd to see the turne of charles his waine : but now their valiant minds wish day againe after this speech ; nor was day slowt ' appeare : sol leaving gemini , and drawing neare his height in cancer , when the shortest night vrg'd the thessalian archer . day growne light , discover'd warrelike istrians on the land , the fierce liburnians , and greeke fleete , that stand covering the seas . they first suspending fight , striue to orecome by covenants , and invite the ship to yeild by granting life ; but they devoted , scorning life , stand in array , secure in sight , resolv'd what end to take : no stormes their strong resolved mindes could shake : and though but few , by land , and sea they fought ( such confidence deaths resolution brought ) against innumerable hands ; but when vvarre had drawne blood enough , their fury then turn'd from their foes . the captaine first of all vulteius offring his bare throte gan call seeking for death , is there no souldier here vvorthy to shed my blood ? let him appeare , and killing me shew that himselfe dares bleed . vvith that of life his wounded breast was free'd by many swords ; vulteius thankes bestow'd on all ; but dying him , to whom he ow'd his first kind wound , he thankefully againe requites with death . thus meeting all were slaine , and on one side the warres whole mischiefe hung . so the serpentine brood by cadmus sprung , fell by each others hand , a dire presage of the ensuing theban brothers rage . so those of th'waking dragons teeth once fram'd in colchos fields , by magicke spells enflam'd , vvith kindred blood the fields plow'd furrowes dy'd ; vvhich mischiefe wrought by hearbs before vntry'd medea fear'd her selfe . so fell these men by ba●gain'd fate , and in the death of them to dye was the least valour : they both fall , and kill at once : no right hand mist at all , though at the point of death : nor to their blades ow'd they their wounds : a breast the sword invades , their throates invade their hands ; and if blinde chance a brothers sword ' gainst brother did advance , or sonnes ' gainst father , with vndanted hand , and all their strength they strike ; in this did stand their piety alone , that at one blow they would dispatch them ; on the hatches now halfe dead they draw their bowells , and much blood stream'd downe into the sea ; it did them good to see the scorned day , death to preferre , and with proud lookes despise the conquerer . now on the ship the heapes of bodyes shew'd the slaughter made : on which the foes bestow'd fit funeralls , admiring much to see to any captaine such fidelity . fame flying through the world did never raise any one ship with such resounding praise . yet will not coward nations since such braue examples , learne to know , that death to saue their liberty is not a price so deare : but kingdomes arm'd with power of sword they seare● liberty can vse armes , and swords should be ( as men should know ) to keepe their liberty . oh would the fates would let the fearefull liue , that valour only death to men might giue . nor was that war that did in libya grow lesse terrible then this : bold ( g ) curio by a milde northren winde was wasted ore from lilybaeum to that well knowne shore , vvhere clupea seated is , and where he sees great carthages halfe ruin'd aedifice : and pitching his first tents far from the maine , vvhere bagrada furrowes the sandy plaine , those hills , and eaten rockes goes to behold , vvhich were a●taeus kingdome call'd of old ; asking the cause of this old name , a clowne thus tells the tale by long tradition knowne ▪ for giants births earth yet not barren made in libian caues a feared issue had , which to his mother brought as true a fame , as typhon , tityus , and briareus name . 't was good for heaven antaeus was not borne at phlegra ; but this guift did more adorne his mighty strength : into his limmes ( though tir'd , ) his mothers touch a vigour fresh inspir'd . this caue his dwelling was , this mountaine here he lurckt about , his foode slaine lions were : his bed no leaues of trees , no skin of beasts : his strength by sleeping on the ground encreast . by him th' inhabitants of libya dy'd , and strangers all , that to our coast apply'd . his strength ( not vsing a long time to fall ) needed not earths rich gift : too strong for all he was though standing vp ; at length through fame of this dire plague the great alcides came , whose hand both sea and land from monsters free'd and for th' encounter each put off his weede , one's nemean , tother 's libyan lions skin : hercules oiles his limmes ere he begin according to th' olimpicke rites : but he rubb'd ore his limmes with sand : it could not be enough to touch his mother with his feete . they grapple then , and armes , armes folded meete . striving each others necke with heavy hand to bend ; yet both fixt , and vnbended stand . both wonder much to meete their match at length : but hercules vs'd not his vtmost strength at the first bout , but weary'd out his foe , which his oft blowing , and cold sweates did show : his shaking necke , nor breast could firmely stand : his bending hammes yeild to alcides hand : alcides then about his short ribbes cast his conquering armes , and grip'd his yeilding wast , then tripping vp his leggs he fairely ●ayes his foe stretch'd out vpon the sand ; earth stayes his sweat , and fills with fresh blood every vaine , his armes grow brawny , his joynes st●ffe againe , and his fresh limmes vnclaspe the others hands . amaz'd at this new strength alcides stands nor fear'd he hydra so in lerna lakes fruitfull by losse of her reviving snakes , though then but yong ; now both were aequall growne one in earths strength , the other in his owne . nere had sterne iuno more encouragement to hope ; she sees his limmes with sweating spent , and his necke dry'd , as when he did sustaine the heavens : but when he clasp'd his foe againe , antaeus staying not till he be throwne , falls of himselfe , and rises stronger growne : his mother earth to his tir'd members giues what spirit she has , and labours when he striues . but when alcides found ●arths touch to be strengthning to him , now thou shalt stand ( quoth he ) no more thou fal●'st , nor will we trust againe the ground : this breast shall thy crusht limbes suste●ne ; hither , antaeus , shalt thou fall this spoke , him striving to fall downe aloft he tooke , and grasp'd his middle fast : earth could not lend strength to her dying sonne , nor succour send . but till his fo●s breast starke and cold he found alcides durst not trust him on the ground . from hence selfe-lov'd antiquity , and fame , old times recorder , gaue this place a name . but to these hills a nobler name gaue he , that drew the punicke foe from italy . scipio arriving on our libya , heere pitch'd his first campe : the ruines yet appeare of that old trench ; this place of all the rest was first by roman victory possest . curio , as if the place were fortunate , and still retain'd those former captaines fate in war , rejoyc'd , and in this lucky place pitch'd his vnlucky tents , which did deface the places omen : and provok'd sterne foes with strength vnaequall ; affricke all that owes obedience to the roman eagles , then vvas vnder varus , who , ( though strong in men of italy ) aide from the libyan king requires , to whom the worlds far regions bring their force with iuba ; no one king alone vvas master of such large dominion : in length th'extent of his great kingdomes ground gades-neighbouring atlas , and ioues ammon bound neere thera ; but in breadth the torrid zone , betwixt the sea , and it , it coasts vpon so many people to his army presse , th' autolodes , and wandring nomades : getulians hors'd without caparison : the mauritanians of complexion like indians : poore nasamonians , scorcht garamantes , swift marmaricans : massylians , that without saddles ride , and with a wand their bitlesse horses guide : mazacian darts , that median shafts excell : those that in empty cottages doe dwell ; affrican hunters , that all darts refuse , and their loose coates ' gainst angry lyons vse . nor did the cause of civill war alone , but private anger bring king iuba on . curio that yeere , wherein he did defile divine , and human lawes , striv'd to exile by tribunitiall law from libyas throne this king , and barre him his forefathers crowne , vvh●lest he would make thee , rome , a monarchy . he mindfull of the wrong thinkes this to be the greatest guift his scepter could bestow . this iuba's fame affrighted curio : besides no souldiers firme to caesar's side were in his army , none that had beene try'd in germany ▪ but at confinium tane false to new lords did to their first remaine doubtfull , and thought both sides indifferent were . but when he saw all slacke through slavish feare , that the night-guards their trenches did forsake with a distracted spirit thus he spake . daring conceales great feare● i le first assay the fight , and put my souldiers in array while t●ey are mine : doubt growes from rest alone : fight shall prevent their consultation ; when swords whet their dire wills , and helmets hide their blushes , who can then compare the side , or weigh the cause ? they favour as they stand : as no old hate does on the stage command sword-players to meete : they hate by faction . this said , in open field he leades them on ; whom the warres fortune , meaning to deceiue after , at first does prosperously receiue . for varus he defeated , following on their flying backes in execution even to the campe when iuba first did know of this sad field , and varus overthrow , glad that the glory of the war did stay for him , by stealth he leade his troupes away : and without noise ( commanding silence ) goes , fearing he should be feared of his foes sabura next in honour to the king with a small troope is sent before to bring curio on by provocation , as if the war were left to him alone : himselfe with all his kingdomes strength below keepes in the valley , the ichneumon so provoking by his tailes deceitfull shade th' aegyptian aspe , dooes at the last invade ( free'd from the deadly venoms danger quite ) the s●rpents throate stretch'd out in vaine to meete a slying shade : out the lost poison goes , and all about the aspes jawes vainely flowes . fortune assists this fraud : fierce curio descrying not the strength of his hid foe , en●oines his horsemen all to issue out by night , and range the vnknowne fields about : and after them himselfe by breake of day with all his eagles spread marches away , much ( but in vaine ) entreated to suspect libyan deceite , and fraudes that still infect the punicke warres : but to his funerall fate gaue him vp , and civill war did call her author on : ore rockes and mountaines high they march ; when on the hill from farre they spy the foe : who cunning , seemes to flye away till he haue set his battells in array vnder the hill : this curio did not know , but thought it flight , and like a conquerour now brings forth his troopes into the open plaine : then first discover'd they this guilefull train● : the seeming-fled numidians they espy'd on the hills tops enclosing every side : curio , and his lost troopes astonisht quite ; the fearefull could not flye , the valiant fight : the horses now not feirce attrumpets sound chaw not their foamng bitts , beate not the ground : spread not their manes nor doe their eares advance , nor with their wonted spright curyet and prance : their sweating shoulders fum'd , their tir'd necks hung and their dry'd mouth thrust out their weary tongue : their breasts , and throates hoarse with oft blowing grew : their heavy pulse far their spent bowels drew : the fomings dry and hote grew hard vpon the bloody bits : no strokes could force them on , nor often spurrings make them mend their speed ; wounds make them goe : to hasten on the steed bootes not the rider , for the weary horse in comming on wants courage , strength and force : he onely brings his rider to the foes , and does his breast to all their speares expose . but when the lybian horse came coursing nigh , the ground did shake , and clouds of dust did flie ( as great as thracian whirlewinds blow about ) ore the skies cover'd face , and darkenesse wrought . but when warres miserable fate did fall vpon the foot , no doubtfull field at all was fought : the battell in that time was done , that men could die : for forth they could not run to make their flight , enclos'd on every side from far by darts directly throwne they dy'd , obliquely neere : not wounds alone they feele orewhelm'd with stormes of darts , & weight of steele : pent vp in a straight roome the army 's kept : those that for feare neer'st to the middle crept , amongst their fellowes swords are not secure , for the forefront not able to endure the foes assault , slept backe , and straighter made the globe : no roome to weild their armes they had : their crowded limmes are prest : one armed breast against another driven to death is prest . the conquering mauritanian could not haue so glad a spectacle as fortune gaue ; he saw no bodies fall : no streames of blood , kept so by crowde vpright the bodies stood . let fortune this new parentation make for hated carthages dire spirits sake : let bloody hanniball , and punicke ghosts of this sad roman expiation boast . let not in lybia , gods , a roman fall for pompey or the senate make at all : vs rather for her selfe let affrica conquer : his men ore'throwne when curio saw , and the dust lay'd with blood gaue leaue to see , scorning t'out-liue such a calamity , or hope in flight , he meete his death , to dye forward , and valiant by necessity . what now availes thy place , and troubled barres , from whence a tribune to seditious wars thou stirr'dst the people , and the senates right betray'dst , and could'st to civill war encite the sonne , and father in law ? thy death is wrought before these lords haue in pharsalia fought . to see that field is not permitted thee . this satisfaction in your bloods giue ye great ones , to wretched rome , and pay for war ; oh happy rome , and romans happyer far . would but the gods aboue as carefull be to keepe , as to revenge our liberty . vnburied curio's noble flesh is food for libyan birds : but ( since t' will doe no good to conceale that , which from times injury fame still will vindicate ) wee 'll giue to thee the praise that to thy life dooes appertaine . rome never nurtur'd a more able man , nor one to whom ( whilest good ) the lawes ow'd more : but vice then hurt our city , when the store of wealth , ambition , riot had declin'd to the worst part his yet vnsetled minde , and changed curio the states fate controul'd brib'd by the spoiles of france , and caesars gold . though potent sylla , and fierce marius , cinna , and caesars line got rule ore vs by sword : to whom did such power ever fall ? this man sold rome , the other bought it all . finis , libri quarts . annotations on the fourth booke : ( a ) for this conquest much avayled caesar , having quieted spaine he might securely prosecute the rest of the war , having debarr'd pompey of those legions on which he most relyed , this conquest cost little blood , for afranius and petreius forced by famine yeilded to caesar . ( b ) afranius and petreius with aequall power , with mutuall loue and care governed fiue legions for pompey in spaine , and chose ilerda by the appointment of pompey as a convenient seate for the war. ( c ) the celtae leaving france and passing the pyren●an mountaines seated themselues by the river iberus , and were called celt●beri . ( d ) cinga falling into iber looses his name to iber , which also giues name to all spaine . ( e ) afranius , and petreius , when caesar's horsemen had stopped their wayes of forraging and fetching in corne , and withall frighted , because many cities in that part had revolted to caesar , and the rest were like to follow their example , res●lved to transserre the war into celtiberia , which remained yet in the friendship of pompey , at having received great benefits from him in the sertorian war ; besides they supposed that the fame of caesar was yet more obscure among those barbarous people : therefore at the third watch they secretly disl●dged , and passing over the river sicoris they marched with speede toward iberus . when caesar by his scouts vnderstood this , and hearing that beyond there were mountainous , strait , and rugged passages , which if the enemy should first enter , they might with ease keepe him backe , and car●y the warre into celtiberia , and those farre countreyes , he commanded his horsemen with speede to prevent them , and himselfe marching through devious , and rough wayes , arrived first at those places , and encamped himselfe betweene afranius and the river iberus , which afranius was marching to the two campes were here fortified so neare , to each other , that the souldiers distinctly knew each others faces , and talked with their kindred , and ancient acquaintance , ( f ) in this appeared a strange clemency of caesar , that after hee had heard the cruelty of petrejus towards his souldiers , how taking them from their friends company , ( that had vpon promise secured them ) hee caused them to be murdered ( as the poet relates plainely ) caesar notwithstanding seeking out petrejus his souldiers in his campe , spared their liues all , and suffered as many of them as would to depart : but many tribunes , centurions , and others would not retune , but stayed , and served after vnder caesar . ( g ) it was a policy had often beene vsed by barbarous enemies against the pursuing armies of the romans , to poison all their river : it was done by ingurtha king of numidia , mithradates king of pontus , and iuba king of mauritansa . ( h ) these two generalls , afranius and petrejus , though they were here pardoned by caesar , vpon promise to serue no more against him ; did notwithstāding afterwards in the affrican war follow scipio against caesar , where they were againe overthrowne . afranius was taken prisoner , and by caesar's command and was slaine . petrejus despairing of pardon ( as is afterwards showne ) slew himselfe vpon king iuba's sword . ( i ) fortune yet presumed to doe somewhat against caesar in his absence aboue about illyrium ; for dolabella and antonius commanded by caesar to possesse the strenghts of the adriaticke sea e●camped one on the illyrian , the other on the corcyraan share . pompey farre and neere was master of the seas , whose lieutenant octavius and libo with great strength of shipping besiedged antonius , and by famine forced him to yeild . basilus from the other shore sent ships to ayde antonius , which were caught by the pompeyans in a strange snare casting ropes crosse the sea vnder water not to be spi'd . two of the ships escaped , and got over the ropes , the third which carryed the men of opitergium was ensnared , and held fast . the opit●rgians in that place left an example memorable to all posterity ; for being scarse a thousand men , they endured from morning to night the assaults of a great army round about them , and at last when valour could not possible release them , rather then yeild themselues into the enemyes hands , by the exhortation of their captaine vultejus , all kill'd themselues . ( k ) in affrica also the side of caesar enduring the like calamity shewed the like valour . curio sent by caesar to winne libyae , having vanquished , and put to flight varus , was enclosed on the suddaine by the vnexpected horsemen and army of iuba king of mauritania . curio might haue fled when he saw the day lost , but much ashamed , and scorning to returne to caesar after the losse of his legions , he dyed with all his men . lvcans pharsalia . the first booke . the argument . romes flying senate met at epire , chose great pompey generall , faint appius goes to delphos oracle to seeke advise , which his owne death obscurely signifies . caesar return'd from spaine with victory quiets his souldiers dangerous mutiny : dictator then , and consull both at rome he makes himselfe , sailes from brundusium to greece ▪ but vex'd with anthony's delayes , in a small boate himselfe alone assayes by night the stormy sea , and crosses ore . his legions all met on the graecian shore addresse themselues for triall of the day . pompey to lesbos sends his wife away . thus fortune kept ( mixing her good with ill ) the two ( a ) war-wounded generalls aequall still for macedonia ; when with winter's snow the pleiades did oemus top bestrow : and when the times new-naming day drew neare old ianus feast beginner of the yeare : then both the consuls at the vtmost date of their expiring honour convocate to epire the fled fathers ; where a plaine and forraine seat rome's nobles did containe : a borrowed court in forraine land heard all the secrets of the state. for who can call that place a campe , where all romes fasces were , and axes borne ? the reverend order there taught all the people 't was not pompey's side , but pompey there a member did abide . silence possessing the sad senate than , from an high seat thus lentulus began : if you retaine a strength of minde as good as roman spirits , and your ancient blood befitts ; then thinke not in what land you are as banisht , from surprised rome how farre : but know the face of your owne company : fathers , that governe all , this first decree , which yet all kingdomes , and all people know , we are the senate . for if fortune now should carry vs vnder the frozen waine of vrsa ma●or , or where daies remaine aequall in length with nights , the torrid zone , thither the empire and dominion would follow vs ▪ when rome by gaules was fir'd , and that to vey camillus was retir'd : there then was rome ; this order never lost their right by changing place . caesar can boast only of mourning walls possession , and judgement seates by sad vacation shut vp , and silenc'd , empty mansions . that court those fathers onely sees , whom once , when full , it banisht ; of that ranke , who ere is not a banisht man , is sitting here . we that long peacefull , free from guilt haue stood , at wars first fury were dispers'd abroad : now to his place each part returnes againe ; and for the losse of italy and spaine the gods the strength of all the world bestow . th'illyrian sea has overwhelm'd one foe : and libyan fields does slaughtred curio no little part of caesars senate strow . advance your eagles , follow fate , and grant the gods your hope : doe not that courage want in this good fortune , which when first you fled , your cause stirr'd vp . the yeere has finished our power : you fathers , whose authorityes no time shall end , for th'publike good advise : command great pompey to be generall ; his name with joyfull cryes the senate all receiue , imposing vpon pompey straight his countrey's , and his owne most wretched fate . then faithfull kings , and nations had their praise ▪ phaebus sea-powerfull rhodes rewarded was , and spartans rough ; prais'de were th' athenians ▪ ( b ) phocis made free with her massylians . faithfull ( c ) deiotarus , young sadalis , the valiant ( d ) cotys , and ( e ) rhasipolis of macedon were prais'd ; iuba to thee the senate giues all libya by decree ; and ( oh sad fare ) ignoble ptolemy , worthy of treacherous subjects , vnto thee the crime of all the gods , and fortunes shame , is granted the pellaean diadem . a tirants sword over thy nation thou tak'st , proud boy , would 't were ore them alone ▪ ore ( f ) pompey's throate it is ; thy sisters crowne thou tak'st , and caesars impious action . the senate now broke vp , the troopes all take their armes : the people , and the captaines make for warres vncertaine preparation . but ( g ) appius feares warres doubtfull chance alone solliciting the gods th' events to heare , and phoebus temple , that for many a yeare had beene shut vp at delphos , opens he . parnassus with two tops reaching the sky twixt east , and west aequally distant lyes to bacchus , and apollo's deityes sacred : to whom in mixed sacrifice the theban wiues at delphos solemnize their trieterickes ; this one hill alone appear'd , when all the world was overflowne , and stood as middle twixt the sea and sky . one top , parnaffus , then contented thee : for one alone did aboue water shew . young phoebus there with shafts vnvsed slew the speckled python , that in waite long lay his banisht mother great with childe to slay ; themis the kingdome then , and tripos held . but when ( h ) apollo the cleft ground beheld t' inspire oraculous truth , and further findes the gap●ng earth exhale prophetike windes : downe in that sacred caue himselfe he hides and now turn'd prophet there apollo bides vvhich of the gods lurkes here ? what deity shot downe from heaven vouchsafes to dignify this caue ? what heavenly god dwells heere below , that does the fates aeternall courses know , and things to come ? and telling people sure vouchsafes the touch of woman to endure ? vvhether this powerfull god barely relate the fates , or his relation make them fate ? perchance that spirit , that all the world maintaines , and the poiz'd earth in empty aire susteines , through these cirrhaean caues does passage get . striving with his aethereall part to meete . this spirit once entered the virgins brest , striking her humane soule , sounds forth exprest vvith hideous noise ; so vrging flames come from sicilian aetna's over burden'd wombe : typhaeus so throwes vp his stones abroade prest with inarime's aeternall loade . this god expos'd to all , deny'd to none , is free'd from hearing human crimes alone . to him no man whispers vnlawfull prayers ; for he things fixt vnchangeable declares , forbidding men to wish : and gratiously giues just men dwellings , though whole townes they be , as once to tyre ; he teaches vs wars slight , as to th' athenians in their navall fight at salamine ; he cleares , the causes showne , earths barrennesse , and aire 's infection . our age no gift of heaven wants more then this of delphos oracle , which silent is , since kings afraid to haue their fates exprest , forbid the gods to speake ; nor is the priest of delphos , for the god 's long silence sad : this oracle's cessation makes them glad . for to that breast , where ere he doe inspire , vntimely death is punishment or hire of his reception , the fitt's vehemence too much orecomes the strength of human sence ; and their fraile soules the god 's high motion shakes , appius , whilest too too neare a search he makes to know rome's fate , to th' vnstirr'd tripodes , and silent cavernes does his steps addresse , the priest commanded t'ope that dreadfull seate , and for the god a prophetesse to get , findes young phemonoe , as she carelesse roues ' mongst the castalian springs , and silent groues , and makes her breake the temple doores . the maide to stand in that most horrid place afraide , thought by a vaine deceit appius to bring from his desire of knowing future things . why hop'st thou , roman , truth should here be showne ? the hill ( quoth she ) is mute , the god is gone whether the spirit haue left these cavernes quite , and to the worlds far regions tane his flight : or phytho burnt by barbarous brennus vp did with the ashes fill this hole , and stop great phaebus way : or that the gods decree make cirrha mute , thinking it prophecy enough that sibyll's bookes among you liue : or phoebus wont from out his temple driue all wicked persons , now no mouth haue found worthy enough his oracles to sound . the maids deceit appear'd ; her feare imply'd she falsely had the present gods deny'd . then a white fillet ties her lockes behinde with delphian bayes ; and wreathed garlands binde her haire before . the priest thrusts on the maid . vvho fearefull still about the entrance staid , and durst no neerer to the god to come , nor to approach the temples inmost roome . there counterfeiting that she was possest she vtters from an vndisturbed brest fain'd words with no confused murmure flowing , nor the least signe of divine fury showing . her words so deepely could not appius wound , as great apolloes truth ; no trembling sound that broke her speech , there was , no voice so shrill , as all the caues capacious throat might fill : her lawrell fell not from her frightd haire : the temple and the wood vnshaken were . these signes betray'd her fearefull to receiue the god ; when angry appius did perceiue that 't was no oracle , thou wretch , quoth he , both i , and these abused gods will bee reveng'd for this , vnlesse thou straight descend , and truely tell what all these stirres portend to the affrighted world ; with that the maid descends downe to the oracle afraid , and standing ore the vault , the god possest vvith a full spirit her vnaccustom'd brest . the rockes so many yeeres vnwasted spirit he fills her with , and comming to inherit a delphian brest , nere fill'd he prophetesse fuller : her former minde he banishes , and bids all woman from her breast begone . she raging beares in this distraction not her owne necke ; her haire vpright throwes downe the sacred ornaments , and phoebus crowne : her necke turnes wildly round : & downe she throwes all tripodes she meets with as she goes . and with an inward fire she burnes , which shewes thee , phoebus wrath : nor doest thou onely vse thy prickes , thy flames , and incitations now , but bridles too , the prophetesse shall know more then she must reveale ; all times are heapt vp in one heape , and many ages crept into her wretched breast ; things orders too , and all contend out into light to goe . the fates desiring vtterance striue within : vvhen the world ends , and when it shall begin the prophetesse can tell , and vnderstands the oceans depth , and number of the sands . as the cumaean sibyll in a scorne her prophecies should serue all nations turne , from the vast heape of vniversall fate , vvith a proud hand cull'd out the roman state : so now the phoebus fill'd phemon●● striues , obscure appius , where to find out thee ' mongst all the delphian inspirations : then first from her mad mouth the foaming ●unnes , and in the horrid caue were heard at once broke-winded murmurs , howlings and sad grones . at last these words fall from the maide orecome : great threates of war , thou only freed from , shalt in eubaea's pleasant valleys rest . and there she stopt ; phoebus her speech supprest . yee tripodes keepers of fate , that know all the world's secrets , and apollo thou skill'd in all truth , from whom the gods conceale no future times , why fear'st thou to reveale that action , that our empire 's ruine brings , great captaines deaths and funeralls of kings , and all the people that with rome shall bleede ? haue not the gods this mischiefe yet decree'd ? or stay those fates , whilest planets are at strife and doubt about condemning pompey's life ? or hid'st thou , fortune , to effect more sure our liberties revenge , and brutus cure of monarchy againe ? then the maides breast shou'd ope the temple doores , and out she prest . her mad fit holds , nor had she all explain'de , part of the god within her still remain'd . and round about her wandring eyes he rowl'd ; nor does her face one constant posture hold : but sometimes threatning , sometimes fearefull t is ; sometimes a fiery red her countenance dyes : sometimes her pallid cheekes anger exprest , not feare : nor can her wearied heart finde rest ; but as a while after the windes are c●as'd the ocean mu●mur's ; so oft so bings eas'd the maidens breast . but twixt this inspir'd light , and her plaine humane vnderstandings sight a darkenesse came ; phoebus oblivion sent ; then from her breasts the gods high secrets went , and divinations to the tripodes return'd againe . but when her fit gan cease shee falls . nor didst thou , beguil'd ( i ) appius , feare from doubtfull oracles thy death so neare ; but in that tottering world with hopes most vaine thought quietly eubaea to retaine . ah foole what god but death could set thee free out of the world 's generall calamity , and war ? there shall thy hearse entombed lye , and so possesse eubaea quietly , where th' sea by marble-fam'd carystos is straightn'd , and pride-revenging nemesis rhamnus adores , a straighten'd currert strong that channels holds , and eurypus along beares ships by violence , changing oft his tide , from chalcis to ill harbouring aulis side . by this time caesar come from conquer'd spaine with his victorious eagles was againe marching ( k ) another way : when rate almost the prosperous course of his whole war had crost ; for conquer'd in no fight the generall in his owne campe gan feare the losse of all his treason's fruit , those hands that faithfull still had serv'd his warres , now glutted with the fill of blood , began to quit their generall . th' alarmes tragicke sounds not heard at all a while , and cold sheath'd swords their thirst of war had cool'd ; or else the greedy souldier damning for gaine both cause and generall , would set his blood stain'd sword at higher sale . caesar not more in any danger try'd how tottering and vnfirme a prop his pride had lean'd vpon , and well might stagger , reft of all those souldiers hands , and almost left to his owne sword ; he that so many lands had drawne to war , knowes now the souldiers hands , not his must doe the deede . their plaints now be not dumbe , nor timorous is their mutiny . that cause , that does suspitious mindes restraine , whilest each one feares , where he is fear'd againe , and thinkes that he himselfe distasts alone his rulers tyranny , in this was gone . their number to secure their feare is able . where all offend , the crime 's vnpunishable . they poure out threats ; now caesar let vs cease from wicked war ; thou seek'st by land and seas swords for these throates , and vpon any foe wouldst our too cheape esteemed liues bestow ; some of vs slaine in war in gallia lye , in spaine lye some , and some in italy ; ore all the world thy army 's slaughtered while thou orecom'st , what bootes our blood that 's shed ' gainst gaules and germans in the north so far ? for all thou pay'st vs with a civill war. when rome we tooke , and made the senate flye , what spoiles from men or temples gathered we ? guilty in swords and hands , all villany we goe vpon : vertuous in poverty alone ; what end is there of war at all , or what can be enough , if rome too small ? see our gray haires , weake hands , and bloodlesse armes our vse of life is gone ; in warres alarmes our age consum'd ; send vs now old at least to choose our deaths , this is our bad request : our dying limmes on hard ground not to lay , nor strike steele helmets till our dying day : to seeke some frends to close our eyes in death ; to get our proper piles ; our last to breath in our wiues armes ; let sicknesse end our dayes ; let 's vnder caesar find some other wayes of death then sword ; why hood winkt leadst thou vs with a vaine hope on acts portentuous ? as if in civill war we were not able to know what treason is most profitable ? our wars haue taught him nothing , if not this , what we can doe ; nor is this enterprise forbid by law ; he was our generall in th'german wars : here we are fellowes all ▪ whom treason soiles , it makes of aequall state . besides in his vnthankefull aestimate our valour 's lost , and whatsoere we doe is call'd his fortune ; but let caesar know we are his fate . though friended by the gods , caesar is nothing if with vs at odds . this said , about his tent they mustur all with angry lookes seeking their generall . so let it goe , ye gods , since piety forsakes vs , and our hopes on vice relye , let discord make an end of civill war. what generall would not such a tumult scarre ? but caesar ; that the fates still suddaine tryes , and loues through greatest dangers t'exercise his fortunes , comes ; nor till their rage abate stayes he , but meetes the fury of their hate . cityes , and temples spoyles to them he nere deny'd , though ioue's tarpejan house it were , senators wiues and daughters to deflower . all villanyes would caesar from his power haue them aske freely , and wars guerdon loue : and nothing feares , but that his men should proue honest . ah caesar art thou not asham'd that civill war by thine owne souldiers damn'd should be allow'd by thee ? shall they first be weary of blood , and hate impiety , whilest thou runn'st headlong on through wrong and right ? giue ore , and learne to liue out of a fight ; giue thy guilt leaue to end . why to these wars doest thou enforce vnwilling souldiers ? the civill war flyes from thee ; on the top of a turfe mount stands caesar fearlesse vp , deserving feare by his vndaunted looke ; and thus , as anger prompted him , he spoke . whom you with hands and lookes did absent braue souldiers , vnarm'd , and present now you haue . heere sheath your swords , if you would end the wars . sedition , that no act of valour dares , faint hearted fooles , and flying spirits declares , tir'd with their matchlesse captaines conquering state . but goe ; leaue me to war with mine owne fate : these weapons will find hands , when i cashiere all you , as many men , as swords are heere , will fortune send me ; shall all italy in such a fleete with vanquisht pompey flye ? and shall my conquests not bring men to share the wealthy spoiles of this neere finisht war , reaping the profit of your toile , and so vnwounded with my laurell'd charriot goe ? you an old worne , and bloodlesse company ( then rom's plebeians ) shall my tryumphs see . can caesars fortune feele the losse of you ? if all the streames , that into th' ocean flow , should threaten to withdraw themselues ; the seas would by the losse of them no more decrease , then now they fill . thinke you that such as ye can any moment to my fortunes be ? the gods care never will so low descend , that fates your deaths or safeties should attend , the fates attend on great mens actions : mankind liues for a few ; and you , whom once spaine fear'd , and all the north , whilst vnder me , if pompey were , your generall would flye . whilest labienus did with caesar stay , he was a man ; now a base runaway flyes with his chosen cheife ore sea and land . nor shall your faith in my opinion stand better though me ye make nor enemy nor generall ; he that revolts from me , and does not pompeys faction straight maintaine , he never will my souldier be againe . the gods themselues over my campe haue care , and would not venture me in such a war ere i haue chang'd my men . a burden maine has fortune from my weary shoulders tane ; i may disarme those hands now lawfully , whose boundlesse hopes earth could not satisfie . out of my campe ; i le for my selfe make wars : resigne those eagles vp to souldiers base citizens : but those that authors were of this sedition , punishment shall heere detaine , not caesar ; fall vpon the ground , yeild your disloyall heads and necks to wound ; and you , which now my campes sole strength shall be young souldiers , learne to strike , and learne to dye . veiwing their death ; the foolish people than gan tremble at his anger ; and one man made all them feare ▪ who had it in their hand to ruine him , as if he could command the swords themselues , and without souldiers make his wars ; but in this punishment to lacke assisting swords he feares : they patient all exceede the hope of their sterne generall ; not onely swords , but throates they offer ; he feares nought but ' batement of their cruelty . a ( l ) covenant dire this quarrell does decide , with punishment the army 's pacify'd . in ten dayes march to reach brundusium he bids them straight , and call all shipping home , that on crookt hydrus , and old taras then , leucas close shores , and the salapian fen dispersed were , and sypus , ore which stands fruitfull garganus on italian lands reaching the adriatike , and their tasts dalmation north , calabrian southerne blasts . caesar without his troupes goes safe alone to trembling rome now taught to serue a gowne , and ( kind forsooth ) yeilds at the peoples prayer to be dictator ( m ) honour's highest staire , and joyfull calenders , being consul , made . for all those words ( n ) then their beginning had , vvith which ere since our emperours we claw . but caesar that his power might want no law , falsely the name of magistrate purloines , and to his swords the roman axes joynes , fasces t' his eagles , and with fitting shame signes the sad times ; for by what consuls name vvill the pharsalian yeere be better knowne ? a fain'd assembly in the field is ( o ) showne ; the people giue their suffrages compell'd , not lawfully admitted , th'urnes are held , the tribes are cited ; voices throwne in vaine into the vene ; the augurs deafe remaine though loud it thunder , and are forc'd to sweare that birds auspicious , though sad owles , appeare . thence that once honour'd power her dignity first lost ; but left the times vnnam'd should be , our calenders doe ( p ) monethly consulls fill . that god that dwells on trojan alba's hill though not deserving ( latium conquer'd ) sees the consuls solmne nightly sacrifice . caesar departing thence runs forward right swifter then whelpe-robb'd tyger , or the flight of lightening ore apulia , where the field vnplow'd no cerne , but slothfull grasse does yeild . and come to cretan crookt brundusium findes the sea vnsaileable for dangerous windes , and the fleete fearefull of cold winters face . he thinkes it shame thus to delay the space of war , and keepe the haven , when the sea lies ope to men lesse fortunate then he , and thus perswades his men to try the seas : the northerne winds more constantly possesse both ayre and ocean , when they once begin , then those which the vnconstant spring brings in . we haue no turnings different shores vpon , our way 's forth right ; the north winde serues alone . vvould he would stuffe our sailes , bending our mas●● and force vs vpon greece with furious blasts , lest pompey's gallys from dyrrachium meete vvith their swift oares our becalmed fleet . then cut the cables , that our fleete doe stay , vve loose the stormes , these clouds will passe away . now in the sea bright sol had hid his head , and starres appear'd , the moone her shadowes spread : the fleet at once weigh'd anchor , and drew out the sailes at length , which straight they turn'd about to the ships length and spread the topsailes too , to loose no gust of wind that ever blew . vvhen a soft gale had made the sailes to swell , for a short space , downe to the mast they fell● againe ; that winde , that put them from the shore , vvas able now to follow them no more . the seas flat face now all becalmed lyes like standing pooles ; no waues , no billowes rise . so bridled is the euxine sea , whose course ister , nor thracian bosphorus can force : the frozen sea lets goe those ships no more , that once it takes ; the horses trample ore safely where ships haue saild ; the bessians furrow maeotis frozen backe with waines , this cruell calme does the sad ocean make ( as if the seas their nature did forsake ) like standing pooles , th' ocean obserues no more his ancient course ; he had forgot to rore : no tides flow to and fro , nor seemes the sun to dance vpon the waters motion . to many dangers this becalmed fleete is subject ; on one side they feare to meete pompey's swift galleys ; on the other side detain'd at sea a famine to abide . from these new feares arose a new desire : they wish the ocean would collect his ire , and all the windes would wrestle , so it were no calme ; but no such signes , no cloudes appeare : the skies , and seas conspir'd to take away all hope of shipwracke ; but th' ensuing day all clouded ore did comfortable prooue : waues from th' seas bottome rose ; hills seem'd to mooue . the ships were borne away , and as they swim the waues in crooked furrowes follow them . with prosperous windes , and seas they reach the land , and anchor cast vpon palestes sand . the place , where first both generalls ( q ) campes did pitch neare to each other , was that region , which swift genusus , and gentle apsus round encompasse ; apsus , because slow , profound , and navigable is : the other flowes ( encreast by showres , and sun-dissolved snowes ) more swift ; both channells are but short , not far from sea the springs of both these rivers are . heere fortune first those two fam'd heroes brought together ; the vaine-hoping world had thought the generalls now no farther off remoov'd thus wicked war would both haue disaprov'd ; each others face they saw , and well might heare each others voice ; ah pompey , many a yeare not nearer did thy once lov'd father in law , since that deare pledge the death of iulia , and her young sonne , see thee , till stain'd with gore he saw thy face on aegypts cursed shore . but part of caesar's ( r ) forces left behinde made him protract the battell though his minde were feirce on fight ; those bold ( s ) antonius led , in civill wars now vnder caesar bred for leucas fight ; whom making long delay with threats , and prayers thus caesar calls away : thou mischeife of the world , why doest thou wast the gods , and fates good will ? my prosperous ha●● has done all hitherto , fortune from thee requires the last hand to this speedily successefull war ; doe libya's quicksands lye , or her devouring gulfes twixt thee and me ? haue i committed thee to vnknowne seas , or sent thee on vntryed casualtyes ? caesar commands thee not , coward , to goe , but follow him ; my selfe heere , where the foe encamped lyes , am first arrived now . fear'st thou my campe ? we loose what fates bestow : and to the windes , and seas i bootlesse plaine . my forward souldiers doe not thou detaine , that would take any seas , if i judge right , they'd come through shipwracke vnder me to fight . now i must speake in greife , the world i see is not divided twixt vs aequally , in epire caesar , and th' whole senate rest , thou art alone of italy possest . but having often vs'd such words as those , they still delaying , caesar gan suppose the gods not wanting vnto him , but he to them : and rashly did resolue to try by night those seas , which they for feare forbore although , commanded , finding evermore bold actions thriue ; and hopes in a ( t ) small bote t' orecome those waues whole navyes ventur'd not . now weary night wars toilesome cares did end : poore men tooke rest , whose meane estates could lend their breasts sound sleepe ; the campe all silent proou'd , vvhen the third houre the second watch had moov'd . vvith carefull steps through this vast silence then caesar , what not the meanest of his men vvould doe , entends ; leaues all , and goes alone vvith none but fortune his companion : and passing through the courts of guard , he findes all fast asleepe , complaning in his minde that he could passe ; but at the water side he found a boate with a small cable ty'd fast to a rocke : the man that ow'd , and kept this boate , not far from thence securely slept in a small cottage of no timber trees , but woven reedes , and barren bulrushes built vp : a boate's turn'd bottome did suffice to fence his wall . there caesar twice or thrice knockt with his hand that all the cottage shak'd : from his soft bed of sedge amyclas wak'd , vvhat shipwrackt man , quoth hee , knockes there , or whom has fortune driven to my poore house to come for shelter ? speaking thus he rose from bed , and his fir'd match with better suell fed , secure from feare of warre : such houses are ( full well he knowes ) no spoile for civill war. oh safe blest poore mans life , oh gift of all the gods , not yet well knowne ; what city wall , vvhat temple had not fear'd at caesar's stroke ? but when the doore was ope , thus caesar spoke : enlarge thy hopes , poore man , expect to haue more wealth from me then modesty can craue : only transport me to th' italian shore , this trade of living thou shalt neede no more , no more shall labour thy poore age sustaine . yeild to thy fate ; a god is come to raine downe showres of wealth thy little house vpon . thus caesar , though disgui●d , forgetts the tone of private men , when poore amyelas made this answere ; many things ( al●s disswade my minde from trusting of the seas to night . the sunne set pale , his beames dispers'd ; whose light partly to north , and partly south inclin'd . the middle of his orbe but dimn ely shin'd , and dazled not the weake beholders eyes : vvith dulled hornes did the pale mooue arise , not free from cloudes her middle part she had : her pointed ends no horne directly made : first red betokening windes , ●●en pale sh●was , and in darke cloudes obscur'd her mourning face . but the shor●s ●olse , the murmur of the woods , the dolphins playing vp and downe the floods vvith course vncertaine i mislike no more like i ther cormo●ants flock●ng to the shore : nor that the herne ●n her smooth wing relying presumes to rea●h the skyes with lofty fly●ng ; no that the crow wagl●ng along the shore diu●s downe , and seemes t'anti●ipate a showre . but if affaires of weight requi●e mine aide , to vse my skill i will not be afraide ; either the windes , and seas shall it deny , o● i will reach the shore of italy . this said , loosing his vessell he puts on , and sp●eads his sailes , at whose first motion not only th'vsuall falling starres did make in the darke aire a long and fiery tra●ke , but even those starres , which make their fixt abode in th' higheast ●phaeres , did seeme to sha●e and nod . the seas blacke face a terrour does diff●se , the threatning waues in t●ackes voluminous boile vp ; the seas by blasts vncertaine blowne betoken many windes conception then thus the master spake ; behold how great a danger the sea teemes withall : as yet vncertaine tis what winde rough east or west shall come ; the ba●ke's on every side distrest with severall waues ; the cloudes and skies expresse the southwindes rage : the murmur of the seas the northwest winde , in such a storme to shore not safe , nor shipwrackt can we ere get ore , no course but one of safety do●s remaine , hopelesse to steare our courses backe againe . let 's set our danger'd barke a land , before we are too far gone from the graecian shore . caesar presuming that all dangers great would yeild to him , contemne quoth he , the threat of raging seas ; spread sailes , and if the sky warrant thee not to goe for ●taly , i le warrant thee ; the just cause , why thou fear'st is this , because thou know'st not whom thou bear'st : him whom the gods never forsake ; to whom fortune accounts it injury to come after his wish ; breake through the waues ; alone thinke thy selfe safe in my protection . these are the troubles of the seas and skyes , not of our barke this barke , where caesar is , her cariage shall protect ; nor long shall this storme last : but happy for the ocean t is this barke is heere . oh turne not backe thy hand , nor thinke vpon epire's adjoyning land ; thinke on calabria's shore safe to arriue , since no land else to me can safety giue . alas thou knowest not why these terrours rise ; in all these tumults of the seas and skyes does fortune striue to pleasure me . no more he spoke ; when straight a furious whirlewind tore from the rent barke her shrowdes , and downe it flunge the sailes , that on the trembling mainemast hunge . the joynt dissolved vessell sounds , when lo windes full of danger from all quarters blow : first from th' atlantike ocean corus blowes rowling the waues and raised billowes throwes with violence against the rockes amaine : him boreas meetes , and turnes them backe againe ; the sea stands doubtful , to what winde to yeild ; but scythian boreas fury winnes the feild ; but though high waues he from the bottome reare , yet to the shore those waues he cannot beare ; they meete with those that corus brings , and breake the seas thus rais'd ( though now the winds were weak ) would meete themselues . nor must you now surmise eurus is still , or showre-blacke notus lyes imprison'd close in aeal's rocky caue they from their severall quarters rush to saue with furious blasts their lands from being drown'd , and keepe the sea within his proper bound . for oft ( they say ) small seas by violent winde haue beene transported : so th' aegaean joyn'd with the tyrrhene : so with th' ie●●an the adriatike met . how oft in vaine that day the sea seem'd mountaines topps to ' ore flow ▪ and yeilding earth that deluge t' vndergoe . but such high waues on no shore raised be , but from the worlds far part , and the maine sea they rowle ; the earth embracing waters bring their monstrous waues , so wh●n the heavens high king help'd his tir'd thunder with his ●rotheis mace to mankinds ●uine , earth then added was to neptunes kingdome , when the sea confounded , all lands , and tethys by no shore was bounded , contented with no limit but the skyes then also would those ●welling seas arise vpto the starres ; had not great ioue kept downe their waues with cloudes , nor sprung that night alone from naturall causes ; the thi●ke aire was growne infected with the dampes of acheron , and clogg'd with foggy stormes , waues frō the maine fly to the cloudes , and fall like showres againe . the lightnings light is lost ; it shines not cleare , but shootes obscurely through nights stormy aire . the heavens then trembled ; the high pole for feare resounded , when his hindges mooved were . nature then fear'd the old confusion : the elementall concord seem'd vndone ; and night , that mixt th' aetheriall deityes with the infernall , ●eem'd againe to rise ; their hope of safety was that in this great wra●ke of the world they were not perisht yet . as farre as you from leucas top may see the quiet sea , so farre could they desery from waues high tops the troubled ocean ; but when the swelling billowes fall againe , the maine-mast top scarce aboue water stands : the topsailes touch the cloudes , the keele the sands . for ground is seene from whence the s●as arise in hills ; in waues the seas whole water is . feare conquers art : the master does not know which waue to breake , which waue to yeeld vnto . but the seas discord only aides them now ; the barke one billow cannot overflow let by anothers force , which still susteines the yeilding side ; the barke vpright mainteines her course , supported by all windes , no more low sasons gulfes , thessalia's crooked shore , or the ambracian dangerous ports they fear'd , but ore the high ceraunia to be rear'd ●y billowes ; caesar thinkes it now to be a danger worthy of his destiny ; are the gods troubled so to ruine me , whom sitting heere in a small barke ( quoth he ) they haue assaulted with a storme so lowd ? if on the seas , not warres they haue bestow'd the glory of my death , fearelesse i come ye gods , to any death that ye can doome : though this too hasty fate great actes breake off , i haue already done things great enough ; the northren nations i haue tam'd , and quell'd my foes at home by armes : rome has beheld great pompey my inferiour ; honours stay'd from me in war , the people forc'd haue pay'd , all roman honours in my titles be . let it be knowne , fortune , to none but thee ( though full of honour to the shades below i both romes consull , and dictator goe ) i dye a private death , ô gods i craue no funerall : let the seas inmost waue keepe my torne carkasse let me want a tombe , and funerall pyle whilest lookt for still to come into all lands i am , and ever fear'd . thus having spoke ( most strange ) the tenth waue rear'd his barke aloft ; nor from the billowes top did she fall downe , kept by the water vp , till on the rocky shore she stood at last . his fortune , and so many kingdomes ( cast on shore ) and townes againe he did receiue . caesar's returne next morne could not deceiue his souldiers so , as his stolne flight had done ; about their generall flock they every one assaulting him with lamentations , and not ingratefull accusations ; vvhither did thy rash valour carry thee too cruell caesar ? to what destiny didst thou leaue vs poore soules , venturing vpon th' vnwilling seas , and stormes thy selfe alone ? in thee to seeke for death was cruelty , vvhen all the world esteemes thy head so high , and on thy life so many liues of ours depend ; did none of vs deserue t' haue power not to surviue thee ? sleepe did vs detaine , while thou wert tost vpon the watry maine . was this the cause thou went'st to italy ? ( alas it shames vs ) it was cruelty to venture any man on such a sea ; for the last act of things such hazards be . vvhy doest thou tire the gods so much to goe , and venture the worlds greatest captaine so ; from fortune's worke , and favour thus t' haue sent thee safe a shore to vs , be confident . of the warres issue . this vse doest thou make of the gods favour to escape a wracke , rather then gaine the worlds sole soveraignety ? thus while they talke , night past , the sunne they see , and a cleare day ; his waues the tired maine ( by the windes leaue ) compos'd , and smooth'd againe . the captaines also on th' italian side vvhen the t●r'd ocean free from waues they spy'd by the pure northwinds rising ; thence convay'd their ships , which their skill'd marriners had stay'd so long for feare while winds auspicious fail'd . like a land army their joyn'd navy sail'd on the broad sea ; but the chang'd windes by night fill'd not their sailes , but broke the order quite . so cranes in vvinter strymon's cold forsake to dr●nke warm● nile , and in their first flight make ( as chance directs ) of letters various formes ; vvhen their spread wings are by the violent stormes of strong south-windes assailed , by and by ●n a confused globe all mingled fly : the letter 's lost in their disranked wings . but the next morne when rising titan brings a stronger winde to driue the navie ore , they passe the vaine attempted lissus shore , and to nymphaeum come : southwinds that blow , the haven on them ( the northwindes fled ) bestow . vvhen caesars legions all collected were , and pompey saw the war was drawne so neere to his owne campe , he thinkes best to provide for his wiu●● safety , and in lesbos hide thee , faire cornelia , from the noise of warre . alas in just and noble mindes how farre prevailes true loue ? true loue alone had power to make great pompey feare wars doub●full houre ; his wife alone he wisht free from that stroke , that all the world , and romes whole fortune shooke . but now a ready m●nd wants words in him : he yeilds to sweete delayes ; from fare steales time . but when th'approching morne had banisht rest , and faire cornelia his care-wounded breast clasping , from her averted husband seekes a loving kisse , wondring to feele his cheekes moistened with teares ; t● hid●en cause she feares , and da●es not fin● great pompey shedding teares . he then thus mourning spake : oh d●arest wife , dearer to me then life , not now , when life i loath , but in our best prosperity , that sad day's come which too too mu●h haue we , yet not enough d●fferr'd . caesar's addrest for fight ; thou must not stay ; lesbos the best , and safest place will be for thee to hide ; doe not en●treat me sweete ; i haue deny'd it to my selfe ; nor absent long shall we remaine , for swift will this wars tryall be , great things fall speedily . to heare , not see thy pompey's d●nger is enough so thee thy loue deceiues me , if thou couldst e●dure to see this fight ; for me to sleepe secure vvith thee ( this war begun ) ●nd from thine armes to rise , were shame , when the wars loud alarmes shake all the world , and that thy pompey came sad with no losse to such a war were shame . nor shall thy husbands fortune all together oppresse thee , farre remoov'd safer then either people or king . and should the gods contriue my death , let pompeys better part surviue , and a place be , whither i may desire , if fate and caesar vanquish , to retire . her weakenesse could of such great griefe containe , her sences fled , she did amaz'd remaine . at length when sad complaints these words could frame , my lord , quoth she , i haue no cause to blame our wedlockes fortune , or the gods aboue : no death , no funerall divides our loue : we part the common , and plebeian way , for feare of war cornelia must not stay . let 's be divorc'd to gratifye the foe , since he 's at hand . pompey esteem'st thou so my faith , or think'st thou any thing can be safer to me then thee ? depend not we vpon one chance ? canst cruell thou command thy absent wife this ruines shocke to stand ? or think'st thou it a happy state for me ( while thy chance yet does doubtfull stand ) to dye for feare of future ill ? i will attend thy death ; but till sad fame the newes can send so farre , shall be forced to surviue . b●sides thou wilt accustome me to grieue , and beare so great a sorrow , as i feare ( pardon that i confesse ) i cannot beare . and if the good gods heare my prayers now , i last of all the happy newes shall know . i on the rockes , when thou art conquerer , shall carefull sit , and even that ship shall feare , that brings the happy newes : nor will my feare haue end , so soone as i thy conquest heare ▪ so farre remoov'd from thee , that caesar may ( though flying ) seize cornelia as a pray . my banishment will lesbos shore renowne ▪ and make the towne of mitylene knowne , where pompey's wife abides . my last request is this , if thou be conquer'd , and nought rest to s●u● thy life but flight , to any bay rather then that turne thy vnhappy way . vpon my shore thou wilt be surely sought this said , from bed she leapt with griefe distraught , her woes with no delayes to enterlace ; nor could she then her lord 's sad breast embrace , nor hang about his necke ; the last fruite's gone of so long loue : their griefes they hasten on : and at the parting neither had the power to say farewell . never so sad an hower in all their life had they su●ceeding woes their mindes by custome hardened could compose . she fainting falls , and in her serva●ts hands lifted is borne to sea , but on the sands she falls , as if that shore she faine would keepe , at last perforce she 's carry'd to the ship ▪ from her deare countrey's shore not so distrest fled she , when caesar italy possest . with pompey then she went : now all alone wanting that guide ; she from her lord is gone . sleepelesse she spent in her now widow'd bed cold , and alone , the night that followed . that side that naked vs'd not to be left , is of a husbands company bereft . oft would she , when her sleepy armes she spread , with hands deceiv'd embra●e the empty bed , seeking her lord , her flight she would forget ; for , though l●ues flame-fed on her marrow , yet ore all the bed she would not tumbl●ng spread . fearing to misse her lord , that part of bed she kept ; but fate did not so well ordaine ; the howr's at hand that brings her lord againe . finis . libri quints . annotations on the fift booke : ( a ) pompey's losses , as we saw before in the 2.3 . and 4. bookes were these , all his garrisons beaten cut of italy , and himselfe driven from thence ; massilia sackt : all spaine lost , together with his army vnder the conduct of afrarius and petrejus caesars losses a cohort of opitergians , wh●ch kill'd themselues on the illyrian sea with their captaine vulteius , and curio kill'd by king iuba . ( b ) phocis was then made free as well as massilia her colony , which caesar besiedg'd . ( c ) dejotarus king of galatia brought to the army of pompey sixe hundred horsemen . ( d ) cotys king of thracia sent to the army fiue hundred horsemen vnder the conduct of his s●●ne sadalis . ( e ) r●asipolis brought from macedonia two hundred horsemen ( f ) ptolemey defra●ded his sister cleopatra of her share in the kingdome , and in killing pompey , saved caesar the doing of that impious act . ( g ) appius the governour of a●haia desirous to know the event of the civill war , compelled the chiefe priest of delphos to descend to the oracle , which had not of a long time beene vsed ( h ) in the midst of the hill there was a deepe hole into the earth , out of which came a cold spirit , as it were a winde , and filled the prophetesses with a fury , so that they instan●ly prophesied of things to come . ( i ) appius thinking this oracle had warned him onely to abstaine from this war , retired himselfe into that countrey which lyeth betweene r●am●u● , and caryst●s called cala eub●a , where before the battle of ph●rsalia he dyed of a disease , and was there buryed , and so ●ossest quietly the place which the oracle had promised him . ( k ) caesar was now returned to placentia from spaine , where hee had conquered afranius and petrejus two of pompey's lieutenants , and was going from thence into epire and macedonia against pompey ; in the meane time this mutiny happened ( l ) caesar cashiered with ignominy all the ninth legion at placentia ; and with much adoe after many prayers received them againe , but not without taking punishment of the chiefe muten●ers . ( m ) caesar made himselfe dictator at rome without any lawfull election , that is , neither named by the senate nor consul ; but eleven dayes after he left his dictatorshippe , having made himselfe and publius servilius consuls . ( n ) then beganne all those names of flattery , which they afterward vsed to their emperours , as diuus , ever augustus , father of his countrey , founder of peace , lord , and the like . ( o ) after all governement was in the hands of caesar alone , all the ancient rites in creating of magistrates were quite taken ●way , an imaginary face of election was in the field of mars , the tribes were cited , but were not admitted distinctly , and in the true forme to giue their suffrages , the other orders were but vaine ; for the emperour commended him to the centuries whom he would haue consul , or else designed him , and chose him himselfe ; their augury also was abused and the augurs interpreted every thing as they were compelled . ( p ) vnder the emperours , consuls were oft chosen for halfe an yeare for 1.2 . or 3 moneths . ( q ) pompey was then is candavia but when he heard that caesar was come , and was possest of oricum , and apollonia ; hee hasted to dyrrachium caesar pitched his tents at one side of the river apsus , and pompey at the other . ( r ) caesar having landed his men the same night sent backe the ships to brundusium for antonius to transport the rest of his legions , and his horsemen , whose slow comming made caesar defer the fight . ( s ) this marcus antonius after the death of iulius caesar had warre with augustus , by whom he was vanquished in a sea fight neere leucas ( t ) when part of the army for want of ships stay'd at brundusium , vnder antonius , gabinius and calenus , caesar impatient of delay resolved to goe himselfe as a messenger to call them in a stormy night , and a little vessell , some say a boate that would beare twelue oares ; but vnknowne to all his army he past in a disguised habite through all the courts of guard , and went to sea. lvcans pharsalia . the sixt booke . the argument . caesar enclosing pompey with a fence , and trenches of a vast circumference endures a famine , pompey pestilence , who breaking through escapes a conquerer thence . braue scaeva's valour , and admired fight . into thessalia caesar takes his flight ; great pompey followes : the description , and poets tales , that thessaly ren●wne . to the dire witch ericttho sextus goes this fatall warres sad issue to disclose : she quickens a dead carcasse , which relates to sixtus eare , his and his fathers fates , and craving then deaths freedome to obtaine ●s by a magicke spell dissolv'd againe . when on neere ( a ) hils both generalls fierce ( b ) of fight had pitch'd their tents , and drawne their tro●pes in sight and the gods saw their match : caesar in greece ●cornes to take towes , or owne the destinyes . for any conquest , but his sonne in law's . the worlds sad howre , that to a tryall drawes this wars maine-chance , he wishes for alone , that cast of fortune , that must ruine one . thrice on the hills his battell he array'd , and all his threatning eagles thrice display'd , shewing that he would neuer wanting be t'ore●hrow the roman state . but when he see no provocations could his sonne in law ( who close entrenched lay ) to battell draw , from thence ( c ) he march'd by woody passages , and close , to take dyrrachiums fort●esses . thither a neerer way great pompey takes along the shore and on high petra makes his campe , to guard from thence dyrrachium towne safe ( without men ) by her owne strength alone . no human labour , no old structure made her fence , which would ( though nere so lofty ) fade by force ●f war , or eating time oretaken . a strength , that by no engine can be shaken , her scite , and nature giue , the sea profound , and steepe waue-breaking rockes enclose it round ; but for on little hill an iland 't were : ship-threatning rockes susteine the walls , and there th' ionian sea rais'd by the southwindes blasts her temples shakes , and frothy foamings casts ore houses topps war-thirsty caesar then conceiv'd ( d ) a cruell hope , spreading his men , round on the hills from every side t' enclose with joyned trenches his vnwar● foes : and all the ground surveying with his eye is not content alone to fortefie his workes with brittle earth , but weighty-stone from quarryes digs , vast rockes , houses torne downe , and greekish walls brought thither make a fence , able the rams assaulting violence , and all wars furious engines to withstand ; hills levell'd , valleyes rais'd make even l●nd in caesars wo●kes , with trenches wide enclos'd and tow●●d castels on the hills dispos'd . with a vast circuite he takes in the ground , about the pastures , woods , and shelters round as 't were for deere , spreading a wide-stretch'd toile . pompey no roome , nor pasture wants ; for while he thus enclos'd by caesars trenches is , he remooues campes ; ( so many rivers rise , and their whole course within this circuite run ) and caesar , tir'd going to looke vpon his workes , makes often stayes let ancient tales to the gods worke adscribe the trojan wall ; let flying parthians still admire alone the brittle earth-built walls of babylon . as far as tigris , and orontes run , as the assyrian kings dominion stretch'd in the east , a suddaine worke of war encloses heere . lost those great labours are . so many h●nds would to abydos put sestos : fill vp the hellespont : and cut corinth from pelops land : and from the seas take long malea for the sa●lers ease : or mende some part ( though nature should deny ) of the worlds structure . here wars quarters lye : here feedes that blood that in all lands must flow , the libyan , and thessalian overthrow . wars civill fury boiles kept straitly in . the wo●kes first structure pompey had not seene . as who in middest of s●●ily safe dwell , when rough pelorous barkes , can never ●ell : as northren brit●ain●s c●nn●t heare the rore of flowing seas agai●st the k●nt●sh shore . but when himselfe be●u●t to fa● he ●new by a vast trench , he from safe petra drew his troopes : and ore the hills dispos'd them so . to keepe the rankes of his beseidging foe more thin and tooke of the enclosed ground as much in length , as in true distance fou●d twixt lofty rome , and th' a●icinian wood , vvhere scythian dian's ador'd image stood : as far as tyber's streame from romes walls ends by straight account , not as the river bends . no trumpets sound : piles vncommanded flye : mischeifes oft done as they their javelinstry . both cheifes are kept from fight b● greater care : pompey because his pasture feilds are bare ; the ground he had , by ho●se or●tram●led was , vvhose horny hoofes trode downe the springing grasse . the war-like steed weary'd in those bar'd feilds , vvhen the full racke provi●der far brought yeil●s , tasting his new-brought food falls downe and dyes treading the ring , fail'd by his trembling thighs . their bodyes wast by dire consumption ; the vnstirr'd aire dr●wes moist contagion into a pestilentiall ●loud , such breath nasis exhales from her darke caues beneath ; such poison'd aire , where bury'd typhon lyes , the ground sends forth ; apace the army dyes . the water from the aire infection taking vvith costiuenesse to●ments the bowells aking : dry's their discolour'd skin their blood-swolne eyes doe breake : the fiery plague with bot●●es flyes all ore the face : their heavy heads fall downe . now more and more suddaine their death was growne : twixt life and death the si●kenesse has no roome ; but death does with the first faint symptomes come . by carcasses , which all vnburyed lye . among the living growes mortality . t was all the sou●d●ers buriall to be cast out of the tents . this plague was staid at last by blasts of strong aire-stirring northern winde , ships fraught with corne , the shore , and sea behinde . but caesar free vpon the spacious hills , no p●stilence from aire or water fe●les : but ( as if straight beseig'd ) a famine strong is forc'd to suffer : corne as yet not sprong to the full height : his wretched men he sees fall to beasts food , eate grasse , and rob the trees of leaues , and tender twigs : and venturing more death-thr●atning herbes from rootes vnknowne they tore . what ever they could bite , soften with heat , or through their wounded palats downe could get , and things , that human tables nere did know , content to eate , besidg'd ( c ) their full fed foe . when through the trenches pompey pleas'd to make his way , and freedome of all lands to take : he seekes not th' obscure time of dusk● night , scorning to steale a passage free from fight : but rather force the trenches , and breake downe the forts and passe , where ruine leades him on , through swords and slaughter to enforce his way . the part of the neere trench most fitly lay minutius castle call'd ; trees thickly set making a groue obscure ore shadow'd it . hither his cohorts by no dust betray'd he led , and suddenly the walls assay'd . so many roman eagles glister round the field at once , so many trumpets sound , that now to swords the victory nought owes : feare had discomfited th' astonisht foes yet ( wherein valour only could be show'd ) that ground , where first they stood , they dying strow'd but the pompeyans now want foes to slay : whole showers of pil●s in vaine are throwne away . then fire row●'d vp in pitchy stuffe they throw vpon the workes : the shaken turrets bow , threatning a fall , the battred bulwarks grone beat by the rammes impetous fury downe , and ore the trenches pompeys eagles fly to vindicate the roman liberty . that place , which not a thousand companyes , nor all the strength of caesar could surprise , one man alone guards from the conquerers , denying pompey's conquest , whilest he weares a sword , and liues his name was scaeva , once a common souldier of those legions , that serv'd in gallia : then centurion , by blood promoted , to all mischiefe prone , and one that knew not in a civill war how great a crime the souldiers valours are . he when he saw his fellowes leaving fight , and seeking out safe places for their flight , whither ( quoth he ) base slaues , and beasts , does feare ( vnknowne to all that armes for caesar beare ) . driue you ? can you retire without one wound ? or are you not asham'd not to be found among the heape of men ? though faith were gone , anger ( me thinkes ) should make you fight alone . we are the men of all , through whom the foe has chose to breake ; let this day bloody goe on pompey's side . i should farre happyer dy in caesars sight : but since the fates deny him for a witnesse , pompey shall commend my death ; your breasts and throates vndaunted bend against their steele , and turne their weapons backe . the dust far off is seene , this ruines crack● has by this time enter'd our generalls cares . we conquer , fellowes ; caesar straight appeares to challenge ( though we dye ) this fort ; his voice more then th' alarums first inciting noise their fury stirr'd : then wondring at the man , and eager to behold the souldiers ran to see if valour disadvantag'd so , surpris'd by place and number could bestow ought more then death . he making good alone the falling worke , first throwes dead bodyes downe , from the full tower to overwhelme the foes . the posts , the wals , slaughter it selfe bestowes weapons on him , threatning himselfe to fall downe on their heads , and thrusts off from the wall the breasts of scaling foes with poles , and stakes , and with his sword cuts off his hand that takes hold on the bulwarkes top ; and with vast stones pashes their heads in peices , breakes their bones , and dashes out their weakely-fenced braines . downe on anothers haire , and face he raines pitch fir'd ; the fire whizzes in burning eyes . but when the pil'd vp carcasses gan rise to aequall the walls height , as nimbly then into the midst of pompey's armed men scaeva leapes downe from thence , as libbards fierce breake thorough the besetting huntsmens speares . then scaeva wedg'd in round , and by th' whole war enclos'd , yet where he striks is conquerer . his swords point dull with blood congealed growes , and blunt ; nor does it peirce , but bruise his foes . his sword has lost the vse , and without wound it breakes mens limmes . the foes encircling round at him direct their weapons all , and all their hands aime right , and javelins rightly fall : there fortune a strange match beholds , one man ' gainst a whole war. his strong sheild founded than vvith often strokes : his broken helmet beat downe to his temples wrings with paine and heat , and nothing else protects his vitall parts but th' outside of his flesh stucke full of darts . vvhy with light darts , and arrowes doe you striue ( vaine fooles ) such wounds , as cannot kill , to giue ? let the phalaricke strong her wilde fire throw , or massy walls of stone gainst such a foe : let battring rammes , and wars vast engines all remooue him thence ; he stands for caesar's wall ' gainst pompey's course . his breast no armes now hide , scorning to vse a sheild , lest his left side should want a wound , and he be forc'd to liue by his owne fault , what wounds the war can giue , he takes alone ; and bearing a thicke wood of darts vpon his breast , now wearyed stood choosing what foe to fall on ; so at sea doe whales , and monstrous beasts of libya . so a getulian elephant clos'd in by hunters round , all shafts from his thicke skin beates backe , and breakes : or mooving it shakes off the sticking darts ( his bowells safe enough ) and through those wounds no blood he looses ; so so many shafts , and darts cannot bestow one death . at last a cretan bow let flye a sure gortyan shaft : in the left eye of scaua stucke the shaft ; be voide of feares , the ligaments , and opticke sinnewes teares , that th' arrowes forked iron head did stay , and kick'd the shaft with his owne eye away . so if a libyan looped javelin peirce the side of a pannonian beare , more fierce growne by her wound , she wheeles her selfe about , eager to catch the dart , and pull it out , which still turnes with her , scaeua's lookes now bore , no fiercenesse , all his face deform'd with gore . a shout that reach'd the sky , the conquerers raise ; so little blood ( though drawne from caesars face ) could not haue joy'd them more . but scaeua now in his great heart suppressing this deepe woe , with a milde looke , that did no valour show , hold countrey-men ( quoth he ) forbeare me now ; vvounds further not my death , nor now neede i moe weapons in , but these pull'd out , to dye . into the campe of pompey carry me : doo 't for your generalls sake , let scaeua be rather th' example now of caesar left , then of a noble death . aulus be left these fained words of his vnhappily : and did not the swords point against him see : but as to seize him , and his armes he ventures , his throate the lightning sword of scaeua enters . his valour then by this one death renew'd vvax'd hot ; who ere dares thinke scaeua subdu'd , thus let him rue ( quoth he , ) if from this steele pompey seeke peace , let him to caesar kneele . thought you me like your selues , fearefull , and base ? you loue not pompey , and the senates cause , as i loue death . vvith that the dust rais'd high gaue them all notice caesars troopes were nigh , and from wars shame did the pompeyans free , lest a whole troope should haue bin thought to flee from scaeua only . vvhen the fight was done he fell , and dy'd : for fight ( when blood was gone ) lent strength . his friends taking him , as he fall● , vpon their shoulders to his funeralls are proud to beare him , and that breast adore , as if some sacred deity it bore , or valours glorious image there did liue . then all from his transfixed members striue to plucke the piles : and therewithall they drest the gods themselues : on mars his naked breast , scaeua , they put thy armes . how great endeede had bin thine honour , if those men , that fled ; had bin the warlike celtiberians . germans long arm'd , or short cantabrians . no triumphs now ; no spoiles of this sad war can decke the temple of the thunderer . vvith how great valour , wretch , hast thou procur'd a lord ? nor did great pompey lye immur'd and quiet from attempting fight againe at this repulse , no more then th' ocean is tir'd , when lifted by strong easterne blast ' gainst the repelling rockes , and eates at last the rockes hard side , making , though late , a way assault●ng then ( f ) the fort that neerest lay to th' sea , he takes it by a double war , and spreads his men over the fields afar , pleas'd with this liberty of changing ground . so when full padus swells aboue the bound of his safe bankes , and the neere fields oreflowes : if any land , not able to oppose that hill of water , yeild : that it oreruns , opening t' it selfe vnknowne dominions some owners must of force their lands foregoe , some gaine new lands , as padus will bestow . caesar , at first not knowing it , by light from a towres top had notice from the fight : the dust now la'id , he sees his walls beat downe ; but when he found it past , and the foe gone , this rest his fury stirr'd , enraged deepe that pompey safe on caesar's losse should sleepe . resolving ( though to his owne losse ) to goe on , and disturbe the quiet of his foe . first he assaults torquatu● , who descryes as soone his comming , as the sayler spyes th' approach of a circaean storme , and takes downe all his sailes , when once the maine mast shakes . his men within the inner wall doth bring , to stand more firmely in a narrow ring . ore the ( g ) first trenches workes caesar was gone , vvhen pompey from the hills aboue sent downe all his whole troopes vpon th' enclosed foe . th' inhabitants neere aetna feare not so enceladus , when the fierce southwind blowes , and aetna from her fiery cavernes throwes her scalding entrailes forth : as caesar's men , by the rais'd dust orecome ere they begin to fight ; and in the cloud of this blind feare flying they meete their foes ; terrour does beare them to their fate . then might haue beene let out the civill wars whole blood , and peace beene brought . pompey himselfe their furious swords restr●in'd . oh happy , rome , still free hadst thou remain'd with all thy lawes , and power , if there for thee sylla had conquer'd ; t is , and still shall be caesar , our griefe , thy worst of wicked deeds ( to fight with a good sonne in law ) succeedes . oh lucklesse fates , for munda's bloody day spaine had not wept , aff●icke for vtica ; nor had nile borne , her streame discolouring , a carcasse ( h ) nobler then th' aegyptian king ; nor iuba ( i ) nak'd on libyan sands had dy'd , nor had the blood of scipio pacify'd● carthage dire ghosts : nor mens society had lost good cato . that day , rome to thee had beene the last of ills ; pharsalias day in midst of fate had vanished away . caesar this ill-possessed place forsakes , and with his mangled ( k ) troopes t'aemathia makes . pompey pursues his flying father in law . whom from that purpose his friends striue to draw , perswading him to turne to italy now free from enemies never , quoth he , vvill i like caesar to my countrey come , nor never more vnlesse with peace , shall rome see my returne . in italy i could haue stay'd at the beginning , if i would before romes temples this sad war haue brought , and in the midst o' th market place haue fought . to draw the war from home , to ' th'torrid zone , or scythiaes farthest cold i would be gone . shall i a conquerer now rob rome of rest , vvho fled , lest she should be with war opprest ? let caesar thinke rome his , rather then she should suffer from this war. then easterly he turnes his course , paths devious marching over , vvhere regions vast candavia does discover , and to thessalia comes , which fate for this sad war ordaind thessalia bounded is by the ●●ill ossa on the northeast side ; pelion , when summer's in her height of pride , his shade opposes ' gainst sols rising rayes ; the woody othrys southward keepes away the scorchi●g lions heate ; pindus his hight keepes off the vvesterne windes , and hastens night by hiding the suns set ; those men neere feele ( that in the bottome of olimpus dwell ) the northwindes rage , nor all night long can see the shining of the beare . the fields , that lye a vale betwixt those hills , were heretofore a standing poole with water cover'd ore . the fields kept in the rivers ; tempe then had no vent to the sea : to fill the fen vvas all the rivers course . but when of yore alcides ossa from olimpus tore , and peneus suddainely the sea did fill : sea-borne achilles kingdome ( that had still beene better vnder water ) first was showne ; and phylace , that landed first vpon the trojan shore her ship ; and dorion for the nine muses anger woe-begone ; p●eleos , and trachis , me●●baa proud of great alcides shafts on her bestow'd , rase hire for oeta's fire ; and where men now over the once renowned argos plow : larissa potent once : and where old tales describe the echionian theban walls ; thither agaue banisht , there the head , and neck● of her dead pentheus buryed , griev'd she had torne no moe limbes from her son . the fens thus broke in many rivers run . on the vvest side into th'lonian sea clea●e , but small , aeas run : as small as he runs the egyptian isis fathers flood : and acheloiis , whose thicke streame with mud soiles the echinades : euenus ore meleagers calydon stain'd with the gore of nessus runs : sperchios swiftly slides into th'maliacke sea , whose channell glides purely along amphrysus pasture fields , vvhere phoebus serv'd : anauros , that nere yeilds nor fog , nor wind , nor exhalation : and what ere river by it selfe not knowne to th' sea , his waues on peneus bestowes : apidanos in a swift torrent flowes : enipeus never swift vnlesse combin'd : melas : and phaenix with asopus join'd : alone his streame pure titaresus keepes , though in a different named flood he creepes : and vsing peneus as his ground , he flowes aboue : from styx ( they say ) this river rose : vvho ( mindfull of his spring ) scornes with base floods to mixe , but keepes the reverence of the gods . vvhen first , these rivers gone , the fields appear'd , fat surrowes the boebician plowshares reard : th'aeolian husbandmen then breake the ground , the leleges , and dolopes then wound her fertile breast ; the skill'd magnetians in horesemanship : the sea fam'd minyans . in pelethronian dens t'●xion there a fruitfull cloud did th'halfe-wilde centaures beare : thee , monichus , that couldst on pholoe breake hardest rockes : and furious rhacus , thee , that vp by th'rootes could strong wilde ashes teare on octa's mount , which boreas blasts would beare ; phol●● , that didst alc●des entertaine : ravishing nessus on the river slaine by venom'd shafts : and thee , old chiron , made a constellation now , who seem'st t' invade the scorpion with thy thessalian bow : feirce wars first seedes did from this countrey grow ; heere the first horse for war sprang from a rocke , which mighty neptune with his trident stroke ; to chew on the steele bit he not disdain'd , and fom'd by his thessalian rider rain'd . from hence the first of ships the ocean plow'd , and seas hid paths to earth-bred mortalls show'd . itonus first of all thessalia's king to forme by hammer did hot mettalls bring ; made silver liquid , stamp'd his coines impresse in gold , and melted brasse in furnaces . hence did th' account of money first arise , the fatall cause of war and tragedies . heere was that hideous serpent python bred , vvhose skin the delphian tripos covered ; whence to those games thessalian bayes are brought . aloeus wicked brood ' gainst heaven here fought ; when ossa on high pelions top was set , and the celestiall orbes swift motion let . when both the generalls in this land ( by fate destin'd ) encamp'd : the wars ensuing state fills all presaging mindes , all saw at hand that hower , on which this wars last cast should stand cowards now trembled that wars fate so neare was drawne , and fear'd the worst ; both hope and feare to this yet-doubtfull tryall brought the stout . but one ( alas ) among the fearefull rout was sextus , pempey's most vnworthy son ; who afterwards a banisht man vpon sicilian seas , turn'd pirate , and there stain'd . the fam'd sea-triumphs his great father gain'd he brooking no delay , but weake to beare a doubtfull state , endeauoures , vrg'd by feare , to find fates future course . nor does he craue from delphian phoebus , from the py●hian caue , or that fam'd oake fruitfull in akehornes , where ioues mouth giues answere , this event to heare . nor seekes advice from them , to whom are knowne birds flights , beasts entrailes , lightnings motion , nor the chaldaean skill'd astrologer , nor any secret wayes , that lawfull were : but magicke damn'd by all the gods aboue , and her detested secrets seekes to prooue , aide from the ghosts , and feinds below to craue , thinking ( ah wretch ) the gods small knowledge haue . the place it selfe this vaine dire madnesse helpt , nere to the campe th' aemonian witches dwelt , whom no invented mon●●ers can excell ; their art 's what ere 's incredible to tell . besides thessaliaes fields , and rockes doe beare strange killing hearbes , and plants , and stones that heare the charming witches murmurs : there arise plants , that haue power to force the deityes . medea there a stranger in those fields gather'd worse herbes then any colchos yeilds . those wretches impious charmes turne the gods cares , though deafe to many nations zealous prayers : their voice alone beares through the inmost skyes commands to the vnwilling deityes , which not their care of heavens high motions can turne away ; when those dire murmurs once enter the sky , though the aegyptians wise , and babylonians their deepe misteryes should vtter all , th'aemonian witch still beares from all their altars the gods forced eares . these witches spells loues soft desires haue sent into the hardest hearts ' gainst fates intent ; severe old men haue burn'd in impious loue , vvhich tempered drinkes , and philtrums could not moue , nor that , to which the fole his damms loue owes , the swelling flesh that on his forehead growes . mindes by no poyson hurt , have perished by spells ; those , whom no loue of marriage bed , nor tempting beautyes power could ere inflame , by magicke knot-ty'd thread together came ; the course of things has stay'd , to keepe out day night has stood still ▪ the sky would not obey the law of nature : the dull world at their dire voice has beene benumn'd : great iupiter vrging their course himselfe , admir'd to see the poles not moov'd by their swift axeltree . showres they have made ; clouded the clearest sky , and heaven has thunder'd , ioue not knowing why . by the same voyce , ( with haire loose hanging ) they moist swelling clouds , and stormes haue chas'd away . the sea without one puffe of wind has swell'd ; againe in spite of auster has beene still'd : ships sailes haue quite against the windes been sway'd : steepe waters torrents in their fall haue stay'd : and rivers haue run backe . nile not oreflowne in summer time : maeander straight has run . arar has hasten'd , rhodanus growne slow : high hills sunke downe haue aequall'd vales below . aboue his head the cloudes olympus saw : in midst of vvinter scythian snowes did thaw vvithout the sunne : the tide-rais'd ocean aemonian spells beat from the shore againe . the ponderous earth out of her center tost her middle place in the worlds orbe has lost ; so great a weight strooke by that voyce was stirr'd , and on both sides the face of heaven appear'd . all deadly creatures , and for mischeife borne both feare , and serue by death the witches turne ; the tigers fierce , and lyons nobly bold fawne vpon them : cold snakes themselues vnfold , and in the frosty fields lye all vntwin'd : dissected vipers by their power are joyn'd . their poison'd breathings poison'd serpents kill . why are the gods thus troubled to fulfill , and fearefull their enchantments to contemne ? what bargaine has thus ty'd the gods to them ? doe they obey vpon necessity , or pleasure ? or some vnknowne piety deserues it ? or some secret threats prevaile ? or haue they jurisdiction over all the gods ? or does one certaine deity feare their most imperious charmes , who , what so ere himselfe is forc'd too , can the world compell ? by them the starres oft from the pole downe fell ; and by their voices poyson phaebe turn'd , growne pale with darke , and earthly fires has burn'd , no lesse then if debarr'd her brothers shine by enterposall of the earth betweene her orbe , and his : these labours vndergone has she , deprest by incantation , vntill more nigh she foam'd her gelly on their herbes . these spells of this dire nation , and damned rites dreadfull erictho scornes as too too good , and this foule art adornes with newer rites ; in townes her dismall head , or houses roofes is never covered . forsaken graues , and tombes ( the ghosts expell'd ) she haunts ; by fiends in aestimation held . to heare hells silent counsells , and to know the stygian cells , and misteryes below . of dis , her breathing heere no hindrance was . a yellow leanenesse spreads her lothed face ; her dreadfull lookes , knowne to no lightsome aire , with heavy hell-like pa●enesse clogged are . laden she is with long vnkemmed haires . but when darke stormes , or clouds obscure the starres , from naked graues then forth ericttho stalkes to catch the nights quicke sulphur ; as she walkes the corne burnes vp , and blasts where ere she tread ; and by her breath cleare aires are poisoned . she prayes not to the gods , nor humbly cryes for helpe , nor knowes she pleasing sacrifice ; but funerall flames to th' altars she preferres , frankincense snatch'd from burning sepulchres . the gods at her first voice grant any harme she askes , and dare not heare her second charme . liue soules , that rule their limbs , she does entombe : death ( though vnwilling ) seizes those , to whom the fates owe yeeres ; with a crosse pompe men dead returne from gr●ue , coarses from tombes haue fled ; young mens hot ashes , and burnt bones she snatches out of the midst of funerall piles , and catches the kindling brand in their sad parents hand ; the funerall beds blacke smoaking fragments , and their ashy garments , and flesh-smelling coales . but when she findes a coarse entombed whole , whose moisture is drawne out , and marrow growne hard by corruption , greedy havocke on each limbe she makes ; and from their orbes doth teare his congeal'd eyes , and stickes her knucles there . she gnawes his nailes now pale , oregrowne , and long : bites halters killing knotts , where dead men hung : teares from the gibbetts strangled bodies downe , and from the gallowes licks corruption . shee gathers dead mens limmes , which showres haue wet , and marrow harden'd in sols scorching ●eate . she keepes the nailes that pierc'd crucifi'd hands , and gathers poysonous filth , and slime that stands on the cold joynts , and biting with her fanges the harden'd sinewes , vp from ground she hangs . and where so ere a naked carcasse ly , before the beasts , and ravenous fowles sits she ; but teares , or cuts no limbe ; till it be bit by wolves ; from whose dry jawes she snatches it . nor spares she murdering , if life blood she need , that from a throat new open'd must proceede . she murders , when her sacrifices dire life-blood , and panting entrailes doe require : and births abortiue by vnnaturall wayes from wounded wombes she takes , and burning layes them on her wicked altars ; when she lacks stout cruell ghosts , such ghosts forthwith she makes . all deaths of men serue for her action . from young mens chinns she puls the growing downe , and dying striplings haire she cuts away . ericttho oft when ore the coarse she lay of her dead kinseman , and did seeme to kisse , off from his maimed head would bite a piece ; and opening his pale lips , gelled , and clung in his dry throat she bites his cold stiffe tongue : and whispering murmurs dire by him she sends her banefull secrets to the stygian feinds . by generall fame when sextus notice had of her , in depth of night , when titan made at the antipodes their noone of day , over the desart fields he takes his way : the servants waiting on his folly then , searching through broken tombes , and graues of men , spy'd on a rocke at last , where aemus bends , and the pharsalian lofty hills extends , ericttho sitting ; she was trying there spells , which nere witch , nor magicke god did heare , and for new purposes was framing charmes , for fearing lest the civill warres alarmes should to some other land be carryed thence , and thessaly should want that blood's expence : phillippi feilds with incantations stain'd , and sprin●kled with dire iuice she did command not to transferre the war , meaning t' enioy so many deaths , and the worlds blood t' employ : the carcasses of slaughter'd kings to ma●me , and turne the roman ashes was her aime : to search for princes bones , and each great ghost . but what best pleas'd her , and she study'd most , was what from pompey's coarse to take away , or vpon which of caesars limmes to prey . whom first thus pompey's fearefull sonne bespake ; wisest of all thessalians , that canst make foreknowne all thing● to come , and turne away the course of destiny , to me ( i pray ) the certaine end of this wars chance relate . i am no meane part of the roman state , great pompey's sonne , now either lord of all , or wofull heir of his great funerall . my minde , though wounded now with doubtfull feare , is well resolv'd any knowne woe , to beare . oh take from chance this power , it may not fall vnseene , and suddaine on me ; the gods call ; or spare the gods , and force the truth out from the ghosts below , open elysium call forth grim death himselfe , bid him relate which of the two is given to him by fate , t is no meane taske , but labour worthy thee to search what end of this great war shall be . the impious witch proud of a fame to spread replyes , young man , wouldst thou haue altered some meaner fate , it had beene easily done i could haue forc'd to any action th' vnwilling gods . i can preserue the breath of him , whom all the starres haue doom'd to death : and , though the planets all conspire to make him old , the midst of his lifes course can breake . but fates ; and th' order of great causes all worke downeward from the worlds originall , when all mankinde depend on one successe , if there you would , change ought , our arts confesse fortune has greater power : but if content you be alone to know this wars event , many , and easie wayes for vs there be to finde out truth ; the earth , the sea , the sky , the dead , the rodopejan rockes , and fields shall speake to vs. but since late slaughter yeilds such choise of carcasses in thessaly , to raise vpone of those will easyest be : that a warme new-slaine carcasse with a cleare intelligible voice may greete your eare . least ( by the sunne the organs parch'd , and spill'd ) the dismall ghost vncertaine hizzings yeild . then double darkenesse ore nights face she spred , and wrapping in a foggy cloud her head , she searches where th'unbury'd bodyes lye ; away the wolues , and hungry vultures flye loosening their tallands , when ericttho comes to choose her prophet , griping with her thummes their now cold marrows , seeking where a tongue , and lungs , with fillets whole , vnwounded hung . the fates of those slaine men stand doubtfull all which of their ghosts she from the dead would call . had she desir'd to raise th' whole army slaine , and to reviue them for the war againe , hell had obey'd : from styx , by her strange might the people all had beene drawne backe to fight . when she a carcas sitting had espy'd , an hooke she fasten'd in his throate , and ty'd to it a fatall rope , by which the hag ore rockes and stones the wretched carcasse drag , that must reviue . vnder the hollow side of an high mountaine , which to this blacke deede the witch had destin'd , she the carcasse layes . a deepe , and vast descent of ground there was , as low ( almost ) at the blinde caues of di● : which a pale wood with thicke , and spreading tre● barring the sight of heaven , and by sol's light not penetrable , did oreshadow quite . within the caue was bred by dreary night pale mouldy filth , darkensse sad : no ligh● , but light by magicke made , ere shined there within the jawes of tanar●● the aire is not so dull , that balefull bound twixt hell , and vs ; the princes , in those shades that dwell send without feare their spirits hitherto ; for though this hag can force the fates to doe what ere she please , t is doubtfull whether here , or there those ghosts in their true place appeare . she puts a various colour'd cloathing on , and fury-like her haire loose hanging downe was bound about with vipers , her face hid ; but when young sextus , and his traine she spy'd shaking for feare , and his astonisht eye fixt on the ground , banish those feares , quoth she , his life 's true figure you shall see him take , that cowards neede not feare to heare him speake . but if the furyes to your eyes were showne , the stygian lakes , and burning phlegeton , the gyants bound , and cerberus that shakes his dreadfull curled mane of hissing snakes , why should yon feare , cowards , whilest i am by , to see those fiends , that shake at sight of me ? then with warme blood , opening fresh wounds she fills his breast : and gore to th' inward parts distills : of the moones poisonous gelly store she takes : and all the hurtfull broodes , that nature makes foame of mad dogs , which sight of water dread : the pyth of staggs with serpents nourished was mixed there : the dire hyaena's knot , the spotted lynx his bowells wanted not : nor that small fish , whose strength , though eurus rise can stay the course of ships : the dragons eyes : the sounding stone , that brooding eagles make warme in their nests : th' arabian nimble snake : the red sea-viper , pretious gemms that kept : skins from th' aliue libyan cerastes stript : the phoenix ashes lay'd in araby . with these when vile , and namelesse poisons she had mixt , and leaues fill'd with enchantments strong , and herbes which her dire mouth had spit on young , what poyson she did on the world bestow . then adds a voyce to charme the gods below more powerfull then all herbes confounding noises much dissonant , and far from humane voices . there was the barke of dogs , the wolues sad howle : the scriches wa●ling , hollowing of the owle : all voices of wilde beasts , hissing of snakes , the sound that beat from rockes the water make● ▪ the murmur of stirr'd woods , the thunders noise broke from a cloud : all ●●is was in her voice . the rest aemonian incantations tell , and thus her voice peirces the lowest hell . furyes , and stygian fiends , whose scourges wound all guilty soules , chaos , that wouldst confound vn-number'd worlds : king of the earth beneath , that griev'st to see the gods exempt from death : thou styx , and faire elysium , which no spirit to a thessalian witch deserues t'enherit : thou , that thy mother hat'st , persephone , and heaven , thou lowest part of hecate , by whom the silent tongues of fienes with vs haue entercourse : hells porter cerberus , that currishnesse into our breasts doest put ▪ you destinyes , that twice this thread must cut ▪ and thou the burning streames old ferriman tired with ghosts brought backe to me againe : if i invoke you with a mouth prophane , and foule enough , to heare these prayers daine : if with a breath fasting from humane flesh these incantations i did nere expresse : if womens wombes whole burdens vpon you and luke-warme braines i often did bestow : if one your alt●rs heads of infants slaine i set , and bowells , that must liue againe , obey my voice ; no ghost , that long has felt the stygian shades , nor long in darkenesse dwelt , but one that lately from the living went , and is but yet at pale hells first descent , and one , which ( though obedient to this spell ) could be but once transported ore to hell i aske ; let some knowne souldiers ghost relate before great pompey's sonne his fathers fate , if civill war of you haue merited . then lifting vp her foaming mouth and head she saw hard by , the ghost of that dead man trembling to enter his old goale againe ; fearing those cold pale members , and into th●●●ounded breast , and entrailes torne to go . ah wretch , from whom deaths gift is tane away ( to dye no more ) that fates durst thus delay ericttho wonder'd ; wrath with death , and fate the liueles coarse with living snakes she beate● and through earths craneys , which her charmes had ; broke bark'd to the fiends , and thus hells silence shooke . maegera , and tisiphone that slight my voice through hell with your dire whips affright hither that wretched spirit , or from below by your true names of stygian bitches you i will call vp , and to the sunnes light leaue : no dead mens graues shall harbour , or receiue your heads , i le follow you observing well , and from all tombes , and quiet vrnes expell . false hecate , thee to the gods i le show , ( to whom thou vsest with bright lookes to goe ) in thy pale rotten forme and so provide thou shalt not thy tartarian visage hide . vnder the earths vast weight , i will relate vvhat food destaines thee : in what wedlockes state thou lou'st the nights sad king , with such a staine , that ceres shall not wish thee backe againe ' gainst thee , the worlds worst judge , i will set free the giants , or let to the day to thee . vvill you obey , or shall i him invoke , vvhose name the earths foundations ever shooke ? vvho without hurt th'vnvailed gorgon sees : of whose strong stripes erinnys fearefull is : vvho keepes an hell vnknowne to you ; and where you are aboue : that dare by styx forsweare . then straight the clotted blood grows warme againe feedes the blacke wounds , and runnes through every veine and th' outward parts : the vitall pulses beate in his cold breast : and life 's restored heate mixt with cold death through parts disused runns ▪ and to each joynt giues trembling motions ; the sinnews stretch : the carkasse from the ground rises not by degrees , but at one bound stands bolt vpright : the eyes with twincking hard are op'd : not dead , nor yet aliue appear'd the face : his palenesse still , and stiffenesse stayes , he stands at this revivall in amaze ; but his dumbe seal'd-vp lips no murmur made , only an answering tongue , and voice he had . speake ( quoth ericttho ) what i aske , and well shalt thou rewarded be : if truth thou tell , by our haemonian art i le set thee free throughout all ages , and bestow on thee such funeralls , with charmes so burne thy bones . thy ghost shall heare no incantations . let this the fruit of thy revivall be , no spells , no herbs shall dare to take from thee thy long safe rest , when i haue made thee dy . the gods , and prophets answere doubtfully ; but he , that dares enquire of ghosts beneath , and boldly goe to th' oracles of death , is plainly told the truth ; spare not , but name plainely the things , and places all , and frame a speech , wherein i may conferre with fate : adding a charme to make him know the state of whatsoere she askt ; thus presently the weeping carcasse spake ; i did not see the sisters fatall threds , so soone ( alas ) backe from those silent bankes enforc'd to passe . but what by speech from all the spirits i gain'd , among the roman ghosts fell discord reign'd : romes wicked war disturb'd hells quiet rest : some captaines from sad hell , some from the blest elysian fields come forth , and there what fate entends to doe , they openly relate : the happy ghosts look'd sad , the decii then father and sonne , wars-expiating men : i saw the curii , and camillus wailing , sylla himselfe against thee , fortune , railing : his issues libyan fate braue scipio bewail'd ; and cato carthages great foe his nephew's bondage-scaping death did monc . ●mong the blessed spirits brutus alone reioyc'd , first consul , that romes king exil'd . fierce catiline , sterne marius , and the wilde c●thegs breaking chaines orejoyed were : the popular law promulging drusi there , and daring gracchi shouting clapt their hands fetter'd for euer with strong iron bands in plutoes dungeons ; impious ghosts had hopes of blessed seates ; pluto pale dungeons opes , prepares hard stones , and adamantine chaines , to punish the proud conquerour , ordaines . take you this comfort , in a blessed roome the ghosts expect your side , and house to come , and for great pompey in elysium prepare a place . the houre shall shortly come ( envie not then the glory of so small a life ) that in one world shall lodge you all . make hast to meete your deaths , and with a minde haughty , ( though from small funeralls ) descen'd to tread vpon the soules of roman gods . for burialls ●all this mortall odds ; and the pharsalian fight must only try who shall by nile , and who by tyber lye . but seeke not thou thy destiny to heare , which fate , though i be silent , will declare : a surer prophet shall thy father be in sicily , although vncertaine he whither to call thee , whence to bid thee flee , or in what coast or climate safe to be , teare europe , asia , affricke ▪ fates divide your funerall , as they your triumphs did . oh wretched house , to you the world shall yeild no place more happy then pharsalia's field . thus having spoke the carcasse did remaine vvith a sad looke , and begg'd for death againe , but could not die without a magicke spell , and herbes : nor could the fates restore to hell his soule once sent from thence . vvith that the witch builds vp a lofty funerall pile ; to which the dead man comes : she layes him on the fires , leaues him , and lets him dye , and then retires with sextus to his fathers campe : and now the welkin gan auroraes light to show : but to the campe till sextus take his way , the darke charm'd night kept off approaching day , finis libri sexti . annotations on the sixt booke : ( a ) from their campes by the river aps●● both generalls at one time brought forth their armies ; pompey entending to entercept m. anthonius , and caesar entending to ioyne with anthony . anthony certified by some greekes of pompey's ambushes , kept within his campe , till the next day caesar came to him . pompey then fearing to be enclosed by two armies , departing thence marched to asparagu neere dyrrachium , and there encamped ; thither also marched caesar , and encamped not far from him . ( b ) caesar wanting provision was desirous of battell : but pompey better provided of all necessaries purposely delayed it . ( c ) caesar perceiving that pompey would not bee drawne out to fight , the next day by a great compasse , and difficult way went to dyrrachium hoping to exclud pompey thence , where his corne , and provision lay , which pompey perceiving , went thither also by a neerer way . ( d ) caesar ( that his owne men might with the lesse danger forrage , and fetch in corne , as also to hinder pompey from forraging , and to lessen his estimation among forreine nations ) kept with garrisons all the tops of the hills , and fortified castles there , and drew strong trenches from castle to castle , so on every side enclosing pompey . the worke extended fifteene miles in compasse , being so tar●e that pompey within wanted nothing , and caesar could not man his workes round . ( e ) caesars souldiers wanting victuall besieged pompey abounding with all store of provision . pompey seeing the strange vnheard of food , that caesars souldiers eate while they besieged him , said that he now made warre against beasts . ( f ) pompey vnderstanding by some renegadoes that caesars crosse trench betweene the two bulwarkes toward the sea was not finished , sent a ship manned with archers , and other souldiers to assault the defenders of the worke behind . himselfe about the end of night came thither also with his forces . caesars cohorts , that watched there neere the sea , seeing themselues assaulted both by land and sea , ran away : whom the pompeyans pursued with a great slaughter , till mar. anthonius with twelue cohorts comming downe the hill made the pompeyans retreat againe . ( g ) caesar to repaire that dayes losse assaulted with three and thirty cohorts the castle which torquatus kept , and beate the pompeyans from the trench . which pompey hearing brought his fift legion to their succour . caesars horsemen fearing to be enclosed began first to flie , which the foote seeing , and seeing pompey there in person , fled also ; this victory if pompey had pursued , he had vtterly overthrowne caesar . ( h ) pompey the great slaine vpon the bankes of nile . ( i ) iuba king of mauritania which had slaine curio and his legions before , in the affrican war was vanquished by caesar , and fearing to fall into caesars hands , 〈◊〉 and petrejus slew each other . ( k ) for in these two conflicts caesar lost nine hundred footmen , sixty two horsemen , thirty centurions , tenne tribunes , and thirty two ensignes of war. lvcans pharsalia . the seventh booke . the argument . great pompey's flattering dreame ; his souldiers all eager of battell , vrge their generall ; their wish ( though rash and fatall ) findes defence in ciceroes vnhappy eloquence . against his will great pompey's forc'd to yeild : the signalls given : pharsalias dreadfull field is fought ; romes liberty for ever dyes , and vanquisht pompey to larissa flyes . sad titan later thetis lap forsooke then natures law requir'd , and never tooke a crosser way , as if borne backe againe by the sphaeres course , would be eclipsed faine ▪ attracting cloudes , not food t' his flames to yeild , but loath to shine vpon pharsalia's field . that night of pompey's happy life the last , deceiv'd by flattering sleepes , he dream'd him plac'd in the pompeyan theater , among romes people flocking in vnnumber'd throng ; where shouting to the skyes he heard them raise his name , each roome contending in his praise . such were the peoples lookes , such was their praise , vvhen in his youth , and first tryumphant dayes pompey but then a gentleman of rome , had quieted the west , and spaine orecome , scattring the troopes revolt sertorius led ; and sat by th' senate as much honoured in his pure candid , as trumphall gowne . vvhither the doubtfull fancy fearefull growne of future fate , run backe to former joyes ; or prophesying by such sights implyes their con●rary , and bodes ensuing woe : or else on thee fortune would thus bestow a fight of rome , that could not otherwise . oh doe not wake him from this sleepe to rise , no trumpet peirce his eare ; the next nights rest vvith the foregoing day's sad war opprest vvill nought but fights , but blood and slaughter show , happy were rome , could she but see ( though so ) her pompey , blest with such a dreame at this , and happy night ; oh would the deityes had given one day , pompey , to rome , and thee , that both assured of your destiny might reape the last fruit of a loue so deere . thou goest , as if thy rome should thee interre : and she , still mistresse of her wish in thee , hopes that the fates lodge not such cruelty , as to depri●● 〈◊〉 of thy honour'd tombe . to mourne for thee old men , and young would come , children vntaught would weepe : the matrons all vvith haire ( as once at brutus funerall ) loose hung , would beat their breasts ; now though they feare the swords of the iniurious conquerer , though he himselfe relate thy death , they 'll mourne at publike sacrifice , as they adorne ioues house with laurell ; wretched men , whose mone conceal'd , in sighs must vent it selfe alone , and dares not sound in publike theaters . now had the rising sunne obscur'd the starres , vvhen all the souldiers murmuring vp and downe ( the fates now drawing the worlds ruine on ) desire a signall to the fight ; poore men , vvhose greater part should never see the end of that sad day , about their generalls tent ( hasting the houre of their neere death ) they vent their passions , and complaints ; and franticke growne their owne , and publike fate they hasten on . they call great pompey sluggish , timorous , patient of caesar , and ambitious of soveraignety , desirous still to reigne ore all those kings , and fearing peace againe . the kings , and easterne nations all complain'd vvarre was prolong'd , and they from home detain'd . the gods , when they our ruine had decreed , vvould make it thus our owne erroneous deed . ruine we sought , and mortall warres requir'd , in pompey's campe pharsalia is desir'd . no● did this wish want cicero's defence the greatest author of romes eloquence ; in whose growne-rule fierce catiline did feare the peacefull axes . now turn'd souldier from barres and pleadings had beene silent long , and this bad cause thus strengthens with his tongue . pompey , for all her gifts fortune implores that thou wouldst vse her now : thy senators , thy kings , and all the suppliant world entreat thy leaue to conquer caesar : shall he yet so long a war against mankind maintaine ? vvell may the forreigne nations now disdaine ( vvho suddainely were vanquished by thee ) that pompey is so slow in victory . vvhere 's now thy spirit , thy confidence of fate ? canst thou now doubt the gods ( ah most ingrate ! ) or fear'st thou to commit into their hand the senates cause ? thy troopes without command their eagles will advance : 't were shame for thee to be compell'd to conquer : if thou be our generall , and ours the war , to try the hazard lyes in our authority . vvhy hold'st thou the worlds swords from caesar's throat ? they all are drawne almost , and tarry not thy ●low alarmes ; make hast , lest thy command they all forsake : the senate does demand , if they thy souldiers , or companions be . great pompey sigh'd to see how contrary the gods were bent , and fortune crost his mind● . if you be all ( quoth he ) this way inclin'd : and me a souldier , not a generall the time require : i le be no let at all to fate : let fortune all these nations cast into one ruine : be this day the last to the great'st part of men . but witnesse rome pompey 's enforc'd to this sad field to come . the warres whole worke neede not haue cost one wound ; but caesar , without blood subdu'd , and bound might haue bin brought to answere injur'd peace . what fury 's this ( oh blinde in wickednesse ! ) to conquer without blood in civill war you are afraid . masters o'th'land we are : the seas are wholly ours : the famisht foe to fetch in corne vnripe is forc'd to goe ; and 't is become his wish by swords to dye , and with his ruine mixe our tragedy . in this some part is finisht of the war , that our fresh-water souldiers doe not feare the fight ( if that be in true valour done ; ) into extreamest dangers many run for feare of future ill : valiant'st is he , that feares not t'vndergoe a danger nigh , nor to differ it . would you then commit your strength to fortunes hand , and to one fight the worlds estate , desiring all , that i should rather fight , then get the victory ? the rule of romes estate thou didst bestow fortune , on me : receiue it greater now : protect it in this wars blinde chance : to me nor crime , nor honour shall this battell be . caesar thy wicked prayers ' gainst mine prevaile : we fight : how dismall to all people shall this day appeare ? how many lands vndone shall be ? how crimson shall enipeus run with roman bloud ? would the first pile of all this mortall war would light ( if i could fall without the ruine of our side ) on me ; for not more joyfull can the conquest be . pompey a name shall be to every one of hate , or pity , when this fight is done . the conquer'd shall endure the worst of woe : the worst of crimes the conquerour shall doe ▪ with that the reines be to their fury giues , suffring the fight . so th'artlesse sailer leaues his helpelesse barke , when corus blasts are growne too strong , to guidance of the windes alone . a fearefull murmuring noise rose through all parts of th'campe : and diversly their manly hearts beat ' gainst their breasts ; vpon the face of some appear'd the palenesse of a death to come , and ghastly lookes ; that day ( they thinke ) fate brings a lasting state of rule on earthly things : and what rome was , after this field is fought , be ask'd : no man of his owne danger thought amaz'd with greater feares . who , when he sees all shores oreflowne , and th'vncurb'd ocean rise ore mountaines tops , the firmament and sunne fall downe to earth , in such confusion could feare his owne estate ? no private state has time to feare , but romes , and pompey's fate . nor did they trust their swords , vnlesse sharpe set on stones : the points of their dull piles they whet ; each archer fitts his bow with surest strings , and choisest arrowes in his quiver brings ; horse-men sharpe spurres provide , and strongest raines . so when earths giants vpon phlegra 's plaines ( if with the actes of gods our humane warres we may compare ) rebell'd : the sword of mars in aetna's f●rge , and neptunes three-fork'd speare were scowr'd , and sharpen'd : phoebus arrowes there with python dull'd , made sharpe the blew-ey'd maide vpon her sheild medusa's haires display'd : ioues lightning then the cyclops moulded new . fortune foretold the woes that should ensue by many tokens ; for the stormy sky withstood their marches into thessaly : the cloudes against their eyes did lightnings throw : meteors like lampes , like fiery posts in show , and beam●s , cloud-breaking typhons did arise , and lightnings flashes dimm'd , and closd their eyes . their helmets plumes were sindg'd , their piles did melt● sword-blades dissolv'd run downe the hilts they felt : their impious swords with sulphur from the skyes did smoake ; their ensignes hid with swarmes of bees could scarce be pluck'd from ground : the bearers bow'd themselues to get them vp : which seem'd oreflow'd with teares from thence even to thessalia : the bull from th' holy altars ran away , and to pharsalia field directly flyes , vvhilest their sad altar wants a sacrifice . but what night furyes , what eumenides , vvhat stygian powers , or gods of wickednesse , vvhat hellish feinds , caesar , didst thou appease preparing for such wicked warres as these ? whether the gods , or their owne feare had wrought these wonders , doubtfull t is , but many thought they saw olympus meete with pindus hill , and aemus fall th'adjoyning valleyes fill : that in the night pharsalia sounded loud the noise of battell : that baebei's flowd swiftly with blood . but most admired they to see each others face show darke ; the day grow pale : and night their helmets overspread ; their fathers ghosts and all their kinsemen dead t' appeare before their eyes . but this alone comforted their sicke mindes knowing their owne impious entents , brothers to kill , and ope their fathers throates , they hence conceived hope , thinking these monsters , and portents t'imply th' accomplishment of their impiety . no wonder t is if men so neere their end trembled with frantike feare : if fates doe lend presaging mindes of future ills to men , romans , that sojourn'd in armenia then , and tyrian gades , and in what coast soere , or climate they abode , lamented there , blaming their causelesse griefe , and did not know their losses in pharsalia's overthrow . an augur sitting on ( a ) th'euganean mount , ( if fame record a truth ) where springs the fount of foggy aponus , where timauus does first part , and thence in severall channells flowes , this day ( quoth he ) the action 's in the height , pompey , and caesars impious armyes fight ; whether ioues thunder , and divining stroke he had observ'd , or how thicke aire did choake the jarring heavens , or on the poles did looke , or in the firmament had found this fight by the sunnes palenesse , and starres mournefull light ; but nature sure did differently display from other dayes , the sad thessalian day : and if all men had skilfull augurs bin , by all the world pharsalia had bin seene ▪ greatest of men , whose fates through the earth extend , whom all the gods haue leasure to attend ; these acts of yours to all posterity whether their owne great fame shall signifie , or that these lines of mine haue profited your mighty names ; these wars , when they are read , shall stir th' affections of the readers minde , making his wishes , and vaine feares inclin'd as to a thing to come , not past , and guide the hearts of all to favour pompey's side . pompey descending downe the hill displayes his troopes reflecting rising phoebus rayes , not rashly ore the fields : in order good and marshall'd well the haplesse army stood . the left wing first was l●ntulus his care with the first ●egion , then the best in war , and fourth : thou , stout domitius ▪ lead'st the right , valiant , though still vnfortunate in fight : in the maine battell with his warlike bands brought lately from cilicia , scipio stands vvell fortify'd : heere vnder a command , a g●ner●ll first in aff●cks scorched land . but all along the swift enipeus side the loose-rain'd troopes of ponticke horsemen ride : and mountaniers of cappadocia ; vpon the dryer fields in rich array doe the earths monarchs , kings , and tetrarchs stand , and all the states , that roman swords command . thither from libya came numidians , i●gr●as ar●hers , crete's cydonians : f●i●ce gaules there fought against their wonted foe : the●e warlike spaniards their short shields did show . the conquerer of all triumphs now depriue , and let no people this sad war surviue . caesar that day dislodging to provide for corne , was marching out , when he espy'd the foes descending downe the champ●on field , and that so often wisht-for ●ay beh●ld , that on one chance of war should set the maine ; s●●ke of delay , and covetous of reigne , in this small tract of time condemn'd had he the civill war as a slow villany . but when fates falling ruine shake he saw , and both their fortunes to a tryall draw : his wondrous loue of sword some languishment gan feele : his minde , though ever confident of good successe , now doubts : from feare his owne , as pompey fortunes from presumption , did keepe his minde : at last exiling feares with confidence he cheeres his souldiers . braue souldiers , the worlds aw , caesars estate , that lay of fight is come , which we from fate so oft haue begg'd : oh doe not now desire , but by your valours fortunes aide acquire . what caesar is lyes in your hands al●ne . this is the day , which passing rubicon was p●omist me : in hope of which we stirr'd . and our forbidden triumphs haue differr'd . this is the day that shall restore to you children and wiues , and shares of land bestow free'd from wars duties : this the day , that tryes ( wi●ness'd by fate ) whose cause the juster is this field the conquer'd side shall guilty make . if you with fire , and sword haue for my sake assaulted rome , now fight like souldiers , and free your swords from guilt : no hand in wars is pure in both sides iudgement : nor for me fight you alone , but that your selues may be free lords of all the world . i , for mine owne content , could liue in a plebejan gowne , or be in any state , so you obteine a perfect freedome ; by my envy reigne . nor with much blood shall all the world be bought : but youths of greece in schooles of wrestling taught , base sluggish spirits , that never armes did beare , and mixt barbarian troopes are standing there , that , when the armies joyne , will nere abide the trumpets sound , nor showtes of their owne side . in civill war few hands , alas , shall fight : most of the blowes vpon romes foes shall light , and rid the world of well-spar'd people , goe , breake through those dastard nations , and orethrow the world at your first onset ; make it knowne that all those nations , which so oft were showne in pompey's triumphs , are not worthy prou'd of one poore triumph ar● th' armenians moov'd thinke you , what generall shall rome obtaine ? with least bloods losse would the barbarians gaine a soveraignety for pompey ? they abhor all romans , as their lords : and hate those more , whom they haue knowne . the trust of my affaires to friends , whose valour through so many wars in france i haue beheld , does fortune now commit : what souldiers sword doe not i know ? and when through th' aire a trembling pile is sent , i le truely tell you from what arme it went. those signes i see that nere your generall fail'd , feirce lookes , and threatning eyes you haue prevail'd : me thinkes the rivers swell'd with blood i see , and at your feete the slaughtered bodyes ly of kings , and senators ; nations to day swim in this bloody field . but i delay my fortunes , in detaining from the field your forward spirits : pardon me though i yeild a while to pleasing hope : i nere did see the gods so liberall , and so speedily : but one fields distance from our wish are we . what kings , and nations are possest of now , when this field 's fought , is caesars to bestow . o gods , what stars , what influence of the sky has given so great a power to thessaly ? this day allots the punishm●nt , or gaines of all our wars : thinke vpon caesars chaines , his wrackes , and gibbets : thinke you see this face , these quarter'd limmes stand in the market place : remember sylla in the field of mars , for ' gainst a syllane generall are our wars . my care 's for you : this hand shall free mine owne , who ere lookes backe before the day be won , shall see me fall on mine owne sword , and dy . you gods , whose cares are drawne downe from the sky by romes dissentions , let him conquerer be , that to the conquer'd meanes no cruelty : and thinkes his countrymen haue not in ought misdone , because against his side they fought . when pompey in a narrow place had shut your helpelesse valour vp , how did he glut his sword with blood ? but this i beg of you souldiers , let no man wound a flying foe : account him still your countreyman , that flyes . but while they stand in fight , let not your eyes be moov'd with piety , though in that place your fathers stood , but with your swords deface their reverend lookes . who ere has sheath'd his blade in kinsman's breast , or by the wound he made has done no wrong to kindred , all as one shall i esteeme , kinseman , and foe vnknowne . fill vp the trenches teare the rampiers downe , that in full maniples we may come on : spare not your campe ; that campe shall be your owne from which you dying army is come downe . scarse thus had caesar spoke , when every one fell to their charge , and straight their armour don ; a quicke presage of happy war they take : of their neglected campe ●avocke they make : not rank'd , nor marshall'd by the generall confus'd they stand , leaving to fortune all . had all beene caesars ▪ had each souldier fought for monarchy , and romes sole empire sought , they could not all with more desire come on . when pompey saw them march directly downe , that now the war admitted no delay , but this by heavens appointment was the day , he stands amaz'd , and cold : the war to feare t was fatall in so great a souldier . but cheering vp his men his owne feares hiding , on a proud steed through every quarter riding ; the time your valours wisht for , souldiers , is come , qu●th he , the end of civill wars , this is the sword's last worke , the judging hower of nations fates : now shew your ●tmost power . he that would see his houshold gods againe , his countrey , wife , and children , must obtaine all by the sword ▪ the gods haue in this fight dispos'd them all : our just cause does invite to hope : our swords the gods themselues shall guide through caesars breast , and in his blood provide th' establishment of roman liberty . had they to him decreed a monarchy , to my old age death might long since haue come . it was no signe the gods were wroth with rome , preserving pompey for her leader now , and all helpes else , that conquest can bestow . illust●ious men , such as old times did show , doe willingly these dangers vndergoe . should the camilli th' ancient curii reviue , or the devoted decii , heere they would stand . forces we haue from th' east , numberlesse ●ityes aides ▪ war never prest so many hands : we vse all nations of the whole world , people of all the zones , of all mankinde twixt north , and south that dwell are heere : we may enclose that army well with our wide stretch'd-out wings : the victory askt not all hands : some neede but shout , and cry . caesars small strength cannot employ vs all . thinke that your mothers from the city wall tearing their haire entreat your valour now , thinke that the old vnarmed senate bow their honour'd hoary heads before your feete , and rome her selfe for freedome doth entreate : thinke that this age , and our posterity doe both entreat : one would in freedome dy , the other be freeborne . and if there be after these pledges , a roome left for me , i with my wife and sonnes before your feete ( if th' honour of a generall would permit ) would fall ; vnlesse you conquer heere , your shame , and ●aesars mocke is banisht pompey's name . i craue in freedome my ●ast age to spend , and not ●e taught to serue so neere my end . this sad speech fi●'d the roman spirits anew , they wish to dy , should , what they feare , be true . with aequall fur● then both armyes meete ; one for ambition , th' other freedome fight . these hands shall act , what no succeeding yeare , nor all mankind for ever can repaire thou●h free from wars : this fight kills men to come , and the next age , before they enter wombe : all latian names thence fabulous shall be , and men in ruin'd dust shall scarsely see the gabii , veii , cora , nor the roome where alba stood ; nor faire laurentium , a countrey desolate , which none espyes . but the forc'd consuls in night sacrifice blaming old numa's institution . these monuments times ruining hand alone has not defac'd : wars ciuill crimes we see in that so many cities empty'd be to that small number is mankind reduc'd ? we all , whom the whole earth has since produc'd , are not enough the townes , and fields to fill : one towne vs receiues vs all , and bondmen till th'italian lands old houses stand alone rotten , and want a man to fall vpon : and wanting her old citizens there slaine , rome with the dreggs of men is fill'd againe . this slaughter makes that rome hereafter free from civill war for many yeeres shall be . pharsalia is the cause of all these ills , let canna yeild that our blacke annalls fills , and allia damn'd in roman calenders , rome has remembred these as her small scarres , but would forget this day : oh fatall time ! those liues , that fortune had from every clime brought heere to perish , might all losse repaire mankind susteines by pestilentiall ayre , sickenesse , towne-swallowing earth quakes , or fires rage : heere fortune showes the gifts of many an age people , and captaines , robbing vs of all in one sad field : to shew , when rome did fall , how great she fell ; the more thou did'st possesse . of earth , the shorter was thy happinesse . all wars before did land on thee bestow ; to both the poles sol saw thy conquests goe : but that a little of the east : remain'd , thou all the sky-encompass'd globe had'st gain'd : thine had beene night , and day : the stars could shine ▪ and planets wander ore no land but thine . but this one day thy fate as far backe beares , as 't was advaunc'd in all those former yeres . this bloody day is cause that india the roman fasces cannot keepe in aw : that consuls doe not with their plowes designe sarmatian walls , nor in their bounds confine the scythian daa , that still parthians owe for the blood lost in crassus overthrow . that liberty nere to returne againe , and flying civill war , her flight has tane ore tigris , and the rhene ; and can be brought no more , though with our bloods so often sought : would we had nere that happinesse possest , which scythia , and germany has blest : would rome had ever serv'd , since that first light vvhen by the augury of vul●urs flight romulus fill'd with theeues his walls begun , even till pharsalia's wofull field was won . brutus we taxe ; fortune , why did we frame our freedomes , lawes , or yeare● by consuls name ? happy arabians , medes , and easterne lands , that still haue liv'd vnder their kings commands : vve last of all ( though now asham'd to bow ) a monarch's yoke are forc'd to vndergoe . no gods at all haue we : when all things mooue by chance , we falsely thinke there is a ioue . can he downe from the starry sky behold thessalia's slaughter , and his thunder held ? can he with thunder cleaue a sencelesse tree , pholoe , oete , harmelesse rhodope ? must cassius hand rather this tyrant slay ? he at thyestes feast could shut vp day , involving argos in a suddaine night ; and can he lend thessalia his light , where brothers fight , and sonnes ' gainst fathers are ? for mortall men no god at all takes care . but for this woe revenge we doe obtaine as much as fi●ts that earth ' gainst heaven should gaine : this war our emperours does aequalize to gods aboue , and their soules deifyes , adornes their heads with thunder , rayes , and stars : rome by mens soules in her gods temples sweares . when both the armyes marching on apace , neere met , stood parted but a little space , they veiw'd each others hands , striving to know each others face , thinking which way to throw their piles , from whence their fates most threatning show what monstrous acts they were about to doe : there they their brothers , and their fathers spy'd against them stand , yet would not change their side . but piety their breasts amazed held , and the cold blood in every limme congeal'd : and every souldier his prepared pile , and ready stretch'd-out arme contain'd a while . the gods send thee , ô craestinus , not death the common plague , but feeling after breath , vvhose pile first throwne of all , the fight began , and thessaly with roman blo●d did staine . oh frantike violence , did caesar stand quiet , and was there a more forward ( b ) hand ? shrill cornets then began the aire to wound , th' alarums beat , and all the trumpets sound : the noise , and showts of souldiers peirce the sky , and reach the convexe of olympus high , aboue the thundring cloudes : the noise they make the thracian aemus sounding valleys take : high pelion's cavernes eccho backe the sound , vvhich pindus , and pangaean rockes rebound : th'octaean mountaines grone : the souldiers feare their showtes thus eccho'd from all hills to heare . numberlesse piles with different mindes are throwne ; some wish to wound ; others to light vpon the ground , and keepe their harmelesse hands from ill ; chance rules them , and makes guilty whom she will. but the least part of slaughter heere was done vvith darts , and flying steele : the sword al●ne was able civill quarells to decide , and roman hands ' gainst roman breasts to guide . pompey's great army narrowly dispos'd in a thicke phalanx stand with bucklers clos'd for fence : but wanted roome ( their rankes thus fill'd ) to throw their piles , their swords , or armes to weild ▪ but caesars loose-rank'd troopes all nimbly goe , and the thicke armed wedges of the foe , making their way through men and steele , assaile , and through the strongest joynted coates of maile peirce the ill guarded breasts ▪ each stroke findes out a breast , though nere so fenc'd with armes about . one army suffers , tother makes the war : all cold and guiltlesse pompeys weapons are : all caesars impious swords are reeking hot . but fortune heere long doubting waver'd not ; she swiftly bore ( fitting so great a day ) a mighty ruine torrent-like away . when pompey's horse ore all the fields at large had spred their wings , the foes in flanke to charge , the light arm'd souldiers scatter'd all attended , and ' gainst the foe their missile weapons bended ; with their owne weapons every nation fought , yet by all hands the roman blood was sought ; arrowes , stones , fire , lead headed darts were throwne , which melted in the aires hot motion . there th'ituraeans , medes , arabians shot their shafts , good archers all , yet levell'd not ; the aire be●ore their eyes was only sought by their wilde aimes , yet death from thence was wrought . but no dire crime could staine the forraine steele : nought could worke mischiefe , but the roman pile . the ayre was da●kened with thicke arrowes flight , vvhich ore the fields orespread a suddaine night . then ( c ) caesar fearing lest his front should yeild to their assault , obliquely cohorts held , vvhich suddainly from the right wing he sent , vvhither the wheeling horse their forces bent . but pompey's horse vnmindefull now of fight nor stay'd by shame at all , take speedy flight ; vnhappily ( alas ) were civill wars left to the trust of barbarous souldiers . as soone as ere some galled horse had throwne their riders , and their limbs had trampled on , the horsemen fled , and left the field each one , or turning reines vpon their fellowes run . no fight ensues , but execution hot , one side with sword , the other with bare throat made war ; nor could caesarian hands suffice to execute their routed enemies . oh would the blood that barbarous breasts did yeild , could haue suffic'd pharsalia's mortall field , and that no other blood thy streames might staine : let those bones scattered ore thy fields remaine : but if thou wouldst with roman blood be fill'd , spare all the nations : let the spaniards wilde , th' armenians , syrians , and cilicians , galatians , gaules , and cappadocians surviue : for when this civill war is done , these people will be romans every one . these feares once rais'd through every quarter fly , sent by the fates for caesars victory . then came the war to pompey's roman power the war , that variously had wander'd ore the fields , there stucke , there caesars fortune stay'd : no forreine kings fought there , no barbarous ayde from severall nations to that place was brought : there their owne brothers , there their fathers fought : mischiefe , and fury rag'd : there caesar , are thy crimes ; oh fly from this sad part of war my soule , and leaue it to eternall night : let no succeeding age by what i write learne how much ill may be in civill fight . or rather let our teares , and sorrowes dy : what heere thou didst , o rome , conceal'd shall be . caesar th'inciting fury of his men , and spur to their blind rage , lest his guilt then should wanting be at all , rides through all parts adding new fury to their fired hearts : viewing their swords , looking whose points with gore vvere lightly stain'd , whose blades were bloody'd ore : who faulter in their blowes , who hold their hand , who faintly strike , who fight as by command , and who with greedinesse : who changes looke to see a roman sla●ne ; himselfe then tooke survey of bodyes gasping on the ground , to let out all the blo●d crushing their wounds ; as fierce enyo shakes her bloody lance , and mars incites his warlike thracians , or driues with furious lashes ore the field his horses starting at minerva's shield . blacke nights of slaughter , and dire deedes arise ; like one great voyce the dying souldiers cries , clashing of armed breasts falling to ground , and swords with swords meeting , and breaking sound . he with fresh swords his souldiers still supplyes , to strike the faces of their enemies , forcing them on , still vrging at their backe , and with his javeling beating on the slacke . against the senate not plebejan f●es he guides their hands , and swords ; full well he knowes vvhere the lawes liue , where the states blood does flow : where he may conquer rome , and overthrow the worlds last liberty . together then fall senators with roman gentlemen . those honour'd names metells , lepidi , corvini and torqauati slaughter'd dy , that oft commanders ore great kings haue bin , and , except pompey , all the best of men . in a plebejan helme disguised there what weapon , noble ( d ) bru●us , didst beare ? the senates highest hope , r●mes greatest grace , the last of all thy ancient honour'd race ? through the arm'd foes rush not too rashly on , nor seeke out thy philip●i●ke fa●e too soone : fate will to thee a thessaly allot . in vaine thou aimest there at caesars throte : he has not yet mounted the top of fate , and reach'd that height , that governes humane state , to me●it that braue death ; no , let him reigne , that he , as brutus offring , may he slaine . heere call romes honour dyes : heere heap'd on high the slaughter'd senate with plebeians ly . but ' mongst those nobles , that to styx were sent , wa● like domitius ( e ) death was eminent whom ●ates had carry'd through all overthrowes ; nere without him did pompey's fortune loose : vanquisht so oft by caesar , yet dyes now with liberty , and gladly falls into a thousand wounds , proud that he shall no more be pardon'd now . him weltering in his gore caesar espy'd , with taunts vpbraiding thus , now my successor proud domitius , at length thou shalt forsake thy pompey's side , and war is made without thee . he r●ply'd vvith that last breath , which in his dying breast struggled ; thou , caesar , hast not yet possest the dire reward of all thy wickednesse : but yet art doubtfull of thy fate , and lesse then pompey : vnder whom se●ure i goe . and a free ghost downe to the shades below : and dying hope that thou subdu'd to day to ●s , and him for thy misdeedes shalt pay . vvith this last speech away his spirit flyes , and night eternall closes vp his eyes vve cannot in the worlds sad funerall particular teares pay to the death of all , nor search each private fate ; whose breast a wound receiv'd ; who spurn'd mens hearts vpon the ground ; vvho through the mouth receiv'd his mortall wound , and thence breath'd out his soule ; who fell to ground at the first stroke who stood vpright , the while his lopt-off limbes fell downe ; who with a pile vvas fast nail'd to the earth ; whose blood spun out , and sprinkled all his foes arm'd breast about ; vvho kills his brother , and , that then he may vvithout shame rifle , throwes his head away . vvho teares his fathers face , that standers by conjecture by his too much cruelty t was not his father , whom he robb'd of life . no death is worthy of particular greife , nor haue we time to weepe for every wight . no other losse was like pharsalia's fight : rome there by souldiers , heere by kingdomes dyes : there private mens , heere nations tragoedyes : heere flow'd assyrian , graecian , ponticke blood : but all these bloods the powerfull roman flood droue through the field away . all people there are deeplyer wounded , then one age can bea●e : farre more then life , then safety heere is gone : for all succeeding times we are orethrowne . these swords subdue all ages that shall serue . alas what could posterity deserue to be in thraldome bone ? fought we with feare ? spar'd we our throates ? the punishment we beare of others flight . to vs , that since doe liue , fates should giue war , if they a tyrant giue . pompey perceiv'd romes fate , and gods were gone , in all this losse not mooved for his owne ill hap . ascending a small hill to see the slaughters all , that cover'd thessaly , which , while the war endur'd could not be spy'd : he thence discern'd how many people dy'd , how many swords reach at his destiny , in how much blood he falls , nor wishes he ( as wretches vse ) all with himselfe to drowne , and mixe the nations ruine with his owne : but for survivall of most part of men he deignes to thinke the gods even worthy then of prayers from him , and makes this to be his sorrowes comfort ; spare , ye gods , quoth he to sinke all nations : pompey ( if you lift ) although the world remaine , and rome subsist , may be made wretched ; if moe wounds on me you would inflict , a wife and sonnes haue i : so many pledges haue we given to fate . ist nought for civill war to ruinate me , and my house ? are we a losse so small vvithout the world ? why wouldst thou ruine all fortune ? now nought is mine . with that he rides through his distressed troopes , and on all sides sounds a retreat , from death calling them backe , thinking himse●fe not worth so great a wracke . nor lack'd he spirit their weapons to defy vvith throat or breast , but fear'd , if he should dy , no souldier then would fly , but there would fall , and all the world ●y with their generall , or out of caesars sight a death he sought in vaine : thy head to caesar must be brought , where ere he please to see 't . his wiues deare sight another reason was that caus'd his flight . for in her sight the fates his death decree'd . then pompey mounted on a gallant steede , fled from the field , fearing no swords behind , but bearing still a fate-vnconquer'd minde : no sighes , nor teares he spent : with majesty his griefe was mixt , such as befitted thee pompey , in romes calamity to shew . with lookes vnchang'd didst thou aemathia view . that minde , which wars successe could neere erect to pride , wars losses cannot now deject . fortun 's as far below thy wretched fate , as she was false to thy triumphant state . securely now from empires burden free thou goest ; and on thy past prosperity hast time to looke : all boundlesse hopes are gone ; and what thou wert may now be truely knowne . fly this dire battell , and to wit●esse call the gods , that none for thy sake , pompey , fall , that stay behind thee ; in thessalia , no more then aegypt , munda , affrica , the battels greatest part fought not for thee : nor shall the honour'd name of pompey be vvars quarrell now ; the foes that still will be ' mongst vs , are caesar , and rom●s liberty : and t will appeare more plaine after thy flight thy dying senate for themselues did fight . let thy flight comfort thee , thou shalt not see those blood-staind troopes , nor their impiety ; the rivers swell'd with blood looke backe , and see , and pitty caesar : with what heart can be revisite rome , made happyer by this field ? vvhat banishment in forreine lands can yeild to thee by thee what ere can be endur'd vnder th'aegyptian tyrant , rest assur'd the gods ; and favouring fates , as best , preferre ; t were worse for thee to be the conquerer let all the people waile and weepe no more , but dry their teares , and let the world adore as well thy ruine , as prosperity . looke vpon kings with a commanding eye , aegypt , and libyas kings , whom th●u hast crown'd , and cityes buil● by thee and choose a ground vvhere thou wilt dy . larissa towne beheld ( first witnesse of thy fall ) fled from the field thy noble selfe vnconquer'd by the fates . vvhose citizens all issuing forth the gates to meete thee ( as if conquerer ) they went , and gifts from loue , and sorrow did present : they ope thei● temples , and their houses all : and wish themselues pa●t●k●rs of his fall : much of his great name 's left : in his owne eye he seemes the least : nations would helpe him tr●● , once more his fortune , and renew the war. he cryes be faithfull to the conquerer : what should the conquer'd doe with townes and men ? thou caesar , thy countreys bowells then wert wading through pharsalia's bloody field , whilest peoples loues to thee he reconcil'd . pompey rides thence : the people sigh , and cry , and raile against each cruell deity the people's favour now is truely proov'd : whilest great , thou couldst not know thy selfe belov'd . when caesar saw the field with roman blood was overflow'd enough , he thought it good his swords from execution to refraine , and spare poore liues , that would haue dy'd in vaine . but left the foes should to their campe in flight retire , and rest should banish terrour quite ; he straight determines to assault their wall , whilest fortune's hot , and terrour workes in all , nor does he thinke that this command appeares too harsh , too hot , and weary'd souldiers : small exhortation leads them to the prey . our victory ( quoth he ) is full to day , and for our blood nought is remaining now but the reward : which 't is my part to show , i cannot say to giue , what every man shall giue himselfe ; behold yon tents that stand full of all riches : there gold rak'd in spaine , there th' easterne nations treasuryes remaine : pompey's , and all those kings estates doe lacke possessours , souldiers : run , and overtake whom you pursue : and what so ere to you pharsalia giues , take from the conquer'd now . this speech of caesars , and golds impious loue over the swords the furious souldiers droue , to tread on senatours , and captaines slaine , what trench , what bulwarke could their force susteine ? seeking the price of all their wars , and sin , to know for what they haue so guilty been spoiling the world they found a wealthy masse , which for wars future charges gather'd was : but their all-covering thoughts could not be fill'd with what spa●nes mines , and tagus streames could yeild , or on their sands rich arimaspians finde ; though all the spoiles be theirs , yet in their minde their mischeife at too cheape a sale they vent , and are bid losse in spoiling of these tents , vvhen to himselfe the conquerour rome decree'd and in that hope whole mountaines promised : patricians tents impious plebejans keepe , in kings pavilions common souldiers sleepe ; on brothers , and on fathers empty beds the killers lay their parricidall heads ; but furious dreames disturbe their restlesse rest ; thessalia's fight remaines in every breast ▪ their horrid guilt still wakes ; the battell stands in all their thoughts : they brandish empty hands , without their swords : you would haue thought the feild ▪ had groan'd , and that the guilty earth did yeild exhaled spirits , that in the aire did moue , and stygian feares possest the night aboue . a sad revenge on them their conquest takes ; their sleepes present the furies hissing snakes , and brands ; their countreymens sad ghosts appeare : to each the image of his proper feare : one sees an old mans visage , one a young , another's tortu●'d all the evening long with his slaine brothers spirit : their fathers sight dants some : but caesar's soule all ghosts aff●ight . orestes so , not purg'd in scythia , th' eumenides affrighting faces saw ; not more was pentheus in agaves fit dismay'd , nor she , when she was free'd from it . him all the swords that dire pharsalia saw , and which the senate in revenge should draw , oppresse that night , and hellish-monsters scourge . but that , which most his guilty soule did vrge , was this , that s●yx , the fiends , and furyes grim ( pompey being yet aliue ) had seiz'd on him . but having suffred all , when dayes cleare light display'd pharsalia's slaughter to his sight , no dismall objects could ●uert his eyes from thence ; the rivers swell'd with blood he sees , and heapes of bodyes aequalling high hills , and car●asses , whence blood , and filth distills , he numbers pompey's people , and that place ordaines for banquetting , from whence each face he might discerne , and know them as they ly , proud that aemathia's earth he cannot see , or scarse discerne the slaughter-cover'd ground . in blood his fortune , and his gods he found . and with that joyfull sight to feede his eyes , to the wretch'd soules he funerall fire denyes , making aemathia noisome to the aire . carthage , that gaue our consuls sepulcher , and libyan fire on cannae did conferre , could not teach him his enemies t' inter : remembring still ( his anger not even then with slaughter slack'd ) they were his countrey men . vve doe not seuerall fires , or tombs desire : doe but to all these nations grant one fire ; and let them not on pyles distinct be brent . or if thou aime at pompey's punishment , pyl'd vp let pindus wood , and ossa be , that he from sea pharsalia's fire may see . this anger bootes thee not ; fort is all one vvhether the fire , or putrefaction dissolue them ; all to natures bosome goe , and to themselues their ends the bodyes owe. if now these nations , caesar , be not burn'd , they shall , when earth , and seas to flames are turn'd . one fire shall burne the world , and with the sky shall mixe these bones ; where ere thy soule shall be , their soules shall goe ; in ayre thou shalt not fly higher , nor better in avernus ly . death frees from fortune : earth receiues againe vvhat ever she brought forth : and they obtaine heavens coverture , that haue no vrnes at all . thou that deny'st these nations funerall , vvhy dost thou fly these slaughter smelling fields ? breath , if thou canst , the aire this region yeilds , or drinke this water , caesar , but from thee the rotting people challenge thessaly , and keepe possession ' gainst the conquerer . to the sad food of this aemathian war , senting from far the bloods corruption the thracian wolues , arcadian lions run : beares from their dens , dogs from their kennells come : and all those ravenous creatures else , on whom nature bestowes the strongest sents , ful well the ayre by carrion putrify'd to smell . hither all birds of prey assembled are , that long had waited on this civill war : birds , that from thrace to nile in winter goe , stay'● longer then , then they were wont to doe : nere did moe birds of prey in one ayre fly , nor did moe vulturs ever cloud the sky ; from every wood came foule : each tree was fil'd with bloody birds , that crimson drops distill'd downe from the aire blood , and corruption rain'd the conquerours face , and impious eagles stain'd . birds from their weary tallands oft let fall gobbets of flosh ; nor were the people all consumed so , buryed in bird , or beast , which would not on their bowels fully feast , nor sucke their marrow all , but lightly tast ; the greatest part of roman flesh is cast disdain'd away : which by the sunne , and time dissolv'd , is mixed with thessalian slime . vnhappy thessaly , what hast thou done t' offend the angry gods , that thee alone so many deaths , and impious fates should staine ? what age , what length of time can purge againe the gu●lt that thou hast wrought ? what corne in thee and grasse with blood discolour'd shall not be ? what plow share , but some roman ghost shall wound ? before that time new battells on thy ground shall be ; and impious civill wars shall staine thy fields ( before this blood be dry ) againe . if all the graues of our dead ancesters we should turne vp , their tombes that stand , and theirs whose time-consumed vrnes haue cast abroad th'enclosed dust : moe ashes would be trod , and bones by harrows teeth digg'd vp , and found in the sad fur●owes of thessaliaes ground . no marriners had sailed from thy shore , nor husbandmen had plow'd thee any more , the roman peoples graue ; thy ghostly field had no inhabitant for ever till'd : no heards of cattell on thy plaines had run . nor durst the shepheards feede their flockes vpon thy pasture fields , with roman blood manur'd : nor habitable nor to be endur'd , ( as in the torrid , or cold i y zone ) shouldst thou haue lyen , forsaken , and vnknowne , if thou hadst beene not first , but onely seat of wicked war ▪ oh giue vs leaue to hate this guilty land ; ye gods ▪ why doe you staine the world , t'absolue it so ? the blood in spaine , sicilian seas , mutina , leucas spilt has quite absolv'd philippi fields from guilt . finis libri septims . annotations on the seventh booke . ( a ) the same day when this great pharsalian field was fought , an augur c. cornelius being then at padua , observing his rules of augury , told vnto them that stood by him the very instant when the battell beganne : and going a●aine to his art , returned as it were inspired , and cryes out with a loud voice , caesar the day is thine . ( b ) this chrastinus was an old souldier of caesars army , and now emeritus , that is free'd from the duties of the war , but for loue of caesar served in this war a voluntary , he desiring to giue the onset spake thus to caesar ; i hope , caesar , this day so to behaue my selfe , that thou shalt thanke me either aliue or dead ; he was slaine , runne through the mouth . ( c ) when caesar perceived that his horsemen could not withstand the force of pompeys horsemen and archers , he drew foorth 3000 men which for that purpose hee had placed in the right wing , they with such fury assaulted pompeys horsemen , that they all fled ; after whose flight all the archers wanting their defence were without resistance slaine . ( d ) marcus brutus was there fighting in plebeian armour , and scaped the knowledge of caesars souldiers this was that brutus , that ioyning afterward with cassius , was with him vanquished in the philippian fields by octavius and antonius ; after which battell all hope of roman liberty was for ever lost . ( e ) l. domitius was by the senates decree to succeede caesar in the government of france ; in this warre taking pompeys side he was at corfinium by his owne souldiers brought bound to caesar , and by him pardoned : afterward in massilla he was vanquished by d. brutus , caesars lieutenant , and fled . lvcans pharsalia . the eight booke . the argument . through devious deserts vanquish'd pompey flyes , and sailes to lesbos ; whence with weeping eyes he takes his wife in severall flying fleetes sextus , and other roman lords he meetes . deiotarus the gallogracian king is sent to great arsacides , to bring to aide of pompey's side the parthian bowes . the lords consult where to retire , and chose aegypts base shore . th'vnthankefull king betrayes old pompey comming : and before the face of sextus , and cornelia , ere he lands , by base achillas , and septimius hands great pompey dyes . by night poore codrus comes , and on the shore his halfe burnt trunke entombes without the head . the author doth inveigh ' gainst treachereous aegypt , and base ptolemey . ore woody tempe , and th' herculian straits following th'aemonian woods desert retre●ts ( though farre about ) great pompey rode ; his steede quite spent past helpe of spurre had lost his speede . through devious wayes he turnes , and leaues behinde no tracke of his vncertaine flight ; the winde filling the shaken woods with murmuring noises made him afraide , and his owne followers voices , that rode behinde , and by him for ( although fall'n from his height of former fortunes now ) he thinkes his blood set at no vulgar rate : but as high priz'd ( still mindfull of his fate ) by caesar , as himselfe for caesars head would giue . but through the deserts as he fled , his presence , and majestike face deny'd a safe concealement ; many , as they hy'd vnto his cam●e , and had not heard his fall , stood in amaze to meete their generall : vvondring at fortunes turnes , and scarse is he beleft , relating his owne mis●ry . he grieu●s that any his low state should see , and wishes rather in all lands to be vnknowne , and through the world obscurely goe . but fortunes ancient favour brings this woe his present sinking state more to depresse by honours weight , and former happinesse . now he perceiues he did too early clime , blames his triumphant youth in sylla's time . and grieues to thin●e vpon , in these sad dayes , his ponticke lau●●ll , or pyratick● bayes . so too long age gre●t'st happinesse destroyes , and life surviving empire ; former joyes breede greife , vnlesse wi●h them our end be sent , a●d timely death ensuing wors prevent let none but with a minde prepar'd to dy , dare to adventure on prosperity . now to the shore be came , where peneus ran red with pharsalia's slaughter to the maine . there a ( a ) small barke vnfit for seas , and windes , scarse safe in shallowest rivers , pompey findes , and goes aboord ▪ he , with whose navyes oares even yet corcyra shakes , and leucas shoares , that tam'd cicilia , and liburnia , goes fearfull now in a small barke to sea . to lesbos shore his sailes commanded are by thee , cornelia , conscious of his care , vvhere thou then lay'st , far more with sorrow fill'd , then if th'hadst bin in dire pharsalia's field . thy carefull breast still sad presages shake , and feares thy restlesse slumbers still awake . each night presents thessalia : when night 's done , to th' shore , and sea orehanging rockes begone vvith woe , to veiw the oceans face , she hyes , and still all ships , that come , she first espyes , but dares aske nothing of her husbands state . lo now a ship that comes ; alas what fate it brings , thou knowst not ; but behold thy feares , thy cares whole summe , thy vanquisht lord appeares himselfe the sad relater of wars crime . vvhy now lament'st thou not , thus loosing time ? vvhen thou may'st weepe , thou fear'st , the ship drawne nigh , she runs , and sees the crime of destiny , pompey palefac'd , his hoary haires hung downe ore his sad brow , his garments squallid growne . then greife contracts her soule : a suddaine night invades her sense , and reaues her eyes of light ; her nerue-forsaken joynts all faile : cold is her heart ; deceiv'd with hope of death she lyes : but pompey landed searches the shores side ; vvhom when cornelia's maids now neere espy'd , they durst not on fates cruelty complaine , more then with silent sighs , striving in vaine to lift their lady vp ; whom in his armes great pompey takes , and with embraces warmes her key-cold breast . but when the fled blood fills her outward parts , husbands hand she feeles , and better brookes his visage ; he forbid her veild to fate , and thus her sorrow chid . vvhy is thy noble strength of courage broke ( vvoman descended from so great a stocke ) by the first wound of fate ? thou hast the way to purchase fame , that never shall decay , thy sexes praise springs not from war , or state , but faithfull loue to an vnhappy mate . aduance thy thoughts , and let thy piety contend with fortune : loue me now cause i am conquerd , sweete , 't is more true praise for thee to loue me thus , when all authority , the sacred senate , and my kings are gone . begin to loue thy pompey now alone . that griefe extreame , thy husband yet aliue , becomes thee not ; thou shouldst that sorrow giue to my last funeralls , thou art bereft of nothing by this war : thy pompey 's left aliue and safe : his fortunes onely gone : 't is that thou wail'st , and that thou lovd'st alone . chid by her husband thus , by shames constraint she rise , and vtter'd this most sad complaint . vvould i to hated caesar had bin led a bride , since happy to no husbands bed . twice haue i hurt the world : my bridall lights erinnys , and th' vnhappy crassi's sprights carry'd ; accursed by those ghosts i hare th' assyrian fortune to this civill war. i was the cause that all these nations dy'd , and all the gods forsooke the juster side . o greatest lord , worthy of better fate then my sad marriage : had dire fortunes hate such power on thee ? why did i marry thee to make thee wretched ? take revenge on me , vvhich willingly i le pay ; to make the sea more passable , kings faiths more firme to thee , and all the world more hospitable , drowne me by the way , oh would this life had gone before to get thee victory , but now deare pompey expiate thine overthrow . vvhere ere thou lyest , ô cruell iulia , reveng'd already in pha●salia , come wreake thine anger , et thy strumpets death appease thy wrath , and spare thy pompey's breath . this said , and sinking in his armes , her fall againe drew teares from the spectators all : pompey's great heart relented , and that eye vvept there , that in pharsalia's field was dry . the m●tylenaeans then thus on the shore bespake great pompey ; if for evermore it shall our honour be to haue preserv'd thy dearest pledge , if we haue so deserv'd : to grace the city of thy servants daine , and heere with vs , though but one night , remaine ; make this a place honour'd for evermore , a place , that roman pilgrims may adore . our towne before all townes thou should'st approue ; for all townes else may hope for caesars loue : vve haue already trespast ; further yet this is an i le , and caesar wants a fleete ; besides , thy nobles know this place , and heere will meete ; thy fates on this knowne shore repaire : take our gods wealth , our temples gold , and bands of our young men to serue by sea , or land : take thou ( though conquer'd ) lesbos forces heere , lest caesar presse them as the conquerer . oh cleare this faithfull land of that foule crime , that thou , which loud'st vs in thy prosperous time , should'st feare our faith in thy adversity . glad of these mens so wondrous piety for the worlds sake , that some fidelity was left to wretched states , this land ( quoth he ) that i of all the world most deare esteem'd by this great pledge i left with you it seem'd she was the hostage that my loue was here , that here my houshold gods , and countrey were ; heere was my rome , fled from the field , before i came to you , i toutch'd vpon no shore ; knowing that lesbos in preserving her had purchas'd caesars i●e , i did not feare to giue you cause your p●rdons all to plead ; let it suffice that i your guilt haue made : i must through all the world my fates pursue . oh happy ●esbos , ever fam'd ; from you people , and kings shall learne fidelity to vs , or faithfull you alone shall be . vvhich lands are true , which false i now must try . heare ô ye gods , it any gods with me remai●e , my last of prayers , grant vs to finde a land like le●bos , whose sti●l faithfull minde dares giue safe landing to our conquer'd state , and parting safe not fearing caesars hate . his sad companion then aboord he tooke . you would haue thought all lesbos had forsooke their nat●ue soile exil'd : so great a cry vvas rais'd , and wofull hands heav'd to the sky all ore the shore , for pompey least of all , ( though he deserv'd their sorrow by his fill ) but seeing her depart , whom they had seene all this war time , as their owne citizen , the people wept ; of her the matrons dry from teares , could hardly haue tane leaue , though she vnto her lord a conquerer had gone : she so had gain'd the loue of every one by vertuous , courteous carriage , modesty of a chast looke : proud to no company : lowly to all , and such her life was seene vvhile her lord stood , as he had conquer'd bin . now titans orbe halfe drowned in the seas gaue pa●t to vs , part to th' antipodes : when care in pompey's restlesse bosome runs sometimes on romes confederate states , and townes , and kings vncertaine faiths , sometimes vpon the south-scorch'd regions of the torrid zone : sometimes , as too sad burdens , he layes by his wearied cares of future destiny , asking the master of each star , and where he guesses land : what rules heaven giues to steere his ship at sea : what stars to syria guide : which of bootes fires to lybias side directs ; to this the master thus replyes : we follow not those stars , which through the skyes doe slide , and passe away ▪ vnconstant stars in the vnfixt pole deceiue the marriners ; that pole , that never falls , nere drownes in sea famous for cynosure , and helice , doth gui●●e our ships , when ere that stars got vp right verticall , just ore the saileyards top , then to the bosphorus we make apase , and sea● , that synthiaes crooked shores embrace . but when more low , and neerer to the sea artophil●x , and cynosura be , then to the syrian po●ts our course we steere : cano●us then is elevated there , vvhich feares the north , and in the southerne skyes remaines alone . vvho thence to th'left hand plyes ( pharos ore past ) into the syrtes falls but whither now shall we direct our sailes ? to whom with doubtfull thoughts pompey replyes : in all the course at sea obserue but this , to keepe thy ship still far from thessaly , and to the heavens , and seas leaue italy , the rest trust to the winds ; i now haue tane my deare left pledge cornelia in againe . i then was certaine whither to resort , but now let fortune finde vs out a p●rt . thus pompey spake ; the master straightway turnes about his sailes stretch'd out with aequall hornes , and to the left hand guides the ship , to plow those waues , that twixt chios , and asia flow , to the ships length he turnes his sailes about . the sea perceiues the change : her waves are cut by the sharpe stemme with different motion . the skilfull charrioter not halfe so soone raines round his horse , and doth with suddaine change about the goale his wheeling charriot range . sol hid the stars , and land discovered , when those , that from pharsalia's battell fled , to pompey came ; and first from lesbos shores he met his son ; then kings , and senators . for pompey yet ( although at that sad time vanquish'd , and fled ) had kings to waite on him ▪ proud scepter'd kings , that ore the east did reigne , attended there in banish'd pompeys traine . then pompey king deiotarus commands to goe for aide to farthest easterne lands . most loyall king , since on pharsalia's plaines this world was lost from rome , it now remaines to try the east , those that by tigris ly , and by euphrates yet from caesar free . grieue not , though to repaire my fortunes lost , thou to the medes , or farthest scythians go'st , or quite beyond the day , that this world sees . beare my salutes to great arsacides ; and if our ancient league remaine , which i by latian ioue , by his owne deity he swore let the armenian archers strong , their well-bent bowes , and quivers bring along : if you , o parthians , vndisquieted i ever left , when i pursu'd the fled vnquiet alans to the caspian strait , and forc'd you not for safety to retreat to babylon : marching ore cyrus ground , and the chaldaean kingdomes vtmost bound , appearing nearer then the persian to the suns rise , where into th' ocean nysas , hydaspes , and swift ganges fall , suffer'd you only , when i conquer'd all , to goe vntriumph'd : parthias king alone of all th' easts monarchs , scap'd subjection . nor once alone doe you your safety ow to me ; who after crassus overthrow , appeas'd the just incensed wrath of rome ? for all my merits now let parthia come out of her bounds appointed , and passe ore greeke zeugma's walls , and the forbidden shore . conquer for pompey : rome will loose the day gladly . the king refus'd not to obey ( though hard were his command ; laying aside his kingly robes , and in a servants weede attir'd he goes ; in a distressed time 't is safe for kings like poorest men to seeme . therefore how much liues he , that 's truely poore , safer then kings ? the king tooke leaue at shore . and by the icarion rockes great pompey gone leaues ephesus and sea-calme colophon : shaving small samos foaming rockes he go's : a gentle gale blowes from the shore of cos : gindon , and phebus-honour'd rhodes he leaues , and sailing straight in the mid-ocean saues telmessums long , and winding circuits . first pamphylia greetes their eyes ; but pompey durst commit his person to no towne , but thee little phaselis : thy small company , and few inhabitants could not cause a feare , more in the ship then in thy walls there were . but sailing thence againe , high tau●us showes it selfe ; and dipsas , that from taurus flowes . could pompey thinke , when erst he clear'd the seas of pirates rage , it purchas'd his owne ease ? he now flyes safe along cicilian shores in a small ship ▪ there many senators following oretake their flying generall within the haven of celendrae small , where in and out ships on selinus past . in full assembly of the lords at last thus sadly pompey spake ; my lords , whose sight ( as deare companions bot● in war , and flight ) i doe esteeme my country , though we stand on a bare shore , in poore cicilian land , attended with no force , advice to take , and new provision for a war to make , yet bring couragious hearts : i lost not all in thessaly , nor did my fortune fall so low , but that this head againe may rise . could marius after all his miseryes in libya , rise to a seaventh consulship ? and me so lightly fall'n will fortune keepe ? a thousand captaines on the graecian sea , a thousand ships i haue : pharsalia has rather scatter'd , then quite overthrowne my strength : but me my actions fame alone which all the earth haue seene , my name , that now the whole world loues , shall guard ▪ consider you th' aegyptian , libyan , parthian monarchies , b●th in their strength , and faith , and then advise which fittest is to ayde roms labouring state . but i ; my lords , will to your eares relate freely my secret'st cares , and tell the truth how i encline ; i doe suspect the youth of aegypts king ; for true fidelity requires strong yeares ; i feare the subtlety , and double heart of mauritania's king ; remembring carthage , whence his race did spring , he gapes for italy , and his vaine brest is much with thought of hanniball possest ; whose blood commixt with th' old numidi●ns obliquely iuba's pedegree distaines . he swell'd to see varus a suppliant growne , and roman fates inferiour to his owne . therefore , my lords , to th' easterne world let vs retire ; euphrates with a spacious channell divides the world ; the caspian straits on tother side yeild safe , and large retreats ; another pole measures th' assyrian dayes , and nights : another colour beare the seas , sever'd from ours ; their ain●e is soveraignty : their bowes more strong , their steeds more fierce , and high then ours , no boy , nor aged man wants skill , or strength to shoot : deadly their arrows kill . their bowes first brooke pellaean speares , and won th' assyrian wall-renowned babylon , and median bactra . nor so fearefull are the parthians of our piles , but that they dare come out to war against vs , they haue try'd their shafts sufficiently when crassus dy'd . nor are their trusty shafts arm'd at the head with steele alone , but deadly venomed : slight wounds are mortall , and the least blood drawne will kill . oh would on the fierce parthian i were not forced to depend : their fate does too too much romes fortune aemulate : too many gods ayde them . he draw from home some other nations of the east to come to war. but if barbarians leagues deceiue our hopes or else our scorn'd alliance leaue ; let fortune then our sad , and shipwrack'd state beyond the knowne , and traffiqu'd world translate ; i will not sue to kings whom i haue made , but in my death this comfort shall be had lying far off this body shall not be subject to caesar's rage , nor piety but there revolving my whole life's past fate still honour'd in those parts was pompey's state . how great has easterne tanais me seene ? how great beyond maeotis haue i bin ; into what lands did my victorious name more sound , or whence in greater triumph came ? favour my purpose rome , what happyer can the go is grant thee , then in civill war to vse the parthian armes to overthrow that land , and mixe their ruine with our woe ? when the fierce parthians haue with caesar fought crassus revenge , or mine must needes be wrought , this said he heard their murmur to condemne his plot . but lentulus ' mongst all of them in spirit , and noble griefe the forward'st man thus ( worthy his late consulship ) began . has the pharsalian losse so broke thy minde ? has one dayes fate the world so low declin'd ? doth that one battell our whole cause decide , and no cure left to helpe our wounded side ? is no hope left thee , pompey ▪ but to sue at the proud parthians feete ; woul●st thou eschew all lan●s , and climes , and thither aime thy flight , where crosse poles reigne , and vnknowne starres giue light , t' adore the parthians , and their deityes , chaldaean fires , and barbarous sacrifice ? why in this war pretend'st thou liberty ? why is the wretched world deceiv'd by thee , if thou canst serue ? whose name they trembled at , as the cheife ruler of the roman fate , whom they haue seene leade captiue kings before from wilde hyrcania , and the indian shore , shall they now see cast downe , and broke by fate , measuring themselues by pompey's begging state , with rome , and italy aspire t'enherit ? thou canst spake nothing worth thy fate , and spirit : their ignorance i th' roman tongue requires that thou in teares shouldst vtter thy desires . would'st thou so wound our shame , that not from rome , but parthia the revenge of rome should come ? she chose thee generall of her civill war. why doest thou spread her losse , and wounds so far as scythia , and teach parthia to goe beyond her bound ? rome shall in her deepe woe this speciall comfort loose of bringing in no kings , but serving her owne citizen . canst thou delight from farthest parts to come leading fierce nations ' gainst the walls of rome , following those eagles , that slaine crassus lost ? that only king , that from th' aemathian ( a ) host was absent ( fortune did his favour guide ) will he provoke the conquerers strong side , and joyne with vanquisht pompey , thinke you ? no , we haue no cause to trust that nation so , the people all borne in the northren cold are lovers of the war , hardy , and bold ; but in the east , and southerne climes , the heat of gentle aire makes them effoeminate . their men soft cloathing ; and loose garments weare . parthians vpon the median fields , and where along sarma●ian plaines swift tigris flowes , by liberty of flight can by no foes be vanquished ; but where the earth does swell , ore craggy hills they cannot clime so well : nor in darke places can they vse the bow : nor dare they swim torrents that swiftly flow : nor in the field with blood all over dy'd dare they the dust , and summer sunne abide ; no rams , nor engines can the parthian vse , nor fill the trenches vp : when he pursues , what ere is arrow-profe , serues for a wall , slight are their wa●s , their fights like flyings all ; they stragling fight , apter to fly then stand . their arrowes venom'd are , nor close at hand dare they maintaine a fight : far off with bowes they shoot , and where it lists the wind bestowes their woun●s ; but fight of sword does strength require● all manly nations the sword-fight desire . at the first on set they'll disarmed be , and when their quivers are exhaust , must flee ; their trust in poyson is , not in their hands . think'st thou them men , pompey , that dare not stand without such helpes , the hazard of a fight ? can such base aide be worth so long a flight ? for thee so far from thine owne land to dy , and vnder barbarous earth entomb'd to ly in a base monument , yet such a one as will he envy'd , crassus having none ? thy state is not so pitifull : for death ( nor fear'd by men ) ends all : but losse of breath vnder that wicked king cornelia feares not . the venus of those barbarous courts who heares not ? which like bruit beasts all wedlocks rites exile , and with wiues numberlesse all lawes defile : th' incestuous beds abhorred secrets ly ope to a thousand concubines ; rais'd high with wine , and banqueting , the king refraines no lawlesse lust , though nere so full of staines : th' embraces of so many women can not all the night tire one insatiate man ; in kings incestuous beds their sisters ly , and mothers , which should names vnstained be . o●dipus wofull tale condemns alone thebes of a crime , though ignorantly done : but there how often does the parthian king arsacides from such foule incest spring ? what can be wickednesse to him , that may defile his mother ? shall cornelia metellus noble progeny be led the thousand'th wife to a barbarians bed ? yet none more often will the tyrant vse then her : her husbands titles will infuse a scornefull lust : and , which will please him more , he 'll know that she was crassus wife before , and comes , ( as fate did her to parthia ow ) a captiue for that former overthrow . thinke on that slaughter : 't will not only bring shame , to haue begg'd aide from that fatall king , but to haue made a civill war before ; for what will caesar , and thy selfe be more accus'd by all , then that , while you two fought , there could for crassus no revenge be wrought ? ' gainst parthia all our armyes should haue gone : and that no strength might want , from garrison our northren lands should haue bin free'd each one , till treacherous ●usa , and proud babylon had fall'n for tombes vpon our slaughter'd men . of parthian peace , fortune , we beg an end ; and , if thessalia end the civill war , against the parthian send thy conquerer : of all the world i should rejoyce alone at caesar's triumphs ore that nation . when thou the cold araxis streams hast crost , shall not the slaughter'd crassus mourning ghost vpbraide thee ? thou , whom our vnbury'd ghosts long since expected with revenging hosts , com'st thou to sue for peace ? besides thine eyes sad monuments of roman tragoedyes shall greete the walls , on which our captaines heads were fixt : where bodyes of our souldiers dead euphrates swallow'd and swift tigris streame rowl'd backe againe to earth . if thou to them canst sue , why , pompey , doest thou scorne to pray to caesar sitting in thessalia ? looke rather vpon romes confederates , and if thou doe suspect the southerne states , and iuba's falsehood , goe to ptolomey ; aegypt by lybian quickesands westerly is guarded : on the east fall niles seven floods , to th' sea ; a land content with her owne goods ; a land that needes nor raine , nor merchandise , so much on only nilus she relyes . young ptolemey reignes there , that owes his crowne to thee , once left to thy tuition . feare not the shadow of a name : no hurt can be in tender yeares : in an old court let not religion , faith , or trust be sought : men vs'd to scepters are asham'd of nought : the mildest governement a kingdome findes vnder new kings . this speech quite turn'd their minds . how are despairing states most free and bold ? pompey's opinion is by all controll'd . they leaue cilicia , and to cyprus mooue their course . no land does venus better loue still mindfull of her birth ( if we at all thinke gods were borne , or had originall ) pompey departing thence his course gan bend round all the cyprian rocks , that southward tend , and got into the enterposed maine ; nor by the nights weake light could he attaine mount casius ; but with strugling sailes , and strength a lower port of aegypt reach'd at length , where parted nilus greatest channell flowes and to the ocean at pelusium goes . that time was come , wherein just libra weighes the howers , and makes the nights aequall with dayes : then payes the winter nights howers , which the spring had tane away . they , hearing that the king was at mount casius , thither make repaire : the sun yet was not downe , the winde blew faire . the s●outs along the shore post to the court , and fill their fearefull eares with the report of pompey's comming ; though their time were small for counsell , yet the aegyptian monsters all were met : ' mongst whom achoreus began , whom age taught modesty , a milde old man , ( him superstitious memphys , that observ'd th' encrease of nile , brought forth : while he had serv'd at the gods altars , not one apis liv'd fiue changes of the moone ) his speech reviv'd the sacred league of ptolomey's dead father , and pompey's merits ; but photinus rather a counseller for tyrants , with base breath durst thus presume to counsell pompey's death . iustice , and truth haue many guilty made : faith suffers , ptolomey , when it would aide vvhom fortune hates ; joyne with the gods , and fate , and fly the wretched , loue the fortunate : profit from honesty differs as far as does the sea from fire , earth from a star . crownes loose their power , whilest only good they doe : respect of right all strength does overthrow . t is mischeifes freedome , and th'vncurbed sword , that does to hated crownes safety affoord . no cruell actions , vnlesse throughly done , are done secure ; let him from court be gone , that would be good ; vertue , and soveraignety doe not agree ; nothing but feare shall he , that is asham'd a tyrant to be deem'd . let pompey rue that he thy yeares contemn'd , thinking thou couldst , not from thy shore driue backe a conquer'd man : let not a stranger take , thy scepter : if thou wouldst resigne thy reigne , th' hast neerer pledges , giue the crowne againe to thy condemned sister : le ts keepe free our aegypt from the roman slavery . shall we , that did not in the war adhere to pompey , now provoke the conquerer ? vagrant through all the world , hopelesse of all he seekes with what lands ruine he may fall : haunted with civill war slaine ghosts he flyes not only caesar , but the senates eyes , vvhose greater part feedes fowles in thessaly . he feares those nations , whom he left to dy mixt in one bloody field : he feares those kings , vvhose haplesse states his fall to ruine brings . now guilty of the losse , harbour'd by none , to vs , whom yet he has not overthrowne , he seekes ; a greater cause , ô ptolomey , haue we to accuse pompey ; why would he our quiet land staine with the crime of war , and make vs hated by the conquerer ? vvhy does thy misery choose our land alone to bring pharsalias fortune , and thine owne fear'd punishment into ? we beare a blame already , ( and our swords must purge the same , ) in that , because the senate moov'd by thee gaue vs a crowne , we wisht thy victory . this sword , now drawne by fate , we did provide to wound not pompeys , but the conquer'd side , and rather could we wish for caesar's head : but whither all are carry'd , we are led . mak'st thou a doubt of our necessity to kill thee now we may ? what strength haue we for thee to trust , wretch'd man ? thou sawst our men vnarm'd , to plow soft mould scarse able , when nile ebb'd . our kingdomes strength t is fit that we try , and confesse ; canst thou , ô ptolomey raise pompey's ruine , vnder which great rome it selfe is fall'n so low ? or dar'st thou come to stir the ashes of pharsalia , and such a war vpon thy kingdome draw ? we to no side , before the battell , clest ; shall we now cleaue to pompey's , which is left by the whole world ? provoking the knowne fates , and feared strength of caesar ? wretched states aide they , that did their prosperous times attend . no faith ere chose a miserable friend . the mischiefe pleas'd them all : the young king proud of this strange honour , that his men allow'd him to command so wonderfull a thing , chose out ach●llas for the managing . where the false land in casian sands does ly stretch'd out , and fords witnesse the syrtes nigh , weapons , and parteners of his murdrous guile he puts in a small boate . oh gods , durst nile , durst barbarous memphis , and th'effoeminate men of soft canopus harbour such a spleene ? has civill war deprest the world so low ? or are the roman fates dejected so ? are pharian swords admitted , and a roome for aegypt left into this war to come ? in this at least ye civill wars be true : bring well knowne hands , keepe forreine beasts from you , if pompey's far-fam'd name deserue to be the crime of caesar . feares not ptolomey the ruine of that name ? or when the sky thunders , dar'st thou , effoeminate ptolomey , insert thy profane hands ? to terrify thee , king , a romans name enough should be , without that worth that did the world controll : rode thrice in triumph to the capitoll : that govern'd kings : that led the senates war : and sonne in law was to the conquerer . vvhy with thy sword our bowells doest thou wound ? thou doest not know , proud boy , vpon what ground thy fortunes stand , thou now canst claime no right to aegypts scepter : for in civill fight he 's fall'n , that aegypts crowne on thee bestow'd . now pompey's ship tooke downe her sailes , and : ●ow'd toward the shore . the wicked band drew ( b ) neere in a small two-oar'd boate ; with fained cheere tell him the kingdome at his service stands ; and f●ining that the shore for shelues , and sands could not approached be by ships so great , into their little boate they doe entreat he would descend . if by the fates decree , and everlasting lawes of destiny pompey condemned to that wretched end had not bin forc'd to shore ; ( c ) none of his friends vvanted resages of the dire event . for had their faith beene pure , if they had meant their scepter giver truely t' entertaine in court , th aegyptian king with all his traine and fleete had come . pompey to fate giues way , and , bid to leaue his navy , does obay , preferring ( d ) death before base feare . into the enemyes boates cornelia faine would go , now more impatient to be separate from her deare lord , because she feares his fate . stay wife , and sonne , and far from shore ( quoth he ) behold my fortune : and in this necke try the tyrants faith : but deafe to his commands franticke cornelia wrings her wofull hands : vvhither without me goest thou , cruell man ? remoov'd from thessaly , must i againe be left ? still fatall haue our parting 's bin in flight thou needed'st not to haue touch'd in at lesbos , but there still haue let me be , if thou entend i nere shall land with thee , only at sea thy sad companion . thus all in vaine cornelia making mone vpon the ships foredecke stood looking ore , so full of griefe , and feare , she could not more looke after him , nor turne her eyes away . doubtfull of his successe the fleete did stay , not fearing swords , nor force , nor treachery . but lest great pompey shou●d submissiuely adore that scepter that himselfe bestow'd . septimius then a roman souldier bow'd , saluting pompey from th' aegyptian boate , vvho ( oh heavens shame ) leaving his pile , had got a barbarous partizan , one of the guard to aegypts king : fierce vnrelenting hard , bloody as any beast vvho would not then haue thought that fortune meant to favour men , vvhen she had kept this impious sword so far from thessaly , and stay'd from civill war this hand ? but she dispos'd the swords ( alas ) that civill mischeife might in every place be done . a tale the conquerors to shame it was , the gods eternall blush , and blame , a roman sword should by a king be led , and the aegyptian boy reach pompey's head vvith his owne sword . vvhat fame shall future time giue thee septimius ? or how stile thy crime , that brutus act as parricidall blame ? and now the ending hower of pompey came : putting himselfe into the monsters ( e ) hands he went aboard their boate ; the murdrous bands straight draw ; great pompey seeing their drawn swords , covers his face , disdaining to spend words , or lookes on such a fate , and shut his eyes , containing his great spirit , lest words might rise , or teares , his everlasting fame to taint . but when achillas murdring weapons point . had peirc'd his side , scorning the villaines pride no groanes he gaue : great , like himselfe he dy'd with vnstirr'd breast , and thus in secret spake ; all times , that mention of romes labours make , and future ages through the world will see this fact , and aegypts base disloyalty . maintaine thine honour now , the fates to thee through the whole life gaue long prosperity ; and the world knowes not ( vnlesse now they see ) how pompey's spirit could bea●e adversity . blush not that such base hands thy death afford ; but thinke , who ever strike , 't is caesars sword . though they these limbs all torne , and scatter'd leaue , yet am i happy , god ; no god can reaue my happinesse ; my fortunes , and my breath expire at once : nor wretched is my death . cornelia ; and my son this slaughter see : so much more patient let my sorrow be . the more cornelia , and my son approoue my dying constancy , the more they 'll loue . so well could he his dying spirits guide : such strength of minde had pompey when he dy'd . but poore cornelia , that had rather dy then see that sight , with shreekings fills the sky : t was wicked i , deare lord , that murdred thee : for whilst at lesbos thou turnd'st in to me , caesar had enter'd aegypts shore ; for who but he , had power that horrid act to doe ? what ere thou art , sent from the gods to kill , pleasing thine owne revenge , or caesars will ; thou know'st not , wretch , where pompey's bowels be ▪ thou strik'st with fury there , where conquer'd he desires thy stroke , now let him suffer more then his owne death , and see my head before . i am not guiltlesse from the crime of war , the only wife following my lord so far , fearelesse of campes , or seas ; and conquer'd too i tooke him in , which monarchs durst not doe . did i for this , husband , deserue to be left safe aboord ? false lord , why spar'st thou me ? or thought'st thou life ( thou dying ) fit for me ? i le finde a death , though not from ptolomey . oh sailors , let me leape downe from the decke , or with these twisted shrowdes to breake my necke : or let some worthy friend of pompey's now heere sheath his weapon , and for pompey doe an act , that h●e'll impute to caesars hate . why doe you hinder my desired fate ? husband , thou liv'st , cornelia has not power yet of her selfe ; they hinder my deaths houre ( and there she sounds ) to be the conquerours pray ; the fearefull fleete hoist sailes , and post away . but when great pompey fell , that sacred face , and honour'd visage kept his former grace though angry with the gods ▪ deaths vtmost hate chang'd not his visage , and majesticke state , as they confesse , that his rent necke did see . for sterne se●timius in that cruelty findes out an act more cruell : to vncover his face , he cuts the cloth , that was cast over , invading halfe-dead pompey's breathing face , his dying necke acrosse the bords he layes ; then cu●s the nerves , and i veines , the twisted bones he breakes the art to whip off heads at once vvas not yet found ▪ but when the head was torne off ●rom the trunke , 't was by achillas borne . d●generate roman , base septimius , vs'd in an vnder office , couldst thou thus basely cut off great pompey's sacred head to be ( oh shame ) by another carryed ? young ptolomey to know great pompey's face , those haires , that kings haue honour'd , whose curl'd grace adorn'd his noble front , stroakes with his hands ; fixt on a pole the head of pompey standes , vvhilst yet his lips with throbbing murmurs shooke , his eyes vnclos'd , and liuely was his looke : that head that still determin'd war , and peace , that rul'd the senate , lawes , and suffrages ; romes fortune in that face tooke greatest pride . nor was the wicked tyrant satisfy'd with sight : but for memoriall of the fact , dire arts the heads corruption must extract , the braine is taken out , dry'd is the skin , the noisome moisture purged from within , medicines make solid , and preserue the face . degenerate issue , last of lagus race , whom thy incestuous sister shall depose ; vvhen sacred vaults the macedon enclose , when dust of kings in sumptuous buildings lyes , and the ignoble race of ptolomey's in pyramids , and rich mausolean graues vnjustly rest , must pompey by the waues and headlesse trunke against the shore be swept ? vvas it too great a trouble to haue kept the carcasse whole for caesar ? this sad date did fortune giue to pompey's prosperous state ; by such a death as this to pull him downe from such an height : heaping all plagues in one sad day , which he so many yeares had bin free from : nor yet had pompey ever seene ioy mixt with woe : no god his prosperous state did ere disturbe , none helpt his wretched fate ; but once for all with a differring hand did fortune pay him ; torne vpon the sand , salt water playing in his wounds , the mocke of seas he lyes , and beat ' gainst every rocke : no figure left of him , t is note enough to know great pompey , that his head is off . but fates , ere caesar on that shore arriue , a suddaine funerall to pompey giue , lest he in none , or in a better tombe should ly . to th' shore did fearefull codrus come out of his lurking hole , that was before great pompey's quaestors , and from cyprus shore had follow'd him ; he by the shades of night durst goe ( true loue had vanquisht terrour quite ) to find his slaughter'd lord , along the sand , and through the waues , to bring the trunke to land . faint light through dusky clouds sad cynthia gaue ; but different colour'd from the foamy waue the trunke appeard ; which codrus catching straight when the waues ebb'd , but tired with the weight expects their flow to helpe him , and so bore the trunke to land , and plac'd it on the shore ; then falling downe , bathing the wounds in teares , thus to the gods he speakes , and clouded stars . fortune , no costly pile with odours fill'd thy pompey craues , nor that his hearse may yeild precious arabian fumes to fill the ayre , nor that the pious roman neekes should beare their countreys father forth , nor to adorne a funerall pompe old tryumphs should be borne ▪ no funerall songs , nor that his troopes the while march a dead march about their generalls pyle . great pompey but a base plebejan beere , that his torne limbs may carry to dry fire . let him not want wood , and a burner , though but meane , and let it be , ô gods , enough that with loose haire cornelia does not stand to take her last embrace , and then command to fire the pile , from this last funerall rite she is away , yet hardly out of sight , this said , far off a little fire he kenn'd burne a neglected herse , watch'd by no friend . thither he goes , and taking thence a part of fire , and halfe-burn'd stickes , who ere thou art neglected ghost , deare to no friend , ( quoth he ) but happier then great pompey , pardon me , ( if any knowledge after death remaines ) that by a strangers hand thy hearse susteines this wrong ; i know thou yeild'st , and castendure for pompey's sake , this losse of sepulture , and art asham'd of funerall rites , whilest he lyes an vnburyed ghost . then speedily with his armes full of fire poore codrus ran to find the trunke , which to the shore againe the waues had beat ; then off the sand he wipes , and gathering vp the ribs of broken ships , he layes them in a ditch ; on no hew'n trees or well built pyle the noblebody lyes : fire brought , not vnderbuilt great pompey takes . then sitting by the fire thus codrus speakes . romes greatest lord , the only majesty of italy , if worse this buriall be then none at all , then floating on the sea , avert thy manes , and great ghost from me . t is fortunes injury that makes this right , lest fish , or foule , or beast , or caesars spight might wrong thy coarse , accept this little brand of fire since kindled by a roman hand . if fortune grant recourse to italy , not here shall these so sacred ashes ly : but from my hand cornelia shall take , and vrne thy reliques , vntill then wee 'll make thy burialls marke vpon the shore , that who so ere would pacify thy ghost , and doe full right● of funerall , may finde out so the bodyes ashes , and the sands may know , whither to bring thy head . thus having spoke he does with fuell the weake flame provoke ; pompey dissolv'd , his fat distilling fed the little fire ; and now day promised by bright aurora , dimm'd the stars weake lights . codrus abruptly leaues the funerall rites , and runs , himselfe about the shore to hide . what mischeife fear'st thou ( foole ) for such a deede ; which long tongu'd fame for ever shall renowne ! caesar himselfe shall praise what thou hast done to pompey's body . goe then voide of dread : confesse the funerall , and require his head . an end of dutious workes piety makes . the bones halfe-burnt , and yet dissolv'd he takes , still full of nerves , and vnconsumed marrow ; quenching them in sea-water , in a narrow peice of the earth together layes them downe : then lest the ashes should abroad be blowne by the windes force , he layes a stone aboue ; and lest some sailer should that stone remooue to tye his cable , with a cole-burnt staffe vpon the top he writes this epitaph . heere pompey lyes , fortune , this stone we call his tombe : in which , rather then none at all , caesar would haue him ly . why in a roome so small , rash hand , includ'st thou pompey's tombe , and shutt'st vp his great ghost ? as far he lyes as the earths farthest shore extended is . romes mighty name , and empires vtmost bound is pompey's tombe ; this marke for shame confound the shame of heaven ; if alcides ly over all oete , and all nysa be great bacchus monument , why should one stone in aegypt stand for pompey's tombe alone ? did no one peice of earth thy name expresse , all aegypts land , pompey , thou mightst possesse . let vs be still deceiv'd , and still for feare of thee , to tread on aegypts land forbeare , but if that sacred name must grace a stone , write his each deed , and glorious action : the alpine war of rebell lepidus ; the conquest of revolt ser●ortus ( the consull being call'd home : ) those triumphs note , which he but gentleman of rome had got : cilician pirates tam'd : traffique made free : barbarian kingdomes conquer'd all that ly vnder the east , and north ; with this make knowne how still from war he tooke a peacefull gowne contented with three triumphs , he to rome his other conquests did forgiue ; what tombe can hold all this ? his ashes in this graue no titles , nor triumphant storyes haue . that name , that temples lofty roofes , and high triumphall arches deckt with victory vvere wont to beate , now neere the lowest sand a small graue shewes , which strangers cannot stand vpright to reade , which ( if it be not showne ) the roman travellers passe by vnknowne , aegypt , whom civill fate has guilty made 't was not in vaine the sibylls verse forbad a roman niles pelusian mouth to touch , or once his summer-swelled banks approach . how shall i curse thee for this impious deed ? may nile run backe , and stay at his first head , may thy vnfruitfull fields want winter raine , and all like aethiops barren sands remaine . we let thy isis in romes temples dwell , thy deify'd dogs , and sorrow causing bell : osiris , whom thou shewest , while thou weep'st , a man ; our god in dust thou aegypt keep'st . and thou that gau'st the tirant temples , rome , has not yet fetch'd thy pompey's ashes home : his ghost ly●s yet exil'd if caesars frownes that first age fear'd , yet now thy pompey's bones bring home , ô rome , if yet on that curs'd land not turn'd by the waues , the marks doe stand . vvhoo'll feare that graue ? whoo'll feare to take from thence ashes deserving temples ? that offence eni●ine me ( rome ) to doe , my bosome vse : oh too too happy i , if rome would chuse my hand to open that base sepulcher , and his deare ashes hither to transferre . perchance when rome from oracles would craue an end of dearth , or pestilence to haue , of too much fire , or earthquakes , thou to rome shalt by the gods exprest appointment come , thy ashes borne by the high priest for who to s●orch'd siene in lunes heat can goe , in view of nile , or pharian ●hebes descry vnder the showry plejades still dry ; vvhat fasterne merchant traffiquing resorts to the red sea , or rich arabian ports , but at thy graues ever adored stone , and ashes ( though perchance scatter'd vpon the sands ) will stay , thy ghost to pacificy , before the casian loue preferring thee ? this little graue can nothing hurt thy name ; thy ghost would be of a faire cheaper fame shrowded in gold , and temples : fortune now beares more divinity entomb'd so low ; the sea-beat stone is more maiesticke farre then the proud altars of the conquerer . some worship gods dwelling in dusky clay , that to tarpejan ioue refuse to pray . t will vantage thee hereafter in thy graue no polisht marbles lasting workes to haue . this little dust will quickly scatter'd ly : the tombe will fall , proofes of thy death will dy : and then a happyer age will come , when none shall credit giue to those that shew the stone ; as false shall aegypt seeme in times to come ( as crete of ioues ) to boast of pompey's tombe . finis libri octavs . annotations on the eight booke . ( a ) pompey in his flight from larissa came all along the tempe to the shore , and lodged that night in the small cottage of a fisherman ; about morning he went to sea in a little boate , and sailing along by the shore met with a ship of greater burden , of which one peticius a roman was capt●i●e , who knowing pompey , received him , and transported him to lesbos , where cornelia lay . plutarch . ap●ian . ( b ) when their boate drew neere to pompey , septimus arose , who had once served as a tribune vnder pompey ) and in the roman language saluted his generall , and welcommed him in the kings name . achillas complemented with him in the greeke tongue , and desireth him to enter into his boate , by reason that the shelues , and sands would not afford a passage to his ship . ( c ) those that attended pompey , seeing his entertainement not royall , no● magnificent , but that a few only in a small boate were sent to meete him , began to suspect the treason and counselled pompey to out to sea , and forsake that sh●re whilest yet he was free from danger . ( d ) pompey disdaining to appeare fearefull , ( although he were full of ill presages ) came into achillas his boate , as how is invited , and taking his leaue of his wife , and son sextus pompejus , he repeated these two iambike verses of sophocles . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 these were the last words hee spake to his friends , and so entred into the boate , where achillas was . ( e ) when pompey was now farre from his ship , and perceived no courteous entertainement in the boate , hee looked vpon septimius and thus spake ; haue not i knowne thee heretofore my fellow souldier ? septimius disdaining to answere him at all only nodded his head to him , and when pompey was rising out of the boate , septimius first run him through with his sword . lvcans pharsalia . the ninth booke . the argument . pompey's departed spirit to heaven ascends . his wife , and sons lament ; cato commends his worthy life : checks the cilicians , and marching are the scorched libyan sands to iuba's kingdome , with strong patience endures the heat , the southwinds violence and killing serpents venome . caesar sees renowned troys defac'd antiquities , to aegypt comes , and with dissembling breath complaines , and weepes for noble pompey's death . in pharian coales his ghost could not remaine , nor those few ashes his great spirit containe . out from the graue he issues , and forsakes th' vnworthy fire , and halfe burnt limbs , and takes vp to the convexe of the sky his flight , where with blacke ayre the starry poles doe meete . the space betwixt the regions of the moone , and earth , halfe-deify'd soules possesse alone , whom fiery worth , in guiltlesse liues , has taught to brooke the lower part of heaven , and brought them to th'aeternall sphaeres , which not they hold , that are with incense bury'd , tomb'd in gold . there filled with true light , with wondring eyes the wandring planets , and first stars he sees . he sees our day involv'd in midst of night , and laughes at his torne trunkes ridiculous plight . then ore the aemathian fields , his scatter'd fleete : and bloody caesars troopes he tooke his flight : and with revenge for these dire facts possest cato●s bold hart , and brutus noble breast . cato , while chance was ( a ) doubtfull , and at stake whom civill war lord of the world would make , then hated pompey , though with pompey he ( led by the senate , and romes auspicy ) had fought , but when pharsaliaes field was try'd , he altogether favour'd pompey's side . his countrey wanting a protector then he tooke , and chear'd the trembling hearts of men : and ●utting swords in fearefull hands againe made civill war , neither for hope of reigne , nor feare of bondage ; nought at all in war for his owne sake did he ; his forces are since pompey's death , alone for liberty ; vvhich lest the speed of caesars victory should seaze vpon , being dispersed ore the coast , he sailes vnto corcyra's ( b ) shore , and in a thousand ships carryes away the conquer'd remnant of pharsalia . who would haue thou●ht so great a fleete had held all flying men ? that conquer'd ships had fill'd the straitned seas ? from thence they saile away to ghost-fill'd taenarus , and long males ; thence to cytherus : boreas blowing faire crete flyes : and getting a good sea they cleare the cretan coast phycus , that durst deny their men to land , they sacke deservedly . and thence along the deepe , while faire winds blow ▪ vnto thy shore , oh palinurus , goe : ( for not alone doth our italian sea keepe monuments of thee , but libya can witnesse well calme harbours once did please thy phrygian master ) when vpon the seas descrying sh●p● afar , they gan to feare whether the men their foes , or partners were : caesars knowne speed gaue them just cause to feare , and still suspect his comming every where . but those sad ships brought greife , and woes , and crys able to draw soft teares from catoes eyes : for after that cornelia all in vaine ( ●est pompey's t●unke beat from the shore againe should floate at sea by prayers had striv'd to draw from flight the sailers , and her son in law , when from the shore that little fire descry'd his most v●worthy funerall , she cry'd , seem'd i not worthy then , fortune , to thee to light my husbands funerall fire , and ly stretch'd out on his cold limbs , burne his torne haires , and gathering his sea-scatterd limbs , with teares to bath each wound ? with bones , and ashes hot to fi●l my lap , and in the temples put the sad remainder of his funerall ? that fir's no honour to his hearse at all . besides perhaps some hands of aegypt now this loathed office to his ashes doe . well did the crassi's ashes naked ly , for by the gods far greater cruelty is pompey burnt . still shall my woes appeare in the same shape ? and shall i nere interre my slaughter'd lords ? and at full v●nes lament ? what need'st thou tombe , or any instrument of sorrow , wretch ? doth not thy breast containe thy pompey , and his image still remaine vvithin thee ? let those wiues that meane to liue after their lords , vrnes to their ashes giue . but yet the fire , that lends you envious light from aegypts shore , brings nothing to my sight of thee , deare pompey : now the flame is gone , the vanisht smoake beares to the rising sunne pompey aloft : the windes vnwillingly beare vs from thence , yet is no land to me ( though triumph'd by my lord as conquerer ) nor chariot deck'd with laurell halfe so deare . my breast has quite forgot his happinesse , and loues that pompey , whom niles shores possesse , faine would ● stay vnder this guilty clime : the land 's enobled by so great a crime . i would not leaue ( beleeue me ) aegypts shore . sextus , try thou the chance of war , and ore the spacious world thy fathers colours beare : this his last will was trusted to my care , vvhen me of breath deaths fatall hower shall reaue , to you , my sonnes , this civill warre i leaue ; and let not caesar's race in quiet ●eigne , vvhilest any of our stocke on earth remaine . solicite kingdomes , and free powerfull townes by my names fame : these are the factions , these are the armes i leaue ; what pompey ere vvould goe to sea , shall finde a navy there . my heires may stirre war in what land they will. be but couragious , and remember still your fathers lawfull power . serue vnder none but cato ( whilest he fights for rome ) alone . i haue perform'd thy trust , done thy behest deare lord , thy cunning did prevaile , and lest false i those words of trust should nere deliver , deceiu'd i liv'd now pompey , wheresoever th' art gone , through hell , if any hell there be , or empty chaos , i will follow thee ; how long my life 's decree'd i doe not know , if long , i le punish it for lasting so : for not expiring when it first did see thy wounds , with sorrow broken it shall dy . it shall dissolue in teares : no halter , sword , or praecip●ce shall death to me afford . it were a shame for me , now thou art gone , not to haue power to dye with griefe alone . this said , and covering with a vaile her head , vnder the hatches she resolv'd to lead a life in darkenesse : neerely hugging woe she feedes on teares , and for her husband now embraces greife . the noise of stormy winde , nor cryes of fearefull sa●lers mooue her minde : her hope contrary to the sailers is , compos'd for death , and wishing stormes she lyes . they first arriv'd on cyprus foamy shore . from thence a milde eastwinde commanding bore their shipps to catoes libyan campe ; as still a doubtfull minde doe sad presages fill , cneius from shore spying his fathers traine , and brother , running to the sea amaine , vvhere is our father , brother ? speake ( quoth he ) liues the worlds head , and honour , or are we vndone , and pompey to the shades below has borne romes fate ? he answeres , happy thou ▪ vvhom fate into another coast disperst ; thou , brother , this dire mischeife only hear'st : mine eyes are guilty of a fathers death , nor did he loose by caesars armes his breath , nor of his fall a worthy author found . by the false tyrant of niles impious ground , trusting the gods of hospitality , and his owne bounty to old ptolomey , in recompence of kingdomes given he dy'd i saw them wound our noble fathers side ; and thinking aegypts king durst not haue done so much , i thought caesar had stood vpon the shore of nile . but not our fathers wounds , nor blood so shed so much my heart confounds , as that his head , which mounted on a speare aloft we saw , they through their cyties beare : which ( as they say ) is kept for caesars eye : the tyrant seekes his guilt to testify . for whether dogs , or fowles devouring maw consum'd his trunke , or that small fire we saw dissolved it by stealth , i doe not know . what ere injurious fate to that could doe , i did forgiue the gods that crime , and wept for that part only , which the tyrant kept . when c●●ius heard these words ; his inward woe in passionate sighs , and teares he could not show ; but thus inflam'd with pious rage gan speake , lanch forth the fleete , sailers , with speed , and breake through the crosse winds a passage with the oare , braue captaines follow me , never before knew civill war more worthy ends then these , t'interre vnbury'd manes , and appease pompey with slaughter of th'effaeminate boy . why should not i th' aegyptians towers destroy ? and from the temples alexander take , to drowne his hearse in marcotis lake ? in nile amasis , and those kings with him digg'd vp from their pyramides shall swimme . all tombes shall rue pompey 's no sepulcher : isis ( their goddesse now ) i le disinter , osiris linnen-cover'd shrine disperse , and kill god a●is over pompey's hearse . vpon a pyle of gods i le burne his head ; thus shall the land by me be punished ; i will not leaue a man to till those fields , nor take the profit , that niles flowing yeilds . the gods , and people banished , and gone , thou , father shalt possesse aegypt alone . this said , to lanch the fleete forth he assayes , but cato stills the young mans wrath with praise . now ore the shore when pompey's death was knowne the sky was peirc'd with lamentation : a greife not seene , not pararell'd at all , that common people mourne a great mans fall . but when cornelia quite exhaust with teares was seene to land with torne dishevel'd haires , their troubled lamentations sounded more . cornelia landed on a friendly shore , gathering the garments , and triumphall weedes of haplesse pompey , that exprest his deedes , and ancient trophes , painted robes , and sheild , that thrice great ioue in triumph had beheld , into the funerall fire she threw them all ; such was her lords imagin'd funerall . example from her piety all take , and funerall fires all ore the shore they make t' appease the ghosts slaine in pharsalia . so when the shepheards of apulia make winter fires on their ba●e-eaten ground to spring their grasse againe ; a glistering round the vulturs arms , and high garganus yeilds , and hot matinus bullocke-pasture fields . but not more pleasing was 't to pompey's spirit that all the people raile at heauen , and twit the gods with pompey , then what cato spoke , few words , but from a truth-fill'd breast they broke . a roman's dead , not like our ancestry to know the rule of right , but good ( quoth he ) in this truth scorning age ; one powerfull growne not wronging liberty : the people prone to serue , he only private still remain'd ; he sway'd the senate , but the senate reign'd . nought claim'd he by the sword , but wish'd what he vvish'd most , the senates freedome to deny , great wealth he had , but to the publike hoord he brought far more then he retain'd ; the sword he tooke , but knew the time to lay it downe . arm'd he lov'd peace , though armes before the gowne he still prefer'd ; and ever pleas'd was he entring , or leaving his authority . a chast vnriotted house , and never stain'd vvith her lords fortune , to all lands remain'd his name renown'd , which much availed rome . true liberty long since was gone , when home sylla , and marius came : but pompey dead , even freedomes shadow is quite vanished . no senates face , no colour will remaine of power ; none now will be asham'd to reigne . oh happy man , whom death , when conquer'd caught , and aegypts guilt swords to be wisht for brought . perchance thou could'st haue liv'd in c●sars state . to know the way to dy is mans best fate , his next to be compel'd ; and such to me ( if captiv'd now ) fortune , let iuba be ; not to be kept to shew the enemy i doe not beg , so headlesse kept i be . more honour from these words the noble ghost receiv'd , then if the roman barres should boast hit praise . now mutinous the souldiers are , since pompey's death growne weary of the war ; in which broiles tarcho catoes side to quit tooke vp the colours , who prepar'd for flight with all his ships was chid by cato so . never reclaim'd cilician , wouldst thou goe to thy old theft at sea ? is pompey slaine , and thou return'd to pyracy againe ? then round about he on each man gan looke mongst whom one boldly thus to cato spoke not hiding his intent , 't was not the loue of civill war , but pompey , first did mooue our armes , ( execuse vs cato ) we adhaer'd by favour , now he , whom the world preferr'd before her peace , is dead , our cause is gone ; now le ts returne to our left mansion , our houshold gods , and children deare to see . for what can civill wars conclusion be , if not pharsaliaes field , nor pompeys death ? our time of life is spent ; now let vs breath our last in peace : let our old age provide our funerall pyles , which civill war deny'd two greatest captaines . for no barbarous , or cruell yoke will fortune lav on vs. no scythian , nor armenian tyranny . the subjects of romes gowned state are we . he that was second , pompey being aliue , is first with vs : the highest place we giue his sacred name , he whom wars fortunes make , shall be our lord , no generall wee 'll take . vnto the war we followed thee alone ; we 'll follow fate , pompey , now thou art gone . nor haue we cause to hope for good successe , since caesars fortune now doth all possesse . th' aemathian strength is by his victory dispers'd we loose his mercy ; only he has power , and will to spare the conquered . our civill war 's a crime now pompey's dead , 't was duty while he liv'd , if cato , thou wilt serue thy countrey still , le ts follow now those eagles , which the roman consuls keepes . thus having spoke aboord the ship he leapes with all his company romes fate had gone , the people bent to slavery vpon the shore exclaime . but from a sacred breast cato to them at last these words exprest . fought you , yong men , with caesars armyes hopes ( no more true roman , but pompey an troopes ) to gaine a lord ? since for no lord you fight , but liue to doe your selues , not tyrants right , since your spent bloods can no mans rule procure , but your owne safety , you 'll not now endure the wars ; to liue in bondage you desire and for your slavish neckes a yoake require . your danger 's worthy now , the cause is good : pompey perhaps might haue abus'd your blood . and will you now , when liberty 's so high , to ai●le of rome your swords , and throates deny ? of three lords fortune now has left but one . aegypts base king , and parthian bowes haue done more for the lawes then you , ( oh shame ) goe ye base men , and scorn● the gift of ptolomey ; who will beleeue your hands could guilty be of any blood ? he 'll rather thinke that ye were the first men , that from pharsalia fled . goe then securely : you haue merited pardon in caesar judgement , not subdew'd by seidge , or open force . oh servants lewd , when your first master's dead , his heir you 'll serue . why would you not more then your liues deserue , and pardons ? ravish with you for a prey metellus daughter , pompey's wife away , and his two sonnes : the gift of aegypt's king surpasse , or could you to the tirant bring my head no small reward 't would render ye ; then to good purpose haue you follow'd me . on then , and in our bloods your merit make ; t is slothfull treason a bare flight to take . this speech of cato straight recalls from seas their flyng ships ; as when a swarme of bees their hony comb●s , and barren waxe forsake ; nor hang in clusters now , but singly take their flight i th aire , and tast not slouthfull growne ) the bitter thyme : at sound of brasse alone amaz'd they leaue their flight : againe approoue their flowery taskes againe their hony loue . glad is the shepheard on sweete hyb●aes bill to keepe the riches of his cottage still . so catoes speech on their affections wrought , and them to patience of a war had brought and now their restlesse mindes with toile t'inure , and teach them warlike laboures to endure , vvith weary marches first their strength he tryes along the sands ; their second labour is to scale cyrenes lofty walls : on whom cato no vengeance tooke , when overcome , though they against him shut their gates ) to him revenge sufficient did their conquest seeme . he thence to libyan ( c ) iubaes kingdome goes ; but there the syrts did nature interpose which catoes dauntlesse virtue hopes to passe . these syrts , when all the worlds first structure was , nature as doubtfull left twixt sea , and land ; ( for neither sinke they quite like seas to stand , nor yet like land with shores repell the maine , but doubtfull , and vnpassable remaine , a shelfe-spoil'd sea , a water cover'd land , where sounding waues let in by sands command . this part of nature , natures selfe disclam'd as a vaine worke , and to no purpose fram'd ) or once the deepe-drown'd syrts were seas entire ; but burning titan thence to feede his fire drew vp those waues so neere the torrid zone ; and now the water holds contention with phoebus drought : which by continuance spent , the syrts will grow a solid continent . for now their topps but shallow waters hide , the fading sea decayes at every side , when first the fleete began to launch from shore , in his owne kingdome did blacke-auster rore : whose blasts the sea from ship invasion keepe , and from the syrts far rowle the wavy deepe , or flatt the sea with throwne in heapes of sand . now the resistlesse windes the seas command , whose blasts of all spred sailes , that fasten'd were to the maine-mast quite robb'd the marriner , in vaine the shrowdes to winde so violent deny their sailes ; beyond the ships extent , beyond the prow the swelled linnen 's blowne . but where a man more provident was knowne , that did his linnen to the saileyard ty . he quite despoil'd of tackling presently was overcome . that fleete had far more ease . which on the deepe was tost with certaine seas . but all those ships , which had cut downe their masts t' avoide the fury of strong austers blasts , ( as then the winde against the tide did striue ) against the winde the conquering tide did driue . some ships the sea forsakes , whom straight the sands vnseene surp●ise , whose state now doubtfull stands : part of the ship vpon firme ground doth rest ; part swimmes in water . now the sea 's opprest with flatts . the sands assault the ocean , and though strong auster driue the waues amaine , they cannot master these high hills of sand . on th' oceans backe far from all countreys stand heapes of dry dust not by the ocean drown'd . the wretched sailers , though their ships on ground , no shores can see . part of the fleete this shallow detaines ; the greater part their ●udders follow , and safe by flight , by skillfull pylots aide are to tritomaes standing poole convay'd . this poole ( they say ) that god esteemeth deare , whose shrill shell trumpet seas , and shores doe heare . this pallas loues , borne of the braine of ioue , who first on libya trode . ( the heart doth proue this land next heauen ) she standing by the side , her face within the quiet water spy'd , and gaue herselfe from the lov'd poole a name tritonia . heere doth the silent streame of darke oblivious lethe gently fall , that from hells lethe takes originall . the waking dragons charge is neare to these the once robb'd orchard of th' hesperides . to rob old times of credit , the desire is spite , or truth from poets to require . a golden wood there was , whose yellow trees laden with wealthy fruit , stood bow'd : of these a dragon guardian was , which never slept , and the bright wood a troope of virgins kept . hither alcides comming , did surprise the wealth , and burden of those laden trees , and leaving light their robbed boughs , did bring those glittering apples to th' argolian king. part of the fleete got off from hence againe , and from the syr●es driven , did remaine vnder great pompey's eldest sonnes command on this side garamant is in rich land . but catoes vertue brooking no delay through vnknowne regions lead his troopes away , t' encompasse round the syrts by land , for now the stormy seas vnnavigable grow in winter time : but stormes desired are to coole the temper of the sweltring aire . they fea●e no cold in libya's scorched clime , nor too much heat , because in winter time . entring these barren sands thus cato spake ; you that haue follow'd me , souldiers , and make freedome your only safety , settle now your mindes with constancy to vndergoe vertues great worke . we march ore barren fields , ore sun-burnt regions , where no fountaine yeilds water enough , where titans heate abounds , and killing serpents smeare the parched grounds . hard wayes , but whom their falling countrey's cause through p●ths vnknowne , and midd'st of libya draws , who make no vowes for their returning home , but thinke of going only , let them come . i would deceiue no souldier , nor keepe close my feares to draw them on . let only those my followers be , whom dangers doe invite , who thinke it braue , and roman , in my sight t' endure the worst of ills . he that would haue a su●ety for his safety , and ●●ine saue his loued life , let him be gone from me , and finde an easier way to slavery vpon the sands whilest i first footing set , let me first suffer th'aires annoying heat : let serpents poyson'd teeth first seize on me , and in my f●te doe you your dangers try . let him that sees me d●iming , water craue , and plaine of heat , wher●● a shelter haue , or when i ride before the foote , straight grow weary , if any by endurance know whether i goe souldier , or generall . the ●ands , heat , thirst , and poysonous serpents , all are sweete to vertue : hath things patience loues , and sweetest still , when dearest , goodnesse proues . these libyan dangers only justify the flight of men , thus their hot spirits he with labours loue ▪ and virtue striv'd to fire ▪ ma●●hing ore deserts neuer to retire se●ure he goes to libya ; gracing there vvith his great name a little sepulcher . if th' old acc●unt we follow , libya is the world's third part : following the windes , & skyes a part of europe ▪ for not distant more then scythian tanais is nilus shore from vvesterne gades , where europe affricke flyes , and makes the ocean roome : but greater is asia then both . for as they both send forth libya from south , and europe from the north the vvesterne winde : the easterne winde alone from asia blowes . that part that 's fertile knowne of libya , vvestward lyes , but moisture lackes : the north-winde dry with vs , there stormy , takes his flight but seldome thither . the rich soile : no wealthy growing mineralls doe spoile : the earth corrupts into no brasse , nor gold , but keepes her naturall , and perfect mold . the mauritanian men are rich alone in citron wood , of which no vse was knowne to them of old , contented with the shade . our axes first did that strange wood invade ; from far we fetch our tables , as our meate . but in those parts about the syrts , whose heat is violent , and scorching sol too nere , no corne can grow , no vines can prosper there , nor trees deepe rooting take ; the sandy ground . vvants vitall temper , and no care is found of ioue in that at all ▪ the barren land through every season doth vnchanged stand by natures negligence yet this dull earth vnto a few small herbes affords a birth , vvhich are the hardy nasamonians fare . neere the sea coast they bleakely seated are , whom barbaraus syrts with the worlds losse maintaine for spoile they still vpon the sand remaine . and though no merchant trade with them , yet gold they haue , and still by shipwracke traffique hold vvith all the world . this way did vertue beare cato along , the souldiers could not feare a storme by land , or thinke of blustring winde , but there ( alas ) the ocean's dangers finde . for more on land then sea the southwindes rore . about the syrt , and hurt the land much more . no rockes , nor mountaines stand opposed there to breake his force , and turne him into aire ? no well-growne oakes , no wood opposed stands ; the ground lyes open all , free are the sands to aeols rage , which violently strong hurryes through th' aire a sandy cloud along . their greatest part of land the windes doe beare into the aire , which hangs not fixed there . his house , and land the nasamonian sees fly in the winde , their little cottages blowne ore their heads into the aire as high as from a fire the smoake , and sparkles fly . the mounted dust like smoake obscures the sky . and then mo●e strong then vsuall did the blast assault our men ; no souldier could stand fast ; no , nor the ground , ●n which they stood , could stay . 't would shake the earth , and beare that land away if libya hollow were , or harder mould the s●utherne windes in cavernes to enfold ; but ●●nce compos'd of loose , and fleeting sands resisting not , it bides ; the lowest stands because the highest yeilds , helmets of men , thei● sheil●s , and piles the winde with fury then bereft them of , and through the vvelkin tost . that in some forreine far-remooved coast perchance by men was deem'd a prodigy , and nations fear'd armes falling from the sky , thinking those weapons rest from men , did f●ll downe from the gods . so once i thinke that all our sacred sheilds to holy numa were , vvhich now our choise patritian shoulders beare . the southerne winde , or northerne robb'd of yore some forreine people , that those bucklers wore . the land thus plagu'd with winde , the souldiers all downe to the ground , their cloathes fast guirded , fall , hold fast the earth , yet sure they scarsely lay by weight , nor strength from being blowne away , mountaines of dust the southwindes furious hand rowles ore their heads ; drowned is heapes of sand the souldiers scarse can stir . some though vpright vvith rising earth are orewhelmed quite ; and , though the earth remooue , want motion . vast stones of ruin'd walls from far are blowne , and ( strange to tell ) in some far region fall , they ruines see , that see no house at all . no paths , nor difference now of wayes are knowne : their course is guided by the star alone like navigators ; nor all stars to vs in that horrizon are conspicuous , for to earths face ( there bowed ) many be obscur'd from sight . but when the aire was free from the windes rage , dissolv'd againe by heat , and scorching day their body flow'd with sweat , their mouths with thirst were parch'd a little steame . they spy'd which from a muddy fountaine came ; from whence with much adoe a souldier got his hellmet full of water , and straight brought the same to cato , their dry throates were all vvith dust besmea●ed , and the generall himselfe was envy'd for that little draught . base souldier , answeres he , in thy poore thought seem'd i alone so worthlesse ? none but i tender , and weake in all this company : this punishment thou more deserv'st then i to drinke thy selfe while all the army 's dry . then stirr'd with wrath he strucke the helmet downe , the water spilt suffic'd them every one . and now to libyaes only temple plac'd in garaman●is rude they came at last . iupiter ammon is adored there , not arm'd with thunder like our iupiter , but crooked hornes . to whom the libyans build no sumptuous fane , no orient iewells fill'd the house with lustre . though the indians , the aethiopes , and rich arabians iupiter ammon's name doe all adore , and no god else , yet still that god is poore . no wealth corrupts his fane , a god of th' old purenesse , his temple guards from roman gold . that place of all the countrey onely greene shewes a gods presence . all that lyes betweene leptis , and berenicis is dry sand , and barren dust ; no part of all the land , but ammons seat beares trees . the cause of it a neighbouring fountaine is , whose waters knit the moistened earth , and make fertility . but when the sun at noone is mounted high , those trees no shadow can diffuse at all : their boughs scarse hide their trunkes . no shade or small the sunbeames make , since perpendicular . it is perceiv'd this is the region where the summer tropicke hits the zodiacke . the signes obliquely rise not , but direct . nor more direct the bull then scorpio , moist capricornus then hot cancer goe : nor gemeni then sagitarius , nor leo then oppos'd aquarius : virgo then pisces , libraes motion then aries . but whom the torrid zone divides from vs , those people ever see the shadowes southward , which here northward be , you slowly seeing cynosure , suppose her vndrench'd carre into the ocean goes . and that no northerne signe from seas is free . you stand far distant from each axeltree ; your signes in midst of heaven converted be . the easterne people standing at the doore , the oracles of horned ioue t'implore , gaue place to cato ; whom his souldiers ply that of that libyan far-fam'd deity , his future fates event he would be taught . him labienus most of all besought ; chance , and the fortune of our way ( quoth he ) l●nd vs the mouth of that great deity , and his sure counsells : we may now implore his powerfull guidance through this war , and ore the dangerous syrtes . for to whom should i beleeue the gods would truly or certify their secret wills , then catoes holy breast , whose life to heavenly lawes was still addrest , and follow'd god ? behold we now haue heere a freedome given to talke with iupiter , cato , enquires of wicked caesars fate , and know what shall be romes ensuing state , whether this civill war be made in vaine , or shall our lawes , and liberties maintaine , let ammon's sacred voice thy breast inspire . thou lover of strict vertue , now desire to know what vertue is ; seeke from aboue approovement of the trueth : he full of ioue , whom in his secret breast he carried ever , these temple worthy speeches did deliver ; what , labienus , should i seeke to know ? if i had rather dye in armes , then bow vnto a lord ? if life be nought at all ? no difference betwixt long life , and small ? if any force can hurt men vertuous ? if fortune loose , when vertue doth oppose , her threats if good desires be happinesse , and vertue grow not greater by successe ? thus much we know , nor deeper can the skill of ammon teach . the gods are with vs still ; and , though their oracles should silent be , nought can we doe without the gods decree ; nor needes he voices ; what was fit to know the great creator at our births did show . nor did he choose these barren sands to shew ( hiding it heere ) his trueth but to a few . is there a seate of god , saue earth , and sea , aire , heaven , and vertue ? why for god should we seeke further ? what ere moues , what ere is seene is ioue for oracles let doubtfull men fearefull of future chances troubled be : sure death , not oracles ascertaine mee . the coward , and the valiant man must fall . this is enough for ioue to speake to all , then marching thence the temples faith he saues , and to the people vntry'd ammon leaues . himselfe afoot before his weary'd bands marches with pi●e in hand , and not commands , but shewes them how to labour : never sits in coach , or charriot : sleepes the least a nights : last tasts the water . when a fountaines found , he stayes a foot till all the souldiers round , and every cullion drinke . if fame be due to truest goodnesse , if you simply view vertue without successe , what ere we call in greatest romans great ; was fortune all . who could deserue in prosperous war such fame ? or by the nations blood so great a name ? rather had i this vertuous triumph win in libyaes desert sands , then thrice be seene in pompey's laurell'd charriot , or to lead iugurtha captiue . here behold indeed rome , thy true father , by whose sacred name ( worthy thy temples ) it shall never shame people to sweare ; whom , if thou ere art free , thou wilt hereafter make a deity . now to a torrid clime they came , more hot then which the gods for men created not . few waters heere are seene ; but in the sands one largely-flowing fountaine only stands , but full of serpents , as it could containe . there on the bankes hot killing aspes remaine , and dipsases in midst of water dry . vvhen cato saw his men for thirst would dy fearing those waters ; thus he spake to them . feare not to drinke , souldiers , this wholesome streame , be not affrighted with vaine shewes of death . the snakes bite deadly , fatall are their teeth , vvhen their dire venome mixes with our blood , the water 's safe . then of the doubtfull flood he drinkes himselfe , there only the first draught of all the libyan waters cato sought . vvhy libyaes aire should be infected so vvith mortall plagues , what hurtfull secrets grow mixt with the noxious soile by natures hand , our care , nor labour cannot vnderstand : but that the world , in the true cause deceiv'd , in stead of that a common tale receiv'd , in libyaes farthest part , whose scorched ground the ocean warm'd by setting sol doth bound , medusas countrey lay , whose barren fields no trees doe cloath , whose soile no herbage yeilds : chang'd by her looke all stones , and rockes they grow . heere hurtfull nature first those plagues did show ; first from medusas jawes those serpents growne hissed with forked tongues , and hanging downe like womans haire , vpon her backe , gaue strokes vnto her pleased necke . in stead of lockes vpon her horrid front did serpents hisse ; her combe comb'd poyson downe , no part but this safe to be seene about medusa was . for who ere fear'd the monsters mouth , and face ? whom , that had view'd her with an eye direct ? did she ere suffer sence of death t' affect ? she hasten'd doubting fate , preventing dread ; their bodyes dy'd before their soules were fled ? enclosed soules with bodyes turn'd to stone . the furyes haires could madnesse worke alone ; cerberus hissing orpheus musicke still'd ; alcides saw that hydra , which he kill'd ; but this strange monster even her father , who is the seas second god , her mother too cetos , and gorgon sisters feared , she could strike a numnesse through the sea , and sky . and harden all the world into a stone . birds in their flight haue fall'n conjealed downe . running wilde beasts to rockes converted were ; and all the neighbouring aethiopians there to marble statues , not a creature brookes the sight of her ; t' avoide the gorgons lookes her snakes themselues backeward themselues invert . she neere alcides pillars could convert titanian alt●s to an hill , and those giants with serpents feete , that durst oppose the gods themselues , those wars in phlegra field her face could end , but shew'd in pallas sheild . thither the sonne of showre rap'd da●ae borne on th' arcadian wings of mercury inventer of the harpe , and wrestling game , flying through th' aire , with borrow'd harpe came , harpe , whom monsters blood before did staine , when he , that kept ioves loued cow , was slaine . aide to her winged brother pallas gaue , conditioning the gorgons head to haue . she bids him fly to libyaes easterne bound his face averted , or the gorgons ground . in his left hand a shield of shinning brasse , wherein to see the stone transforming face of sterne medusa , pallas bad him keepe ; then lay'd medusa in an endlesse sleepe , but yet not all ; part of her snaky haire defends her head : some snakes still waking are : some ore her face , and sleeping eylids glide . minerva doth th'averted perseus guide , and with a trembling hand directs the stroake of his cyllenian harpe , which quite broke her large snake-cover'd necke . how strange a looke had gorgons head cut off by perseus stroke , and towring blade ? what poyson did arise in her blacke mouth ? what death shot from her eyes ? which not minerva durst to looke vpon ; and perseus , sure , had bin congeal'd to stone , had not minerva hid that dismall face with those snake-haires . now perseus flyes a pace to heaven with gorgons head ; but in his mind considering how the nearest way to find , over the midst of europe meanes to fly ; but pallas straight forbids that injury to europes fruitfull fields , and bids him spare the people there , for who can in the ayre refraine to gaz , when such a bird he spyes . perseus converts his course , and westward flyes ore desert libya , whose vnfruitfull seat vntill'd lyes ope to nought but phaebus heat ; who runs his burning course straight ore their heads . no land then this a larger shadow spreads ' gainst heaven , nor more the moones ecclipse doth cause when straying not in latitude , she drawes neither to north nor south , but still is found in signes direct· yet this vnfruitfull ground barren in all that 's good , a seed could yeild from venome , which medusaes head distill'd . from those dire drops mixt with the putrid earth sols aiding heat did giue new monsters birth . first from that dust so mixt with poyson bred rose the sleep-causing aspe with swelling head , made of the thickest drop of gorgons gore , which in no serpent is compacted more . she wanting heat seekes not a colder clime , content to liue in her owne libyaes slime . but oh how shamelesse is our thirst of gaine ? those libyan deaths are carryed ore the maine , and aspes at rome are sold as marchandise . in scaly folds the great haemorrhus lyes , whose bite from all parts drawes the flowing blood . chersidros then , that both in land , and flood of doubtfull syrtes liues ; chelydri too , that make a reeking slime where ere they goe . the cenchris creeping in a tract direct , whose speckled belly with moe spots is dect , then ere the various theban marble takes . sand-colour'd ammodytes , the horned snakes , that creepe in winding tracks ; the scytale ; no snake in winter casts her skin but she ; the double-head ; dipsas , that thirsty makes ; the water-spoyling newte , the dart-like snakes . the pareas , whose way his tale doth guide ; the prester too , whose sting distendeth wide the wounded's foamy mouth ; the seps , whose bite consumes the bones , dissolues the body quite . the basiliske , whose hisse all snakes doth scarre , ( hurtfull before the venome touch ) who far all vulgar serpents from his sight commands , reigning alone vpon the empty'd sands . you dragons too , glistring in golden pride , who hurtlesse wander through all lands beside , hot affrik mortall makes ; aloft you fly through the ayre on wings , and follow speedily the heards ; your strokes the mightyest buls destroy , great elephants not escape you : all you kill , nor neede you poysons helpe to worke your will. this thirsty way among these venom'd snakes cato amidst his hardy souldiers takes : where many losses of his men he found , and deaths vnusuall from a little wound . a trodden dipsas turning backe his head did bite young aulus ensigne bearer , bred of tyrrhene race : no griefe , nor paine ensew'd : his wound no pity found , no danger shew'd , but in ( alas ) did fiery venome deepe into his ma●row , and scorch'd entrailes creepe . which quite drunke vp all moisture , that should flow into his vitall parts : his palate now and tongue is scorch'd , and dry ; no sweate could goe to his tir'd joynts , from 's eyes no teares could flow . his place , nor his sad generalls command could stay this thirsty man ; out of his hand he throwes his eagle ; water runs to haue , which the dry venome in his heart did craue . though he in midst of tanais did ly , padus , or rodanus , he would be dry , or drinke the streamer , where ever nilus flowes . the soyle ads to his drought , the worme doth loose her venoms fame , help'd by so hot a land . he digs , and seekes each veine in all the sand . now to the syrts he goes , and in his mouth salt water takes , which could not quench his drought , although it pleas'd . he did not know what kinde of death he dy'd , nor his disease could finde , but thinkes it thirst ; and now full faine he would rip open all his veines , and drinke his blood . cato commands them ( loath his men should stay to know what thirst was ) straight to march away . but a more wofull death before his eye appear'd ; a seps no poore sabellus thigh hung by the teeth , which he straight with his hands cast off , and with his pile nail'd to the sands ; a little snake , but none more full then she of horrid death , the flesh falls off , that nigh the wound did grow , the bones are bared round , without the body naked shewes the wound . his shankes fall off , matter each members fills , his knees are bar'd , his groine blacke filth distills , and every muscle of his thighes dissolues : the skin , that all his naturall parts involues , breaking lets fall his bowels , nor doth all , that should remaine of a dead body , fall . the cruell venome , eating all the parts , al● to a little poisonous filth converts . the poison breakes his nerues , his ribs doth part , opens his hollow breast , there shewes his heart , his vitalls all , yea all that man composes , and his whole nature this foule death discloses ; his head , necke , shoulders , and strong armes doe flow in venomous filth , not sooner melts the snow by hot south windes , nor waxe against the sunne . this is but small i speake ; burnt bodyes run melted by fire in filth , but what fire ere dissolv'd the bones ? no bones of his appeare . following their putrid iuice , they leaue no signe of this swift death , the palme is only thine of all the libyan snakes ; the soule take they , but thou alone the carcasse tak'st away . but lo a death quite contrary to it ; marsian nasidius an hot prester bit . whose face , and cheekes a suddaine fire did rost ; his flesh , and skin was stretch'd , his shape was lost . his swelling body is distended far past humane growth , and vndistinguishd are his limmes ; all parts the poison doth confound , and he lyes hid , in his owne body drown'd : nor can his armour keepe his swolne growth in . not more doth boyling water rise within a brazen caldron , nor are sailes more swell'd by westerne windes . no limme he now can weild . a globe deform'd he is , an heape confus'd . which ravening beasts did feare , which birds refus'd : to which his friends durst doe no obsequy , nor touch , but from the growing carcasse fly . but yet these snakes present more horrid sights , a fierce hamorrhus noble tullus bites , a braue young man , that studyed catoes worth . and as in pouncing of a picture , forth through every hole the pressed saff●on goes , so from his every part red poison flowes for blood ; his teares were blood : from every pore , where nature vented moisture heretofore , his mouth , his nose , flowes blood : his sweate is red : his running veines all parts be bloodyed . and his whole body's but one wound become . an aspes sharpe bite did laeuus heart benum ; no paine he felt , surpris'd with sudaine sleepe he dy'd , descending to the stygian deepe . not halfe so suddaine doe those poysons kill , which dire sabaean sorcerers distill from off the falsely seeming sabine tree . on an old stumpe a dart-like snake did ly , which , as from thence her selfe she nimbly threw , through paulus head , and wounded temples flew . t was not the poison wrought his fate , the blow it selfe brought death . to her compared slow fly stones from slings , and not so swift as she from parthian bowes doe winged arrowes flee . what help'd it wretched murrus that he did kill a fierce basiliske ? the poyson slid along his speare , and fastned on his hand , which he cut off , and then did safely stand with that hands losse , viewing securely there the sad example of his death so neare . who would haue thought the knotty scorpion had such power in killing , or a sting so bad ? her straight stroke won , when she orion ●●ew , a trophee , which the constellations shew . who , small solpu●a , from thy hole would flee ? yet the three sisters giue their power to t●ee . so that no rest they found by night , nor day ; they fear'd the ground it selfe , on which they lay . for neither heapes of leaues , nor ●eedes they found to make them beds but on the naked ground expos'd their bodyes , whose warme vapours steame by night attracted the cold snakes to them whose harmelesse jawes , whilest nights astringents cold the poyson freez'd , vnhurt their bosomes hold . nor by the guidance of the stars their way can they discerne , but oft complayning say restore , oh gods , to vs those wars againe , from which we fled : restore pharsalia's plaine . why should we dy , whose liues devoted were , and sworne to war , the death of cowards here ? the dipsases on caesars party are , and horned snakes helpe end our civill war. oh let vs goe , where the hot zone doth ly . 't would ease our grieved hearts , that to the sky we might ascribe our deaths . in nought doe we accuse thee , affrica , or nature thee . for thou this monster bearing countrey tane from mens plantation , didst for snakes ordaine . this land all barren , where no corne could thriue , thou mad'st , that men might from these serpents liue . but we are come into their dwellings here . take punishment on vs , thou god , who ere hating our journey , didst the world divide , placing the doubtfull syrtes on one side , the torrid zone on tother , deaths sad seate plac'd in the midst . to thy most hid retreat our civill war dares goe ; to the worlds end our wayes , through natures secrets prying , tend . worse things , perchance , must be endur'd then this . the pole declines , the setting sunne doth hisse drench'd in the sea . no land doth further ly this way ; then iubaes woefull monarchy knowne but by fame , we shall perchance againe wish for this serpents land ; th' aire doth containe some comfort yet : some things are living here . alas , we wish not for our countrey deare , europe , nor asia ▪ different sunnes which see : vnder what pole , oh ●ffricke , left we thee ? 't was winter at cyrene when we lay : is the yeares course chang'd in so small a way ? the south is at our backes ▪ to th' adverse pole our journey tends ; about the world we rowle . we are , perchance , antipodes to rome . let this our comfort be , let caesar come , oh let our foes pursue where we haue fled . thus they in sad complaints vnburdened their loaded patience . catoes vertue keepes them proofe ' gainst any labour , who still sleepes vpon the naked sands , and every hower , present at every fate , tempts fortunes power . comes at all calls ; his presence doth bestow farre more then health , a strength to vndergoe even death it selfe . whilest cato's standing by they are asham'd impatiently to dy . what power ore him had any misery ? whose presence griefe in others breasts subdew'd , and what small power can be in sorrow shew'd . some case at last did tired fortune giue to their long suffrings , there a nation liue marinarian ( d ) psylls , from serpents biting free . they arm'd with powerfull incantations be . their blood 's secure , and , though they did not charme , by touch of poyson cannot suffer harme . the places nature this did justly giue , th●t serpent-free they might with serpents liue . t was well , that in this poysonous aire they breath ; for peace is made betwixt themselues , and death . of their owne broodes such certaine proofes haue all , that when to ground a new-borne childe doth fall , fearing strange venus hath their beds defil'd , by deadly aspes they try the doubted childe . as th' e●gle when her eaglets are disclos'd , layes them against the rising sunne exp●s'd ; those that with stedy eye can view his beemes , and boldly gaze , those only she esteemes , the ●ther scornes ▪ the psylls so count it there their nations pledge , if infants doe not feare the serpents touch , or freely play with snakes . they not content with their owne safety , take for strangers care ; and following th' army then against those serpents aided catoes men for when the campe was pitch'd , those sands , that lay within the compasse of the trenches , they did purge with snake-expelling charmes throughout , and med●inable fires made round about . their wall wort crackes and fennell gumme doth fry , thin tama●iske , thessalian centory , strong panace , arabian pepperwort , sicilian thapsos burn'd with sulphurwort , lar●he trees , and southernewood , which serpents dread and hornes of stags far off from affricke bred . so night was safe . if slung by day they were , that magicke nations miracles appeare ; for ' gainst the psyl's the taken venome striues ; markes to the wounded place their spittle giues ; whose force the poyson in the wound doth stay . then with a foaming tongue dire charmes they say in ceaselesse murmurs . for no time to breath the danger giues . approaching speedy death admits no silence . oft hath poyson tane in th'inmost parts bin charm'd away againe . but , when call'd out by their commanding tongue , if any poyson dare to tarry long , then falling downe they licke the pallid wound , and with a gentle bite squeezing it round sucke with their mouths the poyson out , and it extracted from the key-cold body spit . and in their mouths tasting the poyson well vvhat serpent deepest bit the psylls can tell . now ore the fields encourag'd by their aide the roman souldiers wander'd lesse afraide . thus cato treading sands of libya the moone twice waning , and twice wexing saw . now more and more the sands to harden gan , and affricks thicken'd ground grew g●e●e againe . trees here , and there began t' extend their shade : and cottages of reedes and sedges made ▪ how great an hope of better ground had they , vvhen first they saw fierce lions crosse their way ? leptis was neer'st which quiet harbour lent . their winter free from heat , and stormes they spent . now caesar with pharsaliaes slaughter cloy'd leaving all other cares , his thoughts employ'd in the poursuite of pompey , and was brought ( vvhen he his steps by land had vainely sought ) by fames report to sea , and passed ore the thracian straights , and that loue-famed shore , vvhere once faire heroes wofull turret stood ; vvhere helles tra●oe●y new-nam'd the flood , no arme of sea bounds with a streame so small asia from europe , though propontis fall narrow into the ●uxine sea , and from purple chalcedon part byzanti●m . thence goes to see renown'● sigaean sands , the streame of simois , and rhaetaean lands fa●●'d for the grae●ian worthye● tombe , wherely great ghosts so much in debt to poetry . sack'd troyes yet honour'd name he goes about , to finde th' old wall of great apollo out . now fruitlesse trees , old oakes with putrify'd , and rotten r●otes the trojan hou●es hide , and temples of their gods , all troy's orespred vvith bushes thi●ke , h●r ruines ruined . he se●s the bridall groue , an●hises lodg'd , hesiones rocke , the caue where paris iudg'd , vvhere nimph oenone play'd , ●he place so fam'd for ganimedes rape , each stone is nam'd , a little gliding streame , which xanthus was , vnknowne he past , and in the lofty grasse securely trode ; a phrygian straight forbid him ●r●ade on hectors dust : with ruines hid the stone retain'd no sacred memory . respect you not great hectors tombe , quoth he ! oh great , and sacred worke of poesy , that freest from fate , and giv'st eternity to mortall wights ; but , caesar envy not their living names , if roman muses ought may promise th●e , while homer's honoured , by future t●mes shall thou , and i be read ; no age shall vs with darke oblivion staine , but our pharsalia ever shall remaine . then caesar pleas'd with sight of these so prais'd antiquities a greene turfe-alter rais'd , and by the frankincense-fed fire prepar'd these orizons not vaine ; you gods , that guard these heroes dust , and in troyes ruines reigne : aeneas houshold gods , that still mainteine in alba , and lavinia your shrines , vpon whose altars fire yet trojan shines ; thou sacred temple clos'd palladium , that in the sight of man did'st never come ; the greatest heire of all iulus race here in your former seate implores your grace , and pious incense on your altars layes ; prosper my course , and thankefull rome shall raise troyes walls againe , your people i le restore , and build a roman troy. this said , to shore he hasts , takes shipping , and to corus lends his full-spread sailes with hast to make amends for these delayes , and with a prosperous winde leaues wealthy asia , and faire rhodes behinde . the vvestwinde blowing still , the seaventh night discovers aegypts shore by pharian light . but ere they reach the harbour , day appeares , and dimmes the nightly fires , when caesar heares strange tumults on the shore , noises of men , and doubtfull murmurings , and fearing then to trust himselfe at land , st●yes in his fleete ; vvhom straight achillas launches forth to meete bringing his kings dire gift great pompey's head vvith an aegyptian mantle covered ; and thus his crime with impious words to grace . lord of the world , greatest of roman race , and now secure ( which yet thou doest not know ) in pompey's death , my king doth heere bestow vvhat only wanted in pharsalia's field , and what thy wars , and travells end will yeild : vve in thy absence finish'd civill war. for pompey heere desiring to repaire thessalia's ruines , by our sword lyes slaine . by this great pledge , caesar , we seeke to gaine thy loue , and in his blood our league to make . heere without bloodshed aegypts kingdome take , take all niles fertile regions , and receiue vvhat ever thou for pompey's head would'st giue : thinke him a freind worthy thine armes to haue , to whom the fates such power ore pompey gaue . nor thinke his merit cheape , since brought to passe vvith easy slaughter , his old freind he was , and to his banish'd father did restore the crowne of aegypt . but why speake i more ? finde thou a name for this great worke of his , or aske the world ; if villany it is , the more thou ow'st to him , that from thee tooke this act of villany . thus having spoke straight he vncovers , and presents the head , vvhose scarse-knowne lookes pale death had altered . caesar at first his gift would not refuse , nor turne his eyes away , but fixtly veiwes till he perceiv'd 't was true , and plainely saw 't was safe to be a pious father in law ; then shed forc'd teares , and from a joyfull breast drew sighs , and grones , as thinking teares would best conceale his inward joy : so quite orethrowes the tyrants merit , and doth rather choose to weepe , then ow to him for pompey's head . he that on slaughter'd senators could tread , and see the blood-stain'd fields of thessaly dry-ey'd , to thee alone durst not deny the tribute of his eyes . strange turne of fate , weep'st thou for him , whom thou with impious hate caesar , so long pursu'dst ? could not the loue of daughter , nephew , not aliance mooue ? think'st thou among those people , that bewaile great pompey's death , these teares can ought availe perchance thou envy'st ptolomeys dire fact ; and griev'st that any had the power to act this but thy selfe , that the revenge of war was lost , and taken from the conquerer . what cause so ever did thy sorrow mooue , it was far distant from a pious loue . was this the cause that thy pursuite did draw ore land , and sea , to saue thy sonne in law ? 't was well , sad fortune tooke the doome from thee , and spar'd so far a roman modesty , as not to suffer thee , false man , to giue pardon to him , or pity him aliue , yet to deceiue the world , and gaine beleife thou add'st a language to thy fained greife . thy bloody present from our presence beare , for worse from caesar , then slaine pompey here your wickednesse deserues ; the only meede of civill warre , to spare the conquered we loose by this , and did not ptolomey his sister hate , i could with ease repay this gift of his , and for so blacke a deede returne his sister cleopatras head . why wag'd he secret war , or why durst he thus thrust his sword into our worke ? did we by our pharsalian victory afford your king this power , or license aegypts sword ? i brook'd not pompey to beare share with me in rule of rome , and shall i ptolomey ? all nations joyned in our war in vaine , if any other power on earth remaine but caesar now ; if any land serue two . vve were determin'd from your shore to goe , but fame forbid vs , lest we should seeme more to feare then hate dire aegypts bloody shore . and doe not thinke you haue deceived me : to vs was meant such hospitality . and 't was our fortune in thessaliaes war , that frees this head vvith greater danger far then could be feard , we fought . i fear'd the doome of banishment , the threats of wrathfull rome , and pompey's force : but had i fled , i see my punishment had come from ptolomey . vve spare his age , and pardon his foule fact ; for let your king for such a deed expect no more then pardon . but doe you enterre this vvorthy's head : not that the earth may beare , and hide your guilt ; bring fumes , and odours store t' appease his head , and gather from the shore his scatter'd limbs , compose them in one tombe . let his deare ghost perceiue that caesar's come , and heare my pious griefe . vvhilst he preferrs all desperate hazards before me , and dares rather to trust his life with ptolomey , the people all haue lost a joyfull day , the world our peace : the gods my prayers deny'd that laying these victorious armes aside i might embrace thee , pompey and request our former life , and loue , and thinke me blest after this war thy aequall still to be . then had my faithfull loue perswaded thee though conquer'd to excuse the gods , and make thee rome , to pardon me . though thus he spake , he found no partners in his griefe ; the rest bele●t not his , and their owne teares supprest , and durst ( oh happy freedome ) with dry eye though caesar wept , behold this tragedy . finis . annotations on the ninth booke . ( a ) whilest the event of the civill war was yet doubtfull , and both the generalls were possessed of their full strengths , cato was fearefull of both their intents , and hated them both ; as fearing that the conquerer would captiue his countrey ; but after the battell of pharsalia was fought and caesar had conquered , he was then wholly of pompey's side , desiring to vphold the party vanquished ( b ) pompey the great pursuing caesar into thessalia , had left cato with a great strength to guard dyrachium who hearing the overthrow , and flight of pompey , marched away to take shipping at corcyra , and follow pompey to ioyne his strength with him . ( c ) cato at cyrene hearing that lucius scipio the father in-law of pompey the great was ioyned in affrica with iuba king of mauritania , and that atius varus , whom pompey had deputed his lieutenant in affrica , was there also , marched overland thither , which march being thirty dayes vpon those desart sands , any with admirable patience , and magnanimity enduring the iourny ; forsaking his horse alwayes , and marching a foot in the head of his army , to teach his souldiers , rather then command them to endure hardnesse ; he arrived at last at iuba's court ; where , though the souldiers with one voice elected him generall , he refused the charge ▪ and chose rather to serue vnder scipio , then command himselfe in chiefe . ( d ) these psylli are a people inhabiting those parts of affrica fortifyed by nature with an incredible priveledge against the strength of poison , and susteine no harme by the biting of serpents . the serpents ( saith pliny ) are afraid of them , and when others are bitten , these psylli by sucking the wounds , and muttering some charmes dee easily cure them . they haue a custome ( as writers report ) when their children are borne , if the father suspect his wiues chastity , he exposes the infant to all kind of serpents ; if begotten by a stranger , the child dyeth , but if lawfully begotten , the priveledge of his fathers blood protecteth him against the venome . lvcans pharsalia . the tenth booke . the argument . caesar in aegypt fearelesse walkes , and sees their temples , tombes , and fam'd antiquityes . before his feete faire cleopatra kneeles , whom to her brother king he reconciles . with sumptuous feasts this peace they celelrate , to caesars eare achoreus doth relate niles ebbes , and flowes , and long concealed spring . within the pallace caesar , and the king by sterne achillas are besieg'd by night . caesar to pharos takes a secret flight ; there from his ship he leapes into the waues , and his endanger'd life by swimming saues . when caesar first , possest of pompey's head , arrived there , and those dire sands did tread : his fortune stroue with guilty aegypts fate , vvhether that rome that land should captivate ; or aegypts sword take from the world the head both of the conquerer , and the conquered . pompey , the ghost prevailes , thy manes free caesar from death , left nile should after thee be by the romans lov'd . he goes from thence to alexandria arm'd with confidence in this dire mischiefes pledge , following along his fasces . but , perceiving that the throng of people murmur'd that in aegypt he bore th' ensignes vp of romes authority , he findes their wavering faiths , perceiving plaine that for his sake great pompey was not slaine . then with a looke still hiding feare goes he the stately temple of th' old god to see . vvhich speakes the ancient macedonian greatnesse . but there delighted with no objects sweetnesse , not with their gold , nor gods majestike dresse , nor losty city walls , with greedinesse into the burying vault goes caesar downe there macedonian philip's mad-brain'd son the prosperous theife lyes buryed : whom just fate slew in the worlds revenge : vaults consecrate containe those limbs , which through the world 't were just to cast a●road : but fortune spar'd his dust , and to that kingdomes end his fate remain'd . if ere the world her freedome had attaind , he for a mocke had beene reserv'd , whose birth brought such a dire example to the earth , so many lands to be possest by one , scorning the narrow bounds of macedon , and athens , which his father had subdew'd : through asian lands with human slaughter strew'd , led by too forwa●d fates he rushes on , driving his sword through every nation : rivers vnknowne , euphrates be distaines vvith persians blood ganges with indians : th' earth fatall mischiefe , lightning dire , that rent all people , and a star malevolent to nations . to invade the south-east sea he built a fleete . not barren libya , water , nor heat , nor ammons desart sands could stop his course . vpon the westerne lands ( following the worlds devexe ) he meant to tread , to compasse both the poles , and drinke niles head . but death did meete his course ; that checke alone ▪ could nature giue this kings ambition : who to his graue the worlds sole empire bore , with the same envy , that 't was got before ; and wanting heires left all he did obtaine to be divided by the sword againe . but fear'd in parthia ; and his babylon he dy'd . oh shame , that easterne nation then trembled at the macedonian speare farre more , then now the roman pile they feare . though all the north , the west , and south be ●urs , in th' east the parthian king contempes our powers . that , which to crassus proov'd a fatall place , a secure province to small pella was . now the yong king come from pelusium had pacify'd the peoples wrath : in whom as hostage of his peace , in aegypts court caesar was safe ; when loe from pharos port , bribing the keeper to vnchaine the same , in a small galley cleopatra came vnknowne to caesar entering the house ; the staine of aegypt , romes pernicious fury , vnchast to italyes disgrace , as much as helena's bewitching face fatall to troy , and her owne greekes did prooue , as much romes broiles did cleopatra mooue . our capitall she with her sistrum scarr'd , vvith aegypts base effeminate rout prepar'd to seize romes eagles , and a triumph get ore captiv'd caesar : when at leucas fleet it doubtfull stood , whether the world that day a woman , and not roman should obey . her prides first spring that impious night had bin , that with our chiefes mixt that incestuous queene . who would not pardon anthonyes mad loue , when caesars flinty breast desires could moue in midst of war , when heat of fight rag'd most , and in a cou●t haunted by pompey's ghost ? embrew'd with blood from dire pharsalias field could he vnto adultrous venus yeild ? and mixe with warlike cares ( oh shamelesse head ) a bastard issue , and vnlawfull bed ; forgetting pompey , to beget a brother to thee , faire iulia , on a strumpet mother : suffring the forces of his scattered foes to joyne in affrike , basely he bestowes time in aegyptian loue , a conquerer not for himselfe , but to bestow on her ; wh●m , trusting to her beauty , without teares , though gesture sad , with loose , as if rent haires , drest in a beautious , and becomming woe did cleopatra meete , bespeaking so : if , mighty caesar , noblenesse there be , aegyptian lagus royall issued , depos'd and banisht from my fathers state , if thy great hand restore my former fate , kneele at thy feet a queene ; vnto our nation thou dost appeare a gratious constellation . i am not the first woman that hath sway'd the pharian scepter : aegypt has obay'd a queene ; not sexe excepted : i desire thee read the will of my deceased sire , who left me there a partner to enjoy my brothers crowne , and marriage bed . the boy ( i know ) would loue his sister , were he free : but all his power , will , and affections be vnder photinas girdle ; to obtaine the crowne i beg not , caesar from this staine free thou our house : command the king to be a king , and free from servants tyranny . shall slaues so proud of pompey's , slaughter be , threatning the same ( which fates avert ) to thee ? caesar , 't is shame enough to th' earth , and thee his death photinus gift , and guilt should be . her suite in caesars eares had found small grace , but beauty pleades , and that incestuous face prevailes ; the pleasures of a wanton bed corrupt the judge . the king had purchased his peace with weighty summes of gold ; which done , with sumptuous feasts this glad accord they crowne . her riot forth in highest pompe ( not yet transferr'd to rome ) did cleopatra set . the house excell'd those temples , which men build in wicked'st times , the high-arch'd roofes were fill'd with wealth ? high tresses golden tables bore : nor did carv'd marble only cover ore the house ; alone th'vnmixt achates stood , and pillars of red marble : their feet troad on pauements of rich onyx : pillars there not coverd with aegyptian eben were ; eben was timber there , and that rich wood not to adorne , but prop the pallace stood . the roomes with ivory glister'd , and each dore inlay'd with indian shels , embellish'd ore with choisest emeraulds : the beds all shone with richest gems , and yellow iasper stone . coverlids rich , some purple dy'd in graine , whose tincture was not from one caldron tane , part woue of glittering gold , part scarlet dy , as is th'aegyptian vse of tapestry : the servitours stood by , and waiting pages , some different in complexions , some in ages ; some of blacke libyan hew , some golden haires , tha● caesar yeilds in all his german wars he nere had seene so bright a yellow haire : some stiffe cu●l'd lo●kes on sun-burnt fore heads weare . besides th' vnhappy strength robb'd company the eunuch'd youths : neere these were standing by youths of a stronger age , yet those so young scarse any downe darkning their cheekes was sprung . downe sate the princes , and the higher power caesar ; her hurtfull face all painted ore sate cleopatra , not content alone t' enjoy her brothers bed , nor aegypts crowne : laden with pearles ? the read seas spoyled store on her rich haire , and weary'd necke she wore . her snowy breasts their whitenesse did display thorough the thin sidonian tiffenay vvrought , and extended by the curious hand of aegypts workemen . citron tables stand on ivory tressells , such as caesars eyes saw not , when he king iuba did surprise . o blinde ambitious madnesse to declare your wealth to him , that makes a civill war , and tempt an armed guest . for though that he sought not for wealth by wa●s impiety , and the worlds wracke : suppose our cheifes of old vvere there , compos'd of that poore ages mould , fabri●ii , curii graue , or that plaine man that consull from th' etrurian plowes was tane , vvere sitting at those tables , whom to rome vvith such a tryumph he would wish to come . in golden plate they fill their feasting bords vvith what the aire , the earth , or nile affords , vvhat luxury with vaine ambition had sought through the world , and not as hunger bad , beasts , foules , the gods of aegypt are devour'd : from christall ewers is niles water powr'd vpon their hands : studded with gemms that shine their bowles conteine no mareotike wine , but strong , and sparkling wines of meroe , to whom few yeeres giue full maturity . vvith fragrant nard , and never-fading rose their heads are crown'd : their haire anointed flowes vvith sweetest cinnamon , that has not spent his savour in the aire , nor lost his sent in forreine climes : and fresh amomum brought from harvests neere at hand , there caesar's taught the riches of the spoiled world to take ; and is asham'd that he a war did make vvith his poore sonne in law , desiring now some quar●ell would twixt him , and aegypt grow . vvhen wine , and cates had tir'd their glutted pleasure , caesar begins with long discourse to measure the howers of night , bespeaking gently thus the linnen vested graue achoreus : old man devoted to religion , and , ( which thine age confirmes ) despis'd by none of all the gods , to longing eares relate aegypts originall , her site , and state , vvorship of gods , and what doth ere remaine in your old temples character'd , explaine . the gods , that would be knowne , to vs vnfold , if your forefathers their religion told t' athenian plato once , when had you ere a guest more worthy , or more fit to heare ? rumor of pompey drew our march thus far , and fame of you , for still in mid'st of war i leasure had of heaven , and gods to heare , and the stars course : nor shall eudoxus yeare excell my consulship . but though so much my vertue be , my loue of truth be such , there 's nought i more desire to know at all then niles hid head , and strange originall so many years vnknowne : grant but to me a certaine hope the head of nile to see , i le leaue off civill war. caesar had done , when thus divine achoreus begun : let it be lawfull , caesar to vnfold our great forefathers secrets hid of old from the lay people . let who ere suppose it piety to keepe these wonders close : i thinke the gods are pleas'd to be made knowne ; and haue their sacred lawes to people showne : planets , which crosse , and slacke the tenth sphaeres course , had from the worlds first law their different powers . the sun divides the yeares , makes nights , and dayes , dimmes other stars with his resplendent rayes . and their wil●e courses moderates ; the tides of thetis phabes grouth , and waning guides . saturne cold i●e , and frozen zones obtaines ; mars ore the windes , and winged lightning reignes ; quiet well temper'd aire doth ioue possesse ; the seedes of all things venus cherishes ; cyllenius rules ore waters which are great ; he when he enters , where the dog-st●rs heat , and burning fire 's display'd , there where th● signe of cancer hot doth with the lyon joyne , and where the zodiacke holds his capricorne , and cancer , vnder which niles head is borne : ore which when mercuryes proud fires doe stand , and in a line direct , ( as by command of phaebe the obeying ocean growes ) so from his open'd fountaine nilus flowes ; nor eb●s againe till night haue from the sun those howers recover'd , which the summer wor. vaine was the old opinion , that niles flow was caus'd , or help'd by aethiopian snow . for on those hills cold boreas never blowes ▪ as there the natiues sunburnt visage showes , and moist hot southerne windes . besides the head of every streame , that from thaw'd i●e is bred , swells then , when first the spring dissolues the snowes . but nile before the dog●dayes never flowes , nor is confin'd within his bankes againe till the autumnal aequinoctian : thence t is he knowes no lawes of other streames , nor swells in winter , when sols scorching beames are far remote , his waters want their end : but nile comes forth in summer time to lend a cooler temper to the sweltring aire , vnder the torrid zone , least fire impaire the earth , vnto her succour nilus drawes , and swells against the lyons burning jawes . and when hot cancer his siene burnes , vnto her aide implored nilus turnes : nor till the sun to autumne doe descend , and that hot meroë her shades extend , doth he restore againe the drowned field . who can the causes of this flowing yeild ? even so our mother nature hath decreed that nile should flow , and so the world hath neede , as vainely doth antiquity declare the west windes cause of this increases are , which keepe their seasons strictly , and long stay , and beare within the aire continu'd sway . these from the westerne parts all clouds exile beyond the south , and hang them over nile : or else their blasts the rivers current meete , and will not let it to the ocean get ; prevented so from falling to the maine the streame swells backe , and overflowes the plaine . some through the cavernes of earths hollow won be in secret channells thinke these waters come attracted to th' aequator from the cold north clime , when sol his mer●ë doth hold , the scorched earth attracting water , thither ganges , and padus flow vnseene together : venting all rivers at one fountaine so vvithin one channell nilus cannot goe . from th' ocean swelling , which beguirts about all lands , some thinke , encreased nile breakes out ; the waters loose , ere they so far haue ran , their saltnesse quite . besides the ocean is the stars fond , we thinke , which phoebius drawes , vvhen he possesseth fiery cancers claws ▪ more then the aire digests attraced so falls backe by night , and causes nilus flow . i thinke if i may judge so great a case , some waters since the world created was , in after ages from some broken vaine of earth haue growne ; some god did then ordaine , vvhen he created all the world , whose tides by certaine lawes the great creator guides . caesar's desire to know our nilus spring possest th aegyptian , persian , graecian king ; no age , but striv'd to future time to teach this skill : none yet his hidden nature reach . philipp's great son , memphis most honourd king sent to th' earths vtmost bounds to finde niles spring choise aethiops ; they trode the sunburnt ground of the hot zone , and there warme nilus found . the farthest vvest our great sesostris saw , vvhilest captiue kings , did his proud charriot draw : yet there your rhodanus , and padus spy'd before our n●les hid fountaine he descry'd . the mad cambises to the easterne lands , and lon●-liv'd people came . his famisht bands q●te spent , and with each others ( a ) slaughter fed return'd thou , nile , yet vndiscovered . no tale dares mention thine originall , th' art sought , wherever seene . no land at all can boast that nile is hers . yet i le reveale , as far as that same god , that doth conceale thy spring , inspires me . from th' antarticke pole vnder hot cancer doe thy surges rowle directly north , winding to east and vvest , sometimes th' arabians , sometimes libyans blest vvith fruitfullnesse thou mak'st , the seres spy thee first , and seeke thee too , thy channell by the aethiopians , as a stranger flowes : and the world knowes not to what land it owes thy sacred head , which nature hid from all , lest any land should see thee , nilus , small . she turn'd away thy spring , and did desire no land should know it , but all lands admire . thou in the summer solstice art oreflowne bringing with thee a winter of thine owne , vvhen winter is not ours : nature alone suffers thy streames to both the poles to run . not there thy mouth , not heere thy spring is found . thy parted channell doth encompasse round meroë fruitfull to blacke husband-men , and rich in eben wood : whose leaues , though greene , can with no shade asswage the summers heat , vnder the lion so directly set . from thence thy current with no waters losse ore the hot zone , and barren deserts goes , sometimes collected in one channell going , sometimes dispers'd and yeilding bankes oreflowing . his parted armes againe collected slide in one slow streame , where philas doth divide arabia from aegypt ore the sand , vvhere the red sea by one small necke of land from ours is kept , thou , nile , doest gently flow . oh who would thinke thou ere so rough couldst grow that sees thee gentle heere , but when thy way ste●pe catarackts , and craggy rockes would stay , thy never-curbed waues with scorne despise those petty lets , and foaming iaue the skyes : thy waters sound , with noise the neighbouring hills thy conquering streame with froath grown hoary fills . hence he with fury first assaults that i le , which our forefathers did abatos stile , and those neare rockes , which they were pleas'to call the rivers veines , because they first of all his swelling growth did show . hence nature did his stragling waues within high mountaines hide , which part thee , nile , from affricke ; betwixt those as in a vale thy pent vp water flowes . at memphis first thou runn'st in fields , and plaines , vvhere thy proud streame all bankes , and bounds disdaines . thus they secure , as if in peace , a part of night discours'd . but base photinus heart once stain'd with sacred blood , could nere be free from horrid thoughts . since pompey's murder he counts nought a crime ? great pompey's manes bide within his breast , and vengefull furyes guide his thoughts to monsters new , hoping to staine base hands with caesars blood , which fates ordaine great senators shall shed . fate to a slaue that day almost the senates vengeance gaue , the mulct of civill war. oh gods defend , let none that life in brutus absence end . shall th' execution of romes tirant be base aegypts crime , and that example dy ? bold man , he makes attempt against fates course , nor at close murder aimes , by op●n force a most vnconquer'd captaine he assaults ; so much are mindes embolden'd by their faults . he durst the death of caesar now command , as pompey's once , and by a faithfull hand to sterne achillas this dire message send , vvho shar'd with him in murder'd pompey's end , whom the weake king against himselfe , and all trusts with a strength , his forces generall . thou on thy downy bed securely snort , whilest cleopatra hath surpris'd the court . pharos it not betray'd , but given away . hast thou ( though all alone ) this match to stay . th' incestuous sister shall her brother wed , caesar already has enjoy'd her bed : twixt those two husbands aegypt is her owne , and rome her hire for prostitution . haue cleopatra's sorcerves beguild old caesars breast , and shall we trust a childe ? who , if one night incestuously embrac'd the beastly pleasures of her bed he tast cloath'd with the name of marriage , twixt each kisse he giues my head , and thine , the gibbet is our fortune , if he finde his sister sweete . h●pe we no aide from any side to meete : the king her husband , her adulterer caesar ; and we ( i grant ) both guilty are in cleopatras sight , where t will appeare crime great enough that we are chast from her . now by that crime , which we together did , and lost : and by the league we ratifi'd in pompey's blood , i pray be speedy here , fill on the suddaine all with war , and feare : let blood breake off the marriage night , and kill our cruell queene , whose armes so ere she fill in bed to night . not feare we caesars sate : that which advanc'd him to this height of state , the fall of pompey , was our glory too : behold the shore , and learne what we can doe , our micheifes hope : behold the bloody'd waue , and in the dust great pompey's little graue scarse covering all his limms hee , whom we feare , was but his peere . but we ignoble are in blood : all one : we stir no forreine state , nor king to aide , but our owne prosperous fate to mischeife bring ; and still into our hands fortune delivers them ; see ready stands another nobler sacrifice then he ; this second blood appeases italy . the blood of caesar will those staines remoue , which pompey's murder stucke , and make rome loue those hands she once thought guilty ▪ feare not than his fame , and strength , hee 's but a private man his army absent . this one night shall end the civill war , and to whole nations send a sacrifice t' appease their ghosts bestow , and pay the world that head , which fates doe ow. goe confidently then ' gainst caesars throat : for ptolomey let aegypts souldiers doo 't , the romans for themselues . but stay not thou ; he 's high with wine , and fit for venus now . doe but attempt , the gods on thee bestow th' effect of brutus , and graue catoes vow . achillas prone to follow such advise drawes out his army straight in secret wise , without loud signalls given , or trumpets noise their armed strength he suddainely imployes . the greatest part were roman souldiers there , but so degenerate , and ( b ) chang'd they were with forreine discipline ; that voide of shame vnder a barbarous slaues command they came , who should disdaine to serue proud aegypts king. no faith , nor piety those hirelings bring that follow campes : where greatest pay is had , there 's greatest right ; for money they invade , not for their owne just quarrell , caesars throat . oh wickednesse , within what land has not our empires wretched fate found civill war ? those troopes remoov'd from thessaly so far rage roman-like heere vpon nilus shore . what durst the house of lagus venture more had they receiv'd great pompey ? but each hand performes that office , which the gods command : each roman hand helpe to this war must lend . the gods were so dispos'd romes state to rend . nor now doth caesars , or great pompey's loue divide the people , or their factions moue . this civill war achillas vndertakes , a barbarous slaue a roman faction makes . and had not fates protected caesars blood , this side had won , in time both ready stood ; the court in feasting drown'd did openly to any treason ; and then easily might they haue tane at table , caesars head , his blood amid'st the feasting gobblets shed . but in the night tumultuous war they feare , promiscuous slaughter rul'd by chance , lost there their king might fall ; so confident they are of their owne strength , they hasten not , but spare so great an actions opportunity . slaues thinke differring caesars death to be a reparable losse . till day breake light his execution is put off . one night to caesars life protinus power could giue , till titan shew his rising face to liue . now on mount casius lucifer appear'd with hot , though infant day , had aegypt chear'd ; when from the wall they veiw'd those troopes afar march on well ranck'd , and marshall'd for a war , not in loose maniples , but ready all to stand , or giue a charge . the city wall caesar distrusts , and shuts the pallace too , so poore a seidge enforc'd to vndergoe . nor all the house can his small strength maintaine , one little part great caesar can containe : whilest his great thoughts both feare , and anger beare , he feares assaults , and yet disdaines to feare , so in small traps a noble lyon caught rages , and bites his scorned goale with wrath ; so would fierce vulcane rage , could any stop sicilian aetnas fiery cavernes top . he that in dire pharsalian fields of late in a bad cause presum'd on prosperous fate , and feared not the senates hoast , nor all the roman lords , nor pompey generall , fear'd a slaues war : he heere assaulted tooke a house , whom sythians bold dust neere provoke , th' alani fierce , nor mauritanians hot , which fast-bound strangers barbarously shoote . he whom the roman world could not suffice , nor all that twixt the gades , and india lyes , like a weake boy seekes lurking holes alone . or woman in a late surprised towne : nor hopes for safety but in keeping close , and through each roome with steps vncertaine goes , but not without the king ; him he retaines about his person still : his life he meanes shall the revenge , and expiation be of his owne fate ; thy head , ô ptolomey , he meanes to throw for want of darts , or fire against thy servants ; as medea dire , vvhen her pursuing sires revenge she fled , stood arm'd against her little brothers head to stay her sire . but desperate fate so nigh enforced caesar tearmes of peace to try . a courtier from the absent king is sent to checke his men , and know this wars entent . but there the law of nations could obtaine no power : their kings embassadour is slaine treating of peace , to adde one horrid crime o monstrous aegypt , to thy impious clime . impious pharnaces pontus thessaly , nor spaine , nor iubaes far-spread monarchy , nor barbarous syrtis durst attempt to doe , vvhat heere ●ffaeminate aegypt reaches too . the war on every side growes dangerous , and showres of falling darts even shake the house . no battring ram had they to force the wall , nor any engine fit for war at all : nor vs'd they fire : the skillesse people run through the vast pallace scatter'd vp , and downe , and vse their joyned strength no where at all : the fates forbid , and fortune's caesars wall . but where the gorgeous pallace proudly stands into the sea , from ships the navall bands assault the house ; but caesar every where is for defence at hand , and weapons here , there wild-fire vses . though besiedg'd he be , doth the besiedgers worke ( such strength had he of constant spirit ) wild fire balls he threw among the joyned ships ; nor slowly flew the flame on pitchy shrowds , and bords , that drop with melted waxe : at once the saileyards top , and lowest hatches burne . an halfe burnt boate here drownes in seas , their foes and weapons floate , nor ore the ships alone doe flames prevaile ; but all the houses neere the shore assaile : the south windes feed the flame , and driue it on along the houses with such motion , as through the vvelkin fiery meteors run , that wanting fuell feed on aire alone , this fire a while the courts besiedging stay'd , and drew the people to the cityes aide . caesar that time would not in sleepe bestow , vvho well could vse occasions , and knew how in war to take the greatest benefit of suddaine chances , ships his men by night , surprises pharos : pharos heretofore an iland was , when prophet proteus wore that crowne : but joyn'd to alexandria now . two helpes on caesar doth that fort bestow : commands the sea , the foes incursions stay'd , and made a passage safe for caesars aide . he now intends no longer to differ protinus ( c ) death , though not enough severe . not fire , nor beasts , nor gibbets reaue his breath , slaine with a sword he dyes great pompey's death . arsinoe ( d ) from court escaped goes by ganymedes helpe to caesars foes , the ●owne ( as lagus daughter ) to obtaine , by whose just sword was sterne achillas slaine . another to thy ghost is sacrific'd pompey , but fortune is not yet suffic'd , far be it , ●ods , that these two deaths should be his full revenge ; the fall of ptolomey , and aegypts ruine not enough is thought : nor ere can his revenge be fully wrought , till caesar by the senates swords be slaine . but though the author's dead , these broiles remaine ; for ganymedes now commander moov'd a second war , which full of danger proov'd . so great the perill was , that day alone might caesars name to future times renowne . while caesar striues pent vp so closely there to ship his men from thence , a suddaine feare of war did his entended passage meete : before his face the foes well-rigged fleete , behinde their foote from shore against him fight : no way of safety 's left , valour , nor flight , nor scarse doth hope of noble death remaine . no heapes of bodyes , no whole armyes slaine are now requir'd to conquer caesar there : a little blood will serue . whether to feare , or wish for death he knowes not . in this same sad straite , he thinkes of noble scaeva's fame , vvho at dyrrachium , when his workes were downe , beseidg'd all pompey's strength himselfe alone : th' example rais'd his thoughts , resolv'd to doe what scaeva did ; but straight a scorne to owe his valour to examples , checks againe that high resolue : great thoughts , great thoughts restraine . yet thus at last ; scaeva was mine , 't was i nurtur'd that spirit : if like him i dy , i doe not imitate , but caesars ●eate rather confirmes that scaevas act was great . in this resolue had caesar charg'd them all himselfe alone , and so a glorious fall ( slaine by a thousand hands at once ) had met , or else enobled by a death so great those thousand hands ; but fortune was afraid to venture caesar further then her aide could lend a famous rescue , and endeare the danger to him ; she discovers neare ships of his owne ; thither when caesar makes , he findes no safety there , but straight forsakes those ships againe , and leapes into the maine . the trembling billowes fear'd to entertaine so great a pledge of fortune , one to whom fate ow'd so many victoryes to come and ioue ( whilest he on caesars danger lookes ) suspects the truth of th'adamantine bookes . who could haue thought , but that the gods aboue had now begun to favour rome , and loue her liberty againe ? and that the fate of pompey's sons , of cato , and the state ' gainst caesars fortune had prevailed now ? why doe the powers caelestiall labour so , to be vnjust againe ? againe take care to saue that life they had expos'd so far that now the danger even in caesars eye , might cleare their doome of partiality ? but he must liue vntill his fall may prooue brutus and cassius were more iust then ioue . now all alone on seas doth caesar floate ; himselfe the oares , the pylot , and the boate ; yet could not all these offices employ one mans whole strength , for his left hand on high raised , holds vp his papers , and preserues the fame of his past deedes , his right hand serues to cut the waues , and guard his life alone ' gainst th' oceans perills , and all darts , which throwne from every side doe darken all the sky , and make a cloud , though heaven it selfe deny , two hundred paces thus alone he swam till to the body of his feete he came , his ore-ioy'd souldiers shouting to the skies take sure presage of future victoryes . finis . annotations on the tenth booke . ( a ) cambyses the son of cyrus , and king of persia added to his monarchy the kingdome of aegypt ; he intended a farther war against the aethiopians , which are called macrobij by reason of the extraordinary length of their naturall liues . but by reason of the tediousnesse of the march , and want of provision , there was in his army a great famine , that they killed by lot every tenth souldier , and fed vpon them . ( b ) achillas comming to assault caesar had an army of twenty thousand ; they were many of them roman souldiers , which had served before vnder gabinius , but had changed their manner of life , and corrupted with the riot of aegypt , had quite forgotten the roman discipline ( c ) photinus the kings tutor remaining with caesar sent secret encouragements to achillas to goe forward with his siedge , which being discovered by interception of his messengers he was slaine by caesar . ( d ) ganymedes an eunuch , and tutor to arsinoe the yo●ger sister of the king of aegypt , assaulted achillas by treachery , and sl●w him , and being himselfe made generall of the army he continued the siedge against caesar . fjnjs . caesar and pompey (the wars of caesar and pompey) chapman, george this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a18425 of text s107722 in the english short title catalog (stc 4993). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. martin mueller incompletely or incorrectly transcribed words were reviewed and in many cases fixed by melina yeh lydia zoells this text has not been fully proofread earlyprint project evanston il, notre dame in, st.louis, washington mo 2017 distributed under a creative commons attribution-noncommercial 3.0 unported license a18425.xml caesar and pompey a roman tragedy, declaring their vvarres. out of whose euents is euicted this proposition. only a iust man is a freeman. by george chapman. chapman, george, 1559?-1634. 37 600dpi tiff g4 page images university of michigan, digital library production service ann arbor, michigan 2006 june (tcp phase 1) 99843418 stc (2nd ed.) 4993. greg, ii, 444(a1*). 8150 a18425

this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. searching, reading, printing, or downloading eebo-tcp texts is reserved for the authorized users of these project partner institutions. permission must be granted for subsequent distribution, in print or electronically, of this text, in whole or in part. please contact project staff at eebotcp-info@umich.edu for further information or permissions.

caesar and pompey a roman tragedy, declaring their vvarres. out of whose euents is euicted this proposition. only a iust man is a freeman. by george chapman. tragedy of cæsar and pompey. chapman, george, 1559?-1634. [76] p. printed by thomas harper, and are to be sold by godfrey edmonson, and thomas alchorne, london : m.dc.xxxi. [1631] 1605

in verse.

signatures: a-i4 k2.

the first leaf is blank.

running title reads: the tragedy of cæsar and pompey.

a variant of the edition with title: the warres of pompey and caesar (stc 4992).

reproduction of the original in the university of illinois (urbana-champaign campus). library.

rome -history -civil war, 49-48 b.c. -drama. a18425 shc caesar and pompey (the wars of caesar and pompey) chapman, george melina yeh lydia zoells 1605 play tragedy shc no a18425 s107722 (stc 4993). 22166 0 0 0 0000athis text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. incorporated ~ 10,000 textual changes made to the shc corpus by hannah bredar, kate needham, and lydia zoells between april and july 2015 during visits, separately or together, to the bodleian, folger and houghton libraries as well as the rare book libraries at northwestern university and the university of chicago

caesar and pompey : a roman tragedy , declaring their warres .

out of whose euents is euicted this proposition .

only a iust man is a freeman .

by george chapman .

london : printed by thomas harper , and are to be sold by godfrey emondson , and thomas althorus . m.dc.xxxi .

to the right honorable , his exceeding good lord , the earle of middlesex , &c.

though ( my good lord ) this martiall history suffer the diuision of acts and scenes , both for the more perspicuity and height of the celebration , yet neuer toucht it at the stage ; or if it had ( though some may perhaps causelesly empaire it ) yet would it , i hope , fall vnder no exception in your lordships better-iudgeing estimation , since scenicall representation is so farre from giuing iust cause of any least diminution ; that the personall and exact life it giues to any history , or other such delineation of humane actions , ads to them luster , spirit and apprehension , which the only section of acts and scenes makes mee stand vpon thus much , since that only in some precisianismes will require a little preuention : and the hasty prose the stile auoides , obtaine to the more temperate and stai'd numerous elocution , some assistance to the acceptation and grace of it . though ingeniously my gratitude confesseth ( my lord ) it is not such as hereafter j vow to your honor ; being written so long since ; and had not the timely ripenesse of that age that ( j thank god ) j yet finde no fault withall for any old defects .

good my lord vouchsafe your idle minutes may admit some slight glances at this , till some worke of more nouelty and fashion may conferre this the more liking of your honors more worthy deseruings ; to which his bounden affection vowes all seruices .

euer your lordships geo. chapman .
the argument .

pompey and caesar bring their armies so neare rome , that the senate except against them . caesar vnduly and ambitiously commanding his forces . pompey more for feare of caesars violence to the state , then mou'd with any affectation of his own greatnesse . their opposite pleadings , out of which admirable narrations are made , which yet not conducing to their ends , warre ends them . in which at first caesar is forc't to fly , whom pompey not pursuing with such wings as fitted a speeding conqueror ; his victory was preuented , and he vnhappily dishonor'd . whose ill fortune his most louing and learned wife cornelia trauailde after , with paines solemne and carefull enough ; whom the two lentuli and others attended , till she miserably found him , and saw him monstrously murthered .

both the consuls and cato are slaughterd with their owne invincible hands ; and caesar ( in spight of all his fortune ) without his victory , victor .

onely a ivst man is a free man .
act i. scene i. cato , athenodorus , porcius , statilius . cat. now will the two suns of our romane heauen ( pompey & caesar ) in their tropicke burning , with their contention , all the clouds assemble that threaten tempests to our peace & empire , which we shall shortly see poure down in bloud , ciuill and naturall , wilde and barbarous turning . ath.

from whence presage you this ?

cat. from both their armies , now gathered neere our italie , contending to enter seuerally : pompeys brought so neere by romes consent ; for feare of tyranous caesar , which caesar fearing to be done in fauour of pompey , and his passage to the empire , hath brought on his for interuention . and such a flocke of puttocks follow caesar , for fall of his ill-disposed purse ( that neuer yet spar'd crosse to aquiline vertue ) as well may make all ciuill spirits suspicious . looke how against great raines , a standing poole of paddockes , todes , and water-snakes put vp their speckl'd throates aboue the venemous lake , croking and gasping for some fresh falne drops to quench their poisond thirst ; being neere to stifle with clotterd purgings of their owne foule bane ; so still , where caesar goes , there thrust vp head , impostors , flatterers , fauorites , and bawdes , buffons , intelligencers , select wits ; close murtherers , montibanckes , and decaied theeues , to gaine their banefull liues reliefes from him . from britaine , belgia , france , and germanie , the scum of either countrie , ( chus'd by him , to be his blacke guard , and red agents here ) swarming about him . porc. and all these are said to be suborn'd , in chiefe , against your selfe ; since caesar chiefly feares , that you will sit this day his opposite ; in the cause for which both you were sent for home ; and he hath stolne accesse so soone here ; pompey : whole rest raisde to his encounter ; and on both sides , rome in generall vproare . stat. which sir , if you saw , and knew , how for the danger , all suspect to this your worthiest friend ( for that knowne freedome his spirit will vse this day , 'gainst both the riuals , his wife and familie mourne , no food , no comfort allowd them , for his danger ) you would vse your vtmost powrs to stay him from the senate , all this daies session . cat. hee 's too wise , statilius , for all is nothing . stat. nothing sir ? i saw castor and pollux temple , thrust vp full , with all the damn'd crew you haue lately nam'd : the market place and suburbs swarming with them : and where the senate sit , are ruffians pointed to keepe from entring the degrees that goe vp to the bench ; all other but the consuls , caesar and pompey , and the senators , and all for no cause , but to keepe out cato , with any violence , any villanie ; and is this nothing sir ? is his one life , on whom all good liues , and their goods depend , in romes whole empire ! all the iustice there that 's free , and simple ; all such virtues too , and all such knowledge ; nothing , nothing , all ? cat. away statilius ; how long shall thy loue exceede thy knowledge of me , and the gods ? whose rights thou wrongst for my right ? haue not ? their powers to guard me , in a cause of theirs ? their iustice , and integrity included , in what i stand for ? he that feares the gods , for guard of any goodnesse ; all things feares ; earth , seas , and aire ; heauen , darknesse , broade day-light , rumor , and silence , and his very shade : and what an aspen soule hath such a creature ? how dangerous to his soule is such a feare ? in whose cold fits , is all heauens iustice shaken to his faint thoughts ; and all the goodnesse there due to all good men , by the gods owne vowes , nay , by the firmenesse of their endlesse being , all which shall faile as soone as any one good to a good man in them : for his goodnesse proceeds from them , and is a beame of theirs . o neuer more , statilius , may this feare taint thy bould bosome , for thy selfe , or friend . more then the gods are fearefull to defend . athen. come ; let him goe , statilius ; and your fright ; this man hath inward guard , past your yong sight . exeunt enter minutius , manet cato . cat. welcome ; come stand by me in what is fit for our poore cities safety ; nor respect her proudest foes corruption , or our danger of what seene face soeuer . min. i am yours . but what alas , sir , can the weaknesse doe against our whole state of vs only two ? you know our statists spirits are so corrupt and seruile to the greatest ; that what crosseth them , or their owne particular wealth , or honor , they will not enterprise to saue the empire . cat.

i know it ; yet let vs doe like our selues . exeunt .

enter some bearing axes , bundles of rods , bare ; before two consuls , caesar and metellus ; anthonius , and marcellus in couples ; senators , people , souldiers , &c. following . the consuls enter the degrees , with anthonius , and marcellus : caesar staying a while without with metellus , who hath a paper in his hand . caes. moue you for entring only pompeys army ; which if you gaine for him ; for me , all iustice will ioyne with my request of entring mine . met.

t is like so , and i purpose to enforce it .

caes. but might we not win cato to our friendship by honoring speeches , nor perswasiue gifts ? met.

not possible .

caes.

nor by enforciue vsage ?

met. not all the violence that can be vsde , of power , or set authoitry can stirre him , much lesse faire words win , or rewards corrupt him ; and therefore all meanes we must vse to keepe him from off the bench . caes. giue you the course for that , and if he offer entry , i haue fellowes will serue your will on him , at my giuen signall . they ascend . enter pompey , gabinius , vibius , demetrius , with papers . enter the lists , ascend and sit . after whom enter cato , minutius , athenodorus , statilius , porcius . cat. he is the man that sits so close to caesar , and holds the law there , whispering ; see the cowherd hath guards of arm'd men got , against one naked . i le part their whispering virtue . 1

hold , keepe out .

2

what ? honor'd cato ? enter , chuse thy place .

cat. come in ; he drawes him in and sits betwixt caesar and metelius . away vnworthy groomes . 3

no more .

caes.

what should one say to him ?

met.

he will be stoicall .

cat.

where fit place is not giuen , it must be taken .

4 doe , take it cato ; feare no greatest of them ; thou seek'st the peoples good ; and these their owne . 5 braue cato ! what a countenance he puts on ? let 's giue his noble will , our vtmost power . 6 be bould in all thy will ; for being iust , thou maist defie the gods . cat.

said like a god .

met.

we must endure these people .

caes.

doe ; begin .

met. consuls , and reuerend fathers ; and ye people , whose voyces are the voyces of the gods ; i here haue drawne a law , by good consent , for entring into italy , the army of romes great pompey : that his forces here , as well as he , great rome , may rest secure from danger or the yet still smoaking fire , of catilines abhorr'd conspiracy : of which the very chiefe are left aliue , only chastisde , but with a gentle prison . cat. put them to death then , and strike dead our feare , that well you vrge , by their vnfit suruiuall . rather then keepe it quick ; and two liues giue it , by entertaining pompeys army too . that giues as great cause of our feare , as they . for their conspiracy , onely was to make one tyrant ouer all the state of rome . and pompeys army , sufferd to be entred , is , to make him , or giue him meanes to be so . met.

it followes not .

cat. in purpose ; clearely sir , which i le illustrate , with a cleare example . if it be day , the sunne 's aboue the earth ; which followes not ( you le answere ) for 't is day when first the morning breakes ; and yet is then the body of the sunne beneath the earth ; but he is virtually aboue it too , because his beames are there , and who then knowes not his golden body will soone after mount . so pompeys army entred italy , yet pompey 's not in rome ; but pompey's beames who sees not there ? and consequently , he is in all meanes enthron'd in th' emperie . met. examples proue not , we will haue the army of pompey entred . cato . we ? which we intend you ? haue you already bought the peoples voices ? or beare our consule or our senate here so small loue to their country ; that their wills beyond their countrys right are so peruerse , to giue a tyrant here entire command ? which i haue prou'd as cleare as day , they doe , if either the conspirators suruiuing be let to liue ; or pompeys army entred ; both which , beat one sole path ; and threat one danger . caes. consuls , and honor'd fathers ; the sole entry of pompeys army , i le not yet examine : but for the great conspirators yet liuing , ( which cato will conclude as one selfe danger , to our deare country ; and deterre all therefore that loue their country , from their liues defence i see no reason why such danger hangs on their sau'd liues ; being still safe kept in prison ; and since close prison , to a roman freedome , ten fold torments more , then directest death , who can be thought to loue the lesse his country , that seekes to saue their liues ? and lest my selfe ( thus speaking for them ) be vniustly toucht with any lesse doubt of my countryes loue . why ( reuerend fathers ) may it be esteem'd selfe praise in me , to proue my selfe a chiefe both in my loue of her ; and in desert of her like loue in me ? for he that does most honour to his mistrisse ; well may boast ( without least question ) that he loues her most . and though things long since done , were long since known , and so may seeme superfluous to repeat ; yet being forgotten , as things neuer done , their repetition needfull is , in iustice , t' enflame the shame of that obliuion : for hoping it will seeme no lesse empaire to others acts , to truely tell mine owne ; put all together ; i haue past them all that by their acts can boast themselues to be their countries louers : first in those wilde kingdomes subdu'd to rome , by my vnwearied toyles . which i dissauag'd and made nobly ciuill . next , in the multitude of those rude realmes that so i fashiond ; and to romes yong empire of old haue added : then the battailes numbred this hand hath fought , and wonne for her , with all those infinites of dreadfull enemies ( i slue in them : twice fifteene hundred thousand all able souldiers ) i haue driuen at once before my forces : and in sundry onsets , a thousand thousand of them , put to sword : besides , i tooke in lesse then ten yeares time , by strong assault , aboue eight hundred cities , three hundred seuerall nations , in that space , subduing to my countrey ; all which seruice , i trust , may interest me in her loue , publique , and generall enough , to aquit me of any selfe-loue ; past her common good : for any motion of particular iustice ( by which her generall empire is maintaind ) that i can make for those accused prisoners , which is but by the way ; that so the reason metellus makes for entring pompeys armie , may not more weighty seeme , then to agree with those imprison'd nobles , vitall safeties . which granted , or but yeelded fit to be , may well extenuate the necessity of entring pompeys armie . cat. all that need i tooke away before ; and reasons gaue for a necessity to keepe it out whose entry ( i thinke ) he himselfe affects not . since i as well thinke he affects not th' empire , and both those thoughts hold ; since he loues his country , in my great hopes of him too well to seeke his sole rule of her , when so many soules , so hard a taske approue it ; nor my hopes of his sincere loue to his country , build on sandier grounds then caesars ; since he can as good cards shew for it as caesar did , and quit therein the close aspersion of his ambition , seeking to imploy his army in the breast of italy . pomp. let me not thus ( imperiall bench and senate ) feele myselfe beat about the eares , and tost with others breathes to any coast they please : and not put some stay to my errors in them . the gods can witnesse that not my ambition hath brought to question th' entry of my army ; and therefore not suspected the effect , of which that entry is supposde the cause : which is a will in me , to giue my power the rule of romes sole empire ; that most strangely would put my will in others powers ; and powers ( vnforfeit by my fault ) in others wills . my selfe-loue , out of which all this must rise : i will not wrong the knowne proofes of my loue to this my natiue cities publique good , to quit , or thinke of ; nor repeat those proofes confirm'd in those three triumphs i haue made ; for conquest of the whole inhabited world ; first affrick , europe , and then asia , which neuer consull but my selfe could boast . nor can blinde fortune vaunt her partiall hand , in any part of all my seruices , though some haue said , she was the page of caesar , both sayling , marching , fighting , and preparing his fights in very order of his battailes : the parts she plaid for him inuerting nature , as giuing calmnesse to th' enraged sea ; imposing summers weather on sterne winter ; winging the slowest foot he did command , and his most cowherd making fierce of hand . and all this euer when the force of man was quite exceeded in it all ; and she in th' instant adding her cleare deity . yet , her for me , i both disclaime and scorne ; and where all fortune is renounc't , no reason will thinke one man transferd with affectation of all pomes empire ; for he must haue fortune that goes beyond a man ; and where so many their hand-fulls finde with it ; the one is mad that vndergoes it : and where that is clear'd ; th' imputed meanes to it , which is my sute for entry of mine army , i confute . cat.

what rests then , this of all parts being disclaimd ?

met. my part , sir , rests , that let great pompey beare what spirit he lists ; 't is needfull yet for rome , that this law be establisht for his army . caes. t is then as needfull to admit in mine ; or else let both lay downe our armes ; for else to take my charge off , and leaue pompey his ; you wrongfully accuse me to intend a tyranny amongst ye ; and shall giue pompey full meanes to be himselfe a tyrant . anth.

can this be answer'd ?

1 cons. is it then your wils that pompey shall cease armes ? anth.

what else ?

omnes .

no , no .

2 cons.

shall caesar cease his armes ?

omn.

i , i .

anth. for shame then yeeld to this cleare equity , that both may leaue their armes . omn.

we indifferent stand .

met. read but this law , and you shall see a difference twixt equity and your indifferency ; all mens obiections answered ; read it notary . cat.

he shall not read it .

met.

i will read it then .

min. nor thou shalt read it , being a thing so vaine , pretending cause for pompeys armies entry . that only by thy complices and thee ; t is forg'd to set the senate in an vproare met.

i haue it sir , in memory , and will speake it .

cat.

thou shalt be dumbe as soone .

caes. pull downe this cato , author of factions , and to prison with him . gen.

come downe sir . he drawes , and all draw .

pom.

hence ye mercenary ruffians .

1 cons. what outrage shew you ? sheath your insolent swords , or be proclaim'd your countreys foes and traytors . pom. how insolent a part was this in you , to offer the imprisonment of cato ? when there is right in him ( were forme so answer'd with termes and place ) to send vs both to prison ? if , of our owne ambitions , we should offer th' entry of our armies ; for who knowes that , of vs both , the best friend to his country , and freest from his owne particular ends ; ( being in his power ) would not assume the empire , and hauing it , could rule the state so well as now 't is gouer'nd , for the common good ? caes: accuse your selfe , sir , ( if your conscience vrge it ) or of ambition , or corruption , or insufficiency to rule the empire , and sound not me with your lead . pom. lead ? t is gold , and spirit of gold too ; to the politique drosse with which false caesar sounds men ; and for which his praise and honour crownes them ; who sounds not the inmost sand of caesar ? for but sand is all the rope of your great parts affected . you speake well , and are learn'd ; and golden speech did nature neuer giue man ; but to guild a copper soule in him ; and all that learning that heartily is spent in painting speech , is merely painted , and no solid knowledge . but y 'aue another praise for temperance , which nought commends your free choice to be temperate· for so you must be ; at least in your meales , since y 'aue a malady that tyes you to it ; for feare of daily fals in your aspirings . and your disease the gods nere gaue to man ; but such a one , as had a spirit too great for all his bodies passages to serue it , which notes th' excesse of your ambition . the malady chancing where the pores and passages through which the spirit of a man is borne , so narrow are , and straight , that oftentimes they intercept it quite , and choake it vp . and yet because the greatnesse of it notes a heat mere fleshly , and of bloods ranck fire , goates are of all beasts subiect'st to it most . caes. your selfe might haue it then , if those faults cause it ; but deales this man ingeniously , to tax men with a frailty that the gods inflict ? pomp. the gods inflict on men , diseases neuer , or other outward maimes ; but to decipher , correct , and order some rude vice within them : and why decipher they it , but to make men note , and shun , and tax it to th' extreame ? nor will i see my countryes hopes abusde , in any man commanding in her empire ; if my more tryall of him , makes me see more into his intricasies ; and my freedome hath spirit to speake more , then obseruers seruile . caes. be free , sir , of your insight and your speech ; and speak , and see more , then the world besides ; i must remember i haue heard of one , that fame gaue out , could see thorow oke and stone : and of another set in sicily , that could discerne the carthaginian nauy , and number them distinctly , leauing harbor , though full a day and nights faile distant thence : but these things ( reuerend fathers ) i conceiue , hardly appeare to you worth graue beliefe : and therefore since such strange things haue beene seene in my so deepe and foule detractions , by only lyncean pompey ; who was most lou'd and beleeu'd of romes most famous whore , infamous flora ; by so fine a man as galba , or sarmentus ; any iester or flatterer may draw through a ladyes ring ; by one that all his souldiers call in scorne great agamemnon , or the king of men ; i rest vnmou'd with him ; and yeeld to you to right my wrongs , or his abuse allow . cat.

my lords , ye make all rome amaz'd to heare .

pom. away , i le heare no more ; i heare it thunder my lords ; all you that loue the good of rome , i charge ye , follow me ; all such as slay , are friends to caesar , and their countreys foes . caes.

th' euent will fall out contrary , my lords .

1 cons. goe , thou art a thiefe to rome , discharge thine army , or be proclaim'd , forthwith , her open foe . 2 cons. pompey , i charge thee , helpe thy iniur'd country with what powers thou hast arm'd , and leuy more . the ruffians .

warre , warre , o caesar .

sen. and peop.

peace , peace , worthy pompey .

act ii. scene i. enter fronto all ragg'd , in an ouer growne red beard , black head , with a halter in his hand , looking about . warres , warres , and presses , fly in fire about ; no more can i lurke in my lasie corners , nor shifting courses : and with honest meanes to rack my miserable life out , more , the rack is not so fearefull ; when dishonest and villanous fashions faile me ; can i hope to liue with virtuous ? or to raise my fortunes by creeping vp in souldierly degrees ? since villany varied thorow all his figures , will put no better case on me then this ; despaire ! come sease me : i had able meanes ; and spent all in the swinge of lewd affections ; plung'd in all riot , and the rage of blood ; in full assurance that being knaue enough , barbarous enough , base , ignorant enough , i needs must haue enough , while this world lasted ; yet , since i am a poore , and ragged knaue , my rags disgace my knauery so , that none will thinke i am knaue ; as if good clothes were knacks to know a knaue ; when all men know he has no liuing ? which knacks since my knauery can shew no more ; and only shew is all that this world cares for ; i le stop out of all the cares 't is steept in . he offers to hang himselfe . thunder , and the gulfe opens , flames issuing ; and ophioneus ascending , with the face , wings , and taile of a dragon ; a skin coate all speckled on the throat . oph. hold rascall , hang thy selfe in these dayes ? the only time that euer was for a rascall to liue in ? fron.

how chance i cannot liue then ?

oph. either th' art not rascall nor villaine enough ; or else thou dost not pretend honesty and piety enough to disguise it . fro. that 's certaine , for euery asse does that . what art thou ? oph.

a villaine worse then thou .

fro.

and dost breathe ?

oph. i speake thou hear'st , i moue , my pulse beates fast as thine . fro.

and wherefore liu'st thou ?

oph. the world 's out of frame , a thousand rulers wresting it this way , and that , with as many religions ; when , as heauens vpper sphere is mou'd onely by one ; so should the sphere of earth be , and i le haue it so . fro.

how canst thou ? what art thou ?

oph.

my shape may tell thee .

fro.

no man ?

oph. man ? no , spawne of a clot , none of that cursed crew , damn'd in the masse it selfe ; plagu'd in his birth , confinde to creepe below , and wrestle with the elements ; teach himselfe tortures ; kill himselfe , hang himselfe ; no such gally slaue , but at warre with heauen ; spurning the power of the gods , command the elements . fro.

what maist thou be then ?

oph.

an endlesse friend of thine ; an immortall deuill .

fro.

heauen blesse vs .

oph. nay then , forth , goe , hang thy selfe , and thou talk'st of heauen once . fro.

i haue done ; what deuill art thou ?

oph. read the old stoick pherecides , that tels thee me truly , and sayes that i ophioneus ( for so is my name . ) fro.

ophioneus ? what 's that ?

oph. deuilish serpent , by interpretation ; was generall captaine of that rebellious host of spirits that wag'd warre with heauen . fro.

and so were hurl'd downe to hell .

oph. we were so ; and yet haue the rule of earth ; and cares any man for the worst of hell then ? fro.

why should he ?

oph.

well said ; what 's thy name now ?

fro.

my name is fronto .

oph. fronto ? a good one ; and has fronto liu'd thus long in rome ? lost his state at dice ? murther'd his brother for his meanes ? spent all ? run thorow worse offices since ? beene a promoter ? a purueyor ? a pander ? a sumner ? a sergeant ? an intelligencer ? and at last hang thy selfe ? fro.

how the deuill knowes he all this ?

oph. why thou art a most greene plouer in policy , i perceiue ; and maist drinke golte-foote , for all thy horsemane beard : s'light , what need hast thou to hang thy selfe ? as if there were a dearth of hangmen in the land ? thou liu'st in a good cheape state , a man may be hang'd here for a little , or nothing . what 's the reason of thy desperation ? fro. my idle dissolute life , is thrust out of all his corners by this searching tumult now on foot in rome . caesar now and pompey are both for battaile : pompey ( in his feare of caesars greater force ) is sending hence his wife and children , and he bent to fly . enter pompey running ouer the stage with his wife and children , gabinius , demetrius , vibius , pages ; other senators , the consuls and all following . see , all are on their wings ; and all the city in such an vproare , as if fire and sword were ransacking , and ruining their houses , no idle person now can lurke neare rome , all must to armes ; or shake their heeles beneath her martiall halters ; whose officious pride i le shun , and vse mine owne swinge : i be forc't to helpe my countrey , when it forceth me to this past-helping pickle ? oph. goe to , thou shalt serue me , chuse thy profession ; and what cloth thou wouldst wish to haue thy coat cut out on . fro.

i can name none .

oph.

shall i be thy learn'd counsaile ?

fro.

none better .

oph.

be an archflamen then , to one of the gods .

fro.

archflamen ? what 's that ?

oph.

a priest .

fro.

a priest ? that nere was clerke ?

oph. no clerke ? what then ? the greatest clerks are not the wisest men . nor skils it for degrees in a knaue , or a fooles preferment , thou shalt rise by fortune : let desert rise leisurely enough , and by degrees ; fortune preferres headlong , and comes like riches to a man ; huge riches being got with little paines ; and little with huge paines . and for discharge of the priesthood , what thou wantst in learning , thou shalt take out in goodfellowship : thou shalt equiuocate with the sophister , prate with the lawyer , scrape with the vsurer , drinke with the dutchman , sweare with the french man , cheat with the english man , brag with the scot , and turne all this to religion , hoc est regnum deorum gentibus . fro.

all this i can doe to a haire .

oph. very good , wilt thou shew thy selfe deepely learn'd too , and to liue licentiously here , care for nothing hereafter ? fro.

not for hell ?

oph. for hell ? soft sir ; hop'st thou to purchase hell with only dicing or whoring away thy liuing ? murthering thy brother , and so forth ? no there remaine works of a higher hand and deeper braine , to obtaine hell . thinkst thou earths great potentates haue gotten their places there with any single act of murther , poysoning , adutery , and the rest ? no ; t is a purchase for all manner of villany ; especially , that may be priuiledg'd by authority ; colourd with holinesse , and enioyd with pleasure . fro.

o this were most honourable and admirable .

oph. why such an admirable honorable villane shalt thou be . fro.

is 't possible ?

oph.

make no doubt on 't ; i le inspire thee .

fro.

sacred and puissant . he kneeles .

oph. away ; companion and friend , giue me thy hand ; say , dost not loue me ? art not enamourd of my acquaintance ? fro.

protest i am .

oph. well said , protest and t is enough . and know for infallible ; i haue promotion for thee ; both here , and hereafter ; which not one great one amongst millions shall euer aspire to . alexander , nor great cyrus , retaine those titles in hell , that they did on earth : fro.

no ?

oph. no : he that sold seacoale here , shall be a baron there ; he that was a cheating rogue here , shall be a iustice of peace there ; a knaue here , a knight there . in the meane space , learne what it is to liue ; and thou shalt haue chopines at commandment to any height of life thou canst wish . fro.

i feare my fall is too low .

oph. too low foole ? hast thou not heard of vulcans falling out of heauen ? light a thy legges , and no matter though thou halt'st with thy best friend euer after ; t is the more comely and fashionable . better goe lame in the fashion with pompey , then neuer so vpright , quite out of the fashon with cato . fro. yet you cannot change the old fashion ( they say ) and hide your clouen feet . oph. no ? i can weare roses that shall spread quite ouer them . fro.

for loue of the fashion doe then .

oph.

goe to ; i will hereafter .

fro.

but for the priesthood you offer me , i affect it not .

oph.

no ? what saist thou to a rich office then ?

fro. the only second meanes to raise a rascall in the earth . oph. goe to ; i le helpe thee to the best i th earth then : and that 's in sicilia ; the very storehouse of the romanes , where the lord chiefe censor there lyes now a dying ; whose soule i will haue ; and thou shalt haue his office . fro. excellent ; was euer great office better supplied ? exeunt . nuntius . now is the mighty empresse of the earth ( great rome ) fast lockt vp in her fancied strength , all broke in vproares ; fearing the iust gods in plagues will drowne her so abused blessings . in which feare , all without her wals , fly in ; by both their iarring champions rushing out ; and those that were within , as fast fly forth ; the consuls both are fled without one rite of sacrifice submitted to the gods , as euer heretofore their custome was when they began the bloody frights of warre . in which our two great souldiers now encountring , since both left rome , oppos'd in bitter skirmish , pompey ( not willing yet to hazard battaile , by catos counsaile , vrging good cause ) fled : which firing caesars spirit ; he pursu'd so home , and fiercely , that great pompey skorning the heart he tooke , by his aduised flight , despisde aduice as much as his pursuite . and as in lybia , an aged lion , vrg'd from his peacefull couert , feares the light with his vnready and diseas'd appearance , giues way to chace a while , and coldly hunts , till with the youthfull hunters wanton heat , he all his coole wrath frets into a flame : and then his sides he swinges with his sterne , to lash his strenth vp , let 's downe all his browes about his burning eyes ; erects his mane , breakes all his throat in thunders , and to wreake his hunters insolence , his heart euen barking ; he frees his fury , turnes , and rushes back with such a gastly horror , that in heapes , his proud foes fly , and he that station keepes : so pompeys coole spirits , put to all their heat by caesars hard pursuit he turnd fresh head , and flew vpon his foe with such a rapture as tooke vp into furies , all friends feares ; who fir'd with his first turning , all turnd head , and gaue so fierce a charge , their followers fled , whose instant issue on their both sides , see , and after set out such a tragedy , as all the princes of the earth may come to take their patternes by the spirits of rome . alarme , after which enter caesar following crassinius calling to the souldiers . crass.

stay cowherd , fly ye caesars fortunes ?

caes. forbeare foolish crassinius , we contend in vaine to stay these vapours , and must raise our campe . crass. how shall we rise ( my lord ) but all in vproares , being still pursude ? enter acilius . the pursuit stayes , my lord , pompey hath sounded a retreat , resigning his time to you to vse , in instant raysing your ill-lodg'd army , pitching now where fortune may good amends make for her fault to day . caes. it was not fortunes fault , but mine acilius , to giue my foe charge , being so neare the sea , where well i knew the eminence of his strength , and should haue driuen th' encounter further off ; bearing before me such a goodly country , so plentifull , and rich , in all things fit to haue suppli'd my armies want with victuals , and th' able cities too , to strengthen it , of macedon and thessaly , where now i rather was besieg'd for want of food , then did assault with fighting force of armes . enter anthony , vibius , with others . ant.

see , sir , here 's one friend of your foes recouer'd .

caes.

vibius ? in happy houre .

vib.

for me vnhappy .

caes.

what ? brought against your will ?

vib.

else had not come .

ant. sir , hee 's your prisoner , but had made you his , had all the rest pursu'd the chace like him ; he draue on like a fury ; past all friends , but we that tooke him quick in his engagement . caes. o vibius , you deserue to pay a ransome of infinite rate , for had your generall ioyn'd in your addression , or knowne how to conquer ; this day had prou'd him the supreame of caesar . vib. knowne how to conquer ? his fiue hundred conquests atchieu'd ere this day , make that doubt vnfit for him that flyes him ; for , of issues doubtfull who can at all times put on for the best ? if i were mad , must hee his army venture in my engagement ? nor are generalls euer their powers disposers , by their proper angels , but trust against them , oftentimes , their counsailes , wherein , i doubt not , caesars selfe hath err'd sometimes , as well as pompey . caes. or done worse , in disobeying my counsaile ( vibius ) of which , this dayes abused light is witnesse ; by which i might haue seene a course secure of this discomfiture . ant. amends sits euer aboue repentance , what 's done , wish not vndone ; but that prepared patience that you know best fits a souldier charg'd with hardest fortunes ; asks still your vse , since powers still temperate kept ope still the clearer eyes by one faults sight to place the next act , in the surer right . caes. you prompt me nobly sir , repayring in me mine owne stayes practice , out of whose repose the strong convulsions of my spirits forc't me thus farre beyond my temper ; but good vibius , be ransom'd with my loue , and haste to pompey , entreating him from me , that we may meet , and for that reason which i know this day ( was giuen by cato , for his pursutes stay which was preuention of our romane blood ) propose my offer of our hearty peace . that being reconcil'd , and mutuall faith giuen on our either part , not three dayes light may further shew vs foes , but ( both our armies disperst in garisons ) we may returne within that time to italy , such friends as in our countryes loue , containe our splenes vib. t is offerd , sir , 'boue the rate of caesar in other men , but in what i approue beneath his merits : which i will not faile t' enforce at full to pompey , nor forget in any time the gratitude of my seruice . vi. salutes ant. and the other , & exit . caes.

your loue , sir , and your friendship .

ant. this prepares a good induction to the change of fortune , in this dayes issue , if the pride it kindles in pompeys vaines , makes him deny a peace so gently offerd : for her alterd hand works neuer surer from her ill to good on his side she hath hurt , and on the other with other changes , then when meanes are vsde to keepe her constant , yet retire refusde . caes. i try no such conclusion , but desire directly peace . in meane space i le prepare for other issue in my vtmost meanes ; whose hopes now resting at brundusium , in that part of my army , with sabinus , i wonder he so long delaies to bring me , and must in person haste him , if this euen i heare not from him . crass. that ( i hope ) flyes farre your full intent , my lord , since pompeys navie , you know , lies houering all alongst those seas , in too much danger , for what ayde soeuer you can procure to passe your person safe . acil. which doubt may proue the cause that stayes sabinus ; and , if with shipping fit to passe your army , he yet straines time to venture , i presume you will not passe your person with such conuoy of those poore vessels , as may serue you here . caes. how shall i helpe it ? shall i suffer this torment of his delay ? and rack suspitions worse then assur'd destructions through my thoughts . anth. past doubt he will be here ; i left all orderd , and full agreement made with him to make all vtmost haste , no least let once suspected . caes. suspected ? what suspection should feare a friend in such assur'd streights from his friends enlargement . if t were his souldiers safeties he so tenders , were it not better they should sinke by sea , then wrack their number , king and cause ashore ? their stay is worth their ruine , should we liue , if they in fault were ? if their leader ! he sould dye the deaths of all ; in meane space , i that should not , beare all , fly the sight in shame , thou eye of nature , and abortiue night fall dead amongst vs : with defects , defects must serue proportion ; iustice neuer can be else restor'd , nor right the wrongs of man . exeunt . pompey , cato , gabinius , demetrius , athenodorus , porcius , statilius . pomp. this charge of our fierce foe , the firiendly gods haue in our stregthen'd spirits beaten back with happy issue , and his forces lessen'd , of two and thirty ensignes forc't from him , two thousand souldiers slaine . cat. o boast not that , their losse is yours , my lord . pomp. i boast it not , but only name the number . gab. which right well you might haue raisde so high , that on their tops your throne was offer'd , euer t' ouerlooke subuerted caesar , had you beene so blest to giue such honor to your captaines counsailes as their alacrities did long to merit with proofefull action . dem.

o t was ill neglected .

stat. it was deferr'd with reason , which not yet th' euent so cleare is to confute . pom. if t were , our likeliest then was , not to hazard battaile , th' aduenture being so casuall ; if compar'd with our more certaine meanes to his subuersion ? for finding now our army amply storde with all things fit to tarry surer time , reason thought better to extend to length the warre betwixt vs ; that his little strength may by degrees proue none ; which vrged now , ( consisting of his best and ablest souldiers ) we should haue found at one direct set battaile of matchlesse valours ; their defects of victuall not tyring yet enough on their tough nerues , where , on the other part , to put them still in motion , and remotion , here and there ; enforcing them to fortifying still where euer they set downe ; to siege a wall , keepe watch all night in armour : their most part can neuer beare it , by their yeares oppression ; spent heretofore too much in those steele toyles . cat. i so aduisde , and yet repent it not , but much reioyce in so much saued blood as had beene pour'd out in the stroke of battaile , whose fury thus preuented , comprehends your countreys good , and empires ; in whose care let me beseech you that in all this warre , you sack no city , subiect to our rule , nor put to sword one citizen of rome ; but when the needfull fury of the sword can make no fit distinction in maine battaile , that you will please still to prolong the stroke of absolute decision to these iarres , considering you shall strike it with a man of much skill and experience , and one that will his conquest sell at infinite rate , if that must end your difference ; but i doubt there will come humble offer on his part , of honor'd peace to you , for whose sweet name so cryed out to you in our late-met senate , lost no fit offer of that wished treaty . take pity on your countreys blood as much as possible may stand without the danger of hindering her iustice on her foes , which all the gods to your full wish dispose . pom. why will you leaue vs ? whither will you goe to keepe your worthyest person in more safety then in my army , so deuoted to you ? cat. my person is the least , my lord , i value ; i am commanded by our powerfull senate , to view the cities , and the kingdomes scituate about your either army , that which side soeuer conquer , no disordered straglers puft with the conquest , or by need impeld , may take their swinge more then the care of one may curb and order in these neighbor confines my chiefe passe yet resolues for vtica . pom. your passe ( my truest friend , and worthy father ) may all good powers make safe , and alwayes answer your infinite merits , with their like protection . in which , i make no doubt but we shall meet with mutuall greetings , or for absolute conquest or peace preuenting that our bloody stroke , nor let our parting be dishonor'd so , as not to take into our noblest notice your selfe ( most learned and admired father ) whose merits , if i liue , shall lack no honor . porcius , statilius , though your spirits with mine would highly chere me , yet ye shall bestow them in much more worthy conduct ; but loue me , and wish me conquest , for your countreys sake . sta. our liues shall seale our loues , sir , with worst deaths aduentur'd in your seruice . pom. y' are my friends . exeunt . cat. athen. por. sat. these friends thus gone , t is more then time we minded our lost friend vibius . gab. you can want no friends , see , our two consuls , sir , betwixt them bringing the worthy brutus . enter two consuls leading brutus betwixt them . 1 cons. we attend ( my lord ) with no meane friend , to spirit your next encounter , six thousand of our choice patrician youths brought in his conduct . 2 cons , and though neuer yet he hath saluted you with any word or looke of slendrest loue in his whole life , since that long time since , of his fathers death by your hand authord ; yet see , at your need he comes to serue you freely for his country . pom. his friendly presence , making vp a third with both your persons , i as gladly welcome , as if iones triple flame had guilt this field , and lightn'd on my right hand , from his shield . bru. i well assure my selfe , sir , that no thought in your ingenious construction , touches at the aspersion that my tendred seruice proceeds from my despaire of elsewhere safety but that my countreys safety owning iustly my whole liabilities of life and fortunes , and you the ablest fautor of her safty , her loue , and ( for your loue of her ) your owne only makes sacred to your vse my offering . pom. farre fly all other thought from my construction , and due acceptance of the liberall honor , your loue hath done me , which the gods are witnesse , i take as stirr'd vp in you by their fauours , nor lesse esteeme it then an offering holy ; since , as of all things , man is said the measure , so your full merits measure forth a man . 1 cons.

see yet , my lord , more friends .

2 cons.

fiue kings , your seruants .

enter fiue kings . hib. conquest and all grace crowne the gracious pompey , to serue whom in the sacred romane safety , my selfe , iberias king , present my forces . thess. and i that hold the tributary throne of grecian thessaly , submit my homage , to rome , and pompey . cil.

so cilicia too .

epir.

and so epirus .

thra. lastly i from thrace present the duties of my power and seruice . pom. your royall aides deserue of rome and pompey our vtmost honors . o may now our fortune not ballance her broad breast twixt two light wings , nor on a slippery globe sustaine her steps , but as the spartans say , the paphian queene ( the flood eurotas passing ) laid a side her glasse , her ceston , and her amorous graces , and in lycurgus fauor ; arm'd her beauties with shield and iaueline , so may fortune now , the flood of all our enemies forces passing with her faire ensignes , and arriu'd as ours , displume her shoulders , cast off her wing'd shooes , her faithlesse , and still-rowling stone spurne from her , and enter our powers as she may remaine our firme assistent : that the generall aydes , fauours , and honors you performe to rome , may make her build with you her endlesse home . omn. the gods vouchsafe it ; and our causes right dem. what suddaine shade is this ? obserue my lords , the night , me thinks , comes on before her houre . thunder and lightning . gab.

nor trust me if my thoughts conceiue not so .

bru. what thin clouds fly the winds , like swiftest shafts along aires middle region . 1 cons. they presage vnusuall tempests . 2 cons. and t is their repaire , that timelesse darken thus the gloomy ayre . pom. let 's force no omen from it , but avoid the vapors furies now by ioue employd . thunder continued , and caesar enters disguisde . the wrathfull tempest of the angry night , where hell flyes mufl'd vp in clouds of pitch , mingl'd with sulphure , and those dreadfull bolts , the cyclops ram in ioues artillery , hath rousde the furies , arm'd in all their horrors , vp to the enuious seas , in spight of caesar . o night , o ielous night , of all the noblest beauties , and glories , where the gods haue stroke their foure digestions , from thy gastly chaos , blush thus to drowne them all in this houre sign'd by the necessity of fate for caesar . i that haue ransackt all the world for worth , to forme in man the image of the gods , must like them haue the power to check the worst of all things vnder their celestiall empire , stoope it , and burst it , or breake through it all , with vse and safety , till the crowne be set on all my actions ; that the hand of nature in all her worst works ayming at an end , may in a master-peece of hers be seru'd with tops , and state fit for his virtuous crowne : not lift arts thus farre vp in glorious frame , to let them vanish thus in smoke and shame . this riuer anius ( in whose mouth now lyes a pynnace i would passe in , to fetch on my armies dull rest from brundusium ) that is at all times else exceeding calme , ( by reason of a purling winde that flyes off from the shore each morning , driuing vp the billows farre to sea ) in this night yet , beares such a terrible gale ; put off from sea , as beats the land wind back , and thrusts the flood vp in such vproare , that no boat dare stirre and on it is disperst all pompeys nauy to make my perill yet more enuious . shall i yet shrinke for all ? were all , yet more ? there is a certaine need that i must giue way to my passe ; none , knowne , that i must liue . enter master of a ship with sailors mast. what battaile is there sought now in the ayre . that threats the wrack of nature ? caes. master ? come . shall we thrust through it all ? mast. what lost man , art thou in hopes and fortunes , that dar'st make so desperate a motion . caes. launch man , and all thy feares fraight disauow , thou carriest caesar and his fortunes now .
act iii. scene i. pompey , two consuls , fiue kings , brutus , gabinitis , demetrius . now to pharsalia , where the smarting strokes of our resolu'd contention must resound , ( my lords and friends of rome ) i giue you all such welcome as the spirit of all my fortunes , conquests , and triumphs ( now come for their crowne ) can crowne your fauours with , and serue the hopes of my deare country , to her vtmost wish ; i can but set vp all my being to giue so good an end to my forerunning acts ; the powers in me that formd them hauing lost no least time since , in gathering skill to better ; but like so many bees haue brought me home , the sweet of whatsoeuer flowers haue growne in all the meades , and gardens of the world . all which hath growne still , as the time encrease in which t was gather'd , and with which it stemm'd . that what decay soeuer blood inferr'd , might with my mindes store , be suppli'd , and cher'd , all which , in one fire of this instant fight i le burne , and sacrifice to euery cinder in sacred offering to my countreys loue , and therefore what euent soeuer sort , as i no praise will looke for , but the good freely bestow on all ; ( if good succeed ) so if aduerse fate fall , i wish no blame , but th' ill befalne me , made my fortunes shame , not mine , nor my fault . 1 cons. we too well loue pompey , to doe him that iniustice . bru. who more thirsts the conquest , then resolues to beare the foile ? pom. said brutus-like , giue seuerall witnesse all , that you acquit me whatsoeuer fall . 2 cons. particular men particular fates must beare , who feeles his owne wounds lesse , to wound another ? thess. leaue him the worst whose best is left vndone , he only conquers whose minde still is one . epir.

free mindes , like dice , fall sqare , what ere the cast .

ibir.

who on him selfe sole stands , stands solely fast .

thra.

he 's neuer downe , whose minde fights still aloft .

cil.

who cares for vp or downe , when all 's but thought .

gab.

to things euents doth no mans power extend .

dem.

since gods rule all , who any thing would mend .

pom. ye sweetly ease my charge , your selues vnburthening . return'd not yet our trumpet , sent to know of vibius certaine state ? gab.

not yet , my lord .

pomp. too long protract we all meanes to recouer his person quick or dead , for i still thinke his losse seru'd fate , before we blew retreat ; though some affirme him seene , soone after fighting . dem.

not after , sir , ( i heard ) but ere it ended .

gab he bore a great minde to extend our pursuit much further then it was ; and seru'd that day ( when you had , like the true head of a battaile , led all the body in that glorious turne ) vpon a farre-off squadron that stood fast in conduct of the great marc anthony , when all the rest were fled , so past a man that in their tough receipt of him , i saw him thrice breake thorow all with ease , and passe as faire as he had all beene fire , and they but ayre . pom.

he stuck at last yet , in their midst , it seem'd .

gab. so haue i seene a fire drake glide at midnight before a dying man to point his graue , and in it stick and hide . dem.

he comes yet safe .

a trumpet sounds , and enters before vibius , with others . pom. o vibius , welcome , what a prisoner ? with mighty caesar , and so quickly ransom'd ? vib. i sir , my ransome , needed little time , either to gaine agreement for the value , or the disbursment , since in caesars grace we both concluded . pom.

was his grace so free·

vib.

for your respect , sir .

pom. nay , sir , for his glory . that the maine conquest he so surely builds on , ( which euer is forerun with petty fortunes ) take not effect , by taking any friend from all the most , my poore defence can make , but must be compleat , by his perfect owne . vib. i know , sir , you more nobly rate the freedome he freely gaue your friend ; then to peruert it so past his wisdome : that knowes much too well th' vncertaine state of conquest ; to raise frames of such presumption on her fickle wings , and chiefely in a losse so late , and grieuous . besides , your forces farre exceeding his , his whole powers being but two and twenty thousand : and yours full foure and forty thousand strong : for all which yet , he stood as farre from feare in my enlargement , as the confident glory you please to put on him ; and had this end in my so kinde dismission , that as kindely i might solicite a sure peace betwixt you . pom.

a peace ? is 't possible ?

vib.

come , doe not shew this wanton incredulity too much .

pom. beleeue me i was farre from such a thought in his high stomack : cato prophecied then . what thinke my lords our consuls , and friend brutus ? omn.

an offer happy .

bru.

were it plaine and hearty .

pom.

i , there 's the true inspecton to his prospect .

bru this streight of his perhaps may need a sleight o some hid stratagem , to bring him off . pom. deuices of a new fordge to entrap me ? i rest in caesars shades ? walke his strow'd paths ? sleepe in his quiet waues ? i le sooner trust hibernian boggs , and quicksands ; and hell mouth take for my sanctuary : in bad parts that no extreames will better , natures finger hath markt him to me , to take heed of him . what thinks my brutus ? bru.

t is your best and safest .

pom. this offer'd peace of his is sure a snare to make our warre the bloodier , whose fit feare makes me i dare not now ( in thoughts maturer then late enclin'de me ) put in vse the counsaile your noble father cato ( parting ) gaue me , whose much too tender shunning innocent blood , this battaile hazards now , that must cost more . 1 cons.

it does , and therefore now no more deferre it .

pom.

say all men so ?

omn.

we doe .

pom. i grieue ye doe , because i rather wish to erre with cato then with the truth goe of the world besides ; but since it shall abide this other stroke . ye gods that our great romane genius haue made , not giue vs one dayes conquest only , nor grow in conquests for some little time , as did the genius of the macedons ; nor be by land great only , like laconians ; nor yet by sea alone , as was th' athenians ; nor slowly stirr'd vp , like the persian angell ; nor rockt asleepe soone , like the ionian spirit . but made our romane genius , fiery , watchfull , and euen from romes prime , ioynd his youth with hers , grow as she grew , and firme as earth abide , by her encreasing pomp , at sea , and shore , in peace , in battaile ; against greece as well as our barbarian foes ; command yet further ye firme and iust gods , our assistfull angell for rome , and pompey , who now fights for rome ; that all these royall lawes , to vs , and iustice of common safety , may the selfe-loue drowne of tyrannous caesar ; and my care for all your altars crown'd with endlesse festiuall . exeunt . caesar , anthony , a soothsayer , crassinius , acilius , with others . caes. say ( sacred southsayer ) and informe the truth , what liking hast thou of our sacrifice ? sooth. imperiall caesar , at your sacred charge , i drew a milke white oxe into the temple , and turning there his face into the east , ( fearefully shaking at the shining light ) downe fell his horned forehead to his hoofe , when i began to greet him with the stroke , that should prepare him for the holy rites , with hydeous roares he laid out such a throat as made the secret lurkings of the god to answer ecco-like , in threatning sounds : i stroke againe at him , and then he slept , his life-blood boyling out at euery wound in streames as cleare as any liquid ruby , and there began to alter my presage , the other ill signes shewing th' other fortune , of your last skirmish , which farre opposite now proues , ill beginnings good euents foreshew . for now the beast cut vp , and laid on th' altar , his lims were all lickt vp with instant flames , not like the elementall fire that burnes in houshold vses , lamely struggling vp , this way and that way winding as it rises , but ( right and vpright ) reacht his proper sphere where burnes the fire eternall and sincere . caes.

and what may that presage ?

sooth. that euen the spirit of heauens pure flame flew downe and rauisht vp your offerings blaze in that religious instant , which shewes th' alacritie and cheerefull virtue of heauens free bounty , doing good in time , and with what swiftnesse true deuotions clime . omn.

the gods be honor'd .

sooth. o behold with wonder , the sacred blaze is like a torch enlightned , directly burning iust aboue your campe ! omn.

miraculous .

sooth. beleeue it , with all thanks : the romane genius is alterd now , and armes for caesar . caes. soothsayer be for euer reuerenc't of caesar . o marc anthony , i thought to raise my camp , and all my tents , tooke downe for swift remotion to scotussa . shall now our purpose hold ? anth. against the gods ? they grace in th' instant , and in th' instant we must adde our parts , and be in th' vse as free . crass.

see sir , the scouts returne . enter two scouts .

caes.

what newes , my friends ?

1 scou. arme , arme , my lord ; the voward of the foe is rang'd already : 2 scou. answer them , and arme : you cannot set your rest of battell vp in happyer houre ; for i this night beheld a strange confusion in your enemies campe , the souldiers taking armes in all dismay , and hurling them againe as fast to earth . euery way routing ; as th' alarme were then giuen to their army . a most causelesse feare disperst quite through them . caes. then t was ioue himselfe that with his secret finger stirr'd in them . crass. other presages of successe ( my lord ) haue strangely hapn'd in th' adiacent cities , to this your army : for in tralleis , within a temple , built to victory , there stands a statue of your forme and name , neare whose firme base , euen from the marble pauement , there sprang a palme tree vp , in this last night , that seemes to crowne your statue with his boughs , spred in wrapt shadowes round about your browes . caes. the signe , crassinius , is most strange and gracefull , nor could get issue , but by power diuine ; yet will not that , nor all abodes besides ( of neuer such kinde promise of successe ) performe it without tough acts of our owne . no care , no nerue the lesse to be emploid ; no offering to the gods , no vowes , no prayers : secure and idle spirits neuer thriue when most the gods for their aduancements striue . and therefore tell me what abodes thou buildst on in an spirit to act , enflam'd in thee , or in our souldiers seene resolu'd addresses ? crass. great and firy virtue . and this day be sure ( great caesar ) of effects as great in absolute conquest ; to which are prepar'd enforcements resolute , from this arm'd hand , which thou shalt praise me for aliue or dead . caes. aliue ( ye gods vouchsafe ) and my true vowes for life in him ( great heauen ) for all my foes ( being naturall romans ) so farre ioyntly heare as may not hurt our conquest ; as with feare which thou already strangely hast diffusde through all their army ; which extend to flight without one bloody stroke of force and fight . anth.

t is time , my lord , you put in forme your battell .

caes. since we must fight then , and no offerd peace will take with pompey : i reioyce to see this long-time lookt for , and most happy day , in which we now shall fight , with men , not hunger , with toyles , not sweats of blood through yeares extended , this one day seruing to decide all iarres twixt me and pompey . hang out of my tent my crimsine coat of armes , to giue my souldiers that euer-sure signe of resolu'd-for fight . crass.

these hands shall giue that signe to all their longings .

exit crass . caes. my lord , my army , i thinke best to order in three full squadrons : of which let me pray your selfe would take on you the left wings charge ; my selfe will lead the right wing , and my place of fight elect in my tenth legion : my battell by domitius calvinus shall take direction . the cote of armes is hung out , and the souldiers shoute within . an. heark , your souldiers shoute for ioy to see your bloody cote of armes assure their fight this morning . caes. a blest euen bring on them worthy comforts . and ye gods performe your good presages in euents of fit crowne for our discipline , and deeds wrought vp by conquest ; that my vse of it may wipe the hatefull and vnworthy slaine of tyrant from my temples , and exchange it for fautor of my country , ye haue giuen that title to those poore and fearefull sowles that euery sound puts vp , in frights and cryes ; euen then , when all romes powers were weake and heartles , when traiterous fires , and fierce barbarian swords , rapines , and soule-expiring slaughters fild her houses , temples , all her ayre , and earth . to me then ( whom your bounties haue enform'd with such a spirit as despiseth feare ; commands in either fortune , knowes , and armes against the worst of fate ; and therefore can dispose blest meanes , encourag'd to the best ) much more vouchsafe that honor ; chiefely now , when rome wants only this dayes conquest giuen me to make her happy , to confirme the brightnesse that yet she shines in ouer all the world ; in empire , riches , strife of all the arts , in gifts of cities , and of kingdomes sent her ; in crownes laid at her feet , in euery grace that shores , and seas , floods , islands , continents , groues , fields , hills , mines , and metals can produce ; all which i ( victor ) will encrease , i vow by all my good , acknowledg'd giuen by you .
act iiii scene i. pompey in haste , brutus , gabinius , vibius following . the poyson steep't in euery vaine of empire , in all the world , meet now in onely me , thunder and lighten me to death ; and make my senses feed the flame , my soule the crack . was euer soueraigne captaine of so many armies and nations , so opprest as i , with one hosts headstrong outrage ? vrging fight , yet fly about my campe in panick terrors ; no reason vnder heauen suggesting cause . and what is this but euen the gods deterring my iudgement from enforcing fight this morne ? the new-fled night made day with meteors , fir'd ouer caesars campe , and falne in mine , as pointing out the terrible euents yet in suspence ; but where they threat their fall speake not these prodigies with fiery tongues , and eloquence that should not moue but rauish all sound mindes , from thus tempting the iust gods , and spitting out their faire premonishing flames with brackish rheumes of ruder and brainsick number , what 's infinitely more , thus wild , thus mad for one poore fortune of a beaten few ; to halfe so many staid , and dreadfull souldiers ? long train'd , long foughten ? able , nimble , perfect to turne and winde aduantage euery way ? encrease with little , and enforce with none ? made bold as lyons , gaunt as famisht wolues , with still-seru'd slaughters , and continuall toyles . bru. you should not , sir , forsake your owne wise counsell , your owne experienc't discipline , owne practise , owne god inspired insight to all changes , of protean fortune , and her zany , warre , for hosts , and hels of such ; what man will thinke the best of them , not mad ; to see them range so vp and downe your campe , already suing for offices falne , by caesars built on fall , before one stroke be struck ? domitius , spinther , your father scipio new preparing friends for caesars place of vniuersall bishop ? are you th' obserued rule , and voucht example ; who euer would commend physitians , that would not follow the diseas'd desires of their sick patients ? yet incurre your selfe the faults that you so much abhorre in others . pom. i cannot , sir , abide mens open mouthes , nor be ill spoken of ; nor haue my counsels and circumspections , turnd on me for feares , with mocks and scandals that would make a man of lead , a lightning ; in the desperat'st onset that euer trampled vnder death , his life . i beare the touch of feare for all their safeties . or for mine owne ? enlarge with twice as many selfe-liues , selfe-fortunes ? they shall sinke beneath their owne credulities , before i crosse them . come , haste , dispose our battaile . vib. good my lord , against your genius warre not for the world . pom. by all worlds he that moues me next to beare their scofs and imputations of my feare for any cause , shall beare this sword to hell . away , to battaile ; good my lord lead you the whole six thousand of our yong patricians , plac't in the left wing to enuiron caesar . my father scipio shall lead the battaile ; domitius the left wing ; i the right against marc anthony . take now your fils ye beastly doters on your barbarous wills . exeunt . alarme , excursions , of al : the fiue kings driuen ouer the stage , crassinius chiefely pursuing : at the dore enter againe the fiue kings . the battell continued within . epir.

fly , fly , the day was lost before t was fought .

thess.

the romans feard their shadowes .

cil. were there euer such monstrous confidences , as last night their cups and musique shew'd ? before the morning made such amazes ere one stroke was struck ? iber. it made great pompey mad , which who could mend ? the gods had hand in it . tra. it made the consuls run on their swords to see 't . the braue patricians fled with their spoyled faces , arrowes sticking as shot from heauen at them . thess. t was the charge that caesar gaue against them . epir. come , away , leaue all , and wonder at this fatall day . exeunt . the fight neerer ; and enter , crassineus , a sword , as thrust through his face ; he fals . to him pompey and caesar fighting : pompey giues way , caesar follows , and enters at another dore . caes. pursue , pursue ; the gods foreshew'd their powers , which we gaue issue , and the day is ours . crassineus ? o looke vp : he does , and shewes death in his broken eyes ; which caesars hands shall doe the honor of eternall closure . too well thou keptst thy word , that thou this day wouldst doe me seruice to our victory . which in thy life or death i should behold , and praise thee for ; i doe , and must admire thy matchles valour ; euer euer rest thy manly lineaments , which in a tombe erected to thy noble name and virtues , i le curiosly preserue with balmes , and spices , in eminent place of these pharsalian fields , inscrib'd with this true soule of funerall , epitaphi crassineus fought for fame , and died for rome , whose publique weale springs from this priuate tombe . enter some taking him off , whom caesar helps . enter pompey , demetrius , with black robes in their hands , broad hats , &c. pom. thus haue the gods their iustice , men their wils , and i , by mens wils rulde ; my selfe renouncing , am by my angell and the gods abhorr'd ; who drew me , like a vapour , vp to heauen to dash me like a tempest 'gainst the earth : o the deserued terrors that attend on humane confidence ! had euer men such outrage of presumption to be victors before they arm'd ? to send to rome before for houses neare the market place , their tents strowd all with flowers , and nosegayes ; tables couer'd with cups and banquets ; bayes and mirtle garlands , as ready to doe sacrifice for conquest rather then arme them for fit fight t' enforce it ; which when i saw , i knew as well th' euent as now i feele it , and because i rag'd in that presage , my genius shewing me clearely ( as in a mirror ) all this cursed issue ; and therefore vrg'd all meanes to put it off for this day , or from these fields to some other , or from this ominous confidence , till i saw their spirits settl'd in some grauer knowledge of what belong'd to such a deare decision ; they spotted me with feare , with loue of glory , to keepe in my command so many kings , so great an army ; all the hellish blastings that could be breath'd on me , to strike me blinde of honor , spirit and soule : and should i then saue them that would in spight of heauen be ruinde ? and , in their safeties ruine me and mine in euerlasting rage of their detraction . dem. your safety and owne honor did deserue respect past all their values ; o my lord would you ? pom.

vpbraid me not ; goe to , goe on .

dem. no ; i le not rub the wound . the misery is , the gods for any error in a man ( which they might rectify , and should ; because that man maintain'd the right ) should suffer wrong to be thus insolent , thus grac't , thus blest ? pom. o the strange carriage of their acts , by which men order theirs ; and their deuotions in them ; much rather striuing to entangle men in pathlesse error , then with regular right confirme their reasons , and their pieties light . for now sir , whatsoeuer was foreshowne by heauen , or prodigy ; ten parts more for vs , forewarning vs , deterring vs , and all our blinde and brainlesse frenzies , then for caesar ; all yet will be ascribde to his regard giuen by the gods for his good parts , preferring their glosse ( being starck impostures ) to the iustice , loue , honor , piety , of our lawes and countrey . though i thinke these are arguments enow for my acquitall , that for all these fought . dem.

y' are cleare , my lord .

pom. gods helpe me , as i am ; what euer my vntoucht command of millions through all my eight and fifty yeares , hath woonne , this one day ( in the worlds esteeme ) hath lost . so vile is praise and dispraise by euent . for i am still my selfe in euery worth the world could grace me with , had this dayes euen in one blaze ioyn'd , with all my other conquests . and shall my comforts in my well-knowne selfe faile me for their false fires , demetrius ? dem.

o no , my lord .

pom. take griefe for them , as if the rotten-hearted world could steepe my soule in filthy putrifaction of their owne ? since their applauses faile me ? that are hisses to euery sound acceptance ? i confesse , that till th' affaire was past , my passions flam'd , but now t is helplesse , and no cause in me , rest in these embers my vnmoued soule , with any outward change , this dystick minding ; no man should more allow his owne losse , woes , ( being past his fault ) then any stranger does . and for the worlds false loues , and ayry honors , what soule that euer lou'd them most in life , ( once seuer'd from this breathing sepulchre ) againe came and appearde in any kind their kinde admirer still , or did the state of any best man here , associate ? and euery true soule should be here so seuer'd from loue of such men , as here drowne their soules as all the world does ? cato sole accepted , to whom i le fly now , and my wife in way ( poore lady , and poore children , worse then fatherlesse ) visit , and comfort . come demetrius , they disguise themselues . we now must sute our habites to our fortunes and since these changes euer chance to greatest . nor desire to be ( doe fortune , to exceed it , what she can ) a pompey , or a caesar , but a man . exeunt . enter caesar , anthony , acilius , with souldiers . caes. o we haue slaine , not conquerd , roman blood peruerts th' euent , and desperate blood let out with their owne swords . did euer men before enuy their owne liues , since another liu'd whom they would willfully conceiue their foe , and forge a tyrant merely in their feares to iustifie their slaughters ? consuls ? furies . ant. be , sir , their faults their griefes ! the greater number were only slaues , that left their bloods to ruth , and altogether , but six thousand slaine . caes. how euer many ; gods and men can witnesse themselues enforc't it , much against the most i could enforce on pompey for our peace . of all slaine , yet , if brutus only liu'd , i should be comforted , for his life sau'd would weigh the whole six thousand that are lost . but much i feare his death , because the battell full stricken now , he yet abides vnfound . acil. i saw him fighting neare the battels end , but suddainly giue off , as bent to fly . enter brutus . anth.

he comes here , see sir .

bru. i submit to caesar my life and fortunes . caes. a more welcome fortune is brutus , then my conquest . bru. sir , i fought against your conquest , and your selfe ; and merit ( i must acknowledge ) a much sterner welcome . caes. you fought with me , sir , for i know your armes were taken for your country , not for pompey : and for my country i fought , nothing lesse then he , or both the mighty-stomak't consuls ; both whom ( i heare ) haue slaine themselues before they would enioy life in the good of caesar . but i am nothing worse , how ill soeuer they , and the great authority of rome would faine enforce me by their mere suspitions . lou'd they their country better then her brutus ? or knew what fitted noblesse , and a romane with freer soules then brutus . those that liue shall see in caesars iustice . and what euer might make me worthy both their liues and loues , that i haue lost the one without my merit , and they the other with no roman spirit . are you empair'd to liue , and ioy my loue ? only requite me , brutus , loue but caesar , and be in all the powers of caesar , caesar . in which free wish , i ioyne your father cato ; for whom i le haste to vtica , and pray his loue may strengthen my successe to day . exeunt . porcius in haste , marcillius bare , following . porcius discouers a bed , and a sword hanging by it , which he takes downe . mar.

to what vse take you that ( my lord ? )

por. take you no note that i take it , nor let any seruant , besides your selfe , of all my fathers nearest , serue any mood he serues , with any knowledge of this or any other , caesar comes and giues his army wings to reach this towne . not for the townes sake , but to saue my father . whom iustly he suspects to be resolu'd of any violence to his life , before he will preserue it by a tyrants fauour . for pompey hath miscaried , and is fled . be true to me , and to my fathers life ; and doe not tell him ; nor his fury serue with any other . mar. i will dye , my lord , ere i obserue it . por.

o my lord and father .

cato , athenodorus , statilius . cato with a booke in his hand . cat. what feares fly here on all sides ? what wilde lookes are squinted at me from mens mere suspicions that i am wilde my selfe , and would enforce what will be taken from me by the tyrant . ath. no : would you only aske life , he would thinke his owne life giuen more strength in giuing yours cat.

i aske my life of him ?

stat. aske what 's his owne ? of him he scornes should haue the least drop in it at his disposure . cat. no , statilius . men that haue forfeit liues by breaking lawes , or haue beene ouercome , may beg their liues , but i haue euer beene in euery iustice better then caesar , and was neuer conquer'd , or made to fly for life , as caesar was . but haue beene victor euer , to my wish , 'gainst whomsoeuer euer hath opposde ; where caesar now is conquer'd in his conquest , in the ambition , he till now denide ; taking vpon him to giue life , when death is tenfold due to his most tyrannous selfe . no right , no power giuen him to raise an army , which in despight of rome he leades about slaughtering her loyall subiects , like an outlaw , nor is he better . tongue , shew , falshood are , to bloodiest deaths his parts so much admir'd , vaineglory , villany ; and at best you can , fed with the parings of a worthy man . my fame affirme my life receiu'd from him ? i le rather make a beast my second father . stat. the gods auert from euery roman minde the name of slaue to any tyrants power . why was man euer iust , but to be free , 'gainst all iniustice ? and to beare about him as well all meanes to freedome euery houre , as euery houre he should be arm'd for death , which only is his freedome ? ath. but statilius death is not free for any mans election , till nature , or the law , impose it on him . cat. must a man goe to law then , when he may enioy his owne in peace ? if i can vse mine owne my selfe , must i of force , reserue it to serue a tyrant with it ? all iust men not only may enlarge their liues , but must , from all rule tyrannous , or liue vniust . ath.

by death must they enlarge their liues ?

cat.

by death .

ath.

a man 's not bound to that .

cat. i le proue he is . are not the liues of all men bound to iustice ? ath.

they are .

cat. and therefore not to serue iniustice : iustice it selfe ought euer to be free , and therefore euery iust man being a part of that free iustice , should be free as it . ath.

then wherefore is there law for death ?

cat. that all that know not what law is , nor freely can performe the fitting iustice of a man in kingdomes common good , may been forc't . but is not euery iust man to him selfe the perfect'st law ? ath.

suppose .

cat. then to himselfe is euery iust mans life subordinate . againe , sir ; is not our free soule infus'd to euery body in her absolute end to rule that body ? in which absolute rule is she not absolutely empresse of it ? and being empresse , may she not dispose it , and the life in it , at her iust pleasure ? ath.

not to destroy it .

cat. no ; she not destroyes it when she disliues it ; that their freedomes may goe firme together , like their powers and organs , rather then let it liue a rebell to her , prophaning that diuine coniunction twixt her and it ; nay , a disiunction making betwixt them worse then death ; in killing quick that which in iust death liues : being dead to her if to her rule dead ; and to her aliue , if dying in her iust rule . ath. the body liues not when death hath rest it . cat. yet t is free , and kept fit for reiunction in mans second life ; which dying rebell to the soule , is farre vnfit to ioyne with her in perfect life . ath.

it shall not ioyne with her againe .

cat.

it shall .

ath.

in reason shall it ?

cat. in apparant reason ; which i le proue clearely . stat.

heare , and iudge it sir .

cat. as nature works in all things to an end , so in th' appropriate honor of that end , all things precedent haue their naturall frame ; and therefore is there a proportion betwixt the ends of those things and their primes : for else there could not be in their creation , alwayes , or for the most part , that firme forme in their still like existence ; that we see in each full creature . what proportion then hath an immortall with a mortall substance ? and therefore the mortality to which a man is subiect ; rather is a sleepe , then bestiall death ; since sleepe and death are call'd the twins of nature . for if absolute death and bestiall sease the body of a man , then is there no proportion in his parts , his soule being free from death , which otherwise retaines diuine proportion for as sleepe no disproportion holds with humane soules , but aptly quickens the proportion twixt them and bodies , making bodies fitter to giue vp formes to soules , which is their end : so death ( twin-borne of sleepe ) resoluing all mans bodies heauy parts ; in lighter nature makes a reunion with the spritely soule ; when in a second life their beings giuen , holds their proportion firme , in highest heauen . ath. hold you our bodies shall reuiue , resuming our soules againe to heauen ? cat. past doubt , though others thinke heauen a world too high for our low reaches . not knowing the sacred sence of him that sings , ioue can let downe a golden chaine from heauen , which tyed to earth , shall fetch vp earth and seas ; and what 's that golden chaine , but our pure soules , a golden beame of him , let downe by him , that gouern'd with his grace , and drawne by him , can hoist this earthy body vp to him , the sea , and ayre , and all the elements comprest in it : not while t is thus concret , but fin'd by death , and then giuen heauenly heat . ath. your happy exposition of that place ( whose sacred depth i neuer heard so sounded ) euicts glad grant from me you hold a truth . stat.

is 't not a manly truth , and mere diuine ?

cat. t is a good chearefull doctrine for good men . but ( sonne and seruants ) this is only argu'd to spend our deare time well , and no life vrgeth to any violence further then his owner and grauer men hold fit . le ts talke of caesar , he 's the great subiect of all talke , and he is hotly hasting on . is supper ready ? mar.

it is , my lord .

cat. why then let 's in and eat ; our coole submission will quench caesars heat . sta.

submission ? here 's for him .

cat. statilus , my reasons must not strengthen you in error , nor learn'd athenodorus gentle yeelding . talke with some other deepe philosophers . or some diuine priest of the knowing gods , and heare their reasons ; in meane time come sup . exeunt . cato going out arme in arme betwixt athen. and statilius .
act v. scene i. enter ushers , with the two lentuli , and septimius before cornelia ; cyris , telesilla , lelia , drusus , with others , following . cornelia ; septimius and the two lentuli reading letters . cor. so may my comforts for this good newes thriue as i am thankfull for them to the gods . ioyes vnexpected , and in desperate plight , are still most sweet , and proue from whence they come ; when earths still moonelike confidence , in ioy , is at her full . true ioy descending farre from past her sphere , and from that highest heauen that moues and is not mou'd : how farre was i from hope of these euents , when fearefull dreames of harpies tearing out my heart ? of armies terribly ioyning ? cities , kingdomes falling , and all on me ? prou'd sleepe , not twin to death , but to me , death it selfe ? yet making then , these letters ; full of as much chearefull life , i found closde in my hand . o gods how iustly ye laugh at all things earthly ? at all feares that rise not from your iudgements ? at all ioyes , not drawne directly from your selues , and in ye , distrust in man is faith , trust in him ruine . why write great learned men ? men merely rapt with sacred rage , of confidence , beleefe ? vndanted spirits ? inexorable fate and all feare treading on ? t is all but ayre , if any comfort be , t is in despaire . 1 len.

you learned ladies may hold any thing .

2 lent. now madam is your walk from coach come neare the promontory , where you late commanded a sentinell should stand to see from thence if either with a nauy , brought by sea , or traine by land ; great pompey comes to greet you as in your letters , he neare this time promisde . cor. o may this isle of lesbos , compast in with the aegaean sea , that doth diuide europe from asia . ( the sweet literate world from the barbarian ) from my barbarous dreames diuide my dearest husband and his fortunes . 2 len. he 's busied now with ordering offices . by this time , madam , sits your honor'd father he looks in his letter . in caesars chaire of vniuersall bishop . domitius aenobarbas , is made consull , spynther his consort ; and phaonius tribune , or pretor . septimius with a letter . sep. these were only sought before the battaile , not obtaind ; nor mouing my father but in shadowes . corn. why should men tempt fate with such firme confidence ? seeking places before the power that should dispose could grant them ? for then the stroke of battaile was not struck . 1 len. nay , that was sure enough . physitians know when sick mens eyes are broken , they must dye . your letters telling you his victory lost in the skirmish , which i know hath broken both the eyes and heart of caesar : for as men healthfull through all their liues to grey-hayr'd age , when sicknesse takes them once , they seldom scape : so caesar victor in his generall fights till this late skirmish , could no aduerse blow sustaine without his vtter ouerthrow . 2 lent.

see , madam , now ; your sentinell : enquire .

cor. seest thou no fleet yet ( sentinell ) nor traine that may be thought great pompeys ? sen.

not yet , madame .

1 len. seest thou no trauellers addrest this way ? in any number on this lesbian shore ? sent. i see some not worth note ; a couple comming this way , on foot , that are not now farre hence . 2 lent.

come they apace ? like messengers with newes ?

sent. no , nothing like ( my lord ) nor are their habites of any such mens fashions ; being long mantles , and sable hew'd ; their heads all hid in hats of parching thessaly , broad brimm'd , high crown'd . cor.

these serue not our hopes .

sent. now i see a ship , a kenning hence ; that strikes into the hauen . cor.

one onely ship ?

sen.

one only , madam , yet .

cor.

that should not be my lord .

1 lent.

your lord ? no madam .

sen.

she now lets out arm'd men vpon the land .

2 lent.

arm'd men ? with drum and colours ?

sen. no , my lord , but bright in armes , yet beare halfe pikes , or beadhookes . 1 lent.

these can be no plumes in the traine of pompey .

cor.

i le see him in his letter , once againe .

sen.

now , madam , come the two i saw on foot .

enter pompey and demetrius : dem. see your princesse , sir , come thus farre from the city in her coach , to encounter your promist comming about this time in your last letters . pom. the world is alterd since demetrius ; offer to goe by . 1 lent. see , madam , two thessalian augurs it seemes by their habits . call , and enquire if either by their skils or trauels , they know no newes of your husband . cor.

my friends ? a word .

dem.

with vs , madam ?

cor.

yes . are you of thessaly ?

dem.

i , madam , and all the world besides .

cor.

your country is great .

dem.

and our portions little .

cor.

are you augures ?

dem. augures , madam ? yes a kinde of augures , alias wizerds , that goe vp and downe the world , teaching how to turne ill to good . cor.

can you doe that ?

dem. i , madam , you haue no worke for vs , haue you ? no ill to turne good , i meane ? cor.

yes ; the absence of my husband .

dem.

what 's he ?

cor.

pompey the great .

dem.

wherein is he great ?

cor.

in his command of the world .

dem. then he 's great in others . take him without his addition ( great ) what is he then ? cor.

pompey .

dem.

not your husband then ?

cor.

nothing the lesse for his greatnesse .

dem.

not in his right ; but in your comforts he is .

cor.

his right is my comfort .

dem.

what 's his wrong ?

cor.

my sorrow .

dem.

and that 's ill .

cor.

yes .

dem. y' are come to the vse of our profession , madam , would you haue that ill turnd good ? that sorrow turnd comfort ? cor.

why is my lord wrong'd .

dem. we professe not that knowledge , madam : supose he were . cor.

not i .

dem.

you le suppose him good .

cor.

he is so .

dem. then must you needs suppose him wrong'd ; for all goodnesse is wrong'd in this world . cor.

what call you wrong ?

dem.

ill fortune , affliction .

cor.

thinke you my lord afflicted ?

dem. if i thinke him good ( madam ) i must . vnlesse he be worldly good , and then , either he is ill , or has ill : since , as no sugar is without poyson : so is no worldly good without ill . euen naturally nourisht in it , like a houshold thiefe , which is the worst of all theeues . cor.

then he is not worldly , but truly good .

dem. he 's too great to be truly good ; for worldly greatnes is the chiefe worldly goodnesse ; and all worldly goodnesse ( i prou'd before ) has ill in it : which true good has not . cor.

if he rule well with his greatnesse , wherein is he ill ?

dem. but great rulers are like carpenters that weare their rules at their backs still : and therefore to make good your true good in him , y 'ad better suppose him little , or meane . for in the meane only is the true good . pom. but euery great lady must haue her husband great still , or her loue will be little . cor.

i am none of those great ladyes .

1 len. she 's a philosophresse augure , and can turne ill to good as well as you . pom. i would then , not honor , but adore her : could you submit your selfe chearefully to your husband , supposing him falne ? cor.

if he submit himselfe chearfully to his fortune .

pom.

t is the greatest greatnes in the world you vndertake .

cor.

i would be so great , if he were .

pom.

in supposition .

cor.

in fact .

pom be no woman , but a goddesse then ; & make good thy greatnesse ; i am chearfully falne ; be chearfull . cor. i am : and welcome , as the world were closde in these embraces . pom. is it possible ? a woman , losing greatnesse , still as good , as at her greatest ? o gods , was i euer great till this minute ? amb.

len. pompey ?

pom.

view me better .

amb.

len. conquerd by caesar ?

pom. not i , but mine army . no fault in me , in it : no conquest of me : i tread this low earth as i trod on caesar . must i not hold my selfe , though lose the world ? nor lose i lesse ; a world lost at one clap , t is more then ioue euer thundred with . what glory is it to haue my hand hurle so vast a volley through the groning ayre ? and is 't not great , to turne griefes thus to ioyes , that breake the hearts of others ? amb.

len. o t is ioue-like .

pom , it is to imitate ioue , that from the wounds of softest clouds , beats vp the terriblest sounds . i now am good , for good men still haue least , that twixt themselues and god might rise their rest . cor.

o pompey , pompey : neuer great till now .

pom. o my cornelia : let vs still be good , and we shall still be great : and greater farre in euery solid grace , then when the tumor and bile of rotten obseruation sweld vs . griefes for wants outward , are without our cure , greatnesse , not of it selfe , is neuer sure . before , we went vpon heauen , rather treading the virtues of it vnderfoot , in making the vicious world our heauen ; then walking there euen here , as knowing that our home ; contemning all forg'd heauens here raisde ; setting hills on hills . vulcan from heauen fell , yet on 's feet did light , and stood no lesse a god then at his height ; at lowest things lye fast : we now are like the two poles propping heauen , on which heauen moues ; and they are fixt , and quiet , being aboue all motion farre ; we rest aboue the heauens . cor. o , i more ioy , t' embrace my lord thus fixt , then he had brought me ten inconstant conquests . 1 len miraculous standing in a fall so great , would caesar knew , sir , how you conquerd him in your conuiction . pom. t is enough for me that pompey knows it . i will stand no more on others legs : nor build one ioy without me . if euer i be worth a house againe , i le build all inward : not a light shall ope the common outway : no expence , no art , no ornament , no dore will i vse there , but raise all plaine , and rudely , like a rampier , against the false society of men that still batters all reason peecemeale . and for earthy greatnesse all heauenly comforts ratifies to ayre , i le therefore liue in darke , and all my light , like ancient temples , let in at my top . this were to turne ones back to all the world , and only looke at heauen . empedocles recur'd a mortall plague through all his country , with stopping vp the yawning of a hill , from whence the hollow and vnwholsome south exhald his venomd vapor . and what else is any king , giuen ouer to his lusts , but euen the poyson'd cleft of that crackt mountaine , that all his kingdome plagues with his example ? which i haue stopt now , and so cur'd my country of such a sensuall pestilence : when therefore our diseas'de affections harmefull to humane freedome ; and stormelike inferring darknesse to th' infected minde oppresse our comforts : t is but letting in the light of reason , and a purer spirit , take in another way ; like roomes that fight with windowe against the winde , yet let in sight . amb. len.

my lord , we seru'd before , but now adore you .

sen. my lord , the arm'd men i discou'rd lately vnshipt , and landed ; now are trooping neare . pom.

what arm'd men are they ?

1 len. some , my lord , that lately the sentinell discouer'd , but not knew . sen. now all the sea ( my lords ) is hid with ships , another promontory flanking this , some furlong hence , is climb'd , and full of people , that easily may see hither ; it seemes looking what these so neare intend : take heed , they come . enter achillas , septius , saluius , with souldiers , ach. haile to romes great commander ; to whom aegypt ( not long since seated in his kingdome by thee , and sent to by thee in thy passage by ) sends vs with answer : which withdraw and heare . pom

i le kisse my children first .

sep.

blesse me , my lord .

pom. i will , and cyris , my poore daughter too . euen that high hand that hurld me downe thus low , keepe you from rising high : i heare : now tell me . i thinke ( my friend ) you once seru'd vnder me : septius only nods with his head . pom. nod onely ? not a word daigne ? what are these ? cornelia ? i am now not worth mens words . ach.

please you receiue your ayde , sir ?

pom.

i , i come . exit pom. they draw and follow .

cor.

why draw they ? see , my lords ; attend them vshers .

sen.

o they haue slaine great pompey .

cor.

o my husband .

sept. cyr. mother , take comfort . enter pompey bleeding . o my lord and father . pom. see heauens your sufferings , is my countries loue , the iustice of an empire ; pietie ; worth this end in their leader : last yet life , and bring the gods off fairer : after this who will adore , or serue the deities ? he hides his face with his robe . enter the murtherers . ach.

helpe hale him off : and take his head for caesar .

sep.

mother ? o saue vs ; pompey ? o my father .

enter the two lentuli and demetrius bleeding , and kneele about cornelia . 1 len. yet fals not heauen ? madam , o make good your late great spirits ; all the world will say , you know not how to beare aduerse euents , if now you languish . omn. take her to her coach . they beare her out . cato with a booke in his hand . o beastly apprehenders of things manly , and merely heauenly : they with all the reasons i vsde for iust mens liberties , to beare their liues and deaths vp in their owne free hands ; feare still my resolution though i seeme to giue it off like them : and now am woonne to thinke my life in lawes rule , not mine owne , when once it comes to death ; as if the law made for a sort of outlawes , must bound me in their subiection ; as if i could be rackt out of my vaines , to liue in others ; as so i must , if others rule my life ; and publique power keepe all the right of death , as if men needes must serue the place of iustice ; the forme , and idoll , and renounce it selfe ? our selues , and all our rights in god and goodnesse ? our whole contents and freedomes to dispose , all in the ioyes and wayes of arrant rogues ? no stay but their wilde errors , to sustaine vs ? no forges but their throats to vent our breaths ? to forme our liues in , and repose our deaths ? see , they haue got my sword . who 's there ? enter marcillius bare . mar.

my lord .

cat. who tooke my sword hence ? dumb ? i doe not aske for any vse or care of it : but hope i may be answered . goe sir , let me haue it . exit mar. poore slaues , how terrible this death is to them ? if men would sleepe , they would be wroth with all that interrupt them physick take to take the golden rest it brings : both pay and pray for good , and soundest naps all friends consenting in those kinde inuocations ; praying all good rest , the gods vouchsafe you ; put when death ( sleepes naturall brother ) comes ; ( that 's nothing worse , but better ; being more rich ; and keepes the store ; sleepe euer fickle , wayward still , and poore ) o how men grudge , and shake , and deare , and fly his sterne approaches ? all their comforts taken in faith , and knowledge of the blisse and beauties that watch their wakings in an endlesse life : dround in the paines and horrors of their sense sustainde but for an houre ; be all the earth rapt with this error , lie pursue my reason , and hold that as my light and fiery pillar , th' eternall law of heauen and earth no firmer . but while i seeke to conquer conquering caesar , my soft-splen'd seruants ouerrule and curb me . he knocks , and brutus enters . where 's he i sent to fetch and place my sword where late i left it ? dumb to ? come another ! enter cleanthes . where 's my sword hung here ? cle. my lord , i know not , ent. marcilius . cat. the rest come in there . where 's the sword i charg'd you to giue his place againe ? i le breake your lips ope , spight of my freedome ; all my seruants , friends ; my sonne and all , will needs betray me naked to th' armed malice of a foe so fierce and beare-like , mankinde of the blood of virtue . o gods , who euer saw me thus contemn'd ? goe call my sonne in ; tell him , that the lesse he shewes himselfe my sonne , the lesse i le care to liue his father . enter athenodorus , porcius : porcius kneeling ; brutus , cleanthes and marcilius by him . por. i beseech you , sir , rest patient of my duty , and my loue ; your other children think on , our poore mother , your family , your country . cat. if the gods giue ouer all , i le fly the world with them . athenodorus , i admire the changes . i note in heauenly prouidence . when pompey did all things out of course , past right , past reason , he stood inuincible against the world : yet , now his cares grew pious , and his powers set all vp for his countrey , he is conquered . ath. the gods wills secret are , nor must we measure their chast-reserued deepes by our dry shallowes . sufficeth vs , we are entirely such as twixt them and our consciences we know their graces , in our virtues , shall present vnspotted with the earth ; to 'th high throne that ouerlookes vs : for this gyant world let 's not contend with it , when heauen it selfe failes to reforme it : why should we affect the least hand ouer it , in that ambition ? a heape t is of digested villany ; virtue in labor with eternall chaos prest to a liuing death , and rackt beneath it . her throwes vnpitied ; euery worthy man limb by limb sawne out of her virgine wombe , to liue here peecemeall tortur'd , fly life then ; your life and death made presidents for men . exit . cat. ye heare ( my masters ) what a life this is , and vse much reason to respect it so . but mine shall serue ye . yet restore my sword , lest too much ye presume , and i conceiue ye front me like my fortunes . where 's statilius ? por. i think sir , gone with the three hundred romans in lucius caesars charge , to serue the victor . cat. and would not take his leaue of his poore friend ? then the philosophers haue stoop't his spirit , which i admire , in one so free , and knowing , and such a fiery hater of base life , besides , being such a vow'd and noted foe to our great conqueror . but i aduisde him to spare his youth , and liue . por. my brother brutus is gone to caesar . cat. brutus ? of mine honor ( although he be my sonne in law ) i must say there went as worthy , and as learned a president as liues in romes whole rule , for all lifes actions ; and yet your sister porcia ( his wife ) would scarce haue done this . but ( for you my sonne ) howeuer caesar deales with me ; be counsailde by your experienc't father , not to touch at any action of the publique weale , nor any rule beare neare her politique sterne : for , to be vpright , and sincere therein like catos sonne , the times corruption will neuer beare it : and , to sooth the time , you shall doe basely , and vnworthy your life ; which , to the gods i wish , may outweigh mine in euery virtue ; howsoeuer ill you thriue in honor . por. i , my lord , shall gladly obey that counsell . cat. and what needed you vrge my kinde care of any charge that nature imposes on me ? haue i euer showne loues least defect to you ? or any dues the most indulgent father ( being discreet ) could doe his dearest blood ? doe you me right in iudgement , and in honor ; and dispence with passionate nature : goe , neglect me not , but send my sword in . goe , t is i that charge you . por.

o my lord , and father , come , aduise me . exeunt .

cat. what haue i now to thinke on in this world ? no one thought of the world , i goe each minute discharg'd of all cares that may fit my freedome . the next world , and my soule , then let me serue with her last vtterance , that my body may with sweetnesse of the passage drowne the sowre that death will mix with it : the consuls soules that slew themselues so nobly , scorning life led vnder tyrants scepters , mine would see . for we shall know each other ; and past death retaine those formes of knowledge learn'd in life ; since , if what here we learne , we there shall lose , or immortality were not life , but time . and that our soules in reason are immortall , then naturall and proper obiects proue ; which immortallity and knowledge are . for to that obiect euer is referr'd the nature of the soule , in which the acts of her high faculties are still employde . and that true obiect must her powers obtaine to which they are in natures aime directed . since t were absurd to haue her sit an obiect which possibly she neuer can aspire . enter a page with his sword taken out before . pag

your sword , my lord .

cat. o is it found ? lay downe vpon the bed ( my boy ) exit pa. poore men ; a boy must be presenter ; manhood at no hand must serue so foule a fact ; for so are calde ( in common mouths ) mens fairest acts of all . vnsheath ; is 't sharpe ? t is sweet . now i am safe , come caesar , quickly now , or lose your vassall . now wing thee , deare soule , and receiue her heauen . the earth , the ayre , and seas i know , and all the ioyes , and horrors of their peace and warres , and now will see the gods state , and the starres . he fals vpon his sword , and enter statilius at another side of the stage with his sword drawne , porcius , brutus , cleanthes and marcilius holding his hands . stat.

cato ? my lord ?

por. i sweare ( statilius ) he 's forth , and gone to seeke you , charging me to seeke elsewhere , lest you had slaine your selfe ; and by his loue entreated you would liue . sta.

i sweare by all the gods , i le run his fortunes .

por. you may , you may ; but shun the victor now , who neare is , and will make vs all his slaues . sta

he shall himselfe be mine first , and my slaues . exit .

por. looke , looke in to my father , o ( i feare ) he is no sight for me to beare and liue . exit . omn. 3

o ruthfull spectacle !

cle.

he hath ript his entrals .

bru.

search , search ; they may be sound .

cle. they may , and are . giue leaue , my lord , that i may sew them vp being yet vnperisht . he thrusts him back , & plucks out his entrals . ca. stand off ; now they are not . haue he my curse that my lifes least part saues . iust men are only free , the rest are slaues . bru.

myrror of men .

mar.

the gods enuied his goodnesse .

enter caesar , anthony , brutus , acilius , with lords and citizens of vtica . caes. too late , too late ; with all our haste . o cato , all my late conquest , and my lifes whole acts , most crownde , most beautified , are basted all with thy graue lifes expiring in their scorne . thy life was rule to all liues , and thy death ( thus forcibly despising life ) the quench of all liues glories . ant. vnreclaimed man ? how censures brutus his sterne fathers fact ? bru.

t was not well done .

caes. o censure not his acts ; who knew as well what fitted man , as all men . enter achilius , septimius , salvius , with pompeys head . all kneeling . your enemies head great caesar . caes. cursed monsters , wound not mine eyes with it , nor in my camp let any dare to view it ; farre as noblesse the den of barbarisme flies , and blisse the bitterest curse of vext and tyrannisde nature , transferre it from me . borne the plagues of virtue how durst ye poyson thus my thoughts ? to torture them with instant rapture . omn. 3.

sacred caesar .

caes. away with them ; i vow by all my comforts , who slack seemes , or not fiery in my charge , shall suffer with them . all the souldiers . out base murtherers ; tortures , tortures for them : bale them out . omn.

cruell caesar .

caes.

too milde with any torture .

bru. let me craue the ease of my hate on their one curst life . caes. good brutus take it ; o you coole the poyson these villaines flaming pou'rd vpon my spleen to suffer with my lothings . if the blood of euery common roman toucht so neare ; shall i confirme the false brand of my tyranny with being found a fautor of his murther whom my deare country chusde to fight for her ? ant.

your patience sir , their tortures well will quit you :

bru.

let my slaues vse , sir , be your president .

caes. it shall , i sweare : you doe me infinite honor . o cato , i enuy thy death , since thou enuiedst my glory to preserue thy life . why fled his sonne and friend statilius ? so farre i fly their hurt , that all my good shall fly to their desires . and ( for himselfe ) my lords and citizens of vtica , his much renowne of you , quit with your most . and by the sea , vpon some eminent rock , erect his sumptuous tombe ; on which aduance with all fit state his statue ; whose right hand let hold his sword , where , may to all times rest his bones as honor'd as his soule is blest .
finis .
machine-generated castlist a18425-pompey 55 a18425-caesar 49 a18425-cato 48 a18425-cornelia 37 a18425-fron 32 a18425-oph 31 a18425-dem 30 a18425-yyyy_1 19 a18425-athenodorus 16 a18425-antony 15 a18425-brutus 14 a18425-yyyy_2 12 a18425-met 12 a18425-stat 12 a18425-porcius 11 a18425-senator 11 a18425-unassigned 10 a18425-omnes 10 a18425-vib 9 a18425-gab 7 a18425-crassus 7 a18425-marcus 5 a18425-epir 4 a18425-thess 4 a18425-soothsayer 4 a18425-achillas 3 a18425-cilicia 3 a18425-cleopatra 3 a18425-all 3 a18425-sept 3 a18425-mast 2 a18425-min 2 a18425-thra 2 a18425-xxxx_3 1 a18425-hiberia 1 a18425-xxxx_2 1 a18425-incomplete 1 a18425-iber 1 a18425-page 1 a18425-xxxx_4 1 a18425-ruffians 1 a18425-xxxx_1 1 a18425-xxxx_5 1 a18425-tra 1 a18425-ibir 1
textual notes

the textual notes below aim at making textual corrections readable in their immediate context and facilitating access to the source text. a five-digit number preceded by 'a' or 'b' represents an eebo-tcp filenumber. a notation like "6-b-2890" means "look for eebo page image 6 of that text, word 289 on the right side of the double-page image." that reference is followed by the corrupt reading. a black dot stands for an unidentified letter, a black square for an unidentified punctuation mark, a diamond for a missing word, and the ellipsis for a short span of undefined length. the corrected reading is displayed as a keyword in context.

pompey● and he hath stolne accesse so soone here ; pompey: : whole rest raisde to his encounter ; and all the damn'd crew you haue lately nam'd : the market place and suburbs swarming with catiline● danger or the yet still smoaking fire , of catilines abhorr'd conspiracy : of which the very courtry or our senate here so small loue to their country ; that their wills beyond their countrys oph▪ oph. dislolute my idle dissolute life , is thrust out of all his corners bestith goe to ; ile helpe thee to the best ith earth then : and that's in sicilia ; giues way to chace a while , and coldly hunts , till with the youthfull hunters wanton heat pompey● foes fly , and he that station keepes : so pompeys coole spirits , put to all their heat by to strengthen it , of macedon and thessaly , where now i rather was besieg'd for want vphappy for me vnhappy . ●ye beare all , fly the sight in shame , thou eye of nature , and abortiue night fall dead comprehends your countreys good , and empires ; in whose care let me beseech you that in death ▪ shall seale our loues , sir , with worst deaths aduentur'd in your seruice . b●●. bru. y●ur assure my selfe , sir , that no thought in your ingenious construction , touches at the eur●tas spartans say , the paphian queene ( the flood eurotas passing ) laid a side her glasse , her ceston a● passing with her faire ensignes , and arriu'd as ours , displume her shoulders , cast off powers as she may remaine our firme assistent : that the generall aydes , fauours , and 〈◊〉 , all which , in one fire of this instant fight ile burne , and sacrifice to euery cinder fallsqare free mindes , like dice , fall sqare , what ere the cast . chiefely in a losse so late , and grieuous . besides , your forces farre exceeding his offe● an offer happy . sti●r'd alone , as was th'athenians ; nor slowly stirr'd vp , like the persian angell ; nor rockt to scotussa . shall now our purpose hold ? ●●ward arme , arme , my lord ; the voward of the foe is rang'd already : my place of fight elect in my tenth legion : my battell by domitius calvinus shall take ruderand premonishing flames with brackish rheumes of ruder and brainsick number , what's infinitely more z●ny all changes , of protean fortune , and her zany , warre , for hosts , and hels of such ; cred●lities selfe-fortunes ? they shall sinke beneath their owne credulities , before i crosse them . come , haste , crassinous the fight neerer ; and enter , crassineus , a sword , as thrust through his face ; om●nous these fields to some other , or from this ominous confidence , till i saw their spirits settl'd fatherlesse ) visit , and comfort . come demetrius , iust man to him selfe the perfect'st law ? e●●cts whose sacred depth i neuer heard so sounded ) euicts glad grant from me you hold a truth . m● heard so sounded ) euicts glad grant from me you hold a truth . statilus , my reasons must not strengthen you in error i● if he submit himselfe chearfully to his fortune submit himselfe chearfully to his fortune . con●emning there euen here , as knowing that our home ; contemning all forg'd heauens here raisde ; setting ●eauens knowing that our home ; contemning all forg'd heauens here raisde ; setting hills on hills . vulcan at his height ; at lowest things lye fast : we now are like the two poles propping heauen lately the sentinell discouer'd , but not knew . am woonne to thinke my life in lawes rule , not mine owne , when once it comes to death ●ake wroth with all that interrupt them physick take to take the golden rest it brings : both ●eare poore ) o how men grudge , and shake , and deare , and fly his sterne approaches ? all their ●aith approaches ? all their comforts taken in faith , and knowledge of the blisse and beauties enter athenodorus , porcius : porcius kneeling ; brutus , cleanthes and o● what here we learne , we there shall lose , or immortality were not life , but time . and s●t directed . since twere absurd to haue her sit an obiect which possibly she neuer can aspire o ruthfull spectacle ! ●ale bale them out . patience sir , their tortures well will quit you :