by the king. a proclamation for obedience to be given to his majesties captain generall, and officers, in the disbanding of his majesties armie in the northern parts. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78993 of text r209678 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.3[8]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78993 wing c2587 thomason 669.f.3[8] estc r209678 99868543 99868543 160566 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78993) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 160566) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 245:669f3[8]) by the king. a proclamation for obedience to be given to his majesties captain generall, and officers, in the disbanding of his majesties armie in the northern parts. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) 1 sheet ([1] p.) by robert barker, printer to the kings most excellent majesty: and by the assignes of john bill, imprinted at london : 1641. "given at the court at vvhite-hall this eight and twentieth day of june, in the seventeenth of the reign of our soveraign lord, charles..." with engraving of royal seal of charles i at top of sheet. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -early works to 1800. royalists -england -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a78993 r209678 (thomason 669.f.3[8]). civilwar no by the king. a proclamation for obedience to be given to his majesties captain generall, and officers, in the disbanding of his majesties ar england and wales. sovereign 1641 255 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 paul schaffner sampled and proofread 2008-07 paul schaffner text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion royal blazon or coat of arms honi soit qvi mal y pense diev et mon droit ❧ by the king . ❧ a proclamation for obedience to be given to his majesties captain generall , and officers , in the disbanding of his majesties armie in the northern parts . his majestie in his princely care of the quiet and safety of his subjects , that no danger or hurt may happen by any disorder in the disbanding of any part of his majesties army in the northern parts of this kingdom , doth therefore by the advice of his parliament , by this his proclamation declare , that what person or persons soever shall offend in disobeying the earl of holland , his majesties captain generall of his said army , in disbanding of any part of the said army , or shall disobey any officer or officers appointed by the lord generall to conduct them ( being disarmed ) towards their severall counties , shall be severely punished , as contemners of his majesties government and authority . given at the court at whitehall this eight and twentieth day of june , in the seventeenth yeer of the reign of our soveraign lord , charles by the grace of god , king of england , scotland , france , and ireland , defender of the faith &c. ❧ god save the king . ¶ imprinted at london by robert barker , printer to the kings most excellent majesty : and by the assignes of john bill 1641. a declaration of the knights and gentry of the county of hertford that adhered to the late king this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a85114 of text r211815 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.24[72]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a85114 wing f419 thomason 669.f.24[72] estc r211815 99870509 99870509 163803 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a85114) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163803) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f24[72]) a declaration of the knights and gentry of the county of hertford that adhered to the late king fanshawe, thomas fanshawe, viscount, 1596-1665. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for daniel pakeman at the rainbow in fleetstreet, london : 1660. signed: thomas fanshaw kt of the bath [and 13 others]. annotation on thomason copy: "april 26". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng royalists -england -hertford -early works to 1800. hertfordshire (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. a85114 r211815 (thomason 669.f.24[72]). civilwar no a declaration of the knights and gentry of the county of hertford that adhered to the late king. fanshawe, thomas fanshawe, viscount 1660 412 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a declaration of the knights and gentry of the county of hertford that adhered to the late king . by discountenancing our ancient laws under which the nation hath been so long happy , and pursuing after new forms , and disputes about them ; government which was made for our protection , has been the occasion of laying us open to all miserie ; and we that before in respect of society had but one common reason , have broken our unitie by that which should have preserved it . and whilest every man pursues his single apprehensions of good , the real good of the nation was lost : from which confusion of parties our valiant and wise general is now hopefully withdrawing us , and because the passionate discourses of some private persons seeme to obstruct this good worke he is about , we have thought fit to make this declaration for our selves , that we are not in the number of those that vaunt our selves in the prospect of our prosperity , nor that if it were in our power would delight in any revenge upon any man or body of men whom we think hath contributed most to our sufferings ; we are rather of those that will with patience beare the indignation of god because we have offended him , and will forgive our brethren a little , that of him we may be forgiven much . we will not be so ungratefull to god that by the management of his excellency hath done so much for our deliverāce , as presently to be prosecuting others , which as it would behigh ingratitude to him , so we dare say it would be no lesse to the general , whose whole conduct of his business , shewes him to be truly of a publick spirit that will protect every party as they subject themselves to the lawes made for the whole nation ; and the wisdome of the approaching parliament will without doubt be such , that we have all reason to hope our settlement from them , & to determine our obedience to them . thomas fanshaw kt. of the bath simon fanshaw knight francis boteler knight edward cooper knight john wats knight ralph bash william cooper robert slingsby thomas conisbie edward crosby george bromley john taylor thomas brann george bromley , &c. london printed for daniel pakeman at the rainbow in fleetstreet 1660 by the parliament. a proclamation for the discovery and apprehending of charls stuart, and other traytors his adherents and abettors. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83386 of text r211392 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.16[25]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83386 wing e2194 thomason 669.f.16[25] estc r211392 99870121 99870121 163182 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83386) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163182) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f16[25]) by the parliament. a proclamation for the discovery and apprehending of charls stuart, and other traytors his adherents and abettors. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by john field, printer to the parliament of england, london : 1651. order to print dated: wednesday the tenth of september. 1651. signed: hen: scobell, cleric. parliamenti. with engraving of parliamentary seal at head of text. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -ii, -king of england, 1630-1685 -early works to 1800. royalists -great britain -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a83386 r211392 (thomason 669.f.16[25]). civilwar no by the parliament. a proclamation for the discovery and apprehending of charls stuart, and other traytors his adherents and abettors. england and wales. parliament. 1651 425 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the parliament . a proclamation for the discovery and apprehending of charls stvart , and other traytors his adherents and abettors . whereas charls stuart son to the late tyrant , with divers of the english and scotish nation , have lately in a trayterous and hostile maner with an army invaded this nation , which by the blessing of god upon the forces of this commonwealth have been defeated , and many of the chief actors therein slain and taken prisoners ; but the said charls stuart is escaped : for the speedy apprehending of such a malicious and dangerous traytor to the peace of this commonwealth , the parliament doth straightly charge and command all officers , as well civil as military , and all other the good people of this nation , that they make diligent search and enquiry for the said charls stuart , and his abettors and adherents in this invasion , and use their best endeavors for the discovery and arresting the bodies of them and every of them ; and being apprehended , to bring or cause to be brought forthwith and without delay , in safe custody before the parliament or councel of state , to be proceeded with and ordered as iustice shall require ; and if any person shall knowingly conceal the said charls stuart , or any his abettors or adherents , or shall not reveal the places of their abode or being , if it be in their power so to do , the parliament doth declare , that they will hold them as partakers and abettors of their trayterous and wicked practices and designs : and the parliament doth further publish and declare , that whosoever shall apprehend the person of the said charls stuart , and shall bring or cause him to be brought to the parliament or councel of state , shall have given and bestowed on him or them as a reward for such service , the sum of one thousand pounds ; and all officers , civil and military , are required to be aiding and assisting unto such person and persons therein . given at westminster this tenth day of september , one thousand six hundred fifty one . wednesday the tenth of september . 1651. ordered by the parliament , that this proclamation be forthwith printed and published . hen : scobell , cleric . parliamenti . london , printed by john field , printer to the parliament of england . 1651. a declaration of the lords and commons assembled in parliament. that none shall be elected into any office whatsoever, that hath been in the kings army, ayding or assisting the enemy against the parliament, within the kingdom of england, dominion of wales, and town of berwicke. die jovis 9 septemb. 1647. england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a82712 of text r210647 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.11[80]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 2 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a82712 wing e1465 thomason 669.f.11[80] estc r210647 99869425 99869425 162732 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a82712) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162732) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f11[80]) a declaration of the lords and commons assembled in parliament. that none shall be elected into any office whatsoever, that hath been in the kings army, ayding or assisting the enemy against the parliament, within the kingdom of england, dominion of wales, and town of berwicke. die jovis 9 septemb. 1647. england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) for john wright, at the kings head in the old bailey, printed at london : 1647. no person that hath been in arms against the parliament, etc. may be elected mayor or any officer in england and wales; if elected the election is void. this does not extend to persons who have been discharged from seqestration -cf. steele. order to print signed: jo. brown cler. parliament. annotation on thomason copy: "7ber [i.e. september] 11". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng england and wales. -parliament -early works to 1800. royalists -england -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a82712 r210647 (thomason 669.f.11[80]). civilwar no a declaration of the lords and commons assembled in parliament. that none shall be elected into any office whatsoever, that hath been in the england and wales. parliament. 1647 310 1 0 0 0 0 0 32 c the rate of 32 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a declaration of the lords and commons assembled in parliament . that none shall be elected into any office whatsoever , that hath been in the kings army , ayding or assisting the enemy against the parliament , within the kingdom of england , dominion of wales , and town of b●rwicke . die jovis 9 septemb. 1647. be it declared , ordered , and ordained by the lords and commons in parliament assembled , that no person whatsoever , that hath been in armes against the parliament , or hath been ayding or assisting the forces of the enemy , or hath been , or is sequestred , shall be elected , or constituted mayor , alderman , bailiffe , sheriffe , justice of peace , steward of any court , constable , or any other officer in any county , city , borough , or towne corporate , within the kingdome of england , dominion of wales , and towne of berwicke ; and in case any such persons as aforesaid be elected into any of the offices aforesaid , in any of the aforesaid places ; the lords and commons doe declare all such elections to be voyd and null ; provided , that this shall not extend to any person or persons who have been , or shall be unduely sequestred as delinquents , and have been , or shall be therefore discharged of the said undue sequestration , by both houses of parliament , or by the lords and commons for sequestrations . die jovis 9 septemb. 1647. ordered by the lords assembled in parliament , that this declaration concerning the election of officers be forthwith printed and published . jo. brown cler. parliament . printed at london for john wright , at the kings head in the old bailey . 1647. dr. hewit's letter to dr wilde on monday, june 7. 1658. being the day before he suffered death, and read by dr. wilde at his funerall. hewit, john, 1614-1658. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a86266 of text r211085 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.21[6]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a86266 wing h1633 thomason 669.f.21[6] estc r211085 99869823 99869823 163501 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a86266) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163501) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f21[6]) dr. hewit's letter to dr wilde on monday, june 7. 1658. being the day before he suffered death, and read by dr. wilde at his funerall. hewit, john, 1614-1658. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1658] dated and signed at end: tower, june 7. 1658. morning 7 a clock. your most affectionate friend, brother and servant in christ jesus, john hewit. annotation on thomason copy: "june 9". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng hewit, john, 1614-1658 -early works to 1800. royalists -england -17th century -early works to 1800. a86266 r211085 (thomason 669.f.21[6]). civilwar no dr. hewit's letter to dr wilde on monday, june 7. 1658. being the day before he suffered death, and read by dr. wilde at his funerall. hewit, john 1658 591 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-12 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion dr. hewit's letter to dr wilde on monday , june 7. 1658. being the day before he suffered death , and read by dr. wilde at his funerall . dearest brother , i have no cause to think that you have not at any time taken me along with you in the daily walk upon your knees to heaven , but i beseech you and all my brethren to be ( now especially ) very mindfull to call upon god for me . the more company i go withal , the more welcom i shall be made . i should be loath either to leave out of my creed , or to be left out of the benefit of the communion of saints two are better then one . two or three have the advantage of a promise ; but to go with a multitude to the house of god , where all commers are welcome , is to be assured before-hand of good entertainment . admission will hardly be denyed to any , for whom there is great importunity of many : if the gate be shut , much knocking will open it ; or if that would not doe it , united forces would offer an holy violence . many will prevail , where one alone can do but little good woe unto him that is alone . therefore dear brother , sith it is the infirmity of our nature , that we live not without the occasions of giving and taking of offence . and 't is the corruption of our nature that the offences we give , we write in the dust ; those we take , we engrave in marble . if you know , or shall heare of any one either of my brethren , or other persons whom by any act of scandall i have tempted , or provoked , or lessened or disturbed , to exclude me the benefits of their charitable prayers or wishes i beseech you beg of them from me , for me , their pardon . and let not any private wild-fire of passion put out the holy flames of a diffusive charity : and as for my selfe , i doe here protest before god that i doe heartily desire to forget the injuries of whosoever has trespassed against me , either by word or deed . and if god should have been pleased to have granted a longer life , i would not refuse , ( yea i am stedfastly resolved to sollicite termes of reconciliation with them that have done me the wrong ) and if my owne heart doe not deceive me , i would give my life to save the soule of any of my christian brethren , and would be content to want some degrees of glory in heaven , so that my very greatest enemies might be so happy as to have some . the god of mercy shed forth his bowels for them that shed my blood , and the blood of christ save , & the spirit of christ sanctifie , and support him who desires to live no longer then to honour the father , son , and holy ghost , and both living and dying craves yours , and the prayers of the whole church for her unworthy child , and tower , june 7. 1658. morning 7 a clock . dearest brother your most affectionate friend , brother and servant in christ jesus , john hewit . a declaration of the nobility, knights & gentry of the county of oxon which have adhered to the late king this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a82197 of text r211880 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.25[2]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a82197 wing d721 thomason 669.f.25[2] estc r211880 99870557 99870557 163807 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a82197) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163807) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f25[2]) a declaration of the nobility, knights & gentry of the county of oxon which have adhered to the late king lindsey, montague bertie, earl of, 1608?-1666. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed for tho. bassett in st dunstans church-yard, london : 1660. signed: earl of lyndsey. [and 38 others]. annotation on thomason copy: "april 20". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng albermarle, george monck, -duke of, 1608-1670 -early works to 1800. royalists -england -oxfordshire -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a82197 r211880 (thomason 669.f.25[2]). civilwar no a declaration of the nobility, knights & gentry of the county of oxon which have adhered to the late king. lindsey, montague bertie, earl of 1660 588 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a declaration of the nobility , knights & gentry of the county of oxon which have adhered to the late king . since after a bloody war , followed by its worst effects , confusion , violence , and phanatick fury , it hath pleased almighty god by unexpected methods , to bring us not only within hope , but even in view of settlement : and that his excellency the lord general monck , the glorious and immediate instrument of providence in this great work , through his heroick courage , conduct and moderation , hath brought affairs to that pass , that there is scarce any thing left for other hands , but to lay hold of , and receive their happiness . and unless we had bin mis-represented , as bars to this felicity , by false apprehensions , we should not at this instant have appeared in publick : so that the enemies of this nations peace , traducing us as persons implacable and studious of revenge , have at once laid an obligation upon us to vindicate our selves by renouncing so unworthy a suggestion , and an opportunity of serving the publick by removing those pretensions for diffidence and jealousie , which ( as things now stand ) are the only hinderance of that perfect union , which cannot fail to bring the nation to a happy settlement . upon which ground , we have thought it fitting to declare , that we do disclaim , and with perfect detestation disown , all purpose of revenge , or partial remembrance of things past . likewise , we desire , that in whatever any of us have dis-oblig'd either the publick , or any private person , we may partake from them that oblivion which we so readily dispense . moreover , we promise and ingage to acquiesce in the determinations of ensuing parliaments , resolving in our several stations , to compose our selves thereunto with chearful vigorous obedience . lastly , we are resolved perfectly to forget all names of difference , excepting those , which the more active endeavours of charity and peace shall give unto us , who have this strife alone to manage the being out-done by none in friendship , love , and condescention . subscribed by earl of lyndsey . earl of downe . lord john lovelace . sir bainard throgmorton , knt and baronet . thomas pope , baronet . william walter baronet . sir chichester wrey , knight . sir timothy tyrril , knight . samuel sandys , esquire . brome whorwood , esquire . thomas whorwood , esquire . capt. william whorwood . coll. francis lovelace . capt. henry heylyn . william sheappard . major francis moore . capt. john peacocke . peter langston . francis langston , esquire . william walbanck , esquire . capt. william gannocke . richard baily , d. d. richard gardiner , d. d. thomas james , gent. h. h. corney , gent. richard powell , esquire . william hopton , gent. capt. james aston . samuel jackson , m. d. john fell , m. a. john machin , gent. thomas lodge , gent. john lamphire , m. d. capt. john smith . william wickham , esquire . william knoweles , esquire . john dolben , gent. john parsons , gent. capt. walter jones . london , printed for tho. bassen in st dunstans church-yard . 1660. dr. hewit's letter to dr wilde on monday, june 7. 1658 being the day before he suffered death, and read by dr. wilde at his funerall. hewit, john, 1614-1658. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a86267 of text r211085 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.21[6]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a86267 wing h1633 thomason 669.f.21[6] estc r211085 99897377 99897377 170878 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a86267) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 170878) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2501:1) dr. hewit's letter to dr wilde on monday, june 7. 1658 being the day before he suffered death, and read by dr. wilde at his funerall. hewit, john, 1614-1658. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1658] signed: your most affectionate friend, brother and servant in christ jesus, john hewit. dated at end: tower, june 7. 1658. morning 7 a clock. annotation on thomason copy: "june 9". reproduction of original in the william andrews clark memorial library. eng hewit, john, 1614-1658 -early works to 1800. royalists -england -history -17th century -early works to 1800. executions and executioners -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. broadsides -england a86267 r211085 (thomason 669.f.21[6]). civilwar no dr. hewit's letter to dr wilde on monday, june 7. 1658. being the day before he suffered death, and read by dr. wilde at his funerall. hewit, john 1658 593 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-12 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion dr. hewit's letter to dr wilde on monday , june 7. 1658. being the day before he suffered death , and read by dr. wilde at his funerall . dearest brother , i have no cause to think that you have not at any time taken me along with you in the daily walk upon your knees to heaven , but i beseech you and all my brethren to be ( now especially ) very mindfull to call upon god for me . the more company i go withal , the more welcom i shall be made . i should be loath either to leave out of my creed , or to be left out of the benefit of the communion of saints two are better then one . two or three have the advantage of a promise ; but to go with a multitude to the house of god , where all commers are welcome , is to be assured before-hand of good entertainment . admission will hardly be denyed to any , for whom there is great importunity of many : if the gate be shut , much knocking will open it ; or if that would not doe it , united forces would offer an holy violence . many will prevail , where one alone can do but little good . woe unto him that is alone . therefore dear brother , sith it is the infirmity of our nature , that we live not without the occasions of giving and taking of offence . and 't is the corruption of our nature that the offences we give , we write in the dust ; those we take , we engrave in marble . if you know , or shall heare of any one either of my brethren , or other persons whom by any act of scandall i have tempted , or provoked , or lessened or disturbed , to exclude me the benefits of their charitable prayers or wishes i beseech you beg of them from me , for me , their pardon . and let not any private wild-fire of passion put out the holy flames of a diffusive charity : and as for my selfe , i doe here protest before god that i doe heartily desire to forget the injuries of whosoever has trespassed against me , either by word or deed . and if god should have been pleased to have granted a longer life , i would not refuse , ( yea i am stedfastly resolved to sollicite termes of reconciliation with them that have done me the wrong ) and if my owne heart doe not deceive me , i would give my life to save the soule of any of my christian brethren , and would be content to want some degrees of glory in heaven , so that my very greatest enemies might be so happy as to have some . the god of mercy shed forth his bowels for them that shed my blood , and the blood of christ save , & the spirit of christ sanctifie , and support him who desires to live no longer then to honour the father , son , and holy ghost , and both living and dying craves yours , and the prayers of the whole church for her unworthy child , and dearest brother your most affectionate friend , brother and servant in christ jesus , john hewit . tower , june 7. 1658. morning 7 a clock . by the lord protector. a proclamation commanding all papists, and all other persons who have been of the late kings party, or his sons, to repair unto their place of abode, and not to remove above five miles from the same. england and wales. lord protector (1658-1660 : r. cromwell) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a81031 of text r211158 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.21[21]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 3 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a81031 wing c7188 thomason 669.f.21[21] estc r211158 99869891 99869891 163516 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a81031) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163516) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f21[21]) by the lord protector. a proclamation commanding all papists, and all other persons who have been of the late kings party, or his sons, to repair unto their place of abode, and not to remove above five miles from the same. england and wales. lord protector (1658-1660 : r. cromwell) cromwell, richard, 1626-1712. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by henry hills and john field, printers to his highness, 1659. and are to be sold at the seven stars in fleetstreet over against dunstans church, london : [1659] dated at end: given at whitehall the three and twentieth day of april, in the year of our lord, 1659. annotation on thomason copy: "april. 25 25". thomason copy imperfect; sheet cropped on right side, with loss of text. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng exile (punishment) -england -london -early works to 1800. royalists -england -london -early works to 1800. catholics -england -london -legal status, laws, etc. -early works to 1800. a81031 r211158 (thomason 669.f.21[21]). civilwar no by the lord protector. a proclamation commanding all papists, and all other persons who have been of the late kings party, or his sons, to r england and wales. lord protector 1659 555 20 0 0 0 0 0 360 f the rate of 360 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion r commonwealth blazon or coat of arms pax qvaeritur bello . p ❧ by the lord protector . a proclamation commanding all papists , and all other persons who have been of the late kings party , or his sons , to repair unto their places of abode , and not to remove above five miles from the same . for preventing the danger that may be occasioned by the confluence of papists , and oth●● ill-affected persons at this time , to the cities of london and westminster , and places a●jacent : his highness the lord protector , by , and with the advice and consent of h●● privy council , hath thought fit to publish and declare ; and doth hereby enjoyn a●● require all and every person and persons , born within this commonwealth , being papists , or popish recusants , and all and every person and persons , who have at any ti●● born arms against this commonwealth , or adhered unto , or willingly assisted the enemies thereof the late war , not being now under restraint , that they , and every of them do before the twelfth d●● of may now next coming , ( or if under restraint , then within three dayes next after his or their enlar●●ment ) repair unto his and their place of dwelling , where he or they usually heretofore made their co●mon abode ; and shall not at any time after , until the tenth day of june next coming , pass , or remo●● above five miles from thence . or if such papists , popish recusants , or other persons aforesaid , ha●● no certain place of dwelling or abode within this commonwealth ; that then all and every such papists , popish recusants , and other persons aforesaid , do , by the respective times herein before l●mited , repair to the places where he or they were born , or where the father or mother of such perso●● shall then be dwelling ; and not at any time after , until the said tenth day of june ▪ pass , or remo●● above five miles from thence , upon pain of being deemed and proceeded against as disturbers of t●● publick peace , and enemies to the commonwealth . and his highness doth hereby strictly cha●●● and command all mayors , iustices of the peace , constables , and all other officers , civil and mili●●ry , to certifie unto his highness privy council , the names of all and every such papist , popish ●●cusant , or other persons aforesaid , as shall be found at any time , after the twelfth day of may afo●●said , until the said tenth day of june next , above five miles from his , or their places of abode or h●bitation , or other the places herein before limited and appointed for him and them to repair unto ; the end they may be proceeded against as aforesaid . given at whitehall the three and twentieth day of april , in the year of our lord , 1659. london , printed by henry hills and john field , printers to his highness , 1659. and are to be sold at the seven stars in fleetstreet over against dunstans church . by the parliament. whereas information is given to the parliament, that john mordant esq; son to the late earl of peterborough, col. edward massey, commonly called major general massey, charls stuart, commonly called the earl of leichfield, sir thomas leventhorp knight, ... england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a83613 of text r211268 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.21[71]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 4 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a83613 wing e2480 thomason 669.f.21[71] estc r211268 99869996 99869996 163566 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a83613) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163566) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f21[71]) by the parliament. whereas information is given to the parliament, that john mordant esq; son to the late earl of peterborough, col. edward massey, commonly called major general massey, charls stuart, commonly called the earl of leichfield, sir thomas leventhorp knight, ... england and wales. parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by john field, printer to the parliament. and are to be sold at the seven stars in fleetstreet, over against dunstans church, london : 1659. title from caption and first lines of text. apprehending the earl of lichfield and others. dated at end: given at westminster the third day of september, in the year of our lord 1659. annotation on thomason copy: "sept. 4" [crossed out]; "5". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng mordaunt, john mordaunt, -viscount, 1627-1675 -early works to 1800. charles -ii, -king of england, 1630-1685 -early works to 1800. royalists -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a83613 r211268 (thomason 669.f.21[71]). civilwar no by the parliament. whereas information is given to the parliament, that john mordant esq; son to the late earl of peterborough, col. edward england and wales. parliament. 1659 683 2 0 0 0 0 0 29 c the rate of 29 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-12 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-12 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ❧ by the parliament . whereas information is given to the parliament , that john mordant esq son to the late earl of peterborough , col. edward massey , commonly called major general massey , charls stuart , commonly called the earl of leichfield , sir thomas leventhorp knight , william compton esq son to the late earl of northampton , thomas fanshaw , son of sir thomas fanshaw knight , and richard brown citizen of london , commonly called major general brown , stand charged with several treasonable designs and practices against the commonwealth , and that some of them have of late been seen to be joyned with a body of horse in arms and rebellion against the parliament ; and all and every of them stand violently suspected to be ingaged in the same treasonable design with sir george booth knight , lately in arms against the same : and whereas the persons above named , and every of them , have of late absented , and do still absent themselves from their respective dwellings and places of habitation , and no account can or will be given by their or any of their respective relations , where they or any of them are ; the parliament have thereupon thought fit to declare and command , and by this their publique proclamation do declare and command , that they and every of them upon or before the seventeenth day of september , in the year of our lord god one thousand six hundred fifty and nine , do render themselves to the parliament or council of state ; to which , if they and every of them do not conform and submit unto , then he or they respectively making default therein , shall be accounted and taken as guilty of the said crimes they stand respectively charged with , and shall be adjudged , deemed and taken as ingaged with the said sir george booth in his rebellion and treasonable design as aforesaid : and their respective estates shall be , and are hereby declared to be forfeited and confiscate to the use of the commonwealth . and they do further command all iustices of the peace , sheriffs , mayors , constables and all other officers , civil or military , and all other the people of this commonwealth , to use their utmost care and diligence for the apprehending of the persons abovesaid , and every of them ; and after the apprehending of them or any of them , to bring or cause to be brought , him or them so apprehended , to the council of state . and for encouragement therein , the parliament doth declare , that whosoever shall apprehend them or any of them , and bring them to the council of state as aforesaid , for every one of them so apprehended , shall have the sum of one hundred pounds of lawful money . and to the end that no person or persons whatsoever may pretend ignorance of the danger that shall or may fall on them who shall harbor , entertain or conceal any of the persons above named , hereby commanded to render themselves ; the parliament do therefore hereby declare , that the laws and statutes heretofore made and provided against persons that do entertain , comfort , harbor or conceal persons convicted of high treason , shall be put in execution against all and every person and persons whatsoever , who shall entertain , comfort , harbor or conceal the persons above named , or any of them . given at westminster the third day of september , in the year of our lord 1659. saturday , september 3. 1659. ordered by the parliament , that this proclamation be forthwith printed and published . tho. st nicholas , clerk of the parliament . london , printed by john ●…eld , printer to the parliament . and are to be sold at the seven stars in f●●●●●● , over against dunstans church , 1659. three proclamations by his excellency the lord general fairfax; the first commanding the civil deportment of the souldiery. the second that no souldier shall depart from his quarters without leave. the third that all ill-affected persons, that have engaged for the king, in the first or latter war, and are now residing in or about london, shall depart the said city, and suburbs, and all places ten miles distant from thence, within twenty four hours next after publication hereof. fairfax, thomas fairfax, baron, 1612-1671. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a85011 of text r201984 in the english short title catalog (thomason e475_9). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a85011 wing f242 thomason e475_9 estc r201984 99862448 99862448 114607 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a85011) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 114607) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 76:e475[9]) three proclamations by his excellency the lord general fairfax; the first commanding the civil deportment of the souldiery. the second that no souldier shall depart from his quarters without leave. the third that all ill-affected persons, that have engaged for the king, in the first or latter war, and are now residing in or about london, shall depart the said city, and suburbs, and all places ten miles distant from thence, within twenty four hours next after publication hereof. fairfax, thomas fairfax, baron, 1612-1671. 8 p. printed for john partridge, and george whittington, london : 1648. annotation on thomason copy: "decemb: 5". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng royalists -england -history -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -collaborationists -early works to 1800. a85011 r201984 (thomason e475_9). civilwar no three proclamations by his excellency the lord general fairfax;: the first commanding the civil deportment of the souldiery. the second tha fairfax, thomas fairfax, baron 1648 880 1 0 0 0 0 0 11 c the rate of 11 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-06 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2008-06 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion three proclamations by his excellency the lord general fairfax ; the first commanding the civil deportment of the souldiery . the second that no souldier shall depart from his quarters without leave . the third that all ill-affected persons , that have engaged for the king , in the first or latter war , and are now residing in or about london , shall depart the said city , and suburbs , and all places ten miles distant from thence , within twenty four hours next after publicacation hereof . london , printed for john partridge , and george whittington . 1648. by his excellency the lord general fairfax . these are to require all officers and souldiers of horse and foot who shall quarter in and about the city of london , and suburbs thereof , that they behave and dem●●ne themselves civily and peaceably towards all sorts of people , not giving any just cause of offence , or provocation by language , or otherwise , upon pain of such severe punishment as to a court martial shall be thought meet , and not do any unlawful violence to the person or goods of any , either in their quarters , or elsewhere , upon pain of death : and for the more due execution hereof all commanders and officers are hereby required not to be absent from their several and distinct charges without leave first had in writing from their superiors , upon pain of such punishment as the party injured shall sustain , and such further censure as to justice shall be thought fit . given under my hand and seal , decemb. the first , 1648. t. fairfax . to be proclaimed by sound of trumpet , or beat of drum , at the head of the regiments . by his excellency the lord general fairfax . whereas it is informed , that many souldiers and others of the army going without leave of their officers from the places where they are quartered , do straggle about the city of london and suburbs , contrary to orders in that behalf given ; i do hereby require and command all such souldiers and others of the army , forthwith upon publication hereof to repair to their several quarters upon pain of being strictly proceeded against according to the said orders and the general articles of war . and whereas it is informed , that divers loose persons going about the city under the name , and in the garb of souldiers , have been very abusive in language , and otherwise , to the injury of some inhabitants , and just offence of others ; i do hereby desire , that if any such shall be hereafter found going about without order , or officers to govern them , whether they be indeed soldiers or no , and committing any such abuses , they may be apprehended by the next constables , and sent to white-hall , there to be delivered as prisoners to the marshal general , together with what information and evidence there is against them for such miscarriage , & there shall be a present proceeding against them by a councel of war , to the due punishment of those that shall be found to have offended , and to the just satisfaction of the persons injured : and if any soldiers going about with their officers shall be so abusive , in case their officers shall not restrain them , such officer , being complained of , shall himself be punished , and give satisfaction to the party injured . given under my hand and seal , decemb. 4. 1648. t. fairfax . to be proclaimed by sound of trumpet . by his excellency the lord general fairfax . forasmuch as divers ill-affected persons have of late made their resort to the city of london , the suburbs , and places adjoyning , with design ( as there is cause to believe upon grounds more then probable ) to imbroil this kingdom in further troubles : and whereas by ordinance , or order of parliament , such resort hath been prohibited , and the departure of such persons enjoyned ; these are therefore to require all persons , who have engaged for the king in the first or later war , or have adhered unto , or assisted him or his party therein , and are now , residing in london , or within ten miles distance there from . that within twenty four hours , after publication hereof , they depart from the said city and suburbs , and all places within ten miles distance thereof , and not to return for the space of one moneth next ensuing the publication hereof , if the head quarter shall continue here so long : and who ever shall be found and taken , contrary hereunto , they shall be dealt withall as prisoners of war ; except such of them as have perfected their compositions , and not engaged again in the latter war . given under hand and seal the fourth of decemb. 1648. t. fairfax . to be proclaimed by sound of trumpet . finis . by the protector an order and declaration of his highness, by the advice of his council, commanding all persons who have been of the late kings party, or his sons, to depart out of the cities of london and westminster, and late lines of communication, on or before monday the fifth day of november, 1655. england and wales. lord protector (1653-1658 : o. cromwell) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a80956 of text r211670 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.20[17]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 5 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a80956 wing c7121 thomason 669.f.20[17] estc r211670 99870376 99870376 163434 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a80956) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163434) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f20[17]) by the protector an order and declaration of his highness, by the advice of his council, commanding all persons who have been of the late kings party, or his sons, to depart out of the cities of london and westminster, and late lines of communication, on or before monday the fifth day of november, 1655. england and wales. lord protector (1653-1658 : o. cromwell) england and wales. council of state. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by henry hills and john field, printers to his highness, london : 1655. order to print dated: thursday the 25. of october, 1655. signed: henry scobell clerk of the council. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng royalists -england -london -early works to 1800. exile (punishment) -england -london -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a80956 r211670 (thomason 669.f.20[17]). civilwar no by the protector: an order and declaration of his highness, by the advice of his council, commanding all persons who have been of the late k england and wales. lord protector 1655 858 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion op blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the protector : an order and declaration of his highness , by the advice of his council , commanding all persons who have been of the late kings party , or his sons , to depart out of the cities of london and westminster , and late lines of communication , on or before monday the fifth day of november , 1655. forasmuch as his highness the lord protector , by the advice of the council , hath found it necessary to make and set down several orders for the securing the peace of this commonwealth , the care of the execution whereof is particularly committed to the major-generals of the respective counties , and to whom all and every person and persons within the respective counties , who have born arms against the commonwealth , are to give security for the peacable behaving themselves , that the people of this nation may be preserved and secured against future troubses , by them who have so lately and often attempted their ruine ; and taking notice of the great confluence and resort of divers ill-affected persons , who have born arms against the commonwealth , or otherwise adhered to , or assisted the enemy in the late wars , to the cities of london and westminster , upon the expiration of the late proclamation . to the end the orders aforesaid may be observed , his highness , by , and with the advice of his council doth think fit , and doth hereby publish , declare and enjoin , that all persons , who have been , at any time , in armes against the commonwealth , or have adhered unto , or willingly assisted the enemies thereof in the time of the late wars , being within the cities of london and westminster , or the late lines of communication , and not under restraint , nor hereafter excepted , shall , on or before the fifth day of november next , or , if then under restraint , within five daies after their respective enlargement , depart out of the said cities of london and westminster , and late lines of communication , and all other places within twenty miles of the said late lines , unless it be their places of habitation for themselves and families , as they will answer the contrary at their perils . and his highness doth command the lord mayor and aldermen of the city of london , and iustices of the peace within the said city and late lines of communication , and of the severall counties of middlesex , hertford , essex , kent and surry , and the respective officers of the militia within the said city and liberties , the city of westminster , burrough of southwark , hamlets of the tower , and suburbs , or any two or more of them , in their respective liberties and iurisdictions , to cause strict wards and watches to be kept , and to make frequent searches for , and apprehend , or cause to be apprehended , all such persons as aforesaid , which shall be found within the distance aforesaid , after the said fifth day of november next ; and of their doings therein , under their hands and seals , forthwith to certifie his highness council ; to the end the said offenders may be dealt withall , and proceeded against as disturbers of the peace , and contemners of authority . and all sheriffs , bayliffs , constables , and all captains of guards , officers and souldiers , and other the good people of this commonwealth , are required to be aiding to the said iustices of the peace , officers and ministers , in the due execution of the premises . and for the better discovery , preventing and avoiding of plots and disturbances dangerous to the peace of the commonwealth , his highness doth straightly charge and command all the said persons appointed to depart as aforesaid , and not restrained or stayed either by imprisonment , or such sickness or infirmity of body as they shall not be able to travell without imminent danger of life , or that having law-suites necessarily requiring their personall attendance , to repair to their place of dwelling , or where they usually made their common abode , or ( not having any certain abode ) to the place of their birth , or where their parents shall be then dwelling , and not to return untill the ninth day of february , or before such person shall have given such security unto the major generall of the county whether such person shall go , as by the orders aforesaid is required . thursday the 25. of october , 1655. ordered by his highness the lord protector and his council , that this order and declaration be forthwith printed and published . henry scobell clerk of the council . london , printed by henry hills and john field , printers to his highnes , 1655. by the lord protector. a proclamation commanding all papists, and all other persons who have been of the late kings party or his sons, to depart out of the cities of london and westminster, and late lines of communication, within three days. england and wales. lord protector (1658-1660 : r. cromwell) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a81029 of text r211159 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.21[22]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a81029 wing c7187 thomason 669.f.21[22] estc r211159 99869892 99869892 163517 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a81029) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163517) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f21[22]) by the lord protector. a proclamation commanding all papists, and all other persons who have been of the late kings party or his sons, to depart out of the cities of london and westminster, and late lines of communication, within three days. england and wales. lord protector (1658-1660 : r. cromwell) cromwell, richard, 1626-1712. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by henry hills and john field, printers to his highness, and are to be sold at the seven stars in fleetstreet over against dunstans church, london : [1659] dated at end: given at white-hall the three and twentieth day of april in the year of our lord, 1659. annotation on thomason copy: "april. 25." reproduction of the original in the british library. eng royalists -england -london -early works to 1800. catholics -england -london -legal status, laws, etc. -early works to 1800. exile (punishment) -england -london -early works to 1800. a81029 r211159 (thomason 669.f.21[22]). civilwar no by the lord protector. a proclamation commanding all papists, and all other persons who have been of the late kings party or his sons, to de england and wales. lord protector 1659 989 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion pax qvaeritvr bello olivarivs dei ◆ gra ◆ reipvb ◆ angliae ◆ scotiae ◆ et hiberniae , &c protector ◆ rp blazon or coat of arms by the lord protector . a proclamation commanding all papists , and all other persons who have been of the late kings party or his sons , to depart out of the cities of london and westminster , and late lines of communication , within three days . his highness the lord protector being informed of the frequent meetings of divers papists , and other ill-affected persons ( who have born arms against this commonwealth , or otherwise adhered to the enemy in the late wars ) in and about the cities of london and westminster , and the places adjacent , and judging it necessary to use all means for preserving the peace of the nation , and to prevent the mischiefs which may arise by designs against the peace thereof , doth ( by and with the advice of his privy councel ) straightly charge and command all papists , and all other persons , who have been at any time in arms against the commonwealth , or have adhered unto , or willingly assisted the enemies thereof in the time of the late war , being within the cities of london and westminster , or the late lines of communication , and not under restraint , within three days after the date hereof ( or if under restraint , within three days after their respective enlargement ) to depart out of the said cities of london and westminster , and late lines of communication , and all other places within twenty miles of the said late lines , unless it be the places of habitation of themselves and their families , and not to return until the tenth day of june next ; and his highness doth require and command the lord mayor of the city of london , and the aldermen of the said city , and likewise the iustices of the peace within the said cities of london and westminster , and of the several counties of middlesex , surrey , hertford , kent and essex , within their limits and jurisdictions to cause strict wards and watches to be kept , and to make frequent and diligent searches for , and to apprehend or cause to be apprehended , all such persons aforesaid , which shall be found within the said cities , places , or distance aforesaid , after the time or times herein before limitted for their departure ; and them and every of them to commit to prison , and from time to time to certifie their proceedings therein to his highness councel under their hands and seals ; and all sheriffs , mayors , bayliffs , constables , and all captains of guards , officers and soldiers , and all other the good people of this commonwealth , are required to be ayding and assisting to the said iustices of the peace , and other officers aforesaid , in the due execution of the premises , as they will answer the contrary at their utmost perils . and for the better discovery of all papists and ill-affected persons , which now are abiding in , or during the time aforesaid shall resort unto the said cities of london and westminster , or either of them , or any place or places within the late lines of communication ; his highness by and with the advice of his said councel , doth expresly charge and require all and every housholder and housholders within the cities and places aforesaid , or any of them , on or before the second day of may next coming , to deliver in writing under his and their hands unto the alderman of the ward , if such housholder dwell within the city of london , or to the next iustice of the peace , a perfect list of the names of all persons now lodging within the house of such housholder , together with their additions ; and if they are papists , to mention the same in such list , and so from time to time , within four and twenty hours after the receiving of any person to lodge in his or their house or houses , to deliver in the names of such person or persons to such alderman or next iustice of the peace in maner aforesaid ; and the aldermen of the respective wards , within the said city of london , and the iustices of the peace within the said city of westminster , and places within the late lines of communication , are required to take care that lists be accordingly sent in unto them from all and every housholder and housholders aforesaid , and to make enquiry of the truth of such lists ; and all constables and other officers are enjoyned and required to observe the orders and directions of such alderman and iustice of peace respectively in the premises , and to yield obedience thereunto : and the said aldermen and iustices of the peace respectively , are hereby likewise required to transmit true copies of such lists unto the clerks of his highness councel , or one of them . and his highness doth hereby declare , that all and every such housholder and housholders as shall make default of sending in such list as aforesaid , or shall presume to send in a false list , shall be taken and deemed enemies to the peace and security of the commonwealth . given at white-hall the three and twentieth day of april in the year of our lord , 1659. london , printed by henry hills and john field , printers to his highness , and are to be sold at the seven stars in fleetstreet over against dunstans church . by the protector. a proclamation commanding all papists and all other persons, who have been of the late kings party or his sons, to depart out of the cities of london and westminster, and late lines of communication, on or before munday the 8. of march, one thousand six hundred fifty seven. england and wales. lord protector (1653-1658 : o. cromwell) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a80970 of text r212149 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.20[72]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 6 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a80970 wing c7139 thomason 669.f.20[72] estc r212149 99870796 99870796 163488 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a80970) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163488) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f20[72]) by the protector. a proclamation commanding all papists and all other persons, who have been of the late kings party or his sons, to depart out of the cities of london and westminster, and late lines of communication, on or before munday the 8. of march, one thousand six hundred fifty seven. england and wales. lord protector (1653-1658 : o. cromwell) cromwell, oliver, 1599-1658. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by henry hills and john field, printers to his highness, london : 1657 [i.e. 1658] dated at end: given at our palace of westminster the 27th day of february, in the year of our lord, 1657. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng exile (punishment) -england -london -early works to 1800. catholics -england -london -early works to 1800. royalists -england -london -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a80970 r212149 (thomason 669.f.20[72]). civilwar no by the protector. a proclamation commanding all papists and all other persons, who have been of the late kings party or his sons, to depart england and wales. lord protector 1658 1008 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-11 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion commonwealth blazon or coat of arms olivarivs dei gra : reipvb : angliae , scotiae , et hiberniae , &c protector pax qvaeritvr bello . ❧ by the protector . a proclamation commanding all papists and all other persons , who have been of the late kings party or his sons , to depart out of the cities of london and westminster , and late lines of communication , on or before munday the 8. of march , one thousand six hundred fifty seven . his highness the lord protector being informed of the frequent meeting of divers papists and other ill-affected persons ( who have born arms against this common-wealth , or otherwise adhered to the enemies in the late wars ) in , and about the cities of london and westminster , and the places adjacent , and having received of late certain intelligence of designes now on foot , and endeavoured to be carried on by correspondencies with the king of spain , and with charls stuart , and their agents and complices , and judging it necessary to use all means for preserving of the peace of the nation , and to prevent the mischiefs which may arise by such designes , doth ( by , and with the advice of his privy council ) straitly charge and command all papists , and all other persons , who have been at any time in arms against the commonwealth , or have adhered unto , or willingly assisted the enemies thereof in the time of the late war , being within the cities of london and westminster , or the late lines of communication , and not under restraint , on or before the eighth day of march now next coming , ( or if under restraint , then within three daies after their respective enlargement ) to depart out of the said cities of london and westminster , and late lines of communication , and all other places within twenty miles of the said late lines , unless it be their places of habitation for themselves and their families , and not to return until the first day of easter term next : and his highness doth require and command the lord mayor of the city of london , and the aldermen of the said city , and likewise the iustices of the peace within the said cities , and of the several counties of middlesex , surrey , hertford , kent and essex , within their limits and iurisdictions , to cause strict wards and watches to be kept , and to make frequent and diligent searches for , and to apprehend , or cause to be apprehended , all such persons aforesaid , which shall be found within the said cities , places , or distance aforesaid , after the time or times before limited for their departure , and them and every of them to commit to prison , and from time to time to certifie their proceedings therein , to his highness council , under their hands and seals . and all sheriffs , bayliffs , constables , all captains of guards , officers and souldiers , and all other the good people of this commonwealth , are required to be aiding and assisting to the said iustices of the peace , and other officers aforesaid , in the due execution of the premisses , as they will answer the contrary at their utmost perils . and for the better discovery of all papists , and ill affected persons which now are , or during the time aforesaid , shall resort unto the said cities of london and westminster , or places within the late lines of communication , his highness , by , and with the advice of his said privy council , doth charge and require all and every housholder and housholders , within the said cities and places aforesaid , on or before the tenth day of march now next coming , to deliver in writing under their hands unto the alderman of the ward , if such housholder live within the city of london , or to the next iustice of the peace , a perfect list of the names of all persons now lodging within the house of such housholder , together with their additions ; and if they are papists , to mention the same in such list , and so from time to time within four and twenty hours after the receiving of any person to lodge in his or their house and houses , to deliver in the names of such person and persons in manner aforesaid , to such alderman or next iustice of the peace : and the aldermen of the respective wards within the said city of london , and the iustices of peace within the said city of westminster , and places within the late lines of communication , are required to take care that lists be accordingly sent in unto them from all and every housholder aforesaid , and to make enquiry of the truth of such lists : and all constables and other officers are enjoyned and required to observe the orders and directions of such alderman and iustice of peace respectively herein , and to yield obedience thereunto . and the said aldermen and iustices of the peace respectively , are hereby likewise required to transmit true copies of such lists unto the clerks of his highness council , or one of them : and his highness doth hereby declare , that all and every such housholder as shall make default of sending in such lists as aforesaid , or shall send in a false list , shall be taken and deemed an enemy to the peace and security of the commonwealth . given at our palace of westminster the 27th day of february , in the year of our lord , 1657. london , printed by henry hills and john field , printers to his highness , 1657. by the protector. a proclamation commanding all persons who have been in arms, or assisted in the wars against the state, to depart out of the cities of london and westminster and late lines of communication, on or before the twelfth day of september instant. england and wales. lord protector (1653-1658 : o. cromwell) this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a80975 of text r211811 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.20[30]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 7 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a80975 wing c7142 thomason 669.f.20[30] estc r211811 99870506 99870506 163447 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a80975) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 163447) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 247:669f20[30]) by the protector. a proclamation commanding all persons who have been in arms, or assisted in the wars against the state, to depart out of the cities of london and westminster and late lines of communication, on or before the twelfth day of september instant. england and wales. lord protector (1653-1658 : o. cromwell) england and wales. council of state. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by henry hills and john feild, printers to his highness, london : 1656. dated at end: given at whitehall the 6. day of september, in the year of our lord, 1656. in consequence of the meeting of parliament all malignants are to leave london, &c., before 12 september next and not to return for six months, on pain, &c.--steele. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng exile (punishment) -england -london -early works to 1800. royalists -england -london -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a80975 r211811 (thomason 669.f.20[30]). civilwar no by the protector. a proclamation commanding all persons who have been in arms, or assisted in the wars against the state, to depart out of t england and wales. lord protector 1656 985 1 0 0 0 0 0 10 c the rate of 10 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-10 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-11 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-11 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion op blazon or coat of arms ❧ by the protector . a proclamation commanding all persons who have been in arms , or assisted in the wars against the state , to depart out of the cities of london and westminster and late lines of communication , on or before the twelfth day of september instant . his highness foreseeing the dangerous consequence that may arise to the publique , as at other times , so especially now the parliament is so near at hand , by the confluence and freedome of access unto the cities of london and westminster , and places thereabouts , of those malignant and ill-affected persons , who have been in open hostility against the common-wealth , and otherwise adhered unto , assisted , and abetted the common enemy , whose malicious restless spirits ( notwithstanding their often disappointments , through the wonderfull mercy of god , who hath hitherto infatuated their counsells , and also notwithstanding the abundant grace and favour shewed them ) are still working by all the pernicious ways and means they can , to sow seeds of sedition , secretly to undermine the government establisht within this common-wealth , and to raise new troubles in the bowells of these nations ▪ and involve them again in blood and confusion , as is evident by their treasonable books and pamphlets which they continually take the boldness to disperse and publish , thinking thereby to poyson the hearts of the well-affected people , and withdraw them from their obedience ; therefore his highness upon advice with his council , holding it most necessary to restrain the confluence and access of that party , to the said cities of london and westminster and places adjoyning thereunto , doth hereby publish , command and enjoyn , that all persons abiding and remaining within the cities of london and westminster , and late lines of communication ( not under restraint by imprisonment of their persons ) who have been at any time in arms against the state , or adhered unto , or wittingly or willingly assisted , encouraged , or abetted the enemies thereof , do on or before the twelfth day of september instant ( or if any of them be under such restraint , then within five days next after their respective enlargement ) depart out of the said cities of london and westminster , and the late lines of communication and all places within twenty miles thereof ( unless it be the place of their constant habitation and residence for themselves and their families ) as they will answer the contrary at their perills . and that no such person do presume after the said twelfth day of september , to come within the said cities of london and westminster , or late lines of communication , within the time hereafter limited . and his highness doth command the lord maior and aldermen of the city of london , and iustices of peace within the cities of london and westminster , and the liberties , suburbs and precincts thereof . as also within the several counties of middlesex , hertford , essex , kent and surrey , and the several and respective officers of the militia , as well within the said cities and liberties , as the borough of southwark , and hamlets of the tower of london in their respective limits and iurisdictions , to this purpose , to cause strict wards and watches to be kept , and to make frequent and diligent searches for , and apprehend or cause to be apprehended , all and every such person and persons as aforesaid , who shall be found within the said cities or distance aforesaid , after the said twelfth day of this instant september , and forthwith to certifie their names , qualities and other circumstances unto his highness or council , to the end that such offendors may be dealt withall , and proceeded against , as disturbers of the publick peace , and contemners of authority . and all sheriffs , baiilffs , constables , headboroughs , and all captains of guards , officers and souldiers , and others the good people of this common-wealth , are required to be ayding and assisting to the said iustices of the peace , officers and ministers in the due execution of the premisses . and to the end the designs and plots of the said malignant and disaffected party may be the better discovered and prevented ; his highness doth straightly charge and command all and every the said person and persons , so appointed to depart as aforesaid , ( other then such of them as are restrained by imprisonment as aforesaid , or such sickness or infirmity of body that they cannot travel without apparent danger of their lives , or that have such suits in law as inevitably require their personal presence , ) do immediately repair to their several places of dwelling or common abode , or ( not having any certain abode ) to the places of their birth , or where their parents shall be then owelling , and not return untill after the end of six moneths , to be accounted from the time of publishing this our proclamation . and his highness doth admonish all those whom this proclamation doth concern , to be so wary as that his highness have not just cause to make them examples of contempt , which he must and will do , if after the said time limited for their departing as aforesaid , any of them shall be found to stay contrary to his said direction herein . given at whitehall the 6. day of september , in the year of our lord , 1656. london printed by henry hills and john feild , printers to his highness . 1656. captaine burley his speech at the place of execution at winchester, where he was hang'd, drawn, and quartered, for endevouring to raise forces to take away the king from the isle of wyght. also a letter from his majesties court at carisbrook-castle. and a great rising in the city of worcester; certified by a letter to a member of the house of commons. feb. 7. 1647. imprimatur gil. mabbot. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a80019 of text r204562 in the english short title catalog (thomason e425_19). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 9 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a80019 wing c484 thomason e425_19 estc r204562 99864037 99864037 161439 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a80019) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161439) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 67:e425[19]) captaine burley his speech at the place of execution at winchester, where he was hang'd, drawn, and quartered, for endevouring to raise forces to take away the king from the isle of wyght. also a letter from his majesties court at carisbrook-castle. and a great rising in the city of worcester; certified by a letter to a member of the house of commons. feb. 7. 1647. imprimatur gil. mabbot. moline, francis. smith, j., of worcester. [2], 6 p. by robert ibbitson in smithfield, neere the queens-head tavern, printed at london : 1648. the letter from carisbrook-castle, which also concerns the execution of captain burley, is signed "fran. moline", and the letter to a member of the house of commons is signed "j. smith". the text of burley's speech is not given. annotation on thomason copy: imprint altered in ms. from "1648" to "1647", i.e. lady day dating. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng burley, john, d. 1648 -early works to 1800. royalists -england -worcester -early works to 1800. a80019 r204562 (thomason e425_19). civilwar no captaine burley his speech at the place of execution at winchester,: where he was hang'd, drawn, and quartered, for endevouring to raise fo moline, francis 1648 1552 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-01 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 john pas sampled and proofread 2008-03 john pas text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion captains bvrley his speech at the place of execution at winchester , where he was hang'd , drawn , and quartered , for endevouring to raise forces to take away the king from the isle of wyght . also a letter from his majesties court at carisbrook-castle . and a great rising in the city of worcester ; certified by a letter to a member of the house of commons . feb. 7 . 1647. imprimatur gil. mabbot . printed at london by robert ibbitson in smithfield , neere the queens-head tavern . 1647. the copy of a letter from his majesties court , at carisbrook castle . right honourable , his majesty ( though abridged of that liberty as formerly ) yet is merry sometimes when occasion is offered , there is little of news from court , onely comments of what comes from other parts , and expectations of the events . nor is there mourning here for the death of captain burley , who is hang'd , drawn , and quartered , ( already almost forgotten ) concerning whom there was used what meanes could be to worke him to sight of his wicked and bloody crime ( in that had not god prevented it ) this poore island might have been imbrued in a bloody and sad massacre , by his wicked designe , but yet he continued obstinate . divers ministers were with him before his death severall times , but they could not worke upon him : and in the last sermon before he was executed , that he heard some passages against that designe spoken off ( as before at others ) he carried himselfe , as if hee had rather scorned , then been melted at it . and when he was brought our to the place of execution , and the hangman ready to doe his office , ( it is true , he seemed to have some fear of death , but ) was still obstinate : and spoke to the effect of the inclosed paper . and having taken his leave of the world , and prayed a while , he prayed to god to receive his soul , and was then by the hangman that came downe thither turned off of the ladder , and after he had hanged a space , cut downe , and quartered , after the usuall manner . sir , wee have nothing here new : his majesty is very reserved in his speeches , and chearfull at his meat ; we are all quiet , desiring a happy settlement : so prayes , carisbrooke-castle , febru. 4.1647 . your affectionate friend , fran. moline . captain burleyes speech , at the place of execution , imediately before he was hang'd drawn , and quartered at winchester . captain burley being on the ladder ready to dye , he was moved by a minister and others to bee humbled , that the lord might have mercy upon him , and confesse his sinnes to god , and particularly the treason for which he was to dye : hee said , he was a sinner , but no traytor . it was told him what a faire tryall he had had , and how legally he was condemned ; he answered that it was true , the gentlemen condemned him on the bench , the ministers in the pulpit , and the gentlemen of the county in their verdicts , but yet he was no traitor . he was told how bloody an act he agitated , in seeking to take away the king through blood : hee answered he was happy to dye so , and prayed that his blood might be the last . the foulnesse of the act was declared to him , but he continued obstinate still . afterwards hee prayed , concluding with the lords prayer . then the hangman pulling his cap over his eyes , captaine burley called upon god , lord preserve my soule , lord jesus receive my soule , and so was turned of , and hanged , drawn and quartered . a letter to a member of the house of commons . sir . my service presented unto you , these are to certifie you of the rising among us , you shall understand that about a weeke since there came a pestilent booke to towne amongst us called loyalty speakes truth , purposely written against the excise-men naming them by name , but so soone as the country troope was disbanded upon this day being munday the people in the city rose in very great numbers , and went directly to the excise house which they most violently ransaked and plundered , from morning till night breaking the windowes and as it was thought they would have laid the house levell with the ground had not some made great intercession , they abused the mayor and aldermen , neither could the mayor get any of the freemen at his call , to come to his assistance , neither could the cheife officers of the souldiery that quarter in the towne doe any thing for their assistance , but in my sight was assalted by the people and had very much adoe to escape , they did not onely take away stooles , bed-steds , coffers and all away that was worth a groat ; but that wine and beere which was in the cellor which they could not drinke they let run about the cellor , and lastly tooke away the empty caskes . about noone they cryed downe with the committee , and for god and king charles , when we heard them at that ; at that time all our small party was out of the towne , but some of them came home presently . some rogues gave out that the money belonging ' to the excise was carried to mr. moores the ministers , wherefore mr , moore exhorted every one that was or had beene for the parliament to stand to it . at that , some few of us met in the colledge greene and made fast the gate , some fifteene well-affected towns-men came in to our assistance , wee charged the gunnes with small shot , and so we keep a small garrison yet , about six a clock the mayor came to us , and informed us of the tumult , hoping that now night was come they begun to go home . they were about 2000. truely they seemed like the muster of a battaile so many men women and children about this businesse . we have made a great fire in the hall in the deanery and keepe our court of guard in that place , i for my part stole from among my fellowes about ten at night , and came as secure as i could to my house to write to you , meaning to returne about one of the clocke after midnight . the tumulters threaten hard that next wednesday they shall have the assistance of witch and other places against us , and we as resolutely intend to defend our selves . i heard some inkling of this businesse before , but they spake so mystically that i could not understand them , but now i see what they meant , i do most truely gather that except some part of the army come downe to quiet those mutiners , it is very like to bee true which ( they say ) that not onely this county but hereford and other places will doe the like , you shall also understand that this businesse was plotted by some prime ones , and divers souldiers that had beene cavaliers were with them , and mightily incouraged them , and assisted , there hath some layed wagers and made wonderfull . protestations that the fate of things ( as they call it ) will change within these six weekes ) . i beleeve amongst their party they durst as freely buy the parliament mens lands when they can get them , as any man the bishops lands , i judge this to be a thing they looke for , that when they can get a full rising of the people to suprresse grieviances ( as they call them ) some wise heads amongst them together with the supernumeraries ( that neither are nor will bee disbanded ) they will make a party againe of their owne . my reasons are these . 1 because i am sure by their talke and by private conference they have a wonderfull sure designe which must suddainly as they say bee brought about . 2 divers of them have bought new armes very lately , giving dangerous words out when they saw the forces disbanded . 3 the willingnesse of the souldiers to assist them which quarter in this city ( as also in other places here about . ) i am now about to go to the colledge againe it being two a clock after midnight . worcester the 1 of feb. 1647. your humble servant j. smith . finis . the declaration and protestation of the kings army in south-wales, concerning their dread soveraign the king; as also touching his majesties freedome, honour, and safety. assented to and taken by col. poyer, and the rest of the kings party in south-wales, and now dispiersed into the severall counties of north-wales, where it is now taking by the cavalieres in the severall counties thereof. john poyer. likewise, a declaration of sir tho: glenham, sir marmaduke langdale, and the rest of the kings party in the north of england, concerning their present design for the kings majesty. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a96526 of text r204126 in the english short title catalog (thomason e438_13). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 10 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a96526 wing w2247 thomason e438_13 estc r204126 99863819 99863819 161654 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a96526) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 161654) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 69:e438[13]) the declaration and protestation of the kings army in south-wales, concerning their dread soveraign the king; as also touching his majesties freedome, honour, and safety. assented to and taken by col. poyer, and the rest of the kings party in south-wales, and now dispiersed into the severall counties of north-wales, where it is now taking by the cavalieres in the severall counties thereof. john poyer. likewise, a declaration of sir tho: glenham, sir marmaduke langdale, and the rest of the kings party in the north of england, concerning their present design for the kings majesty. wilkinson, jonathan. glemham, thomas, sir, d. 1649. poyer, john, d. 1649. [2], 6 p. printed by r.w., london : mdcxlviii. [1648] includes a letter signed by jonathan wilkinson, and a protestation signed by john poyer and three others. annotation on thomason copy: "aprill 4th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -captivity, 1647-1649 -early works to 1800. royalists -great britain -17th century -early works to 1800. a96526 r204126 (thomason e438_13). civilwar no the declaration and protestation of the kings army in south-wales, concerning their dread soveraign the king;: as also touching his majesti wilkinson, jonathan 1648 1568 17 0 0 0 0 0 108 f the rate of 108 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2007-08 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-09 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2007-09 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the declaration and protestation of the kings army in south-wales , concerning their dread soveraign the king ; as also touching his majesties freedome , honour , and safety . assented to and taken by col. poyer , and the rest of the kings party in south-wales , and now dispiersed into the severall counties of north-wales , where it is now taking by the cavalieres in the severall counties thereof . john poyer . likewise , a declaration of sir tho : glenham , sir marmaduke langdale , and the rest of the kings party in the north of england , concerning their present design for the kings majesty . london : printed by r. w. mdcxlviii . an exact relation of the royalists proceedings in the north of england . honoured sir , since my last , there hath happened strange accidents in these parts , the royalists are become masters of the strong frontier garrison the town of beiwick , and have posses'd themselves thereof ; for a party consisting of three troops of horse and dragoones , commanded by sir thomas glenham , sir marmaduke langdale , and captaine woogan , on satterday night last in the evening , on a sudden , entred mary gate port , and marched downe the great street towards the town hall , where they made a stand , dividing themselves into three parties , for the better securing of the town and the bridge . sir marmaduke langdale advanced towards the bridge with a party of horse and dragoons , for the securing of that place , and sir thomas glenham , and cap. vvoogan made good the streets with the other party ; so that they soon became masters both of town and forts , & immediatly cleered the streets of all persons whatsoever : yet notwithstanding this sudden alarm , the mayor of the town was very active and forward , and endeavoured to get strength to oppose them , but could not , by reason of their sudden possessing themselves of all the three ports , and megs mount : he was forced to his house , together with divers aldermen , and other well-affected of the towne , where they were all surprized and taken . from thence , the cavalry marched to the committee , where they took them also , except some few that escaped . sir thomas glenham and langdale have taken a view of the whole town , and are now fortifying the same . they are raising a great sconce or halfe moon upon k●ngs mount , for the c●eering the rampiers , and command of the seas . they are also repairing the battery upon megs mount , and making a spur or hornworke neer the castle and the bridge , for cleering the river and sands upon northumberland side . we hear that they intend to disarme all the inhabitants that will not adhere to them , and declare for the king . they have summoned ( in his majesties name ) most of the inhabitants about the townes adjacent , and holds them close to their tacklings . they give out high speeche , concerning tinmouth and newcastle . but of this , more by the next . morpoth the 1. of may 1648. your assured friend , jonathan wilkinson . the copy of a letter from newcastle . sir , our new governour sir arthur haslerig is exceedingly well appro●ed of by the well affected in these part● . he i● v●ry carefull to strengthen this garrison and tinmouth , three companies of major gen skippons regiment are come hither : he is also very carefull to appease any tumults or insurrections , which are likely to arise in any of these parts . from scotland we heare , that the parliament have passed their declaration , which is to be published , to give satisfaction to that nation in generall : the contents thereof are , the d●ngers and duties in relation to religion , and the king and kingdom . but because , that in the points of religion , the parliament forgot to consult with the commissioners of the church ( who were in the nature of our assemb●y of divines in england ) untill the said declaration was fully concluded and vote● , many of the best affected , and others did protest against it . newcastle 29. april , 1648. sir , the committee of this county upon a letter from sir arthur haslerig met yesterday to consider of his desire to them , to meet the gentlemen of the other northern counties at richmond , may 2. to consider of put●ing their parts into a posture of defence , the commi●tee of durham have resolved to do something in relation thereun●o . the cavaliers are very hi●h●● expectation of the scots and scottish-english to come into england , and begin to give big words to incense the kingdom . the prentices of y●rk should have risen in a tumultuous manner , about the time of the mutiny at london , upon pretence of putting out the city journymen that are not free . york the 29. of aprill , 1648. a declaration of the present proceedings of the estates of the kingdom of scotland . the parliament of scotland having finished their declaration it hath passed by a major part in the vote vpon the question . but the marq. of argyle and other lords and members of parliament , to the number of 60. protested against it , and caused their protestations to be entred , except they took the advice of the kirk , and had their concurrence therein yet neverthelesse the parliament proceeded vpon it , and putting it again to the question , passed it vpon the vote by 41 , voyces so that forces are to be raised . but the marq. of argyle , and the rest of the other party , with the ministers , are resolved , that if they do march into england upon that declaration , that they will follow with another army in the rear of them , and that they have assurance from the old army , which consisteth of about 2500. foot , and 1000. horse , to joyne with them , they cleave fast to the clergy . the other party gives out , that prince charles is to come over hither , and the marq of montrosse with him , to lead the army into england when it is raised , and to hinder others from falling in their rear . the parliament of scotland have almost finished their demands which they intend to send to the parliament of england , it is said , they consist of these heads , viz. 2. that the kings majesty be brought from the isle of wight to one of his houses neer london . 2. that chutch-government may be setled according to the solemn league and covenant of both kingdoms . 3. that sectaries may no longer be incouraged but quite abolished . and lastly , touching the five bills sent to the king without their consent . these proposals , with some others , are said to bee fully resolved vpon , and that the committee of estates have made choice of one colonell marshal to be speedily dispatched for england , and to present the same to both houses of parliament assembled at westminster . by letters from wales it is further advertized , that a party of about 3 troopes of hor●e commanded by col. f●emming ( a gentleman of valour and resolution ) which being on a sudden too deeply ingaged with poyers forces , were not only over powred , but ingaged in a place of disadvantage , where relief could not come unto them nor they make good their retreat : so that col. flemming was slain , and few with him escaped . this is all we know for tru●h in that businesse , and as for that report , that others of col . hortons forces were routed , and their ammunition was taken , and they pursued , &c. there are no letters which do expresse it , neither doe wee know any other grounds for it , then mens humours , which often times speak as they would have it . the protestation . wee whose names are subscribed do declare , that we wil use our utmost endeavours , to bring the king to a personall treaty with his parliament , with freedome , honour , and safety , to the end , that the just prerogative of the king , priviledge of parliaments , lawes of the land , and liberty of the people , may be all maintained and preserved in the proper bounds , and the protestant religion , as it now stands , established by the lawes of the land , and restored throughout the kingdom , with such regard to be had to tender consciences , as shall be allowed by act of parliament . assented to by colonell john poyer , captain powell . colonell powell . captain smith . may 4. 1648. imprimatur g. m. a loyall song of the royall feast, kept by the prisoners in the towre in august last, with the names, titles and characters of every prisoner. by sir f.w. knight and baronet, prisoner. wortley, francis, sir, 1591-1652. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a96947 of text r210651 in the english short title catalog (thomason 669.f.11[82]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 12 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a96947 wing w3639 thomason 669.f.11[82] estc r210651 99869429 99869429 162734 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a96947) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162734) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 246:669f11[82]) a loyall song of the royall feast, kept by the prisoners in the towre in august last, with the names, titles and characters of every prisoner. by sir f.w. knight and baronet, prisoner. wortley, francis, sir, 1591-1652. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [london : 1647] sir f.w. knight and baronet = sir francis wortley. imprint from wing. verse "god save the best of kings, king charles,". annotation on thomason copy: "7ber: [i.e. september] 16 1647". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng royalists -england -poetry -early works to 1800. political prisoners -england -poetry -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -poetry -early works to 1800. a96947 r210651 (thomason 669.f.11[82]). civilwar no a loyall song of the royall feast, kept by the prisoners in the towre in august last, with the names, titles and characters of every prisone wortley, francis, sir 1647 1763 10 0 0 0 0 0 57 d the rate of 57 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-04 elspeth healey sampled and proofread 2008-04 elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a loyall song of the royall feast , kept by the prisoners in the towre in august last , with the names , titles and characters of every prisoner . by sir f. w. knight and baronet , prisoner . god save the best of kings , king charles , the best of queens queen mary , the ladies all , gloster and yorke , prince charles so like old harry : god send the king his own again , h●s towre and all his coyners , and blesse all kings who are to reigne from traytors and purloyners . the king sent us poor traytors here ( but you may guesse the reason ) two brace of bucks to mend the cheere , is 't not to eat them treason ? let selden search cottons records , and royley in the towre , they cannot match the president , it is not in their power , old collet would have joy'd ta've seen this president recorded , for all the papers hee are saw scarce such an one afforded the king sent us , &c. but that you may these traytors know i le be so bold to name them , that if they ever traytors prove , then this record may shame them : but these are well try'd loyall blades ( if england ere had any ) search both the houses through and through youl 'd scarcely finde so many . the king sent us , &c. the first and chiefe a marquesse is long with the state did wrestle , had ogle done as much as he , tha'd spoyld will. wallers castle : ogle had wealth and title got , so layd down his commissions , the noble marquesse would not yeild , but scorn'd all base conditions . the king sent us , &c. the next a worthy bishop is , of schismaticks was hated , but i the cause could never know , nor see the reason stated : the c●yes were loud , god knows the cause , they had a strange committee , which was a foot well neere a yeare , who would have had small pitty . the king sent us , &c. the next to him is a welsh judge durst tell them what was treason , old honest david durst be good , when it was out of season : he durst discover all the tricks the lawyers use , and knavery , and shew the subtile plots they use to enthrall us in slavery . the king sent us , &c. frank wortly hath a joviall soule , yet never was good club-man , hee 's for the bishops and the church , but can endure no tub-man : he told sir thomas in the towre , though he by him was undone , it pleas'd him that he lost more men , in taking him then london . the king sent us , &c. sir edward hayles was wonderous rich , no flower in kent yeilds honey in more abundance to the bee , then they from him suck money : yet hee 's as chearfull as the best , judge jenkins sees no reason that honest men for wealth should be accused of high treason . the king sent us , &c. old sir john strangways he came in , though he himselfe submitted , yet as a traytor he must be , excepted and committed , yet they th'exception now take off , but not the sequestration , hee must forsooth to goldsmiths-hall , the place of desolation . the king sent us , &c. honest sir ben's a reall man , as ere was lapt in leather , but he ( god blesse us ) loves the king , and therefore was sent hither . he durst be sheriffe , and durst make the parliament acquainted what he intended for to doe , and for this was at●ainted . the king sent us , &c. sir benefield , sir walter blunt , are romishly affected , so 's honest frank of howards race , and slaughter is suspected : but how the devill comes this about , that papists are so loyall ? and those that call then selves gods saints , like devils doe destroy all . the king sent us &c. jack hewet will have wholsome meat , and drink good wine if any , his entertainments free and neat , his choyce of freinds not many : jack is a loyall hearted man , well parted and a scholar , hee 'l grumble if things please him not , but never grows to chollar . the king sent us , &c. gallant sir thomas bold and stout , ( brave lunsford ) children eateth , but he takes care , where he eats one , there he a hundred getteth . when harlows wife brings her long bils , he wishes she were blinded , when shee speaks loud , as loud he swears , the woman's earthly minded . the king sent us , &c. sir lewis hath an able pen , can cudgell a committee , he makes them doe him reason though they others doe not pitty : brave cleaveland had a willing minde , frank w●rtley was not able , but lewis got foure pound per weeke , for 's children and his table . the king sent us , &c. giles strangwayes has a gallant soul , a brain infatigable , what study he ere undertakes , to master it hee 's able : he studies on his theoremes , and logarithmes for number , he loves to speake of lewis dives , and they are neer asunder . the king sent us , &c. sir john marlow's a loyall man , ( if england ere bred any ) he bang'd the pedlar back and side , of scots he killed many : had generall king done what he should , and given the blew-caps battail , wee 'd made them all run into tweed , by droves like sommer cattell . the king sent us &c. will. morton's of that cardinals race , who made that blessed marryage , he is most loyall to his king , in action , word , and carryage : his sword and pen de●ends the cause , if king charles thinke not on him , w●ll . is a●…ongst the rest undone ; the lord have mercy on him . the king sent us , &c. tom con●…sb●… 〈◊〉 stout and stern , yet of a sweet condition to them he loves ; his crime was great he read , the kings commission , and required cranborn to assist he charg'd , but should have prayd him , tom was so bold he did require all for the king should aid him . the king sent us , &c. but i win bodnam had forgot , had suffered somuch hardship , there 's no man in the towre had left the king so young a wardship : hee 's firme both to the church and crown , the crown law and the canon , the houses put him to his shifts , and his wives father mammon . the king sent us , &c. sir henry vaughan looks as grave as any beard can make him , those come poore prisoners for to see , doe for our patriarke take him : old harry is a right true blue , as valiant as pendraggon , and would be loyall to his king , had king charles neer a rag on the king sent us , &c. john lilburne is a stirring blade , and understands the matter , he neither will king , bishops , lords , nor th'house of commons flatter : john loves no power prerogative , but that deriv'd from sion , as for the mitre and the crown , those two he looks awry on . the king sent us , &c. tom violet swears his injuries are scarcely to be numbred , he was close prisoner to the state , three score dayes and nine hundred : for tom does set down all the dayes , and hopes he has good debters , 't would be no treason ( jenkins sayes ) to bring them peacefull letters . the king sent us , &c , poore hudson of all was the last , for it was his disaster , he met a turncoat swore that he was once king charles his master . so he to london soon was brought but came in such a season , their martiall court was then cry'd down they could not try his treason . the king sent us , &c. else hudson had gone to the pot who is he can abide him ? for he was master to the king and ( which is more ) did guide him . had hudson done ( as judas did ) most loyally betray'd him , the houses are so noble , they as bravely would have paid him . the king sent us , &c. wee 'l then conclude with hearty healths to king charles and queen mary , to the black lad in buff , ( the prince ) so like his grandsire harry . to york , to gloster , may we not send turk and pope defiance ; since we such gallant seconds have to strengthen our alliance ? wee 'l drink them o're and o're again else we 're unthankfull creatures since charles the wise , the valiant king takes us for loyall traytors . this if you will rime dogrell call ( that you please you may name it ) one of the loyall traytors here did for a ballad frame it old chevy chase was in his minde if any sute it better : all these concerned in the song will kindly thank ▪ the setter . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a96947e-30 mar. winton ▪ bish . eely . judge jenkins , esq . knight & baronet . knight & baronet . knight & baronet . knight & baronet . knights & baronets . knight . knight & baronet . knight . esquire . knight . knight . esquire . knight . knight . gent. goldsmith . d. d. the demands and proposals of the earle of norwich, and sr. charles lucas, (in the name of themselves, and the rest of his majesties officers and souldiers in the city of colchester) to generall fairfax, concerning the surrendering of the said city, ad their resolution thereupon. with the answer of the lord generall to the said demands and proposals also, the proceedings of the scots-royalists neare the parliament doores, and their animating on the people to cudgell the parliament. likewise, the d[i]scovery of a great designe in the city of london, to have murthered most of the parliament men, and the apprehending of the princes agent at the royall exchange, and taking of divers commissions from his highnes to the citizens, for the raising of a army for his royal father the king. signed, charles. p. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a89742 of text r205129 in the english short title catalog (thomason e460_25). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 12 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a89742 wing n1331 thomason e460_25 estc r205129 99864566 99864566 162146 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a89742) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 162146) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 73:e460[25]) the demands and proposals of the earle of norwich, and sr. charles lucas, (in the name of themselves, and the rest of his majesties officers and souldiers in the city of colchester) to generall fairfax, concerning the surrendering of the said city, ad their resolution thereupon. with the answer of the lord generall to the said demands and proposals also, the proceedings of the scots-royalists neare the parliament doores, and their animating on the people to cudgell the parliament. likewise, the d[i]scovery of a great designe in the city of london, to have murthered most of the parliament men, and the apprehending of the princes agent at the royall exchange, and taking of divers commissions from his highnes to the citizens, for the raising of a army for his royal father the king. signed, charles. p. goring, george goring, baron, 1608-1657. [2], 6 p. [s.n.], london : printed anno dom. 1648. sometimes attributed to sir george goring. (cf. wing). annotation on thomason copy: "august ye 23th". reproduction of the original in the british library. eng royalists -england -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. london (england) -history -17th century -early works to 1800. colchester (england) -history -siege, 1648 -early works to 1800. a89742 r205129 (thomason e460_25). civilwar no the demands and proposals of the earle of norwich, and sr. charles lucas,: (in the name of themselves, and the rest of his majesties office goring, george goring, baron 1648 1976 4 0 0 0 0 0 20 c the rate of 20 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-02 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2008-02 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the demands and proposals of the earle of norwich , and sr. charles lucas , ( in the name of themselves , and the rest of his majesties officers and souldiers in the city of colchester ) to generall fairfax , concerning the surrendering of the said city , and their resolution thereupon . with the answer of the lord generall to the said demands and proposals also . the proceedings of the scots royalists neare the parliament doores , and their animating on the people to cudgell the parliament . likewise , the d●scovery of a great designe in the city of london , to have murthered most of the parliament men , and the apprehending of the princes agent at the royall exchange , and taking of divers commissions from his highnes to the citizens , for the raising of an army for his royall father the king . signed , charles . p. london , printed anno dom. 1648. the discovery of a great plot in the city of london to massacre the parliament men , and other jnhabitants with in the city , and the apprehending of the princes agent neere the royal exchange . the treaty is carried on violently , & many jealousies possess the honest party , who are as active as scrutinous , knowing a personall treaty was never yet desired with out some designe to cut their throats ; divine providence , with gods wonted goodnesse to his people discovers a hellish plot in the city , to massacre all honest members in parliament , and inhabitants in city and suburbs , for which commissions were granted from his sacred highnesse the prince of wales , to citizens and others , who in the prosecution of the covenant with their deare brethren of scotland , and their zeale to the royall cause of his gracious majesty , make large subcriptions for buying armes , and maintaining the forces listed for this great designe ) no marvell now ▪ that the prince , and the city , with the reformadoes should so much presse for a personall treaty in london , that their brethren of scotland may be provided for , and a cessation and free trade insisted on , that the city should raise forces by act of common councel , and the royal party so much domineere . ) a committee was this day appointed to joyne with the miltia in examining and discovering this designe , with power to send for parties , witnesses , &c. seize horses armes , and ammunition , and secure such persons as they shall think fit . they consider of their lordships votes upon the businesse of the treaty , and make some additions and alterations therein : agree to the repealing of foure votes for no further application to the king . to the vote for persons to attend him during the treaty , the commons add a provision , that they be not persons accepted against under restraint , or in actuall warr by sea or land , nor so many as may cause suspition : to that , for his majesty to be in the same freedom as at hampton court , concurred . to that for domestick servants to attend him , agreed to , so that they be not in any of the former limitations . his highness the prince of wales , hath sent for a dr. and apothecary from london to wait spedily upon him : they acquaint the speaker with the princes command , the occasion thereof , and their desires to the house in relation thereuto . the house ordered , that the said dr. and chirurgion go aboard the prince , and return : it s conceived the message was mistaken , and an oculist intended , ah poor prince this is worse then blasting his land army , for now his amorous features will no more tempt the french ladies , and besides , his highnesse may come to an incapacity of — if his sight be not recovered . some of the scots commanders insolencies was this day taken notice of in westminster hall , in stirring up the discontented people at the house rising , to fall on the parliament men , crying , cudgell them , cudgell them . the princes agent was seen this day in the exchange , london , and being friendly invited to a glasse of wine , a squadron of major gen. skippons horse in the interim secured him , upon search finde the clavis of the princes characters , commissions from the prince to citizens , and severall particulars of armes in relation to the grand designe of the city : the prisoner and two troopers are coched , a squadron of horse-guard them down to derby hous who dispose of the agent into safe custody , & return thanks to the troopers , who rest not here , but scout round , and thorow the city this night , and sunday likewise , their activiandy gallantry makes them terrible , and more dispicable , the enemy calling them fairfax bastards . make these 300 horse 6●0 . and give them power , they will secure both parliament and city . the bunch of cavaliers and citizens were hapily discovered at a tavern in london , but more unhappily prevented . sir , we have little news here , god is acting for us , though we do little for ourselves , and the lesse we se our selvs do , the more we shall do : our great work now , is the carrying on of the approaches , which are so neare , that our souldiers and theirs lay down their arms and instead of shooting cast stones one at another ; our line between botolph gate and east-gate , is almost brought to their wall . the enemy in town are very full of distractions , and the inhabitants of straits and disturbance , as you will perceive by the enclosed petitions , which were this day sent unto his excellency in a letter from the l. norwich , and the rest , expressing , that they had at the desire of the inhabitants , thought fit to restrain them and that they should be constrained for the better accommodation of the souldiery , to turn out the towns-people whereby their houses and goods would be left liable to spoile and ruine ; for the prevention whereof , they had thought fit to treate with his lordship for the surrender of the town , if he pleased , to which purpose they would send six officers , if his lordship would appoint the like number to meet them on his behalf . with this letter came another , offering the exchange of capt. gray for mr , weston , and mr. rawlens : his excelencies answer was , that as to the exchange he accepted of , but as to the matter of treaty , he would send answer by a messenger of his own . as yet no inclination to grant their requests , the officers are to advise about it to morrow , delay being now the best part of our game . this evening his excelency going into one of the forts near east gate , the enemy discharged a drake with case shot , which scattered durt upon him and his attendants , but did none of them any harme . our men kil'd one of theirs looking over the wall . the other day sr. richard hastings boy being exchanged for one gooday a townsman , whom the enemy had apprehended as a spie , having heard some discourse among the souldiers , and told it among the rest , that our soldiers bid him comend them to goring , & tell him they would bore a hole through his nose , and draw him with a rope through cheapside , crying here is the great bull of colchester , which made his lordship merry . to the right honorable the earle of norwich , the lord capell , and sir charles lucas . the humble petition of the inhabitants of colchester . sheweth , that your petitioners having lately received your commands to prepare our selves generally to depart the town , for the better supplying of the souldiers we have been bold humbly to petition the l. fairfax for liberty to passe into the country , least being forced we go voluntarily without his lordships licence , we might expose our lives to eminent danger . we therefore humbly pray your honors to be pleased to give way that our petition may be sent to his lordship , and that till we have received answer of it , we may not be enforced from our habitations . au. 16. 1648. subscribed by us the mayor & aldermen in the name of all the petitioners . w. cooke mayor , r. buxton , io. furley t. laurence , and io. sharp aldermen . to the right honorable thomas lord fairfax his excelency . the humble petition of the inhabitants of colchester . sheweth , that divers of your petitioners of every parish , having been summoned this present morning to attend the commanders in chief here , have received this message from them , strict charge to communicate it to all the inhabitants in generall , namely , that we must with all expedition provide to depart the town , or otherwise we sh●ll by power be forced therunto , for that what ever becometh of us ; the souldiery , who maintain the kings cause must and shall be provided for . now my lord , your petitioners being driven to this exigency , they have no other means but to fly to your christian clemency , and humbly pray , that you will give them leave to passe into the country for the preservation of their lives . and your petitioners shall pray , &c. aug. 19. 1648 subscribed by the mayor and aldermen in the name of all the petitioners . wil. cook mayor , rob. buxton , io. furley , tho laurence , and io. saw. aldermen . colchester . leaguer aug. 20. my lords , i am willing to beleive that the necessities of the inhabitants of the towne of colchester have wrung from them the petition in your letter inclosed , i shall not only clear my self to all the world from the occasion of their sufferings but so far contribute to their releif , as to allow all the inhabitants of that town to enjoy the liberty in their petition desired , provided the committee of the county of essex , now prisoners with you , be sent out with the first , only i shall not permit the wives and children of any townsmen , or others who shall abide with you in arms to have the benifit above mentioned . and to the other part of your lordships letter that concerne the rendition of the town , i make this offer , that all such officers and souldiers under the degree of a capt , ( excepting all such of my army , who have since the 10 of may deserted their colours shall have passes without injury offered them to return to their homes , engaging themselves never hereafter to bear arms against the parl. and all other superiour officers , with lords and gentlemen , to submit to mercy . your lordships servant , t. fxirfax . for the earl of norwich , lord capel , and sr. charls lucas . finis . a dog's elegy, or, rvpert's tears, for the late defeat given him at marstonmoore, neer york, by the three renowned generalls; alexander earl of leven, general of the scottish forces, fardinando, lord fairefax, and the earle of manchester generalls of the english forces in the north. where his beloved dog, named boy, was killed by a valiant souldier, who had skill in necromancy. likewise the strange breed of this shagg'd cavalier, whelp'd of a malignant water-witch; with all his tricks, and feats. sad cavaliers, rupert invites you all that does survive, to his dogs funerall. close-mourners are the witch, pope, & devill, that much lament ye'r late befallen evill. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a81604 of text r3732 in the english short title catalog (thomason e3_17). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 17 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a81604 wing d1830 thomason e3_17 estc r3732 99872477 99872477 154679 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a81604) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 154679) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 1:e3[17]) a dog's elegy, or, rvpert's tears, for the late defeat given him at marstonmoore, neer york, by the three renowned generalls; alexander earl of leven, general of the scottish forces, fardinando, lord fairefax, and the earle of manchester generalls of the english forces in the north. where his beloved dog, named boy, was killed by a valiant souldier, who had skill in necromancy. likewise the strange breed of this shagg'd cavalier, whelp'd of a malignant water-witch; with all his tricks, and feats. sad cavaliers, rupert invites you all that does survive, to his dogs funerall. close-mourners are the witch, pope, & devill, that much lament ye'r late befallen evill. taylor, john, 1580-1653. [8] p. for g. b., printed at london, : july 27. 1644. perhaps by john taylor, the water poet. cf. nuc pre-1956. reproduction of the original in the british library. in verse. eng rupert, -prince, count palatine, 1619-1682 -early works to 1800. leven, alexander leslie, -earl of, 1580?-1661 -early works to 1800. fairfax, ferdinando fairfax, -baron, 1584-1648 -early works to 1800. manchester, edward montagu, -earl of, 1602-1671 -early works to 1800. royalists -england -history -17th century -poetry -early works to 1800. a81604 r3732 (thomason e3_17). civilwar no a dog's elegy, or, rvpert's tears,: for the late defeat given him at marstonmoore, neer york, by the three renowned generalls; alexander ea taylor, john 1644 2453 10 0 0 0 0 0 41 d the rate of 41 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-07 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2008-07 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a dogs elegy , or rvperts tears , for the late defeat given him at marston-moore , neer york , by the three renowned generalls ; alexander earl of leven , generall of the scottish forces , fardinando lord fairefax , and the earle of manchester generalls of the english forces in the north . where his beloved dog , named boy , was killed by a valliant souldier , who had skill in necromancy . likewise the strange breed of this shagg'd cavalier , whelp'd of a malignant water-witch ; with all his tricks , and feats . sad cavaliers , rupert invites you all that doe survive , to his dogs funerall . close-mourners are the witch , pope , & devill , that much lament yo'r late befallen evill . printed at london , for g. b. july 27. 1644. a dogg's elegie , or rvperts tears . lament poor caevaliers , cry , howl and yelp for the great losse of your malignant whelp , hee 's dead ! hee 's dead ? no more alas can he protect you dammes , or get victorie . how sad that son of blood did look to hear one tell the death of this shagg'd cavalier , hee rav'd , he tore his perriwigg , and swore , against the round-heads that hee 'd ne're fight more : close couch'd , as in a field of beanes he lay , cursing and banning all that live-long day ; thousands of devills ramme me into hell , or may i live and die an infidell , the day 's quite lost , wee are all confounded , and made a prey to ev'ry paltry roundhead ; just heav'n had so decreed , as it fell out , the cavaliers receiv'd a finall rout. manchester , leslie , fairefax weares the bay . and crumwell crown'd chief victor of the day ; vvhile thousands weltring in their blood , did lie vveary of life , and yet afraid to die . but for to tell of this bl●ck water-witch , that puppy'd was of a malignant bitch , or hagge , so cunning in her art , that shee vvalk'd under earth 〈◊〉 in the aire 〈◊〉 flie , sell windes she could , command the ebb or tide , raise foggs , give spells or on the clowds could ride , for magick , sorcery , charme or evill , she well , might 〈…〉 to th' devill . this witch one night , late , picking banefull drugs , meeting grim brenno , us'd to suck her duggs , in shape of a young stripling dammy blade , for whoredome , murder , and for rapine made , for all the world , some say , just such another that used to call prince maurice brother : thus shee accoasted him , what forme is this thou hast assum'd brenno ? by the abysse , my blood rebells more powerfull then my charmes , till i doe lodge thee in my twined armes . no sooner had shee spake , but a black clowde vvith duskie curtains did them both enshrowde , vvhere was begotten this malignant curr , vvho in this iland hath made all this stirre . full thrice three yeears within her cursed wombe , he did remaine , ere he to light did come : the long'd for houre is come , most strange to tell , the furies straight about their businesse fell ; megera midwife was to this strange fiend , for whose delivery all the haggs attend : thunder and earth quakes such a noise did make , as if heavens axletree in sunder brake , and either poles , their heads together pash'd , as all againe they had to chaos dash'd : then was a noise , as if the garden beares , and all the doggs together by the eares , and those in bedlam had inlarged been , and to behold the bayting had come in . about by noon flew the affrighted owls , and dogs in corners set them down to howle , bitches and wolves these fatall signes among , brought forth most monstrous , and prodigious young : and from his height , the earth-refreshing sun , before his houre his golden beams doth run farre under us , in doubt his glorious eye should be polluted with this progedy . a trembling fear straight on the people grew , but for what cause there was not one that knew , th' destinies , furyes , fates , and all hells crew came trembling in , and would this monster view , and long it was not ere there came to light . the most abhorred , and most fearfull sight that ever eye beheld , a birth so strange , that at the view it made their looks to change : vvomen stand off ( quoth one ) and come not neer it , the devill , if he saw it , sure would fear it , for by it's shape , for ought that i can gather , the childe is able to affright the father : 't was like a dog , yet there was none did know vvhether it devill was , or dog , or no . scarce twice two yeers past o're , but quickly hee excell'd his mother in her vvitcherie , and in his black and gloomy arts so skill'd , that he even hell in his subjection held ; hee could command the spirits up from below , and binde them strongly , till they let him know all the dread secrets that belong them to , and what those did , with whom they had to doe . this vvizard in his knowledge most profound , sate on a day the depths of things to sound , for that the vvorld was brought to such a passe , that it well nere in a confusion was , for things set right , ran quickly out of frame , and those awrie , to rare perfection came , and matters in such sort about were brought , that states were puzzl'd almost beyond thought , vvhich made him thinke as he might very well , there were more devills then he knew in hell . now for to act his part he doth beginne , and tempt's the vvorld to all abhorred sinne : to rome he first resolves his course to steere , and quickly leaps into the prelates chaire , just 'bout the time some think when as pope jone vvas head o' the church , and troubled with the stone , he cur'd her holinesse , brought her abed , and shew'd the romish church her maiden head : but finding rome already prone to vice , to pride , vain-glory , lust and avarice , to murder , rape , idolatry and more then he ( though devill ) ever knew before , for spaine hee comes , just about eighty eight , and there a fleet he rigg'd for england streight , there did hee play his water-prize with dr●ke , who with earth's thunder , made proud neptune quake ; he taught this dog to duck , to swim , and dive , till scarce a spaniard he had left alive ; but being vex'd , missing his aime at sea , he vow'd on land revenged he would be , but heav'n which ever did protect that queene , debarr'd his malice , and repell'd his spleene ; till jove fetching her hence , gave her a crowne , more bright , more glorious , and of more renowne , who reignes till time hath date , or fame hath breath , queen of true english hearts in life and death . aurora's gone : bright sol is in his throne , then dry your eyes , and cease for her to mourne : this dogge now casts about , tries all his skill , to poyson , stab , or some new way to kill never yet heard of ; the master-piece of hell is now contriv'd that wants a paralell , the powder-plot , that would in one half houre , king , prince , peers , commons , at one blow devower , but then he failed too , the eye of heav'n descri'd the plot , and justice with an even impartiall hand , by the decree of jove , set free our kingdom , and did them remove , gave them their just reward , sent them to hell , mongst better devills then themselves and well . our dog is masterlesse ; could he but frame himself to serve the fav'rite buckingham , this cunning , slie , insinuating elfe , by him would work strange wonders for himself , then doth he plot , contrive and cast about ▪ and hell it self doth search , for to finde out , if any way were left , he vow'd to 〈…〉 once more to bring this land to 〈…〉 . now dies that noble scot , who 〈…〉 s tell , 't was thy ambition made his carcasse swell . next , prince henry — but here my muse strikes saile , a damp glide through 〈…〉 i know not , unlesse some powerfull spell hath charm'd my head into a watery vvell : " eyes weep out tears , tears weep out eyes in kindnesse , " since he is dead , how best of all is blindnesse . a match with spaine must now be practised , vvhich soon will strike the nayle up to the head : oh , now it works , which makes his holinesse , salute his hopefull sonne with an expresse , answer'd with so much candor to the chaire , as if himself of it did stand in feare . the match broak off with spaine , our noble boy is yet to seek , and must finde out a way by poyson still , how that ( o monstrous ! ) hee more home may strike at sacred majestie , great brittains king , and europs chiefest glory , scarce parallel'd in any english story , must with white powder given him in his drinke , cry out on him that made his carcasse sinke . o for a bishop now , come little land , and usher in the babylonish baud , this made him metropolitan , when hee did move the duke to goe toth' ile of ree , poore rochell ru'd it , where by more then chance , england was made the scorne of conquer'd france : but heaven by felton's hand had so decreed , he that shed all this blood , himself should bleed . now bishops , coaps , caps , surplices and crosses , must needs religion-o're these fattall losses : gods day must be profan'd with sports profane , laud , white , and wren , like tyrant-kings must reign : monopolies impos'd , and none goe free , but those that lou'd the masse , and popery . now tips of ears , and burning fiery scarres , vvere all sad symptoms of insuing vvarres ! that masse-book unto scotland now must trace , or else a bloody sword supplies the place . now doth that sur-reverend piece of lust , that madam pole cat , that was never just , contrive and plot , and wrack her whoary scull , urging her daughter to make mischief full . now strafford's on the dismall stage : 't is hee must act chief part in this red tragedie : now harry jemin , bristoll , digby , cott. — must all to work , and see what they can plot : now bleeding ireland hath by commission , brought th' prot'stants to a sad condition : two hundred thousand of them lately slaine , the protestant religion to maintaine . 't is time the king now leave his parliament , let digby weare his crown , and give consent to raise an army traytors to protect , and his great counsell utterly reject . now prince of robbers , duke of plunderland , this dogs great master , hath receiv'd command to kill , burne , steale , ravish , nay , any thing , and in the end to make himself a king . newcastle next , capell the cow stealer , and hastings alias rob-carrier , hopton , hurry , lunsford , that all doe fight for the true gospel , and the subjects right . on ashton , legge , and such as these doe stand the priviledge of parliament and land ! and the known laws , that should good men protect , upheld by rebells , that good men reiect , o durum hoc ! — mine eyes burst out to thinke how blinde he is , that can at these things winke . to tell you all the pranks this dogge hath wrought , that lov'd his master , and him bullets brought , vvould but make laughter , in these times of woe , or how this curr came by his fatall blow , look on the title page , and there behold , the emblem will all this to you unfold . morrall . the vvorld's the vvitch , the dogge , is the devill , and men th' actors , that have wrought this evill . epilogue . he that can't get a peny me to buy , may want a pound , and a malignant die . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a81604e-310 p. ruperts sorrow . his policie . his army routed . his dogs progeny . the property of witches . her spirit . the dog begotten . signs of prodigious births . the dogges birth . his cunning . his depth of skill ▪ his first trick . the great armado . queen elizabeth many times miraculously delivered . the popish powder-plot . the dog turns courtier . duke of lenox . prince henry . the popes letter . k. james his death . canterbury ushers in popery . the i le of rue voyage . the declaration for sports on the sabbath-day . mr. burton , mr. prynne , and dr. bastwick . scotlands piety . queen mother . traytors , and papists , whe●ps of the same litter . the dogs master . these and irish rebells , his maiesties best subjects . the speech of a cavaleere to his comrades, in answer to the wardens speech written by agamemnon shaglock van dammee ... dammee, agamemnon shaglock van. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a61031 of text r1946 in the english short title catalog (wing s4858). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 15 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a61031 wing s4858 estc r1946 12688955 ocm 12688955 65812 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a61031) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 65812) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 252:e154, no 40) the speech of a cavaleere to his comrades, in answer to the wardens speech written by agamemnon shaglock van dammee ... dammee, agamemnon shaglock van. [7] p. [s.n.], london : 1642. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng royalists -england -history -17th century. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -sources. a61031 r1946 (wing s4858). civilwar no the speech of a cavaleere to his comrades, in answer to the vvardens speech· written by agamemnon shaglock van dammee, clerke of the regimen dammee, agamemnon shaglock van 1642 2792 9 0 0 0 0 0 32 c the rate of 32 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-09 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-10 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-10 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the speech of a cavaleere to his comrades , in answer to the wardens speech . written by agamemnon shaglock van dammee , clerke of the regiment . london , printed anno. domini 1642. the speech of a cavaleere to his comrades : in answer to the wardens speech . brothers and commanders of this never too civill society , before i give fire to those squibs and crackers i am to discharge , my courtesie thinks it fit to present the complement of your poore servant , for your generall choyce of me to shake my locks before you this day for the honour i confesse , of the cavaleiry ; which i doubt not ( by that unaccustomed quality amongst you cal'd patience , and upon condition you will not outswagger me ) but to finish as well as the maddest rorer here present . and for testimony of my acknowledgment of your favours , and as a preparation to the worke in hand here is a health of three glasses , when that is gone round i will proceed you ●ut the businesse it selfe in as new-coyn'd asseverations as my vapouring genius can performe . you are now to conceive in what time and upon what occasion this discourse is grounded . the time is now , just now that i have received my pay , newly repaired my thredbare outside , and once more do enjoy that miraculous blessing of cleane linnen , before my fether and scarfe be ruffled , or the dew of heaven hath fallen upon them , my pockets furnish'd , my braine inspired with raptures and enthusiasmes insinuated by the corroborative vertue of this excellent and never too much admired cavary . the occasion , since high treason and hanging matters are become but market-talk ▪ only but a game at shittlecock , wherein the bold world dare tosse betwixt king and state every idle feare , and frivolous suggestion which fancy or imagination doth prompt and frame , in their halfe lost wits , and this kind of desperate communication growne more customary then the french tongue or fashion . why should not we as well as all the world besides take some liberty to prate of great matters to little purpose . and therefore as these two glasses more shall enable me , i will goe forward with such matters as the heate of my blood and the vertigo in my braine shall drop into my language . my antagonist the warden begins his cinquepace with the liturgy of the church , wherein his scotch bagpipe whines you out his aptipathys thereunto in such abominable out of tune chords that the unparaleld harmony rather begets ridiculous mirth then any solitude or soul-sympathizing pleasure . now touching this subject , i must ingeniously confesse ( gentlemen ) but pardon me for it , that the time hath been i have seen the inside of a church , although not often nor lately , and there although the organ did exceed the noise of the voices , whereby not a plaine syllable more then o and yaw , he and aise , could be distinguished , yet i verily beleeve the vicars and song-men doe meane well by their ejaculations and gaping upwards and shakeing their gray-beards . and although the organist doe as a praeludium to the antheme play sellengers-round , yet i must tell you that it is done with so much division both on the treble and base keys , that no body but himselfe can tell what to make of it , unlesse he tell it to a friend as once he did , which friend began imediately to dance , and being ask'd by a vicar what he meant ( quoth he ) to serve god as he was never serv'd in his life , but let that passe . i have seen books with good plate covers , guilt candlesticks , plush carpets , &c. and so farre am i from thinking any hurt of all this , that i must acknowledge i have many times wisht this kind of liurgy in mine own chamber , that i might have made much of it , and used it more frequently then i did . now for forme or essence of worship , i know ( gentlemen ) you will easily give me credit , and not stand upon that needlesse trouble of proofe , that i have been no extraordinary student therein , nor much addicted to the discourses thereunto pertaining , whereby i cannot but hope you wil pardon me if i do not give you satisfaction in it . but concerning the vvardens church which is a conventicle , you may please to understand , that before i was in service , in regard i owed some money in towne , i took occasion to walk without my periwig or my sword , which i left with my then landlord for his service , thereby to obscure my selfe from my tobacco-grocer , my aledraper , and my thimble-merchant , and others into whose booke i had ( by many faithful perswasions and honest protestations ) dam'd my selfe in a matter of foure nobles . and having likewise at that time by a woful mischance gotten an imperfection in my nose , whereby i could not chuse but speake the right tone , i was by this meanes generally taken for a round-head , and being on a time invited to the duties i went along with the party , who conducted me into a chamber one paire of staires & a halfe below staires , which presented it selfe a cellar , and a kitchin , where there were a matter of twenty persons of both sexes . the men saluted me with welcome deare brother , i wish you had brought along with you a yoke-fellow that might be edifyed : the women told me they should be glad to discover unto me the path wherein i was to tread , and so presented me with a cup of muscadine and egges , and thus ended the salutation , for being all very hungry the bibles were presently said under the dresser , and the meate brought to the table , and thus far , nere a man breathing could complaine of their liturgy ; marry after dinner which was finished in lesse then foure hourres , they fel to ( i cannot call it singing , but ) howling the 119. psalm , the suddain squeaking whereof frighted me out of the house , and hath made me looke thus ●●…dly ever since . now for these reasons ▪ i see no hurt in the liturgy , and therefore as i love it , so deep wil i drink to the ful confirmation and continuation thereof . the next thing which his wardenships wisedome flys upon as eagerly as a hauke , or a pussatd seises a paitridge or carrion , is the militia , of which kinde of militia i will not speake one word , it was so well done , ( if not over done by the warden himselfe ) but i will dilate upon our owne militia , that of us the cavaliers , and gentlemen of this present society , in which you must understand , i meane not the cavaliers that belaboured themselves so bravely at westminster , nor they that now attend at yorks , for such as they are a thought too great to be jested withall , and are or may be our paymaisters : no , i meane us the new made gentlemen of the times , us that have woon our armes by feats of crivalry done in the north of england , where we did nothing at all , and i say what though we cannot prove the discent from our ancestors . t is no matter , the greater glory hangs upon our swords , and the world shall study new haroldry purposely to enable us with the armes of the gentry . thou tom trimwell wast sir iohn sucklins taylor , in making the doublets didst reduce as much shavings as made thy selfe a suit , so because a troper and art now a cavalier . thou master fawne wast thy captaines man got his cast clothes , and are now a formall cavalier , hast the garbe , the othes , the vapours , and all things in a taverne pertaining to the function , i my selfe was a gentleman before indeed , for i was gentleman usher to the lady at ch●●ing-crosse that hath vow'd never to sin with any but souldiers and hath beene famous with so many of them , by her commendations i was made a corporall , and am therefore an absolute cavalier : and now gentlemen that we may perfectly attribute the title to our selves , if there be any amongst us that beares the name of any great family in the kingdome , let him pretend himselfe of the same house , and bloud , t will carry it amongst those that cannot contradict it , or besides by the adding , diminishing , or exchanging a letter or sillable of your owne names into other mens it is easily done : and therefore he whose name is , person may call himselfe percy , barton may change to bar●●● , cliff . to cliford , or clifion , and then againe let the want of meanes be supply'd with excesse of swaggering , and domincering , a kind of testy pragmaticall bearing , and scorning to answer any man that question 's your birth , all easiy wayes to preserve your selves under the title of cavaliers , which very bare title is enough to make you of that militia , which service we hope will not be much more difficult then that militia the warden mentions , so long as one array continues at yorke , and th' other at london , and howsoever well their protectors doe agree , yet i hope their armies may never come nearer then they are , and that partly for the common-wealths sake , and partly for our owne sakes , for truly these meeting services are not halfe so comfortable as those six , or seaven score miles distance , and to be a warrier , a cavalier a scldate , and lie in a fetherbed , eate and drinke like epicures , not to be lowly , why it almost as easie a perfection as to be a round head , although the round-head be far unfit to be a cavalier , for surely the steele helmet would chafe his eares to peeces , there being no haire to defend them . besides the noyse of the guns would runne like an axell through his eares , and turne his head round about it , for you know hee 's giddy already ; no , no we are the men that must charge at distance , and stand for the good of that party that will pay best , and doubt not to defend them bouldly against to resistance , but i will end this argument lest my cock-braines should hurry mee into such circumstances , as would bring me into question without redemption . the third discourse his grave frenzy throwes him on is the extirpation of the papists that giving religion ▪ that leavies their great legacies in the hands of the priests to bee distributed to charitable uses , and make their children beggars for their better inortification , if they but dare to 〈◊〉 , let us alone with them now their armes are taken away , mary if the protestant jesuit were but as well tam'd as they are there would be no use for us in england , we might even trudge as volunteers to the other kingdome , where we should hardly find so good entertainment ; and yet we should make prety worke with them , if they were but disarm'd as the papists here are . and gentlemen , when the seditions are appeased let us expect no other imployment . but this discourse tends to my next argument , therefore i will touch it but sparingly , onely six glasses to their destruction before we come that we may have the easier service ; if we be cald , i pray you pledge it , that it may be knowne we can wish them mischiefe thus farre off , and that at a neerer we might be 〈◊〉 on to doe something too upon any reasonable odds in armes and amunition . then my adversary proceeds to beat out the quintesence of his noddle , would that imployment of beating out had been mine , i would have done it to some purpose . but that is of the irish expedition , in which i will say nothing of the benefit thereof , more then appertaines to our selves , which consists of these conveniences , naked armes appearing out of shamy doublets like pedlars or glasse-carriers with halfe breeces , footlesse stockins , and over them drawne a paire of leather-buskins , which in former daies had been boots of a decent wearing , and neere to the primitive nakednesse . for dyet , think not scorn of mouldy bisket , and a fat coult boild in his own skin , if you can catch it : for want of dyet that precious vapour of virginia in a leaguer pipe is a singular prevention to stop the yawning of the hungry stomack ; and grudge not now and then 〈◊〉 be magnificently starv'd to death for want of these commodities too ; and the sports and recreations that belong to this imployment of standing centinell foure long houres in a frosty night , or lying per deiu in a trench of cold water , which is a soveraigne provocative to that comfortable malady called the belly-ach , and yet there may be better accommodations if the adventurers will but bring in their money fast enough ; but in case they do not the aforesaid solaces and preferments are like enough to ensue . now gentleman , you know we are the men must actually and personally hazzard our selves in these affaires , whereas that cowardly slave the roundhead , if he were cal'd to the imployment , would be hang'd here for disobedience to his colours , rather then stir a foot towards it ; and yet at home dares preach against us , yea and pray too till his eyes be almost started out of his head with praying for our confusion , tha● must defend him to live at ease snarling like a dogge in a manger , and will neither do good himselfe , nor permit others to do it , he vexes me to the heart , but i w●l dround sorrow in this beare-boule of sacke , and so end this businesse . lastly , he proceeds to his period , his pudding pricke , his nil ultra coxombry , his feares and jealousies ; for our part gentlemen , we are now armed cap a pae with a good grape armour , and is this a time for us to feare ? no , i feare not the devil himselfe in any shape whatsoever . i could now outstare a basilisk , poyson a crocadile with one puffe of my smoke-reek'd nostrils , i durst do any thing that ever any man or men combined to any other creature ever attempted , o for an army of such as we now are ready pitcht , to assault all the rebels in ireland joynd before us , s. patrick himself , were his legend true , should find , that mortal creatures inspired with immortal sacke , were able to vanquish an army of such as himselfe . nay , since i am now like to be in the array of one side or other , let me tel you , i feare not a roundhead , which of all shapes else i am the most afraid on , if afraid i could be . but gentlemen , i have dilated so long , that i can hold open my eyes no longer . i wil therefore comply with the warden in one particular , and fal asleep , and that without a quarrel first had too , which is no ordinary miracle . finis . we have brought our hogs to a fair market: or, strange newes from new-gate; being a most pleasant and historical narrative, of captain james hind, never before published, of his merry pranks, witty jests, unparallel'd attempts, and strange designs. with his orders, instructions, and decree, to all his royal gang, and fraternity; the appearing of a strange vision on munday morning last, with a crown upon his head; the speech and command that were then given to cap. hind; and the manner how it vanished away. as also how he was enchanted by a witch at hatfield, for the space of three years; and how she switch'd his horse with a white rod, and gave him a thing like a sun-diall, the point of which should direct him which way to take when persued. with his speech; the old hags charm; and the raising of the devil in the likeness of a lyon; to the great admiration and wonder of all that shall read the same. g. h. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a96125 of text r203165 in the english short title catalog (thomason e793_10). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 15 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a96125 wing w1178 thomason e793_10 estc r203165 99863223 99863223 115412 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a96125) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 115412) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 121:e793[10]) we have brought our hogs to a fair market: or, strange newes from new-gate; being a most pleasant and historical narrative, of captain james hind, never before published, of his merry pranks, witty jests, unparallel'd attempts, and strange designs. with his orders, instructions, and decree, to all his royal gang, and fraternity; the appearing of a strange vision on munday morning last, with a crown upon his head; the speech and command that were then given to cap. hind; and the manner how it vanished away. as also how he was enchanted by a witch at hatfield, for the space of three years; and how she switch'd his horse with a white rod, and gave him a thing like a sun-diall, the point of which should direct him which way to take when persued. with his speech; the old hags charm; and the raising of the devil in the likeness of a lyon; to the great admiration and wonder of all that shall read the same. g. h. 8 p. : ill. (woodcuts) for george horton, imprinted at london, : 1651 [i.e. 1652] "to the reader" signed: g.h. partly in verse. refer's to hind's imprisonment in newgate; he was executed in 1652. annotation on thomason copy: "jan. 14"; the 1 in the date has been crossed out and replaced with a 2. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng hind, james, d. 1652. brigands and robbers -england -early works to 1800. witchcraft -england -early works to 1800. royalists -early works to 1800. a96125 r203165 (thomason e793_10). civilwar no we have brought our hogs to a fair market: or, strange newes from new-gate;: being a most pleasant and historical narrative, of captain jam g. h. 1652 2659 33 0 0 0 0 0 124 f the rate of 124 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2007-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-04 emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread 2007-04 emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion we have brought our hogs to a fair market : or , strange newes from new-gate ; being a most pleasant and historical narrative , of captain james hind , never before published , of his merry pranks , witty jests , unparallel'd attempts , and strange designs . with his orders , instructions , and decree , to all his royal gang , and fraternity ; the appearing of a strange vision on munday morning last , with a crown upon his head ; the speech and command that were then given to cap. hind ; and the manner how it vanished away . as also how he was enchanted by a witch at hatfield , for the space of three years ; and how she switch'd his horse with a white rod , and gave him a thing like a sun-diall , the point of which should direct him which way to take when persued . with his speech ; the old hags charm ; and the raising of the devil in the likeness of a lyon ; to the great admiration and wonder of all that shall read the same . unparallel'd hind . imprinted at london , for george horton , 165● . to the reader . beloved countrey-men , whereas there hath been sundry various relations lately divulged upon the proceedings of captain james hind , and divers impertinencies therein recited , which he detests against : in order whereunto at his request and desire , ( for general satisfaction ) i have drawn up this ensuing tract ; wherein is presented to thy view , his merry pranks , witty jests , unparalleld attempts , wonderful escapes , unexampled designes , never before published , and attested under his own hand ; so that what hatred the effects of his feates purchased , the quaintness of them palliated ; that we may well conclude , though clavil's fortune far more happy prov'd ; this lives , and yet may die , much more belov'd . g. h. o yes , o yes , o yes . these are to certifie all persons whom it may concern , that i james hind , do here strictly charge and require , all and every one of the bilbo blades , lattely appertaining to our royal gang and fraternity , that they do not recede or flinch from their principles , nor to betray each other for the lucre of 10 l. which is the reward , and which will make them swallow a false oath as easily , as one do would butter'd fish ; i do likewise conjure you to keeep your hands from picking and stealing , and to be in charity with all men , except the caterpillars of the times , viz. long-gown men , committee-men , excize-men , sequestrators , and other sacrilegious persons . i do likewise strictly order and command , that you keep your hands from shedding of innocent bloud ▪ that you relieve the poor , help the needy , cloath the naked , and in so doing ▪ you will e●●●nize your fame to all ages : and make the cutting trade renowned . farewel , j. hind . how hind was betrayed by two whores ; who sent two high-way men to take his money ; and how he killed one of their horses , and rob'd the other of his money . hind being full of gold , past away the day very merrily , and towards night , rides to an inn which stood in a private road , where it seems some high-way men did use ; after he had seen his horse carefully drest and fed , came into the house , where were two h●nd●ome ladies by the fire ; he bespoke a good supper , and invited the ladies to it ; when supper was ready , he called for wine , & made them merry ; they seemed very coy to him ; but knowing their humour , puld out of his pocket a handful of gold , singing the song , maid ▪ where are your hearts become , look you what here is ! after much mirth , to bed he went ; he had not been long a bed ; but the two men came in who kept these two whores , to whom they said , that there was a gentleman in the house that had abund●nce of gold about him : they resolve to watch his going , and to follow him in the morning ; hind being wakeful , rose early in the morning , and was mounted before those lads were stirring : when they heard his horse prance , they looked out at a window to see him ; but the theev●s seeing he had so good a horse , were like to fall out who should have him : one said , i will have the horse , and you shall have his money : nay , said the other , i will have his horse . they quickly made themselves ready , and rod after hind ; when they had overtaken him , they asked him which way he rod ; he answers them ▪ towards cambridge : and coming to a place where no people were nigh , one of the the●ves jears hind , holding money in his hand , & sings , maids where a●e your hearts become , look you what here is ! hind seeing their intent , and knowing he was betray'd , answers them in the same tune : now you rogues , you are bot● undone , look you what here is ; firing at one of them , and shot his horse in the head ; which the other seeing , betook himself to flight ; but hind soon overtook him , and takes away his money , saying ; is there but one master-thief in england , and would you venture to rob him : verily , were you not of my own profession , neither of you should have lived ; but seeing th●u ventured hard for it , thou deservest something : so hind gave him his money back which he had taken from him , saying to him , remember what i say unto you : disgrace not your selves with small sums , but aim high , and for great ones ; for the least will bring you to the gallows ; and so farewell , o precious councel . how hind was in●hanted by a cunning woman , who after some discourse switched him with a ch●rmed r●d , not to b● taken or harmed during the time this charm should last , w●●ch was for three years . 〈…〉 high-way-men of their money , it was his chance 〈…〉 george-inn being then the posthouse , where 〈…〉 gentlemen that were there : in the morning very early hind cals for his horse , to be gon ; being now mounted , he takes leave of the gentlemen ; but as he rod along hatfield , at the towns-end , an old woman asked an alms of him , his horse was so charitable minded that he presently staid , and would go no further ; sir , said the old woman , i have something to say to you , and then you shall be gon ; hind not liking her countenance , pul'd out 5 s. and gave her , thinking she would but like a gipsee , tell his fortune : said , good woman i am in hast : sir , said she , i have staid all this morning to speak to you ; and would you have me lose my labour : speak your mind , said hind . then the old woman spake as followeth : captain hind , you ride and go in many dangers ; wherefore by my poor skill , i have studied a way to preserve you for the space of three years : but that time being past , you are no more then an ordinary man , and a mischance may fall on you , as well as another : but if you be in england , come to me , and i will renew the vertue of this charm again ; in saying these words , she pul'd out of her bosom a box like a sun-diall , and gave it cap hind , saying ; when you are in any distress , open this , and which way you see the star turn ( being set at the end of a needle like a diall ) ride or go that way , and you shall escape all dangers : so she switched him with a white rod that was in her hand , strook the horse on the buttocks , and bid him farewel . the horse leaped forward with such courage , that hind had much ado to turn him to give her thanks . the time of this charm was expired in the year 1649. since which time , many strange visions have appeared unto him , but especially since he came to newgate ; where , on munday last in the morning , falling into a dream , there appeared a vision , in the likeness and portraicture of the late king charles , with a crown upon his head , saying , repent , repent , and the king of kings will have mercy on a thief . portrait of king charles i the next morning ( being tuesday ) he told one of the keepers ▪ that he had heard of many men going to heaven in a st●nig ; but he had bin there in a dream , where he saw his master the king , the nobl● lord capel ; but could not see duke hamilton . the keeper 〈…〉 hind , was you mad to leave such a glorious place , for to come again to this dark dungeon . truly , i am afraid you will sca●ce ever come there again ; and so they parted 〈…〉 how hind robbed two gentlemens servants neer dunstable , and ●aused a presbyterian minister to be apprehended for a high-way man , and escaped himself . hind being informed of a purchase , mounted himself upon his steed , and ranging the road , espyed some gentlemen drinking at an alehouse on horseback , having sent their servants before : hind passed by them ; but riding at a good rate , quickly overtook the gentlemens servants ; and soon perceived by their portmantle● that there was money in them , said ; stand , deliver your money ; or , by the life of pharaoh , you must forfeit your lives ; the two gentlemen being to loath to dispute it with him , yielded ; and resigned up the portmantles , which he soon cut open , took out the money , and tying the bags together , laid them before him , and rid full speed away : one of the servants rod to acquaint their master , who persued hind hard : hind met a parson , and said to him , sir , i am like to be robbed , you must stand to it ●ow for your own good as well as mine : they would have this money from me , which you see . come sir , be of good chear , one honest man will skare ten theeves : you shall have one of my pistols : so hind gives the parson a pistol ready cockt and charged , and bids him fire at them that come first ; while i ride down to the next village , and raise the countrey people to be our help . the parson having been at a wedding , and pot-valiant , rid up boldly to the gentlemen , and fired his pistol at them ; but he was immediatly taken prisoner , who cries out , spare my life , and you shall have all my money : no sirra , said the gentlemen , we will have you hanged : what ? a parson and rob on the high way : they presently hale him to the next justice of the peace telling his worship , that they were rob'd almost of 200 l. and that this parson was one of the theeves ; but the parson related the manner how he was drawn in by a younger brother , protesting his innocency , and that he never wrong'd any man of a peny : the justice laughed to see the parson of the parish apprehended for a high-way-man ; but passed his word for his appearance the next assises : who when he was brought before the bench , was cleered : but he made a vow never to ●ire pistols more . how hind being way-laid at harborough in liecestershire , raised the devil , in the likeness of a lyon , and cleered his way , to the great terrour and amazement of all that beheld him . hind having plaid some notable pranks in leicestershire , fled to the crown inn in harborough , where he betook himself to a chamber , but immediatly privy search was made after him , and strong guards set about the said inn , which he perceiving , came into the gallery , and inquired the cause thereof ; answer was returned , that they came to make search for one who had committed a great robbery , and that there was great suspicion that he was the man . who i , said hind ; no , i will make it manifest to the contrary ; standing in this posture : portrait representing highwayman hind gentlemen , i am a man sent to do wonders ; and many visions have appear'd ; and sundry voices have i heard , saying , o thou great and mighty lyon , thou a●t decreed to range the countries to work and manifest to the people strange wonders : at which instant , a rampant lyon appeared visible , but immediatly vanished ; to the great admiration of the spectators ; who peaceably departed to their several habitations , to tell the strangenesse of this wonder . lion rampant the scene 's quite alter'd , for we plainly see our english hind is the only man : 't is hee doth far excel the spanish gusman ; who did many brave and handsom robb'ries too , yet is far short in that , as 't is exprest ; for hind could neatly rob , and neatly jest . 't is he ; the sadlers son , the butchers boy , his fathers grief and once his mothers joy . who run from 's master , and to london came to seek his fortune , and to get a name : where he not long had been , but quickly made himself a member of the cutters trade . and grew therein so excellent , that he soon commenc'd master of that company : and this to 's honour is recorded further , the poor he rob'd not , nor committed murther . coasting the countrey's , at the last a witch enchanted him , and gave his horse a switch ; which lasted but for three years time , and then his spell expir'd , and he 's as other men . and to be short , he now in newgate lies , in th'hole a pris●ner , till he 's clear'd or dies . let this suffice thee reader , for thou l't find the famous gusman is our english hind . finis . oxford besiedged surprised, taken, and pittifully entred on munday the second of iune last, 1645. by the valiant forces of the london and westminster parliament. written, by a trusty wellwisher of theirs, who sted-fastly hopes, and heartily prayes, they may have the like prosperous successe in all their future undertakings. the writers name and surname begins with the 9th letter of the greeke alphabet, io-ta. taylor, john, 1580-1653. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a64191 of text r222419 in the english short title catalog (wing t494). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 16 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a64191 wing t494 estc r222419 99833597 99833597 38075 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a64191) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 38075) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2179:4) oxford besiedged surprised, taken, and pittifully entred on munday the second of iune last, 1645. by the valiant forces of the london and westminster parliament. written, by a trusty wellwisher of theirs, who sted-fastly hopes, and heartily prayes, they may have the like prosperous successe in all their future undertakings. the writers name and surname begins with the 9th letter of the greeke alphabet, io-ta. taylor, john, 1580-1653. [1], 7 p. by l. lichfield], [oxford : printed in the last year of the parliament's raigne, 1645. "a trusty wellwisher" = john taylor. place of publication and printer from wing. a humorous account of a pretended capture of oxford on june 2, the same day the royalists made a successful sortie at headington hill. some print show-through. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. eng university of oxford -humor -early works to 1800. england and wales. -parliament -humor -early works to 1800. royalists -humor -early works to 1800. peace -controversial literature -humor -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -humor -early works to 1800. a64191 r222419 (wing t494). civilwar no oxford besiedged, surprised, taken, and pittifully entred on munday the second of iune last, 1645. by the valiant forces of the london and w taylor, john 1645 2913 5 0 0 0 0 0 17 c the rate of 17 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-05 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-06 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-08 judith siefring sampled and proofread 2002-08 judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion oxford besiedged , surprised , taken , and pittifully entred on munday the second of iune last , 1645. by the valiant forces of the london and westminster parliament . written , by a trusty wellwisher of theirs , who stedfastly hopes , and heartily prayes , they may have the like prosperous successe in all their future undertakings . the writers name and surname begins with the 9th letter of the greeke alphabet , io-ta . printed in the last year of the parliament's raigne . 1645. oxford besiedged , surprized , taken , and pittifully entred , on munday the second of iune last , 1645. by the valiant forces of the london and westminster parliament . london and westminster , ( though neither of you are my native or naturall mother , yet ) i was borne in glocester , a city that hath stood to it in our loyall and obedient warres against the king , not much inferiour for parliamentall obedience or publique faith and confidence to you , as hath been obstinately manifested . but leaving glocester , with her massy zeale and valour , i returne my loving remembrance to london , who hath been , and is the inexhaustible magazine for men , mony , and maintenance , for the supportation of those durable , famous and lasting warres against the king , ( which the cavaliering and malignant party calls rebellion ) and which we have causes to call , entitle , nominate , and acknowledge to be the holy cause . and as our armies have with unexpected successe , been horrible , terrible , dreadfull , fearefull , victorious , and invincible , and have forraged through england , wales , scotland , ireland , coventry , and canterbury , yet that stiffeneck'd generation and people of oxford , have ( till now ) stood out in rebellious opposition against us ; for that academy and city , have ever since these distracted and disturbant times , been the treasury of refractory obstinacy , and the store-house of our mischiefes ; whom to suppresse and bring into order and conformity , our almighty parliament hath sought by all favourable meanes , and by most perswasive exhortations from the presse and pulpits , there hath been nothing by us neglected , that might reforme them . but finding their obduracy immoveable , their inveteracy implacable , and their reducancy impossible ; we ( out of a christian care of the future prosperity of that renowned well-spring and fountaine of learning ) much against our pious inclinations , were inforced to surround it with our potent and unresistible forces of hostility , twice in two severall yeares . in two monthes of may , we have given them two gentle and friendly visitations ( viz. 1644 , and 1645. ) and we alwaies used the most submissive way of summoning his majesty and that stubborne city to our obedience . what a faire warning we gave them the first yeare , is not unknowne , and how fairly we came of and on , we have cause to remember , for two great generalls and armies did onely face them , as an instruction for them to avoyd their further desolation and calamity . but seeing that gentle and mollifying cataplasmes and pultisses would not serve to soften the corrodency of their apostumated inveteracy , we have now ( about the latter end of this last may ) in the whitsun week , vouchsafed to lance her malignant maladies , and by incision and occission , to let out her malevolent and contagious corruptions . to which end and purpose , our ( potent , powerfull , perpetuall and pittifull ) parliament , begirt and swathed that contumatious city with a strong swaddle band of warre , with foure severall armies , which being conjoyned into one , with a quadrapliciticall vnity , under the conduction of such a messe ( or murnivall ) of martiall commanders , that the like ( or braver ) heroes , never issued from the loynes of mars & belona , amongst whom the most excellent , expert , exact , and exquisite souldier , sir thomasius fairfax , was commander in chiefe , being the admired agamemnon of our host , and the only chosen , pick'd , or cul●'d man amongst men most worthy to be a generall generalissimo . secondly , the couragious and treshault treshnoble cromwell , shew'd himselfe like a blazing fiery commet , full of combustible valour , and subitory expedition . thirdly , that impe of prowesse , the magazine and arcenall of armes and military discipline , the never daunted and dreadfull skippon , appear'd like the magnanimous achilles , with his most unmatchable multitude of mirmidons . fourthly and lastly , ( but neither last or least in worth ) was the illustrious bold browne , in whose braine , the art of armes is pyled , and in whose breast , honour is billited , he most terribly , fearfully , drew his trenchant sword , wherewith he chop'd in sunder the faggot-bond of his fury , insomuch that his flaming valour ( like a burning bavin ) appear'd most refulgently perspicuous to the besiedged oxonians . these foure generalls ( drawne in their particulars ) were quarter'd in the villages that doe verge , fringe , or girdle the city , namely kennington , south hinkesey , west hinkesey , botley , witeham , wolvercot , marson , hedington , sampford , ifley , &c. by which meanes it was so strongly block'd up , that the garrisons forces and inhabitants began to look thin upon the matter , for they were so unprovided , and unprepared to endure a siedge , that within five dayes we brought them to such a hard strait , that wheat was mounted to the price of 4s . the bushell , butter and cheese at 6d and 3d the pound , milke at a penny the quart , but 9 or ten egges a groat , radishes a halfe penny the bunch , a iugge of beere 2d , beefe and other flesh so scarce , that none was to be had amongst them ( without credit or ready mony . ) in this extremity , we perceived they were unable to hold out long , therefore our valiant commanders , ( like the foure windes ) assaulted them at their foure severall portes , his excellency , play'd the part of boreas , and blustred impetuously at the north ; browne with his brave bold boyes blew boystrously like auster at the south ; cromwell acted the part of eurus with untireable snuffing , puffing , and huffing at the east ; and skippon ( like a second scipio ) rag'd most tempestilentially ( like zephyrus ) on the west . thus on all sides , parts and portes was oxford beleaguerd , without and within every house , lane , and street , was full of horror , terror , trembling like hills . there you might behold a woman quaking like a custard before an alderman , and in another place another shaking like an oven ; there was carelesse security in sundry and severall shapes and noyses , some halfe , and some whole drunk , some piping and whiffing , some riming and singing , some watching and guarding , ( not at all regarding either us or any thing that we could doe to them ) as may appeare by a mad fellow that wrote these verses in a jeering contempt of us and our forces . for browne , for skippon , cromwell , and for fairfax , wee have a well string'd instrument at cairfax , and that if they doe but their worke by halves , the parliament would hang em up like calves . some of them said , that our armies should not offend the parliament so farre , as to doe their worke by halves , or to doe halfe the worke they were sent about ; thus continued this hotch potch , mingle mangle galleymawfrey of variable opinions and humourous expressions , for the space of seven daies and nine nights , with an afternoone or two ; our cannons with perpetuall battry having disgorg'd 6789 shot , our horse , carbines , and our innumerable foot environ'd them round , with groves , thickets , and woods of pikes , our mu●kets , petronells , and pistolls , breathing flames , and spitting death and destruction . amongst and amidst these rough robustious salutations , and mortall monumentall mortuary greetings , one of our cannons ( being ) discharged or fired at random , from his excellencies quarter at marson , flew by chance over saint iohns colledge , and most strangely wheel'd about on the left hand , hard by the crosse and weathercock on saint maries steeple ; and passing in post hast to christ-church , it broke a corner of a window in the great quadrangle , and from thence it mounted , and took the great lanthorne on the top of the hall , which never fell to ground till it drop'd into abington market place ; just in the same pavement whereon the idolatrous crosse stood , that was piously overthrowne on the 31 of may , 1644. ( much about the month , day , and time of the yeare as the aforesaid shot fell into christ-church ) by the most victorious and vanquish'd , the renowned and nobly slighted , the conquer'd conqueror , sir william waller ; the aforesaid lanthorne , being now in the tuition of the valiant colonell browne , who hath it as a reward of his noble services , and is determined to keep it till he dyes , and afterwards it is to be hang'd up ( as a trophey ) over his tombe , for a monumentall remembrance to posterity , of his valour and victories . but to returne to the siege againe ; the reader must understand , that our parliament are so happy to have such generalls and commanders as are in their valours , not only invincible , but invisible also . the canoneers and gunners had the art to discharge many hundreds of their ordnance , and no fire or bullet to be seen , nor report of any gun heard . for of all the great numbers of shot ( before specified ) there were very few of them came to the knowledge of the besieged ; insomuch that they were uncapable of perceiving any danger they were in . this rare hidden art was first invented by an italian , whom they called doctor iackaneico , he was an aegyptian witch , ( or a cunning man ) in the raigne of ptolomy evergetes king of aegypt . by the command of sir tom ( his excellency i meane ) there was an artificiall naturall geometricall bridge , made over the river charwell , about a mile from oxford ( north east and by westward ) what good service that bridge did it is impertinent , and not much materiall to speak of ; but this is certaine , that the month of may , ending on the 31 , which being saturday , fell out luckily to be the latter end of the week , the sunday following proved to be the first day of iune , so that ( by consequence ) monday was the next day after ; on which monday morning , we had the happinesse to gaine a glorious victory . on that day , ( that memorable , remarkable , honourable , dainty delicate day ) our forces ascended to the top ( or altitude ) of mount hedinton ( vulgarly called hedinton hill ) but for that day , and on that hill ( to which hill , pinda , ossa , olympus , parnassus , gadds hill , shotover , and shuters hill , shall hereafter strike saile ) our prosperous parliamentonyans , inclosed , encompassed , environ'd , enwrapped , envelloped ( or what the reader meanes to tearme it ) the whole body , or bodies of the malignants , we fought valiantly , they fell violently , some dead , some kill'd , some slaine , some hurt , some wounded , some fled , some ran away , some escap'd , some taken prisoners , some put into bondage , some thrust into thraldom , and some carried into captivity , so that in lesse time then halfe an howre , the mutability of fickle fortune was apparent , by a suddain turne of her foure square-round wheele , for beyond all expectation , when the enemy was singing scurvy songs , & jeering with intollerable abusive language and gesture , at the sacred persons and honours of those whom they have formerly sworne to obey with allegiance and loyalty . then at that time , even then , betwixt the howres of two and three in the morning , we fell upon them pell mell , helter skelter , where in a moment 40 or 50 fell , to seek their habitation in another world , many were sore wounded ; and having thus won the field , we presently won oxford , we entred without resistants at the east , by saint clements , we conquer'd maudlin ( or magdalen colledge ) with a bare summons , we march'd triumphantly to cairfax , ( and leaving the gallowse on our right hand ) we with force or perforce entred and surpriz'd the castle , we staid in the castle three dayes , in all which time our generalls were so nobly pittifull , and our other commanders , officers , and souldiers so mercifully mannerly , that we neither did the towne any harme , or plunder'd the people of anything ( except victualls ) but whatsoever we had was freely given to us , nor did any of us so much as give the oxford folke so much as a hard word , nor troubled them to lye in any of their beds or foule sheets , or any linnen ; and was not this a mercifull victory ? all this was done by lesse then 150 parliament souldiers , in so small or little a time , that it must ever be with thankfulnesse remembred , and it is not to be doubted , but london and westminster will expresse their joyfull gratitude , with bells , bonefires , and an holy publique thankesgiving . to conclude , i have an humble desire ( on request ) to all valiant men of our parliament armies , which is , that they will stoutly , stiffely , and desperately stand and persevere in the cause , you know that many of us , could never have gotten such estates by our trades , as we have purchased by this trade of warre ; it is not loyalty and allegiance , that will preferre a tinker to the estate of a commander , it is not that beggerly thing call'd honesty , nor that despised fancy of learning , will bring a man to promotion , conscience is a toye , it will never make a cobler a preacher , or a wood-monger a sergeant major generall , or colonell ; we are now grammar'd in our noble actions , and a peace would put very many of us back againe to our horne-bookes ; a just and lawfull peace would cause the king to have his owne againe , and every man to have his right ; a peace would restore the protestant religion to it's pristine purity ; and then what will become of our zealous new directorie , for a peace will bring in againe , the contemned booke of common prayer ; and finally a peace would make thousands of us to surrender so much pillage and plunder to the right owners , that we should be like ( aesops crow ) poore naked rogues , when every bird had his fether from us ; let our conquests encourage us , let our hopes spurre us forward , let our surprize of oxford , fill our vei●●● with valour , and let the 24 tinkers of banbury , be our presidents , who ( for joy of our oxonian victory ) have newly brac'd their kettle drummes for the entertainment of the lord say thither , which they will seale with their blood● . let our preachers revile , let our pamphlet writers raile , let mercurius britannicus jeere and flourish , let booker , ny● , and lyly , lye on , let us fight for wealth , and run away for advantage , wee have a parliament to protect us , and there 's an end . postcript , or an old said saw of the malignants . wise men labour , good men grieve , knaves invent , and fooles believe , then helpe us lord , and stand unto us , or knaves and fooles will quite undoe us . finis . a brief narrative of the late treacherous and horrid designe, which by the great blessing and especiall providence of god hath been lately discovered: and for which, publike thanksgiving is by order of both houses of parliament appointed on thursday the 15. of june, 1643. together with a true copie of the commission under the great seal, sent from oxford, to severall persons in the citie of london. ordered by the commons in parliament, that this narration and commission be read in all churches and chappels, in the cities of london and westminster, and suburbs thereof, on the day abovesaid. h. elsynge cler. parl. d. com. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a77448 of text r19096 in the english short title catalog (thomason e106_10). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 17 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 11 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a77448 wing b4614 thomason e106_10 estc r19096 99860570 99860570 112693 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a77448) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 112693) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 19:e106[10]) a brief narrative of the late treacherous and horrid designe, which by the great blessing and especiall providence of god hath been lately discovered: and for which, publike thanksgiving is by order of both houses of parliament appointed on thursday the 15. of june, 1643. together with a true copie of the commission under the great seal, sent from oxford, to severall persons in the citie of london. ordered by the commons in parliament, that this narration and commission be read in all churches and chappels, in the cities of london and westminster, and suburbs thereof, on the day abovesaid. h. elsynge cler. parl. d. com. rous, francis, 1579-1659. england and wales. parliament. house of commons. england and wales. sovereign (1625-1649 : charles i) [2], 7, 10-16 p. printed for edward husbands, and are to be sold at his shop in the middle temple, london : june 15. mcdxliii. [1643] "narrative of waller's plot, drafted by rous"--s. lambert, "printing for parliament, 1641-1700", p. 60. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng waller, edmund, 1606-1687. royalists -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a77448 r19096 (thomason e106_10). civilwar no a brief narrative of the late treacherous and horrid designe, which by the great blessing and especiall providence of god hath been lately d rous, francis 1643 2891 7 0 0 0 0 0 24 c the rate of 24 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-05 mona logarbo sampled and proofread 2007-05 mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a brief narrative of the late treacherous and horrid designe , which by the great blessing and especiall providence of god hath been lately discovered : and for which , publike thanksgiving is by order of both houses of parliament appointed on thursday the 15. of june , 1643. together with a true copie of the commission under the great seal , sent from oxford , to severall persons in the citie of london . ordered by the commons in parliament , that this narration and commission be read in all churches and chappels , in the cities of london and westminster , and suburbs thereof , on the day abovesaid . h. elsynge cler. parl. d. com. london : printed for edward husbands , and are to be sold at his shop in the middle temple . june 15. mdcxliii . ❧ a brief narrative of the late treacherous and horrid designe . after a continuall succession of secret conspiracies and open violences , plotted and attempted against the true protestant religion , lawes and liberties of this kingdom , there hath of late risen up , under the plausible pretences of moderation and peace , a most dangerous and wicked plot of divers persons , to joyn themselves with the armies raised by the king , and to destroy the forces raised by the lords and commons in parliament , to surprise the cities of london and westminster with the suburbs , and by arms to force the parliament ; and in a word , to have delivered up religion , parliament , citie and kingdom , into the meer will and pleasure of the king , now in the hands of most desperate and pernicious councellors . towards the effecting whereof ; there was framed a mixture and conjunction of persons of severall qualities , some whereof were of both houses of parliament ; others of the court and of the citie , who were in their respective places and imployments to form and perfect this work , raised out of the ashes of the late petition of london for peace . the method observed by them for the conduct and carrying on their designe , was first for severall persons in the city , to dispose of themselves into a committee , being those who had been principall movers and fomentors of that petition . the part which this committe was chiefly to act , was ; first , to hold intelligence with both armies , court , and parliament . secondly , to take a generall survey of the affections and numbers of persons , within the severall wards and parishes of the city and places adjacent , by the weekly bill of mortality , under three ranks ; of , right men , ( or the kings party ) of , averse men ( or the well affected to the parliament ) of , moderate men , ( or neutrals ) as they called them . thirdly , to consider of arms , ammunition , and all other provisions of war requisite thereunto . fourthly , out of themselves to appoint some select persons to treat with master waller and master tompkins , with relation to the citie , court , and parliament , as also with crispe , roydon , broome and benion , then at oxford . master wallers part in this businesse was ; first , to ingage a considerable partie of the lords and commons in the designe . 2. to be the means of conveying all councells , resolutions , and intelligences between the said party of lords and commons , and the committee of the citie . master tompkins was not only an assistant to master waller in the premisses , but an instrument to convey by hazel , and others , the particulars of their proceedings to the court by addresse principally to the lord faulkland , and to receive from court directions , powers , and commands , for the compleating of the work . for preventing discovery , protestations of secrecy were taken by them to this effect , as they were christians , not to disclose it . secondly , no man to indeavour the ingaging above two , whereby no one man could impeach many . the part which was acted from the court was , 1. by master herne , master alexander hampden , and others imployed upon messages from the king to the parliament , under pretence of treaties for peace , to convey their directions , incouragements , and councells unto their partie in london . 2. to give power and authoritie by commissions under the great seal , by warrants under the kings hand ; and otherwise for setling of a councell of warre ; naming of generalls ( and other officers ) . execution of marshall law ; raising of moneyes , and provision of arms and other necessaries . 3. for the disposing of some part of the kings forces at oxford , to be neer the citie , and in readynesse to assist the partie here , as cause should require . the steps and degrees to bring this into action were . 1. a commission under the great seal brought from oxford , about a fortnight ago , by the lady aubigny , with the authorities aforesaid , thereby inabling and commanding them by force of arms to destroy , kill , and slay , the forces raised by the parliament , and their adherents as traitors , and rebels . 2. severall propositions , most of them agreed , and resolved by master waller , in behalf of the said partie of the lords and commons , and the committee of the citie , in behalf of the partie depending upon them , for the more ready and orderly execution of the designe . as first , concerning the number of men armed . secondly , the places where magazines were laid , the places for randevouz , and for retreat upon occasion , the colours , the marks and tokens for distinction from others , the strength to be relyed on within the walls , and without , what to be done with the tower , where the chief commanders affected to the parliament dwelt , the time of executing the designe . 3. a declaration was framed by them under pretence of asserting and maintaining the heads of the protestation , thereby the better to colour their mischievous intentions to the people . 4. a message was sent to oxford , on saturday was fortnight to acquaint the lord faulkland by hazel , that the designe was come to good perfection , unto which , answer was returned , that they should hasten it with all speed . the particulars of the designe it self were . 1. to seize into their custodie the kings children . 2. to seize severall members of both houses , the lord major , and committee of the militia , under pretence of bringing them to a legall tryall . 3. to seize upon the out-works , forts , tower of london , magazines , gates , and other places of importance in the citie . 4. to let in the kings forces to surprise the city , and to destroy all those that should oppose them by authoritie of the parliament . 5. by force of arms to resist all payments imposed by authoritie of the houses of parliament raised for the support of the armies imployed for their just defence , and preservation of the true protestant religion , and liberties of the subject ; to suspend , if not alter , the whole government of the citie , and with assistance of the kings force to awe and master the parliament . all which hath been made appear to both houses of parliament , by the examinations and confessions of master waller , master tompkins , master challenor , master hazel , and other persons , principall actors in the same now under restraint ; the publication of the evidence being deferred till after their tryall . a true copy of the commission under the great seal , sent from oxford to severall persons in the city of london . charles rex . charles , by the grace of god , king of england , france & ireland , defender of the faith , &c. to our trusty and well-beloved , sir nicholas crisp , sir george stroude , knights , sir tho : gardener knight , recorder of london , sir george binion , knight ▪ richard edes and marmaduke royden esquires , tho : broom esq , peter paggon , charles ginnings , sir edw : carlton , robert abbot , andrew king , will : white , steven boulton , robert alden , edmund foster , tho : blinkhorn ▪ of london , gentlemen ; and to all such other person and persons , as according to the true intent and purport of these presents , shall be nominated ; and appointed to be generalls , colonells , lieutenant-colonells , sergeant-majors , or other officers , or of our councell of war , greeting ; whereas in our cities of london and westminster , and suburbs thereof , our borough of southwark and county of middlesex , there are raised and continued great number of military forces , both horse and foot , who under the command of robert ▪ earl of essex as their generall , and under the conduct of divers others , pretending to derive their authority from the two houses of parliament , have traiterously levied war , and rebelled against vs their naturall leige lord , and many of our subjects have been feduced by false informations , by the practise of a few , who have been the contrivers of the mischievous plots , and have joyned with them , either in person , or by ayding of them with men , money , horses , or other things , and many of our good and loyall subjects over-awed by the power of the rebells , have been enforced to contribute to them for the maintenance of this unnaturall war , and others refusing have beene plundered , and robbed of their estates , and some committed to severall prisons , and other barbarously used contrary to the liberty of free-born men , the laws of the land , and contrary to all humanity , of which injuries and calamities falling upon our good subjects , wee are very sensible , and are desirous to give relief to our good subjects by all the best meanes we can , and to resist the violence and insolencie of the rebels and their adherents , we having no other end therein but to preserve the true protestant religion in the integrity and purity thereof ; to maintaine the laws of the land , and the liberty of persons , and the property of the estates of our subjects , and the just priviledges of parliament . wee have thought fit for our better service , to settle a councell of war in or about our city of london , who may take these things into their sad considerations which may conduce best to this end , and to have such commanders and officers setled in the places aforesaid , which may both raise , governe , and lead such forces as may be raised there . know ye therefore , that we reposing speciall trust and confidence in your fidelities , industries , and good discretions ; have made choise of , nominated and appointed you to be our councell of war for the said cities of london and westminster ; and suburbs thereof , our said county of middlesex and borough of southwark , and do hereby give and grant authority to you ; or any four of you , to make choise of such other able and discreet persons as you shall think fit to nominate under the hands and seal of any four of you , which with your selves shall make up in all the number of twenty one and no more ; and we do give and grant to you , or any four of you , power and authority at such times , and in such places as you shall think convenient , to assemble and meet together , and there to consult , advise , and resolve of all such things , and of such wayes and means as you or any four of you shall think fittest , for the raising of forces both of horse and foot , either of the inhabitants of the said ●ities , county , and borough , or any the adjacent counties or other places , who will voluntarily associate themselves to that purpose , and these forces to arm , muster , conduct , order , lead , and govern in the places aforesaid , or in any the counties adjacent or elswhere , in such manner as you your selves , or such other able and fit persons , as you or any four of you shall to that purpose appoint , according to these presents shall think fit ; and the better to ●ffect this our service , we do further give and grant to you or any four of you power and authority under your hands and seals , to make choise of and appoint such a fit person as you shal think meet to be captain generall of all these forces thus to be raised , and such other persons as you or any four of you shall in like maner make choise of & appoint to be colonels , lieutenāt colon : & sergeant majors , over the forces in such maner & in such places as you shall so appoint ▪ who by vertue thereof , and by vertue of these presents shall have power and authority to do , execute , and performe all such things , which to these severall offices and imployments , according to the law martiall do belong ; and we do hereby promise and grant , that withall convenient speed after we shall have notice from you or any 4 of you , under your hands and seales of your nomination , of any person or persons whose severall places we shall grant & confirme unto them and every of them respectively , those severall places to which you have so nominated them as a foresaid , under our great seale of england , or otherwise as shall be reasonably devised and required of us . and we do further by these presents give and grant unto you full power and authority by all such good wayes as you , or any 4 of you under your hands shall agree upon to raise mony for the clothing , arming , furnishing , and paying of all such souldiers as shall be thus raised , and for the providing of all ammunition and other necessaries for the war ; all which mony upon a just account we do for us , our heirs , and successors , promise , grant and agree ▪ well and truly to repay so soon as we shall be inabled thereunto , and in the meane time to secure the same to those who for our service and by your meditation and industry shall lend or disburse the same ; and we do further by these presents grant that such generals , colonels , leivtenant colonells , and other officers so by you nominated as aforesaid shall have full power and authority by vertue of the presents to lead and order the souldiers severally under their charges , and with them to fight against our enemies and rebels , and them to slay & destroy , or them to save according to the law martiall , or course of war ; for the doing of all which , this shall be to you , them , and every of them a sufficient warrant , willing & commanding all such officers and souldiers , which by vertue hereof you shall retain , to obey readily to receive & accomplish your directions , commands , and summons in all things hereto appertaining or necessary to be done ; as also all majors , sheriffs , justices of peace , commissioners of array , and all other our officers and loving subjects to be ayding & assisting both to you and to all such officers & other persons whom you shall appoint under any four of your hands and seales , for the furthering and advancement of this our especiall service , for which this shall be to you , to them , and every of them a sufficient warrant . in witnesse whereof we have caused these our letters to be made patents . witnes our self at oxford the 16 day of march , in the eighteenth year of our raigne . finis . xii. resolves concerning the disposall of the person of the king in a sharpe reproofe to a rejoynder to three pamphlets, published in defence of mr. chaloners speech (called, a speech without doores, and said to be defended without reason) under pretence of the vindication of the parliaments honour. with a declaration of the generall assembly of scotland, concerning the danger of capitulation with those who have raised warr against the parliament, and against receiving protections from, and complying with the cavaliers. chaloner, thomas, 1595-1661. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a78520 of text r201255 in the english short title catalog (thomason e365_22). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 22 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a78520 wing c1806 thomason e365_22 estc r201255 99861784 99861784 113929 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a78520) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 113929) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 58:e365[22]) xii. resolves concerning the disposall of the person of the king in a sharpe reproofe to a rejoynder to three pamphlets, published in defence of mr. chaloners speech (called, a speech without doores, and said to be defended without reason) under pretence of the vindication of the parliaments honour. with a declaration of the generall assembly of scotland, concerning the danger of capitulation with those who have raised warr against the parliament, and against receiving protections from, and complying with the cavaliers. chaloner, thomas, 1595-1661. scotland. parliament. [8] p. printed by iane coe, london : 1646. attributed to thomas chaloner by wing. a reply to: birkenhead, sir john. the speech without doores defended without reason (wing b2972). signatures: a⁴. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng birkenhead, john, -sir, 1616-1679. -speech without doores defended without reason. charles -i, -king of england, 1600-1649 -early works to 1800. england and wales. -parliament -early works to 1800. royalists -england -17th century -early works to 1800. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a78520 r201255 (thomason e365_22). civilwar no xii. resolves concerning the disposall of the person of the king: in a sharpe reproofe to a rejoynder to three pamphlets, published in defe chaloner, thomas 1646 3954 15 20 0 0 0 0 89 d the rate of 89 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the d category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-03 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images 2007-06 pip willcox sampled and proofread 2007-06 pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion xii . resolves concerning the disposall of the person of the king in a sharpe reproofe to a rejoynder to three pamphlets , published in defence of mr. chaloners speech ( called , a speech without doores , and said to be defended without reason ) under pretence of the vindication of the parliaments honour . with a declaration of the generall assembly of scotland , concerning the danger of capitulation with those who have raised warr against the parliament , and against receiving protections from , and complying with the cavaliers . prov. 15. 26. {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} 2 tim. 4. 14. alexander the coppersmith hath done me much evill : the lord reward him according to his workes . {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . polyb hist. lib. 1. london printed by iane coe 1646. xii . resolves concerning the disposall of the person of the king . as it may be said to the parliament of england , as king iehosaphat said to his senatours take heed what ye do , for ye iudge not for man but for the lord . 2 cro. 19. 6. so for any ambitious spirit by evill language to traduce , or by lihills , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , to asperse any member thereof , he that doth so , gives a very insufficient accompt of any faithfulnesse to that parliament whereof the other is a member , ( especially in any thing said or done before the whole house , and by them approved , ) and ( what ever is professed ) in times of tryall , such will prove like nyssers apes , {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} . greg. nyss , de professi . christian ) for a little honour or profit to himselfe . now for this rejoynder , ( who professeth himselfe to be the same who writ the animadversions on mr. chaloners speech ) though he would have it granted that he gave a good accompt of himselfe b●fore , yet by examination it appeared to be quite contrary , and this second ( being audi●ed ) is yet worse , as i shall make it appeare to those who will view the sume and substance thereof : in which i am resolved on much brevity . 1. he saith that the scripture prefixed in the title of his animadversions . for the transgression of a land , many are the princes thereof . pro. 28. 2. was intended against change of government ( driven at in the speech ) by the king , a●d both houses of parliament . 1. answer ) this is a most false aspertion , mr. chaloners words were these , first , settle the honour , safety , and freedome of the common wealth , and then the honour , safety , and freedome of the king , so farre as the latter may stand with the former , and not otherwise , which is according to the law of the 12. tables , salus populi , suprema l●x . the learned scotchman himselfe delivered his opinion 2. yeares since ; that there is no imaginable comparison betwix : one man with all his accidents of prerogative and absolutenesse , and three nationall churches , and kingdomes : b●tter a king weepe for a childish trifle of a prerogative , than popery be erected ; and three kingdomes be destroyed . lex . rex . quest . 25. 2. the rejoynder saith , that it is dangerous to have many voyd places in parliament , and so a frequent succession of many new members , or to have the chiefe officers civill and millitary put in many new hands , if the persons intrusted be not extraordinary well qualified . 2. answer , this is pleaded directly in the behalfe of those delinquents that have deserted their trust ; for none else are outed the parliament , ( except those that dyed ) and in their places new ones are chosen . and for officers , the parliament choose none ( neither civill or millitary ) but such as they conceive are well qualified ; are such aspersions as these for vindication of the parliaments honour ? 3. he saith that there is nothing in the covenant , that obligeth him to mentaine the law of the land , as well as the person of the king . 3. answer . i conceive that the rejoynder hath not taken the covenant , but let those that have taken the covenant , reade it ; & see what they have sworne . the king cannot but be subject to the coactive power of fundamentall lawes : this is a fundamentall law , that the free estates lay upon the king , that all the power that they give to the king , as king , is for the good and safety of the people ; and so what he doth to the hurt of his subjects he doth it not as king , qui habet potestatem constituendi , etiam & jus adimendi , l. nemo 37. l. 21. de reg jure . is this paper then of his , to maintaine the lawes of the land ? 4. some things the rejoynder refusing to dispute , i shall wave , and come to the next thing he layes hold on , where i finde him traducing the parliament , as if any man may as well tell any notorious , lie , if he do it to assert the votes of parliament ; as mr. chaloner ; or any other member may deliver their opinions ( upon the votes ) in the house . ( and is this for the honour of the parliament ? 5. he saith that the speech without doores ( as he calles mr. chaloners ) houlds forth that the kingdoms are contending , who shall not have the kings person . and that this inferreth by consequence that the parliament either did not wisely , or not uprightly i● voting that the person of the king is to be disposed of as both hou●es shall think fit . 5. answer , when the parliament heard that the king was come to the scots army in england ; they voted their disposall of him , to prevent that harme which might befall his maj. in the army . but afterwards this personall being of the king with the scots begets a nationall dispute of his disposall betweene the kingdomes . the scots claiming a right of coacting with the parliament therein ; yet declaring their opinions that his going into scotland is not the safest ; mr. chaloner ( in his speech ) puts the house in minde of so much of their resolution , as conceiving it usefull to take notice of ; that seeing they approve best of his being in england ; who shall take care for the good of the kingdome , and the safety of his person therein , but the parliament of england , in whom the power is of treating and concluding for the good and safty of the kingdome , though the king be with their army in england , and propound otherwise ; when maccolumbut the 92. king of scotland , would have admitted a treaty to the hurt of that kingdome , the estates of scotland said , non jus esse regi , nisi omnibus ordinibus consentientibus . and robert the 100. in a parliament held at scoone , was told by the estates of scotland , when he would have made a treaty , that he could not judices facere nisi ex sententia conventus publici . 6. the rejoynder recanteth for reporting somwhat spoken by mr. chaloner , in the house , but not printed : confessing it was onely a simple narration . and was not this bravely done of him to asperse the parliament , and traduce their proceedings ? 7. he will not be convinced how it can be , that a king of one kingdome can be a subject in another , except he cease being a king . 7. answer , the king of denmarke , ( being in league with england , ) comes into england , his office , scepter , sword , and all his whole power remaines still in denmarke , though his person be here , he is king of denmarke , but a subject of england ; but this poynt hath been sufficiently cleared already to those that are reasonable men . and for the power of the king in abstracte , and the man in concreto , lex , rex ; is large upon it , in his 29. question . 8. the next thing the rejoynder falles upon , is about commissioners of parliament sent to another state ; who he saith are exempt from the lawes , and iurisdiction of that state where they are commissioners , and all his reason is , that he will acknowledge them neither princes , nor private men . 8. answer . all the world may see , that this is meere sophistrie , and that he useth these querkes , and insinuations to traduce the people . have commissioners no rule to be ordered by in another state ? then they are princes absolute : have they a rule ? then they are not exempt from that rule . is not this a wise statesman to write in vindication of the parliament ? 9. he still denyes that prince charles is at the sole dispose of the state of france , and affirmeth that it is like treason to say that the parliament cannot by their lawfull authority recall him . 9. answer , the rejoynder might tell us how , and by what law , the parliament can controule the state of france in demanding the prince . the parliament is very sensible of the ill consequence of his being there , and would fain have him in england again . and shall this gentleman accuse the parliament that they have a power to recall him and do not , ( and yet pretend to write in the vindication of the honour of the parliament , ) i appeale to all lawyers and statesmen to judge , if this be not false and scandalous . as for the instances of that king in england , as also of embassadors , ( because he waves it , as being somthing convinced ; ) i shall not reply to those things . for that of livius , concerning the embassadors of king tarquinus , and so of actions of states de facto , no wise man will stumble at it , that hath his eyes fixed on what is de jure : for so the case is argued . 10. from mr. chalenors words of the lawyers in england , concerning king john , if they should have yeelded to the french , they knew well enough what would become of the king of england . the rejoynder argues , that in like manner if the parliament of england should justly dispose of our king , they should in so doing dispose of the king of scotland . ans. had king john been personally in normandy , the king of france would not ( probably ) have sent into england about it . but hee was freed from that power by his personall being in england . the person of the king of england is in england . is this for the honour of the parliament , to give them no more relation to their kings person in england , then a king of france hath ? 11. he moves for some overtures ; as the king to come to london , the scots to goe home , and the parliaments army to bee disbanded , or sent into ireland . 11. answer . the parliament out of their great desire to have the king to come and remain with them , sent to his majesty propositions from both kingdomes , and agreed for their pay and marching home . but for the disbanding of the parliaments army , that must be left to the wisdome of the parliament . for so the law , say wise men and the law . argu. l. aliud 160. sect. 1. de jur. reg. l22 . mortuo de fidei . l. 11. 14. ad mum . l. 3. 1. 4. sigonius de rep. judaeorum , l. 6. c. 7. cornelius bertramo , c. 12. junius brutus , vindic. contra tyran , sect. 2. author libelli de iure magistrat . in subd . q. 6. althus politic. c. 18. calvin . instit. l. 4. c. 20. paraeus comment . in rom. peter martyr , in lib. iudic , c. 3. ioan. marianus de reg. l. 1. c. 7. hottoman de iure antiq. regni gallici . l. c. 12. buchanan de iure regni apud scotos . rex . lex . quaest. 21. 12. and for that argument which he would have disputed , whether the scots are bound to maintain the kings person if the parlement should wrong his person , i conceive it needlesse to argue it , there being no feare of any such danger . 12. answer . but do such positions tend to the vindication of the parliment ; if this rejoynder be not an incendiary , i know none . yet give me leave in this to vindicate our brethren , who have declared as followeth . declared by the generall assembly of scotland capitulations , and protections , howsoever accoun●ed of by those who walk after the wisdom of the flesh , are destructive to our covenant , almost in all the heads , and articles thereof : they tend unto the corrupting of religion in this land , and obstructing the worke of reformation in england , unto the countenancing , and strengthening of the popish and prelaticall party , unto the subversion of the due rights and priviledges of the parliaments , and diminishing of his majesties just greatnesse , and authority , unto the withdrawing of incendiaries , and malignants from condigne punishment , unto the overthrow of the union betwixt the kingdomes , unto the deserting of our brethren , folloing of divisive motions , and denying to hazard or susser the losse either of lives , or estates in the defence of the cause , and them that adhere there unto . we see not any strength of reason in that seeming necessity , unto which many pretend themselves to have been redacted : if men could not have retired from the fury and violence of the enemy , or had not some probable way of resistance and defence against the same , they should have taken it as an evidence of the will of god , calling them to suffer , and give a testimony unto his truth . our covenant doth no lesse oblige us to suffering , then to doing ; and it is the ignorance or ineff●ctual consideration of our duty that makes us thus to wipe our mouths , as if we had done nothing worthy of rebuke : n●ither yet doth it excuse , that some were not active to obtain pro●ections , the receving of them was to prostitute the chastity of that affection which we owe unto the cause of god , and could be no better then a bribe that blinds the eyes of the wife , and hinders from doing judgment unto the afflicted . the deep apprehension of their souls danger , moves us seriously , and in the bowels of jesus christ , to intreat all temporizers , and back-sliders to remember whence they are fallen , and to repent : let it not be a light thing unto such , that they have despised the oath of god , undervalued the pretious truth of the gospel , and drawn upon themselves the guilt of their brethrens blood , by forsaking them in their just defence . if the due sense of their sin shall bring them to lament after the lord , they may hope to finde him gracious , and mercifull , to forgive their iniquity , and heal their back-slidings : but if they shall harden themselves , and continue in their provocation ; they have cause of fear , that the lord of hosts shall avenge the quarrell of his covenant upon them who have sworn falsely by his name . yet is it not that those alone have cause to mourn ; all the land have done foolishly , and provoked the holy one of israel unto wrath : the lord hath been glori●us in the midst of us ; but who hath regarded his work or considered the opera●ion of his hands ? though he hath been liberall in the offer of his love , yet few have beleeved the gospel , and studied to walk worthy of the same : jesus christ hath neither been known nor honoured ; who hath valued him in the excellency of his person , or employed him in the vertue of his offices ? holy duties have been neglected , piety , and godlinesse reproached : is there not cause to lament for the atheisme , ignorance of god , blaspheming of his name , swearing by them that are no gods , intemperancy , uncleannesse , deceit and oppression that prevailes too too apparently amongst many ? and should not our eyes run down with tears , because of jealousies , self-seeking , and obstructing of justice amongst our judges ? because of rioting , and excesse , spoiling and oppressing amongst our souldiers ? because of negligence , and prophanity amongst ministers ? because of murmurings , and grudgings , deep security , carnall confidence , neutrality , and luke warmnesse almost amongst all ? the covenant which hath been attended by a stately worke of more then ordinary providence , and sealed with many rich , and pre●ious blessings from heaven , is by many undervalued , and set at naught ; nay , by some blasphemed , as an accursed , and unholy thing . because of those things , thousands have fallen by the sword , and ten thousands by the pestilence : our high-wayes are desolate , and our cities left without inhabitants , the like hath not bin heard in our dayes , nor in the dayes of our fathers : and yet the wrath of the lord is not turned away , but his hand is stretched out still . oh that men were wise to hear the voice of the rod , and who hath appointed it : shall we continue to tempt the most high , and strive with our maker , untill he make an end of us ? let us confesse our iniquity , and be humbled for our sin ; let us sowe to our selves in righteousnesse , and reap in mercy ; let us break up our fallow ground , for it is time to seek the lord , untill he come and rain righteousnesse upon us . we cannot but from the sense of those judgements that lies heavy upon the land , and from that wrath that still threatens us , warn every man to repent , and set on to duty . let rulers and judges do judgement , and execute justice without respect of persons : let officers and souldiers live soberly , do violence to no man , and more minde the cause of god then their own advantage : let pastors feed the flock of christ in love , bee zealous in advancing the work of reformation , and purging of the house of god : and let every one in his station , mind those things whereunto the lord hath called him . though we be afflicted and sore broken , yet if we return unto the lord , he will have mercy on us , and heale us : hath he not already begun to raise us up ? it is a mercy worthy to be had in everlasting remembrance , that in the day of the power and pride of our cruell and insolent enemies , the lord should shew himselfe glorious and mighty , to give victory and salvation to his people , when our hopes were neer gone . we were in a low condition , not only at the weakest , but even at the worst , under the guilt of many provocations , repining against the lord , and hasting to the paths of the destroyer : yet the preserver of men had regard unto us , to keep us from destruction , and to ease and avenge us of many of our adversaries , whose carcasses he made as dung on the earth in the day of his fury & indignation . if after so great a mercy , any should be found amongst us to turn away from the lord , and again to submit unto , or comply with the enemies of his truth , they could not but sin against their own souls , and provoke the eyes of his glory untill there were no remedy . we beseech all the lords people throughout the land , nay we charge them before god ; and the lord jesus christ who shall judge the quick and the dead , to hold fast the truth in love , to have regard to the glory of the son of god , the excellency of the gospel , the sacred and inviolable bond of the covenant , the beauty of the work of reformation , and the worth of a good conscience above all earthly losses and advantages ; and from the due sense and apprehension of those things , to arm themselves with strong resolutions against all the degrees of back-sliding , or complying with the enemy . : that they bee no mo●e as reeds shaken with the wind ; but they may give a proofe of their faith , patience , and courage , in the midst of all the difficulties and straits which they shall meet with . every one who knowes the lord , will cleave to their duty , and wait for his salvation : he is faithfull , and will not suffer us to be tēpted above that we are able , but wil with the temptation also make a way to escape , that we may be able to bear it . the rod of the wicked shal not rest too long upon the lot of the righteous . but when the lord hath performed his whole work upon mount zion , and upon ierusalem ; he will punish the fruit of the stout heart of the proud enemy , and bring down the glory of his high looks . then shall all the haters of zion be astonished and confounded , but the lords people shall be glad and rejoyce in his salvation . a. ker. finis . mercurius rusticus, or, a countrey messenger informing divers things worthy to be taken notice of, for the furtherance of those proceedings which concerne the publique peace and safety. wither, george, 1588-1667. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a66761 of text r19091 in the english short title catalog (wing w3171). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 44 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a66761 wing w3171 estc r19091 12114336 ocm 12114336 54250 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a66761) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 54250) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 240:e73, no 2) mercurius rusticus, or, a countrey messenger informing divers things worthy to be taken notice of, for the furtherance of those proceedings which concerne the publique peace and safety. wither, george, 1588-1667. 16 p. s.n., [london : 1643] caption title. date of publication from thomason coll. attributed to george wither. cf. thomason coll. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng royalists -england -history -17th century. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649. a66761 r19091 (wing w3171). civilwar no mercurius rusticus: or, a countrey messenger. informing divers things worthy to be taken notice of, for the furtherance of those proceedings wither, george 1643 7662 11 0 0 0 0 0 14 c the rate of 14 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the c category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-07 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2006-01 jonathan blaney sampled and proofread 2006-01 jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion mercurius rusticus : or , a countrey messenger . informing divers things worthy to be taken notice of , for the furtherance of those proceedings which concerne the publique peace and safety . by your leave gentlemen . when seriousnesse takes not effect , perhaps trifling may . every man hath some toyes in his head , and i ( god help me ) a great many ; one wil now discover it self , which hath itched in it ever since last night . mars had lately tyred me with long marches and skirmishes ; iupiter cast so ill aspects on me , that i could not be joviall ; the moone was in the waine ; venus retrogade ; and because apollo would not lend me his fiddle , that the influences of saturne might not oppresse me with melancholie , i complide with mercurie ; with whom having made a rustick progresse , and understanding that you love variety of newes , i am bold to present you with such gleanings as i have gathered in the countrey . and though i am not so wittie as my friend britannicus , nor bring relations so worthy the whetstone as monsieur aulicus , nor come so furnished as master civicus , nor so supplide with passages as the weekly intelligencer , nor so at leisure to summe up all occurrences as the accomptant , nor so large in promises as the scout , the informer , and therest of your diligent mercuries , nor so impudent as to aver that i present you with nothing but truth ; yet i have brought that which perhaps you may be , for once , as well contented to heare , though they be but such gatherings as i had from the mill , the ale-house , the smiths-shop , or the barbers : for , these are our countrey-exchanges , wherein we talk of as many things with little good successe as they doe at westminster ; and other-while also , to as ill , and to as good-purposes . i hope you will not be so severe to expect truth in every circumstance ; for all mercuries having the planet mercurie predominant at their nativities , cannot but retaine a twang of lying ; yet this i will assure you , that ( though it be not all exact literall truth which i present ) here are no such down-right lies as my other cousin-mercuries make no bones of ; but onely rhetoricall , metaphoricall , parabolicall , or poeticall lies , insinuating that which may prevent deceit , without purpose of deceiving any to their dammage : and these ( if well consider'd ) are no lies , but truths-essential cloth'd in some disguize . out upon 't , that rime slipt from me before i was aware , and may discredit all my relations to some readers , who know not , that rime , reason , and truth too are sometimes found together : but , lest like one or two of the fore-mentioned news-mongers i tire you with prefaces and preambles , trifling out more time then my intelligence will be worth , i proceed to the matter . as i was setting pen to paper to prosecute my purpose , 〈◊〉 was cast into me , giving me very good assurance that the 〈◊〉 , informations and relations which come weekly and daily abroad ( except some few published by authority ) are for the most part either lies , mistakes , vanities , or impertinencies multiplyed & patcht up out of each other , but to employ the printer lest he should else forget his trade in this long vacation from selling serious books . and thereupon it hath been ( or may be ) voted that they mis-lead more then they rightly informe ; and permission is , for that cause , granted to every reader ( ex officio ) strictly to examine them that they may be censured as they deserve ; and even this mercurie is by the same vote left liable to the like examination . my first intelligence shall be of that which hath most need to be taken into present consideration . it is assured me that seeing the cavees ( which is the gloucester title for cavalleers ) are newly fluttering into bedforeshire and toward cambridge , that they may divert the parliament forces from pursuing their late victories at hull and horne-castle ; it will be good discretion for them both to prevent that diversion , and the mischiefes which those locusts and caterpillers may doe in the associated counties ( if they should commence in that universitie as they have done in the other ) by sending speedily a strong partie thither , and withall to have an eye to the securing of the back-way to london , lest while they have drawn us to look northward , they wheel about southward , to attempt the obstruction of the easterne-water-passage to this citie ; which if my mercurie deceive me not , is the maine designe of our adversaries , what way soever they seeme to take . it is reported out of hamp-shire ( and it may be beleeved ) that basing-house hath been so long permitted to be a receptacle for the malignants of kent , surrey , and sussex , and a means for their secure passage to and from abingdon , wallingford , and oxford , that it is now become a garrison of papisticall cavees daily strengthned more and more with ammunition , men and victuals . thence we heare likewise that denington castle neere newburie , and not far from basing , is now fortifying to be a strengthning thereunto ; that andover is possessed by the kings forces to inlarge their contributions ; that a taxe of ninescore pounds the week is imposed upon every hundred neere those places , to the inriching of the parliament adversaries , to the disadvantage of our chiefe city , and to the impoverishing of those parts of hamp-shire , bark-shire , and wilt-shire , who now begin to cry out by reason of their oppressions , and to curse the malignancie and neutrality of those who allured them to take such serpents into their bosomes : yea some among them protest with teares ( where they dare complaine ) that if now the parliament would send to deliver them , they should find many hands to help forward the work ; which their neighbours also would be glad to further before they come under the same lash : and it is much wondred that a place so neere london upon a passage thither so convenient , and so easie to have been cleered , should have been left so long obstructed to the parliaments great disadvantage , unlesse it had been unheeded and neglected for the nonce . i have heard from his own servants that the marquesse of winchester , a very dangerous papist , ( because once a protestant , and perverted by a woman ) and who is owner of basing-house , and now resident therein ; hath a commission to be general of the forces raised and to be raised in those south-parts ; and when his ladies fathers country men are come thither from bristol and westchester to assist him , you shall see how needfull it would have been to have setled ere this time the association of kent , surrey , sussex , and hampshire , which i heare say is now againe revived , and as my mercurie perswades me may yet be undertaken with good successe , and for the prevention of the mischiefe design'd , if it be proceeded in with speed and courage , and be not by them made fruitlesse , who were no good friends to it heretofore . but it is probably suspected that some will directly hinder it if they can ; or , by pretending the promotion of it take occasion to diminish our strength some other way , under colour of saving charges , which ( considering the chances of war are uncertain ) may so fall out , that it may be the breaking of the associated forces , the losse of some part of the countrey for the time , or the indangering of all ; and therefore it is desired by the well-affected in those counties ; that deluding propositions tending to such purposes may be well observed by the associaters in their meetings and discreetly prevented . and now i think on it , the mention of this association brings to mind somewhat which a souldier in one of those counties made me acquainted withall of his opinion touching the same , which i will here insert , because perchance some may advise worse . if it be not worth heeding , it shall cost but the reading ; if it be considerable , the benefit of it may by this meanes be taken , though he should not be called to counsell in that association , his opinion was briefly thus , and these are his own words . first , that considering the present necessity , there should be no delay in establishing that association , lest they who diligently meet , and talk much that nothing may be concluded , lose that opportunity which is yet remaining , and must be suddenly caught . secondly , before the main work shall be compleatly resolved on , ( which will require more time ) he would that those forces which are in readinesse in those foure counties ( reserving a small power to watch over the malignants in kent and suffex ) should immediately march to farnham castle , making that their rendevouz and place of refuge to retreat unto when any unequall power should march against them , as also to be a refreshing place for the weak and tired , and a nurserie out of which the association should be still supplyed with disciplin'd men . at farnham he would not have them stay longer then for a dayes rest , or so long as the ordering of other pertinent affaires might require and that then they should remove to odiham or alton in hamsheire ( the furthest not being much above two houres march ) there to setle or move up and down to live upon those that must maintaine the enemies garison at basing ; and to gather from them their impositions so far into the country as they may adventure till the assotiated body is compleated , that ( as usually we have done ) we put not the state to as much charge during the time of preparations , as would with good husbandry beare the expences of the whole expedition . as they grew stronger he would have them dayly march farther even to the walls of the adversaries garrisons , labouring continually by their scouts , or by hiring the country people , or insinuating with them , to gaine intelligence of such things as might conduce to their own security and the disadvantage of the foe , every day so visiting some or other of the neighbouring villages that their adversaries might be furnished with no considerable aids or supplies . by which means , & by that time the body of the assotiated forces were compleated , the foxes of those burroughes would be much streightned , and the southerne parts of hamshire ( seeing their inmates awed shall be won by fear or love to hasten their assent and contributions to the said assotiation : & perhaps before the said assotiation is fully setled ( & during which interim many disadvantages may else befall us ) the enemies quarters being some and some gained , their garrison may be taken , or well prepared for taking without a winter seige , which may else lose us more men , money and time then we would willingly spare . when the associated brigade is made up , he would not have it ( as some have proiected ) kept in one or in several bodies in the several associated counties ; for that ( as experience hath taught us ) would prove rather an oppression then a defence unto them . but he rather adviseth that they should march into those parts of hamshire which either will not or dare not associate , leaving behinde them kont , surry , and sussex as secured sufficiently by farnham : garison , by the watch afore mentioned to be set over them , and by that readines which the associated counties will be alwayes in , to returne upon any emergent occasion . by this course they shall not grieve or burthen their friends by being continually billeted upon them , nor discourage or disable them in contributing to their pay . besides , they shall by makeing the seat of war without the association , give the plough peaceable passage at home , disturbe their adversaries reicevers and confederates abrode , and dayly inlarge their own quarters . yea by thus proceeding , the associators shall have means to augment their forces ( if there be cause ) with lesse charge : for god assisting these endeavours , the next bordering sheire wil shortly petition to unite it selfe to them to prevent being the seat of war , and so the next , and the next , till all come in . for that expedition he would have scouts , intelligencers , and spies chosen out by good advise from among the stoutest and most witty of the well-affected , who are of quality for such an employment , and would have them punished and disgraced for their falshood , and rewarded for dilligence , and considerable services according to their merrits , that incouragements from others as well as their own consciences and interests might make them indeavour the more . for these are the nimble and sure hinges upon which their forces must move forward and backward , shut and open , as there is cause : and it is through want of these that we have been so lame in our late executions . none of these should be a common trooper or dragoneer , but men set apart meerly for that service , because we can neither confidently rely on men casually set forth ; neither can they or their horses performe such services as they ought to do , who are tired with other duties , and brought off and on , at adventure upon a suddaine . and were he to select a brigade of such a number as the associators have resolved on , which ( as he hears ) shall be 1200 horse , and 800 dragoneers , he should chuse rather 800 horse , and 1200 dragoners , for that service , because horse are not onely a greater charge and more hardly raised but lesse serviceable , and in some places and cases not serviceable at all , yea perhaps 800 horse , 800 dragoneers , and 400 musketiers may do better service then they , if in lieu of charge saved by that change , so much might be added in engines to secure a passage in galtrapes , swedes feathers , shovels , spades and pilteaxes , which three last mentioned ( though now slighted ) are the security of armies and such as the most famous . souldiers of the world made great use of . he mentioned somewhat also of having a certaine number of fire locks in steed of muskets for night services , ambuscadoes and other such like occasions pertinent to the same designe , and of many other things , of which some are not to be revealed untill there be opportunity to put them in execution , and the rest are over-many to be recited here . of this or of some other good course to be seriously prosecuted for the strengthning of our hands the country people desire to heare , for though an evil spirit hath long deluded them , now their eyes begin to be opened , and they do see that the king , by the contribution and personall ayde of papists from abroade , by arming papists , delinquents , oppressors of the people , and the most vitious of his subjects at home ( and by calling hither the barbarous irish bapists after their murthering of nigh an hundred and fifty thousand of his loyall protestant subjects in ireland ) and by some other such proceedings ) will be both his own destruction and theirs if they come not in speedily to help the lord against the mighty oppositions and machinations of those instruments of antichrist . we have had lately complaineings almost out of every county , that the greatest enemies and hinderers of setling the militia in a fit posture for the publike safety , were and are some deputy lieutenants , and such as are authorized to order the same ; and that none meet more frequently nor seeme to employ themselves more zealously in that businesse then some of them that are most mischievous thereunto yet , this is no disparagement to those who are sincerely active therein , because there is not one of these hypocrites in any county but he is discovered , and by some passage or other observed to be what he is , though to the generall damage he still 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 questioned , questioned , and continues i● imployments enabling him to do new mischieves every day for the punishment of our sins : and if any of them be now in presence while this is reading he may be soone discouered if you will but observe his lookes and words ; for they will evidently show that his worships coppihold ( as we say in the country ) is touched by this relation . i have received the like rurall complaints against some officers committees for the sequestrations and the twentieth part , &c. and many of them are true in my own knowledge , it is said that some of them countenance the malignants against the best affected , and most befriend the parliament enemies in all hearings , assessments , services , & contributions ; that no men are more gratious with them , then such as have most slighted and vilified the parliament ; that some of them are frequent and familiar visitants of those prisoners which were committed for taking armes against the state : that they have counselled , abetted , and assisted them ( to the abuse of the parliament ordinances and orders ) even against those faithfull servants to the king and parliament whose houses they unmercifully plundred ; and it is probably conjectured that many of them who have broken prison were by some of these committees or their instruments assisted in ▪ or toward their escapes . it is certified also , that they are more zealous of their own interests , and pleasing their friends and acquaintance , then of the publike honour , profit , or safety ; that some of them make use of those employments to satisfie their avarice some their ambition , some their pride , some their lust , some their revenge ; and that it some other there is neither pitty , justice or conscience it is therefore verily beleeved in the country that for our sinnes , and by the sinnes of th●se our miseries are prolonged , and that if these had been delig●●● and faithfull in the execution of their trust , mony had come better in and the souldiers pay had not been so long deferred to the hazzard of the kingdomes safety ▪ yea so many good designs had not miscarried or been so slowly proceeded in , to the dishonour of the parliament , the discouragement of her supporters , and to the strengthning of the enemies thereof . there is a petition exhibited some-where , by many free-holders to desire both houses seriously to confider the dangerousnes of such men and their practises , and to take order concerning them ; or if they cannot , sire that god would . i have heard lately from every part of the kingdome a generall applause of his excellence the earle of essex , as well for many other virtues , as for his valiant and discreet managing of the late expedition to gloucester , and the battails at alborne and neere newberie , and am apt to beleeve the truth of it , in regard i have been an eye-witnesse & an observer of his worth in those and many other evidences of the same , yet i have no assurance either from citie , court , or ) countrey , that an honourable opinion shall be long continued of his or any other mans heroick virtues among the vulgar , for they will be ready to sacrifice him to morrow , to whom they sacrificed yesterday ; and be ready to vilifie him upon one improbable suspition ; of whose worthinesse they have had a thousand undenyable proofes . we heare from every quarter of the countrey that the kingdome is crucified between the two armies , like christ between two theeves ; for though one of them be good in respect of the other , yet sure i am they are both theeves . some are discontented that the armie is quartered so neere to the city , and feare they will be more weakned by idlenesse , then they were by action ; and verily beleeve that it would be more both for their health and accommodation , if they were farther off , and where they might more straiten the enemies quarters , and inlarge the limits of contribution to their own maintenance , which ( no doubt ) our prudent generall will take care of when oportunity serves . we are certified from reading that it is re-possest by the cavees , and that they make haste to fortifie the same , whereupon the opinion of the countrey is this , that when places of such consequence are gotten with much expence of mony and blood , it were good discretion for preventing further losse and charge to secure them better when we have them ; and it is thought that many citizens and others will be shortly of the same opinion ; yet mercurie holds it a point of good discretion also not to censure harshly of what was left undone , or might have been better ordered in their judgements ; for they that are actors find more difficulties then the lookers on , and many times for our sins , the divine providence doth permit ( to humble us ) many failings and oversights in our actions , which else our understanding might have fore-seen and prevented . it is voiced from the north , that the scots have entred northumberland with a very great armie , and that the cavees doubting their ability to resist , have projected by slanderous detractions , and by seeking to raise jelousies , and beget divisions between the nations , to weaken their hands , and make void , if it be possible , the intended effect of their expedition : and therefore it was advised by a plain country-fellow , that to make such malicious plots and indeavours unsuccessefull , we should beleeve of them as we find , and hope of their sincere dealing with us according to their christian profession , and their noble and honest demeanour in their last expedition , at which time their armie was an exemplarie patterne both to us and other nations of that civility and justice which ought to be in soldiers and commanders professing christ . he is liable to a severe judgement that mis-judgeth his brother ; but doubtlesse he exposeth himselfe to a greater condemnation that judgeth scandalously of a whole nation , and the honesty and faithfulnesse of such a one is justly to be suspected . now to prevent the murmurings of those seeming to be on the parliament side , who grumble at the mony which they are to receive from us towards their expedition to new-eastle , the honest countrey people hold it good counsel to put these murmurers in mind , first , how cold this winter may prove , and perhaps the next also , if the collieries there be not set open to us , before a passage be made thither by forces from this place . secondly , how much it concerns us to have the scots ingaged with us in our cause , as now they are : and lastly , that the money wherewith by gods help they may finish that work is not probably so much as would be required to raise , carry thither , & bring back an armie sent from us to that purpose , though it should cost nothing during their abode there . there is cause of hope that by means of the new-great-soale which is now comming forth , justice will have her course more freely then of late , and many mischievous designs of the kings ill counsellors wil be prevented . if it had power also to conjure down the spirit of malignancie which is raised in these i lands , and take away faction , hypocrisie , self-love , and discord from among us , it were a qualification which i feare it hath not ; yet perhaps it may be a means to further those proceedings which will much hinder their evill effects for the present , and abate , at least , the predominancie of those vices ere long . we are incredibly informed from oxford , that the king had no considerable losle at the skirmish by alborne , or at the battell neere newberie , as we have been made beleeve . it is true indeed , that he lost many men and subjects ; but they are but trifles , and it is almost generally supposed ( though hoped otherwise by me ) things which he regards not . he lost also many good horses , as his own partie doth confesse ; but he had them onely for taking up , and hath takers enough to recrute them : he lost lords , and a great officer , &c. but that is a losse the least worth notice of all the rest , for they are toyes , which if he please he can make of the veryest rascals in his army ; they did wel therefore to give god thanks that their losses were no greater : but had they been so great on our side , we should rather have addressed our selves unto him by way of humiliation , then have mocked him with a counterfet thanksgiving , as they have often done , and may now doe againe for their late overthrows in lincoln-shire and at hull . it is further certified from oxford , or else mercurie deviz'd it , ( which is very probable ) that the arch-bishop of canterburie ( hohourable in nothing but in this , that he will be the occasion of rooting out the prelacie from this kingdom ) hath made a motion that prince rupert ( who was there incorporated and made master of arts , when that little good bishop ( then dreaming not of such a change ) entertained him and his majestie ) might proceed doctor , to make him the more capable of a bishoprick , which it is presumed the papists will procure the popes holinesse to confer upon him for his good services in their cause at his return , i know not-whither ; for habitation he hath none , and that makes him so mischievous to those that have . it is , there , thought also by some of his majesties servants ( as our mercurie verily beleeveth ) that the queen will not have so many masks at christmas and shrovetide this yeare as she was wont to have other yeeres heretofore ; because inigo iones cannot conveniently make such-heavens and paradises at oxford as he did at white-hall ; & because the poets are dead , beggered , or run away , who were wont in their masks to make gods and goddesses of them , and shamefully to flatter them with attributes neither fitting to be ascribed or accepted of ; and some are of opinion , that this is one of the innumerable vanities which hath made them and us become so miserable at this day . we heare not yet any particulars of the late ambassadours entertainment at oxford , but wagers may be laid that he shall heare there many lying vaunts of their valorous atchievements , and untrue allegations against the parl. for what will not they aver in private discourses , who are not ashamed to belie them in publique , and to their face ? we are informed of many strange sermons preached every lords day at court , some tending to p●perie , some to tyrannie , or to the encouragement of their auditors to a furious prosecution of this unnaturall war . and we hear of as many preached in other places to as ill purposes another way : insomuch that the well-affected countrey people are perswaded , that if god had not by the parliaments wisdom and their exemplarie loyaltie caused those false prophets to dissemble their secret desires , many of them ( if they have not done it already ) would have preached treason , and animated to that rebellion wherof we are falsly accused , by the promoters of tyrannie , because we wil not desert the reality of allegeance to professe and practice the bare complements thereof to the destruction both of our liege lord , his kingdoms , and our selves . other doctrines are also vented among us by some pretending to reformation , which all the reformed churches would be loth to owne ; and which will prolong our miseries , if the parliament and synode ( with whom they in some things comply for their present security ) do not ( as we hope they wil ) timely discover and prevent their increasing heresies and false maximes . there was lately a meeting at one of our countrey exchanges , where mercurie being in the chaire , many particulars pertinent to the present affaires of the time were put to the question , but what is fit to be resolved or voted thereupon , it is referred to your conscience who now shall read them . the questions put are these : first , whether the king being yet constant in the protestant religion , and reall according to all his protestations made before god and man touching this church and state , the prevalencie of his queen may not make him ( contrarie to his present purpose ) doe for a womans sake as much as solomon ; and the flatteries and importunies of his young and evill counsellors bring him to as great a losse as rhehoboams : whether also he may not be permitted to slip into some failings for our sins ( which drew down these judgements for our chastisement ) as it befell the israelites for davids sin : and whether he may not repent also as well as david , and be at last reconciled to god and us , to the publique advantage , and his encrease of honour , when we have repented our transgressions ? secondly , the queen having ●o many yeers after her first comming enjoy'd the love even of those of this nation who are of a contrary religion , might not then haue been won to become a daughter ( nay a nursing mother ) of this church , if she had not been left to their delusions , who ( if it were possible ) would deceive the very elect ; if those who had place and opportunities to have endeavoured it and ( as we heare ) had inducements to hope it might have been effected , had according to their duty attempted the same ; and whether it is not likely that the arch-bishop of canterbury and the whole prelacie are now come to this shame , because they complyed with her seducers , and rather confirmed her in an idolatrous worship , then assayed to inform her in the right way ? thirdly , whether it be possible that a king , many yeers honoured with evidences of piety and morality , could possibly proceed as he hath done , if the falshood and impiety of his evill counsellors were not vailed over with some disguises : and whether ( though he make use of them for the present necessities ) he can esteem them in his private judgement bettep then traitors or base parasites , who having been at first zelots for the parliament , afterward left it for the wages of ambition : or whether he can esteeme of those , more then of a dog deserving the halter , who being first raised by his royall favour , ( and long maintained by projects and monopolies obtained by abusing that royall power ) could desert their advancer , and comply with the parliament to avoid their censures ; and afterward againe , when they saw the parliament eclipsed , could basely creep and insinuate back into his bosome whom they had forsaken ? fourthly , protestants and papists being so exasperated against each other , and the papists having begun a bloody massacre in ireland , which the tenets of their religion bind them to prosecute upon all advantages ) whether can they ever be so reconciled as to live securely together again in these ilands so long as they continue of different religions ? and whether they will think the king out of their debt untill he hath given them leave to prop●gate their religion at their pleasure , and means to secure it in this kingdome , by power put into their hands : and if hee should so doe whether truth and peace were then likely to be setled in these kingdomes ? fiftly , whether his majesty be not , by reason , discharged from all obligations to the papists for personall services and contributions to this war , and bound in justice to punish rather then reward them for the same , seeing he cannot but know , both by their tenets , and by those motives whereby the queene incouraged them in her letters , that they aided him for n● respect to himself ( if he be not totally theirs ) but meerly for their own ends ; and to continue that barbarous and murtherous project which they long since begun here ; lately revived in ireland , and do now prosecute throughout his majesties dominions , for the accomplishment of our generall premeditated destruction , under the false colour of serving his majesty , and promoting his priviledges ? the last question of theirs which i will trouble you withall is , if we suffer the policies of antichrist , for the continuation of his mistery of iniquity thus to divide the body from the head , the king from the parliament , the court from the city , the city from the country , the nobles from the commons , the commons from themselves ; yea to divide the church , the state , every province , every county , every city , every village , every family , and many individuall persons in their own judgements , whether this be not or will not be shortly such a divided kingdome as cannot long stand without gods miraculous aid and our more serious working with him ? and whether will not the children of babel seek to repaire again her decayes by the ruines of our british churches ? and whether it be not required of us , ( and high time for us ) to be reconciled to god and to each other , that we may hasten the fullfilling of his decree concerning the whore , the malignant city , the false prophet , the beast ; and do that to them which they purpose to us ( and have already begun to doe in ireland with unexampled cruelty ) even to beat or banish them , who will not forsake their abominations , out of these islands ; that babylon may vanish , and the new jerusalem come down amongst us ? how these questions are to be voted upon , let every one consider and resolve by himself according to his discretion . perchance there be some who are desirous to here what opinion we have in the country touching the nationall covenant lately tendred , and perhaps also the knowledge thereof may be to some purpose . you shall hereby understand therefore , that not onely all men well affected to the parliament , but every other reasonable man also in these counties , where this mercurie hath been , thus conceives of the said covenant . first , that it tends to the strengthning of that nationall union which is now made betwixt us and the scots , and the want of which was an occasion of much blood-shed in this island many ages together . secondly , that it conduceth to that unity and conformity throughout all the reformed churches , which may by gods blessing , settle christian peace , prevent the future increase of heresies and schismes hitherto multiplied amongst us , help to preserve truth in purity against the incroachments of popery and superstition , and further the overthrowes of antichrist . fourthly , that it will help secure unto us our just rights and priviledges , with the preservation of his majesties person , honour and lawfull prerogatives , against traitors , flatterers , tirants and oppressors . fiftly , that it ingageth us to a speedy repentance of those sins which have brought on us the present plagues ; and to the amendment of our lives also for the time to come . 6. they hold it agreeable to the practise of the ancient churches of god , who when such occasions were , made covenants to the like effect by divine approbation , as their covenants recorded in holy writ may testifie . and the opinion of those among them whose judgement is not to be despised , is this ; that whosoever willfully refuses this covenant , deserveth to be reputed an enemy to all that is good , to be chastised by all the miseries attending division and discord ; and to be deprived of every good effect which it may produce hereafter ; for the present , to be denied the vse of those good things which they possesse among us , and to be judged unworthy to continue in this land , or to partake of this ayre , any longer . of the like opinion is this mercurie , who among many other observations in his rustick preambulations had these two , which i thought not impertinently divulged at this time : one is , that they who would seeme to have the tenderest consciences in this cause betwixt the king and parliament , and who usually colour their opposing the parliament by pretending a conscionable obedience to all the kings commands , are they ( if we may judge them by their former conversation and present course of life ) who make little conscience of that , or of any sin else . as if for making no conscience of breaking such lawes as were once written in their hearts , god had now justly infatuated their understanding , and left them onely such a conscience , as might bring deserved chastisement on us , and confusion on themselves . his other observation is , that the most violent pleaders against the parliament , and the most active malignants among us are onely such as th●se . beggerly and ambitious courtiers ; riotous and vitious gentlemen ; broken citizens ; drunken inkeepers and vintners , with their dependants , tapsters , hostlers , chamberlains and drawers : needy popish or debauched schollers , seeking or possessing preferment by complying with superstion or prophanenes ; luxurious gallants and gamesters ; fencers , fidlers and players ; silly people led according to the capacity , folly , or frenzie of their kindred , familiars , masters , land-lords , or of the neighbouring justices , or unsound parliament members malignantly affected ; good-fellowes and pot companions , who confirme each other in their malignancy on the ale-bench , and wonderfully strengthen their cause by drinking healths to prince rupert , and confusion to the parliament , while horrible oathes and imprecations are shot off , libertines that feare the change of church discipline will abridge their pleasures ; projecters , and monopolizers whose lively-hood is taken away , if injustice and oppression may not continue ; papists , atheists , prelates and their , &c. yea it is observed ( though i would be loth to be author of it ) that among those women which are zelots of the cavallerro way ( which many of them favour for divers carnall respects ) none are such pert and violent oratresses for it , as they who are either known , or justly suspected , to be little whorish . to these if you adde a wandring prince or two , some lords ( and such commanders as become these regiments ) you have that masse , out of which you may marshall up that army which opposeth our king and parliament . we are certified that some are much troubled to perceive so many men , who are learned , seemingly honest , wise , religious and conscionable of the right way , and of those things which tend to the glory of god , the peace of their country , and the prevention of antichristian designes , should now be questioned as apostatizers and fallers away from their first love and profession , in this time of triall , and of our great need of their assistance , & exemplary constancy . therefore to comfort them , & strengthen their faiths , we do here give notice of two observations that a country man ( who hath heretofore rightly conjectured things pertinent to these times ) hath lately made : one is an assurance that this falling away of men , starlike for their eminency , is no strange or unexpected novelty , but a fulfilling in part of that mystical prediction by which we were long since forewarned , that the dragons taile should draw down starres from heaven ; for there is nothing now left of that beast ( in comparison of what he was ) but the taile . and ( as serpents usually do when a mortall wound is received ) the taile wriggles about so furiously that it strikes down those from their sphears , who , being but meteors , eemed starres in this lower heaven , the military kingdom of christ on earth . the other note is this ; he hath observed that all the marks by which the prophet david marked out his enemies , and the malitious enemies of god and his church from other sinners , are undoubtedly now found upon the adversaries of this church and state , confederated together in these kingdomes ; whether you have respect to their practises , their qual●ties , their purposes , or their languages as would appeare if i should here insert the severall texts expressing their tyrannies , their impudent wickednes , their haughtines , their skoffes , their scornes , their insolencies , their blood-thirstines , their oppressions , their trechery , their blasphemy , their lyings , their cursings , their slanders , their prepartions for warre and hostile attempts when they are in treaties of peace , their drunken songs , their impious and derisorie intergatories concerning our god , his promises , our trust , our hopes in him , our fastings , our prayers , and other christian duties , and such like . and i was moved here to divulge this for glad tidings , that though for our chastisement these may persecute and exercise our patience for a while , yet they shall at last receive the portion , and come to the destruction prepared for such offenders . more of these things i could tell you out of the countrey , but i have other businesse . here is more then i first intended , and more , i feare , then some of you will either thank me for , or make a right use of . if ever you heare of me in this kind again , ( which i wil not promise ) it shall be but once more , as occasion is offered ; and , i will be mercurius sublimatus , at least above the clouds ; and then farewell . finis . a vindication of psalme 105.15. (touch not mine anointed, and doe my prophets no harme) from some false glosses lately obtruded on it by royalists proving, that this divine inhibition was given to kings, not subjects; to restraine them from injuring and oppressing gods servants, and their subjects; who are gods anoynted, as well as kings: and that it is more unlawfull for kings to plunder and make war upon their subjects, by way of offence, then for subjects to take up armes against kings in such cases by way of defence. with a briefe exhortation to peace and unity. prynne, william, 1600-1669. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a56228 of text r220573 in the english short title catalog (wing p4125a). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 40 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a56228 wing p4125a estc r220573 99831969 99831969 36436 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a56228) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 36436) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 2054:25) a vindication of psalme 105.15. (touch not mine anointed, and doe my prophets no harme) from some false glosses lately obtruded on it by royalists proving, that this divine inhibition was given to kings, not subjects; to restraine them from injuring and oppressing gods servants, and their subjects; who are gods anoynted, as well as kings: and that it is more unlawfull for kings to plunder and make war upon their subjects, by way of offence, then for subjects to take up armes against kings in such cases by way of defence. with a briefe exhortation to peace and unity. prynne, william, 1600-1669. [8] p. s.n.], [london : printed, 1642. by william prynne. place of publication from wing. signatures: a⁴. in this edition: royalists. reproduction of the original in the union theological seminary library. eng bible. -o.t. -psalms cv, 15 -commentaries -early works to 1800. royalists -england -history -17th century. great britain -history -civil war, 1642-1649 -early works to 1800. great britain -politics and government -1642-1649 -early works to 1800. a56228 r220573 (wing p4125a). civilwar no a vindication of psalme 105.15. (touch not mine anointed, and doe my prophets no harme) from some false glosses lately obtruded on it by roy prynne, william 1642 7705 118 0 0 0 0 0 153 f the rate of 153 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the f category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2002-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2002-05 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2002-06 olivia bottum sampled and proofread 2002-06 olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a vindication of psalme 105.15 . ( touch not mine anointed , and doe my prophets no harme ) from some false glosses lately obtruded on it by royalists . proving , that this divine inhibition was given to kings , not subjects ; to restraine them from injuring and oppressing gods servants , and their subjects ; who are gods anoynted , as well as kings : and that it is more unlawfull for kings to plunder and make war upon their subject● , by way of offence , then for subjects to take up armes against kings in such cases by way of defence . with a briefe exhortation to peace and unity . 2 samuel 23.3 . he that ruleth over men must be just , ruling in the feare of god . ecclesiastes 4.1 , 2. i returned and considered all the oppressions that are done under the sunne ; and behold the teares of such as were oppressed , and they had no comforter : and on the side of their oppressors there was power , but they had no comforter . wherefore i praised the dead which are already dead , more then the living which are yet alive . proverbs 28.15 , 16. as a roaring lyon , and a ranging beare , so is a wicked ruler over the poore people . the prince that wanteth understanding is also a great oppressour ; but he that hateth covetousnesse shall prolong his daies . galathians 5.15 . but if ye bite and devoure one another , take heed that ye be not consumed one of another . printed , 1642. there is nothing more pernicious to the souls of men , or destructive to the republique in distracted times , then clergy-mens wresting of scriptures from their genuine sense to ensnare mens consciences , the better to accomplish some sinister designes . how sundry sacred texts have been thus perverted of later yeers , not by the * unlearned and unstable vulgar , but by the greatest seraphicall doctors in our church , is too apparent unto all ; and among * others that of the psalmist , psal. 105 . 15● ( which is repeated 1 chron. 16.22 . ) touch not mine anoynted , and do my prophets no harm ; hath not had the least violence offered it , both in presse and pulpit , to cry up the absolute irresistable prerogative of kings in all their exorbitant proceedings ; and beat down the just liberties of the subject , without the least defensive opposition ; when as this text , in real verity , is rather a direct precept given to kings themselves , not to oppresse or injure their faithful subjects , then an injunction given to subjects , not to defend themselves against the oppressive destructive wars , and projects of their princes . in which regard it wil be no unseasonable nor ungratefull worke , to cleare this text from all false glosses , and restore it to its proper construction . in former ages when popery domineered , the popish clergy grounded their pretended exemption from all temporall jurisdiction on this scripture ; suggesting , that they onely , at least principally were gods anointed here intended ; and therefore ought not be touched nor apprehended by kings or temporall iudges for any crimes . but this false glosse being long since exploded , many court divines , not so much to secure as flatter kings , have applyed it primarily unto kings , and secundarily to priests , as meant of them alone , excluding their faithfull subjects out of its protection and limits ; when as the text is meant of none else but they in general and of abraham , isaac , and iacob , with their families in particular . 1. to put this out of question : you must first observe , that this psalm from the 5 verse to the end , is meerely historicall . the 7 first verses of it are but a gratulatory preamble ( interlaced with some exhortations ) to the subsequent historicall narration ; as he that reads them advisedly will at first acknowledge : in the 8 , 9 , 10 , & 11. verses , the psalmist begins his history , with the covenant which god made to abraham , and the oath which he sware to isaac ; and confirmed the same unto jacob for a law , and to israel for an everlasting testament : saying , unto thee will i give the land of canaan , the lot of your inheritance . in the 12 , 13 , 14 , & 15. verses , he expresseth the special care and protection of god over abraham , isaac , and iacob , and their several families after his covenant thus made unto them , in these words : when they ( to wit , abraham , isaac , and jacob , with their families ) were but a few men in number , yea very few , and strangers in it : when they went from one nation to another , from one kingdom to another people ( which cannot possibly be expounded of kings and priests , but onely of those patriarcks ) he suffered no man to doe them wrong , but reproved even kings for their sakes , saying , touch not mine anoynted , and doe my prophets no harme . then in the very next verse to the end of the psalm , he proceeds with the story of the famine in egypt , and of iosephs sending thither beforehand by god , &c. so that by the expresse words and series of the story in this psalm , these persons of whom god said , touch not mine anointed , and do my prophets no harme , were abraham , isaac , and iacob , and their families , ( as s. augustin with sundry other expositers of this psalm conclude ; ) who in truth were neither kings nor priests by office , but onely gods peculiar people and servants : of whom he took special care . whence i thus reason , in the first place . these words , touch not mine anointed , &c. were originally spoken and intended only of abraham , isaac , and iacob , and their families , who were neither actual kings nor priests ; & they were meant of them , not as they were kings or priests , but only as they were the servants and chosen people of god ; as is evident by the 6 verse of this psalm , o ye seed of abraham his servant , ye children of jacob his chosen . therefore they are to be so interpreted ; and to be applyed not to kings and priests , as they are such ; but only to the faithful servants and chosen people of god , though , and as subjects . secondly , consider to whom these words were spoken ; not to subjects , but to kings them●elves ; a● the psalmist resolves in expresse terms , vers. 14. he suffered no man to do them wrong , but reproved even kings for their sakes ; saying , ( even to kings themselves ) touch not mine anointed , and do my prophets no harme . now that these words were spoken to kings themselves is apparent , by those histories to which these words relate , recorded at large , genes . 12.10 . to 20●gen . 2● . throughout , and gen. 26.1 . to 17. and vers. 29. where when abraham by reason of the famine went down into egypt , with sarah his wife , and king pharaoh tooke her into his house , god first permitted neither pharaoh nor his servants to do either of them any injury ( though abraham out of over-much feare , suspected they would have killed him , and therefore made sarah say she was his sister , ) and likewise plagued pharaoh , and his servants because of sarah abrahams wife ; whereupon they and all theirs went away in safety . after which abraham and his wife sojourning in gerar , abimelech king of gerar sent and took sarah : but god said to abimelech in a dream , behold thou art a dead man for the woman that thou hast taken , for she is a mans wife , &c. therefore i sufferred thee not to touch her : now therefore restore the man his wife , for he is a prophet : ( where , touch not mine anoynted , and do my prophets no harme , were litterally fulfilled : ) and he shal pray for thee , and thou shalt live ; and if thou restore her not , know that thou shalt surely die , thou and all that are thine : whereupon abimelech restor●d abraham his wife , and gave him sheep , oxen , men-servants , and women-servants , and leave to dwell in the land where he pleased . after which isaac and his wife dwelling in gerar , and he telling the men of the place that she was his sister , lest they should kill him for her , because she was faire , king abimelech discovering her to be his wife , charged all his people , saying , he that toucheth this man or his wife shall surely be put to death ; yea he kindly intreated him , and did unto him nothing but good , and sent her away in peace . to which we may adde , the story of gods prohibiting and restraining both laban and esau ( who were as potent as kings ) to hurt jacob when they came out maliciously against him . gen. 31.24 , 29 , 52 , 55. & ch. 33.1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , &c. this prohibition then , touch not mine anoynte● , &c. being given to kings themselves , not to touch or hurt these patriarchs whiles they sojourned among them as forraigners and subjects ( as all expositours grant ) and not to subjects touching their kings ; these two conclusions will hence necessarily follow . 1. that this inhibition , given to kings themselves with reference to subjects , and the people of god , cannot properly be meant of kings and priests , but of subjects fearing god . it is most apparant , that kings , princes and rulers of the earth have alwaies been the greatest enemies and persecutors of gods anointed ones , to wit , of christ and his chosen members ; witnesse ps. 2.2 . & act. 4.26 , 27. the kings of the earth set themselves , and the rulers take connsell together against the lord , & against his anoynted : for of a truth against thy holy child iesus , whom thou hast anointed , both herod and pontius pilate , with the gentiles and people of israel were gathered together , &c. and now lord behold their threatnings . which truth you may see exemplified by ps. 119.23 , 161. ier. 26.21 , 22 , 23. c. 36.26 . c. 37.15 . c. 38.4 , 5 , 6. ezek. 22.6 , 7 , 27 , 28. mich. 3.1 . to 12 zeph. 3 3. 1 sam. 22.16 . to 20. 2 chron. 24 21. 1 king. 22.26 , 27● c. 29.2.10 . rev. 17.12 , 13 , 14● c. 18 9 , 10. c. 19.18 , 19. math. 10.17 , 18 lu. 21.12 . iam : 2.6 . act. 12.1 , 2 , 3. with sundry other scriptures , and by all ecclesiastical histories since . in which regard god in his infinite wisdome gave this divine inhibition , not to subjects and inferiour persons ; but to king● , princes and the greatest potentates ( who , deem their wils a law , and think they may do what they * please to their godly subiects , ) touch not mine anointed , and do my prophets no harme : which being spoken to kings themselves ; it cannot be meant of kings but subjects ; unlesse you wil make this nonsence exposition of it . that kings must not touch nor hurt themselves ; and that it is unlawfull for one king to make war against , imprison , depose , or kill another : which the practise of all age● , with infinite * presidents in scripture and story manifest to be lawful , and not prohibited by this text ; which can properly be applied to none but subjects fearing god . 2. that all gods faithfull people are gods anoynted , as well as kings : and therefore as our court sycophants conclude from hence , that subj●cts may in no wise take up armes ( though meerly defe●sive ) ag●inst their kings , because they are gods anoynted : so by the self-same reason , the genuine proper meaning , and expresse resolution of this text , kings ought not to take up armes against their subjects , especially those professing the true feare of god , because they are gods anoynted , to as well as kings . if any court-chaplaine here demand ; how i prove beleeving subjects fearing god , to be his anoynted , as wel as kings or p●iests ? i answer : first , the scripture resolves expresl● : ●hat all true christians are really ( in a spirituall sence ) both kings and pri●sts to god the father , though they be but subj●cts in a politicke sence : yea , god hath prepare● a heavenly kingdome● ( with an eternal crown of glory ) for them , where they shall raigne with c●rist for ever and ever . m●th. 5.3 . c. 25 34. lu. 6.20 . c 12.32 . c. 22 . 29● 30. col. 1.13 . 1 thes. 2.12 . hebr. 12.28 . ●im . 2.5 . 2 p●t. ● . 11 . 2 tim. 4.8 . 1 pet. 5.4 . 1 cor 9.25 . reve. 22.5 . 2 tim. 2.12 . being t●ere●ore thus r●ally kings and pri●sts , and having an heavenly kingdom and cro●n of glory , wherein they shall raigne with christ for ever : in this regard they may as truly be called g●d●●n●int●d , a● any kings and priests wh●tsoever . secondly , all true christians are members of christ and of his body , flesh and bone ; and made one with christ , who dwelleth in them , and they in him , 1 co● . 12.12 , 17. ephes. 1.22 , 23. c 3.17 . c. 5.29 , 30.32 . iohn 6 51. c. 17 . 21● 23. in which respect they are not one●y stiled christians in scripture , act. 11. ●6 . c. 26.28 . 1 pet. 4. ●6 . but chr●st himselfe , 1 cor. 12.12 . ephes. 4.12 , 13. now our saviour himselfe is stiled christ in scripture , in the abstract , by way of excellency , onely because he is the lords anointed ; anointed with the oyle of gladn●sse above his fellows . p●al. 45.7 . ps. 2.2 . esay 61.1 . act. 4.23 . c. 10.38 . lu. 4.18 . heb. 1.9 . christos in the g●eek , signifying anointed in english , being derived from chrio● to anoint : an●christians had this very title given them , because they are christs membe●s , and have a spirituall * anoyntment in , by , and from christ , and his spirit , 1 iohn 2.27 . b●t the anoynting which ye have received of him abideth in you , and ye need not any man teach you , but as the same anointing teacheth you of all things . therefore they are r●ally and truely gods anoynted , and may be as properly so phrased , as any kings and priests whatsoever . thirdly , the scripture in direct terms oft cals gods people , ( though subjects ) gods anointed ; as psal. 28.8 9. the lord is their strength , and he is the saving health o● his anoynted . now who those are expressed in the following words , save thy people , blesse thine inheritance , guide them and lift them up forever . gods people are here defined to be his anoynted . so psalm . 18.50 . and sheweth mercy to his anointed ; ( but who are they ? ) to david and to his seed for evermore , that is , to christ and his elect children , here called gods anointed , habakuck 3.13 . thou wentest forth for the salvation of thy people , even for salvation with thine anointed . 2 cor. 1.21 . now he which establisheth us in christ , and hath anointed us , is god , &c. 1 ioh. 2.27 . the anointing which ye have received of him , abideth in you● &c. all these , with other scriptures , thus resolving gods people ( though subjects ) to be his anointed ones ; they may be properly said to be the persons specified in this text . touch ●ot mine anointed ; being an injunction given to kings themselves , and not meant of kings , but of gods people , as i have formerly manifested . i shall willingly and cordially professe , that kings in sacred writ , are commonly called , gods anoynted ; because they were usually anointed with oyle upon their inauguration to their throns , 1 sam. 10.1 . c● 15 , 17. c. 12.3 , 5. c. 16.3 . c. 12.13 . c. 24.6 , 10. c. 26.6 , 11 , 16● 23. 2 sam. 1.14 16. c. 2 , 4.7 . 1 king. 1.34 , 39.45 . 2 king. 9.3 , 6 , 12. 2 chron. 6.42 . psal. 20.6 . psal. 89.20 , 38● 51. psalm 92.12 . psal. 132.10 , 17. esay 45.1 . lam. 4.20 . and in this regard their persons are sacred , and no violence ought to be exercised upon their persons , especially by their subjects , as is cleare by the 1 sam. 24.3 . to 12 , 17 , 18 , 19. ch. 26.7 . to 25. 2 sam. 1.2 , to ●7 . and hereupon this text , touch not mine anointed , and doe my prophets no ha●me , though not properly meant of kings , may yet be aptly applyed to their personal safety . but then i say , on the contrary part , that all gods saints and people , though subjects , are his anointed ones as wel as kings ; wherefore kings must no more offer violence to their persons or estates ( without legal conviction and just cause ) then they offer violence to their kings , which i shall thus make cleare . first , because god hath given this expresse injunction even to kings themselves , touch not mine anointed , ( that is your subjects , my faithful servants ) and doe my prophets no harme , psal. 105.14.15 . 1 chro. 16.21 , 12. prohibiting abimelech , and he his subjects so much as to touch abraham , sarah , or isaac , gen. 20.6 . c. 26 , 11 , 29. and * b●laam to curse the israelites at k. balaks command . secondly , because he that toucheth them ( to doe them harme ) toucheth the very apple of gods eye . zeph. 2.8 . psal. 17.8 9. deut. 32.9 10 , 11. yea , persecuteth god , nay , christ himselfe . esay 63.9 math. 25.45 . act. 9.4 , 5. and what kings , how great soever , may or da●e touch or persecute god and christ , the king of kings . thirdly , because god himselfe hath quite extirpated * kings and their posterities , for offering violence to his servants , though their subjects . thus ahab , iezabel , and their posterity were destroyed , for putting nab●th to death , and s●izing on his vineyard wrongfully with ut cause , though under a pretext of law , 1 king. 21. & 22. 2 king 9. so king ioash exciting his people to stone the prophet zachariah without good cause , which they did at his commandement ; the princes and people who did it were soon after destroyed by the syrians ; and the kings own servants conspired against him for the blood of zachariah , and slew him on his bed , ●nd then buried him dishonourably , not in the sepulchre of the kings , so as his prayer at his death ( the lord look upon it and require it ) was fully executed on the king and people . 2 chron. 24.20 to 27. thus king ieh●ahaz , iehoia●hin , and iehoiachim with all their princes and people were carried away captive into babylon , and d●stroyed , for mocking , abusing , and despising gods messengers , prophets , and people , 2 chron. 36.16 , 17. many such * instances might be added , but these may suffice ; and that of the king of babilon , esay 14.4 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22. but thou art cast out of thy grave as an abominable branch , &c. as a carcasse trodden under feet . thou shalt not be ioyned with them in buriall , because thou hast destroyed thy land , and slaine thy people : the seed of evil doers shall never be renowned . prepare ye slaughter for his children , for the iniquity of their fathers , that they do not rise , nor possesse the land , nor fill the face of the world with cities . for i will rise up against them , saith the lord of hosts , and cut off from babylon the name and remembrance , and sons , and nephews , saith the lord . a notable text for oppressing princes to meditate upon . fourthly because god himselfe hath given an expresse command , ezek. 44.15 , 16 17. that the prince shall not take of the peoples inheritance by oppressi●n to thrust them out of their possession , but he shall give his sonnes inheritance out of his own possession . which wel interpreteth and fully answereth that much abused text in the 1 sam. 8.11 , 12 19. and proves the kings taking of their fields , vineyards , oliveyards , seed and sheep to give his servants there specified , to be a meere oppression ; which should make them cry out in that day because of their king , vers. 18. and no lawful act , as some royalists glosse it . if then kings may not take away by violence or oppression their subjects lands or goods ; muchles may they offer violence to their persons , being god● anointed , yea his temple , 1 cor. 6.19 . c. 3.16 . and if any man ( be he king or emperour ) destroy the temple of god , him will god destroy ; for the temple of god is holy , which temple they are , 1 cor. 3.17 . hence ioab , davids general , comming to besiege abel to which sheba fled , a woman of that place thus expostulated with him , thou se●k●st to destroy a city and mother in israel : why wilt thou swallow up the inheritance of the lord ? whereupon ioab answered and said : far be it , far be it from me that i should swallow up or destroy , 2 sam. 20.19 , 20. fiftly , beeause no law of god or man hath given * any authority to kings to injure or oppresse their subjects , in body lands or goods , but onely to feed , defend , protect them ; and to fight their battels for them , not to wage war against them . 2 sam. 6.2 . c. 23.3 . psal. 78.72 , 73 , 74. 2 chron. 9.8 . pro. 20.8 , 26. c. 29 , 4 , 14. esay 49.23 . 1 tim. 2.3 . therefore kings having no right at all to injure or oppresse their people , they * neither lawfully can nor ought to do it , either by themselves or instruments ; there being nothing more severely prohibited and censured in scripture then princes and magistrates oppression of their subjects , prov. 28 15 , 16. zeph. 3.3 . michah 3 , 9 , to 12. ezek. 22.6 , 7 , 27. take but one text for many , ezek. 45 8 , 9. my princes shal no more oppresse my people , and the rest of the land shal they give to the house of israel according to their tribes . thus saith the lord god , let it suffice you , o princes of israel , remove violence and spoyle ( or plundering ) and execute judgment and justice ; take away your exactions from my people , saith the lord , see esa. 1.23 . c. 3.12 , 14 , 15. sixtly● because as there is a solemne * oath of allegeance , of the people to their kings , to honour and defend their persons ; so there is the like oath from kings to their people , to protect their rights and persons , goods , estates , lives , lawes , and liberties , from all violence and injustice , solemnly sworn at their coronations . by vertue of which oath kings are as strictly tyed not to wage war against their subjects , nor to oppresse or offer violence to their persons , liberties , or estates ; as their subjects are by their oath of allegiance , not to rebel against them . and seeing kings were first created by and * for their subjects ; and not their subjects by and for them ; and are in verity but publike servants for their peoples welfare , their subjects not being so much theirs , as they their subjects ; from whom they * receive both their maintenance and royalties . there is as little ( if not far lesse ) reason , for kings to oppresse and take up offensive armes against their subjects though perchance more undutiful and refractory then they expect ; as there is for people to take up offensive armes against their princes , in case they become more oppressive and invasive on their persons , goods , lawes , liberties , then they should . the husband hath no more right or authority to injure or destroy the wife , or the master the servant , the head the inferiour members , then they have to destroy the husband , master , or head . and as the leudnesse of the king , husband , parent , master , must not cause the people , wife , child , servant , to rebel against them , and utterly to reject their bonds of duty● so the undutifulnes or vices of the people , wife , child , or servant , must not cause the king , husband , parent , or master , ( as long as these relations remain actually undissolved ) to give over their care * protection , and vigilancy over them , or any waies injuriously to intreat them 1 pet. 2.18 . 2 chro. 10. & 11. finally , the * hebrew midwives , notwithstanding k. pharohs command , would by no means kil the israelites male children ; ( though but bondmen● and no free subjects ) and god blessed , and built them houses for it : but * drowned pharoah and his host in the red sea , for drowning them , and transgressing this inhibition , touch not mine anointed : when * k. saul commanded his footmen and guard , to turn and slay the priests of the lord at nob , because their hand was with david ( whom he deemed a traytor ) and knew when he fled , and did not shew it him , they all refused ( this his royall unjust command , though not only his subjects , but servants too ) and would not put their hand to fall upon them , being gods anointed : and because doeg the edemite slew them , by sauls command , saul himself was soon after slaine by his own hand , 1 sam. 31.4 . when * k. saul had twice sol●mnly vowed to put his innocent son and subject ionathan causelesly to death , onely for tasting a little honey ; his subjects were so far from as●isting him in this unjust action , that they presently said to their king , shal ionathan die who hath wrought so great salvation in israel ? god forbid : as the lord liveth , there shal not one haire of his head fall to the ground : so the people rescved ionathan that he died not , notwithstanding sauls double vow to the contrary , and ionathans being not only his subject , but son too , which is more ; neither are they taxed of disobedience or treason , but commended for it . when * k. rehoboam raised an army to fight against the ten tribes , who revolted from , and rebelled against him , ( for giving them harsh language by the advice of his yong counsellors ; ) electing a new king over them : god himself by his prophet shemiah , spake thus to rehoboam and his army , * ye shal not go up , nor fight against your brethren , return every man to his house , for this thing is done of me : whereupon they all obeyed the words of the lord , and returned : neither king nor subject daring to fight against them , contrary to gods expresse command , though rebels how much lesse then may kings wage war upon their innocent loyall subjects ? when * k. i●h●ram in his fury mad● thi● rash vow● god d● so , and more also to me , if the head of elisha ( his subject ) shal stand on him this day ; and withall sent a messenger to elisha his house to take away his head . this prophet was so far from submitting to this his unjust design , that he commanded the elders sitting with him to look when the messenger c●me , and shut the doore , and hold him fast , though the sound of his masters ( the kings ) feet were behind him● which they did ; not suffering the messenger or king to do him violence . yea the great * prophet eliah , when k. ahaziah sent two captains with their fif●ies one after another to apprehend and bring him down to him by violence ; was so far from rendering himself into their hands ; that in his own defence , he commanded fire twice together to come down frō heaven which consumed these two captains and their men ; though sent by the king his soveraign . which divine miracle from heaven wrought by god himself manifests , that it is lawful for subj●cts to defend themselves against the unjust violence of their kings ; and that it is dangerous for kings themselves , or any of their officers by their commands to offer violence or injury to their subjects . * this may be further cleared by gods exemplary judgement upon k. ieroboam ; who stretching forth his hand to smite the prophet , * which prophecied against his idolatrous altar , it dried up forthwith , so that he could not pull it in again . upon those princes who caused daniel to be unjustly cast into the lyons den , where he was preserved safe from danger ; but they , their wives and children had there their bones broken in pieces by the lyons er ever they came at the bottom of the den . and upon those * mighty men in nebuchadnezzars army , who bound shadrach , mesech , and abednego , and cast them into the burni●g fiery fornace , by the kings speciall command , because they peremptorily refused to worship the golden image which he hath set up ; who for executing this his unjust precept , were by gods just vengence slain by the flame of the fiery furnace ; when as those three godly persons unjustly cast into it by the kings command , were miraculously preserved in the midst of the fiery furnace , without any harme , there being not an haire of their heads singed , neither their coates changed , nor the smell of fire passed upon them . so safe is it for people to * obey god rather then men , then kings thems●lves in their unjust commands : so dangerous and destructive is it for kings , or others upon their unjust commands , to offer any injury or violence to their subjects ; or violate this injunction , touch not min● annointed , &c. in a word , i read ier. 22● 3. to 12. that god commanded king . shallum , to execute judgment and righteousnes , and deliver the spoiled out of the hands of the oppressor ; & do no wrong nor violence to the stranger , fatherles , or widow , neither shed innocent blood in this place . adding , but if ye shal not heare these words , i swear by my selfe , saith the lord , that this house ( even the kings house of iudah ) shal become a desolation , i wil make it a wildernesse , and prepare destroyers against it , every one with his we●pon , &c. and v. 15. to 30. in the same chap. god thus speaks to k. iehoiakim , shalt thou raign because thou closest thy self in cedar ? did not thy father eat and drink , & do judgment and justice , and then it was well with him ? &c. but thine eyes , and thine heart were not but for thy covetousnes , and to shed innocent blood , and for oppression , & for violence to do it . therfore thus saith the lord concerning iehoiakim k. of iudah ; they shal not lament for him saying , ah my brother , or ah sister ; ah lord , or ah his glory ; but he shal be buried with the burial of an asse drawn & cast forth beyond the graves of ierusalē . neither doth this judgment for oppressing & slaying his sub●ects rest here , but extend to the utter extirpation of his posterity , ver. 24.30 . as i live , saith the lord , though coniah the son of iehoiakim , k. of iudah , were the signet on my right hand , yet would i pluck thee thence . write ye this man childlesse , a man that shal not prosper in his daies , for no man of his seed shal prosper sitting upon the thron of david . so fatal is it to kings and their posterity to oppresse and murther their subjects . and as for those subjects who by their kings commands shal take up armes against their brethen to murther , plunder , or oppresse them , i shal desire them first to consider , that precept of iohn baptist given to souldiers themselves , luk. 3.14 d● violence to no man , &c. muchles to your brethren and fellow-subjects : and next that of obadiah v. 10. to 16 for thy violence against thy brother iacob , shame shal cover thee , and thou shalt be cut off for ever . in the day that thou stoodest on the other side , in the day that the strangers carried away his substance , and entered into his gates● and cast lots upon ierusalem , even thou wast as one of them . but thou shouldest not have looked on the day of thy brother , neither shouldest thou have rejoyced over the children of iudah in the day of their destruction ; neither shouldest thou have spoken proudly in the day of distresse . thou shouldest not have entered into the gate of my people , nor have looked on their affliction , nor have laid hands on their substance in the day of their calamity ; neither shouldest thou have stood in the crosse way , to cut off those of his which did escape ; neither shouldest thou have shut up those of his that did remain in the day of distres●● . as thou hast done it shall be done unto thee , thy sword shal return upon thine own head . all which cōsidered , i shal humbly submit it to every mans judgment , whether the whol state in parliament , and his majesties faithful subjects , may not upon as good or better grounds of conscience , take up armes to defend and preserve their persons , wives , houses , goods , estates , from unlawful violence , rapine , plundering and destruction , now every where practised by his majesties cavaleeres in a most * barbarous manner , to the utter ruine of many thousands for the present , and whol kingdom in likelihood for the future , contrary to the fundamental lawes and liberties of the subject , his majesties coronation oath , and frequent protestations and declarations ; as his majesty , by advice of ill counsellors , raise an army at home , and bring in forren * forces from abroad , to make war upon his parliament and people , to plunder , murder , undoe them , and bring the whole kingdome to utter desolation ? certainly , if the subjects defensive war in this case be unlawfull ; as all royalists aver , against scripture , reason , and the principles of nature , which instruct all creatures to defend themselve● against unjust violence and oppession , as others have proved at large . then the kings offensive war upon his loyall poore innocent subjects and parliament , must much more be unjust and unlawful , for the premised reasons , and scripture authorities . for my part , it is ●o far from my intention● to foment this most unnatural destructive war between king parliament , and people , that the ●houghts of its deplorable effects do make my very soule to bleed , and heart ●o tremble . for if ever christ , the oracle of truth , uttered any verity truer than other , it was this , * that a kingdom divided against it self cannot stand , but shall be brought to desolation ; * and if we bite and devour one another , we shall be consumed one of another . o then ( if god in his justice hath not devoted us to a totall & final desolation for the sins and abuses of our long enjoyed former peace ) if there be any remainder of policy or prudence , any bowels of mercy or tender affection left within us , towards our most deere native bleeding and also expiring country , engand ; to poore dying ireland ; to our religion , lives , wives , children , parents , kindred , neighbours , goods , estates , liberties ; or any ca●e of our own safety , tranquillity or felicity ; let all of all sides now at last , ( after so much sensible experience of the miseries of an intestine uncivill war ) with all convenient expedition lay down offensive and defensive armes , & conclude such a sweet solid peace throughout our divided and distracted kingdom , as may last forever without the least violation , upon such just and honourable terms , as may stand with gods glory , religions purity , his majesties honour , the parliaments priviledges , the subjects liberty , the whole kingdoms safety and felicity ; least otherwise we become not only a scorn and derision , but likewise a prey to our forraign enemies . alasse , why should the head and members have any civil contestations , since both must perish if divided ? * neither subsist , but being united ? why should the kings prerogative , and the subjects liberties , which seldom clashed heretofore , and ended all diffe●ences in courts of justice , be now at such irreconcileable e●mity , as to challenge one another into the field , and admit no trial but by battel ? when i read in * scripture , of sundry presidents where kings , princes , and people , have unanimously concurred in their counsels heretofore ; and consider how our king and parliame●t have most happily accorded till of late , i cannot but bewaile their present discords ; which o that the god of peace and unity would speedily reconcile . i shall c●ose up all , with his majesties printed speech to both houses annexed to the petition of right by his royal command . i assure you my maxime is , that the peoples liberty strengthens the kings prerogative ; and that the kings prerogative is to defend the peoples liberties : and with the statute of magna charta , ch. 29. no freeman shal be taken or imprisoned , or be disseised of his freehold , or liberties or free customs , or be outlawed or exiled , or any other waies destroyed ; nor we shal not passe upon him , nor cond●mn him , but by the lawful judgment of his peers , or by the law of the land . we shal sel to no man , we shal deny nor defer to no man justice or right : which in effect is a most exact paraphrase on this misconstrued text , touch not min● anointed , and do my prophets no harme . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a56228e-330 * 2 pet. 2.16 * as the 2 sam. 15.24 . for rebellion is as the sinne of witchcraft , & stubbornnes is as iniquity and idolatry : now applied to subjects opposing their princes unlawfull commands , when it is meant only of king sauls rebellion against the command of god , as the conte●t and story manifest . * zech. 11.5 . * read the 2 chr. 36. dan. 5● 30 , 31. josh. 12. for all the rest . rev. 6. c. 5.10 . c. 20.6 . exod. 19.6 1 pet. 2 : 5. * see ezek. 16.9 . i anointed thee with oyle , &c. * num. 22● & 23. & 24 * see esay 40.23 , 24● 2 kings 9.7 , 8 , 9. * see doct. beards theater of gods judgments , l. 2. c. 38 , 39 , 40 41. * nihil aliud potest rex in terris cum sit minister dei & ejus vicarius , quam de jure potest . itaque potesta● ju●is sua est , & non injuriae , &c. bracton , l , 3. f. 107. * cooks 11 : rep f. 72.86 plowd . com. f. 146 , 147 , 487. 21 e. 3.47 . * 1 eliz. c. 2 * 2 sam. 5.12 1 pet. 2.13 . deut. 17.14 , 15. esay 45.4 . 1 sam. 8.19 , 6 , 20. 2 chr. 9.8 1 cor. 3.21 22. rom. 13.4 . * rom. 13.6 . math. 22.17 . to 22. * nam rex ad tutelam legis , corporum & bonorum erectu● est , co. 7. rep. calvins case , f. 4 , to 12. * exo. 1.15 to 20. * exod. 14.23 . to 31. psa. 106.11 . * 1 sam. 22 17 , 18. * 1 sam. 14 38 , to 46. * 2 chro. 10. * 2 chro. 11.4 . 1 king. 11.21 , 22 , 23 , 24. * 2 king● 31 , 32 , 33. * 2 kin. 1.9 , to 16. * 1 kings 13.6 . * dan. 6. * dan. 3. * acts 4● 12 c. 5.28 , 29 , 40 , 52. c. 11 1 , to 19. este . 3.2 , 3 iohn 7.33 , to 48. numb. 22. & 23. & 24. * see the relation of brainford businesse . * see the letter frō the hague newly printed . * luke 11.17 , 18 , 19. marke 3.24 , 25 , 26. * gal. 5.15 * see 1 cor. 12● 14 : to 26. * 1 chro. 13.1 , 2 , 3 , 4 2 chro. 23 3. c 13.1 . to iudg. 20.1 to 12. 2 s●m . 18.4 . c. 19.43 , c. ●9 . 2 . to 11. ionah 3.7 . ester 1.13 . to 2● ie● 38 . 4●● . the several speeches of duke hamilton earl of cambridg, henry earl of holland, and arthur lord capel, upon the scaffold immediately before their execution, on friday the 9. of march. also the several exhortations, and conferences with them, upon the scaffold, by dr sibbald, mr bolton, & mr hodges. published by special authority. hamilton, james hamilton, duke of, 1606-1649. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a86997 of text r202512 in the english short title catalog (thomason e546_21). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. 70 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo 2017 a86997 wing h482 thomason e546_21 estc r202512 99862765 99862765 114941 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a86997) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 114941) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; 84:e546[21]) the several speeches of duke hamilton earl of cambridg, henry earl of holland, and arthur lord capel, upon the scaffold immediately before their execution, on friday the 9. of march. also the several exhortations, and conferences with them, upon the scaffold, by dr sibbald, mr bolton, & mr hodges. published by special authority. hamilton, james hamilton, duke of, 1606-1649. holland, henry rich, earl of, 1590-1649. capel of hadham, arthur capel, baron, 1610?-1649. 43, [1] p. printed for peter cole, francis tyton, and john playford, london : 1649. d1v has catchword "righte-" and lacks side-note. variant: quire d in a different setting, with side-note on d1v and catchword "hodges". annotation on thomason copy: "march 9. 1648"; the '9' in the imprint has been crossed out. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng royalists -england -history -17th century -early works to 1800. treason -england -early works to 1800. great britain -history -commonwealth and protectorate, 1649-1660 -early works to 1800. a86997 r202512 (thomason e546_21). civilwar no the several speeches of duke hamilton earl of cambridg, henry earl of holland, and arthur lord capel, upon the scaffold immediately before t hamilton, james hamilton, duke of 1649 13592 2 0 0 0 0 0 1 b the rate of 1 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-04 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-10 megan marion sampled and proofread 2008-10 megan marion text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the several speeches of duke hamilton earl of cambridg , henry earl of holland , and arthur lord capel , upon the scaffold immediately before their execution , on friday the 9. of march . also the several exhortations , and conferences with them , upon the scaffold , by dr sibbald , mr bolton , & mr hodges . published by special authority . london , printed for peter cole , francis tyton , and john playford . 164● . the several speeches of earl of cambridg , the earl of holland , and the lord capel , upon the scaffold , &c. upon friday the ninth of this instant , being the day appointed for the execution of the sentence of death upon the earl of cambridg , the earl of holland , and the lord capel , about ten of the clock that morning l.col. beecher came with his order to the several prisoners at st james's , requiring them to come away ; according to which order they were carried in sedans , with a guard , to sir thomas cottons house at westminster , where they continued about the space of two hours , passing away most of that time in religious and seasonable conferences with the ministers there present with them . after which , being called away to the scaffold , it was desired , that before they went they might have the opportunity of commending their souls to god by prayer , which being readily granted , and the room voyded , mr bolton was desired by the lord of holland to take that pains with them , which was accordingly done with great appearance of solemn affections among them . prayer being concluded , and hearty thanks returned by them all to the minister who performed , as also to the rest who were their assistants in this sad time of trouble ; the earl of cambridge prepared first to go towards the place of execution ; and after mutual embraces , and some short ejaculatory expressions , to and for his fellow-sufferers , he took his leave of them all , and went along with the officers , attended upon by dr sibbald , whom he had chosen for his comforter in this his sad condition . the scaffold being erected in the new palace-yard at westminster , over against the great hal-gate , in the sight of the place where the high court of justice formerly sate ( the hal-doors being open , ) there was his excellencies regiment of horse commanded by capt. disher , and several companies of col. hewsons and col. prides regiments of foot drawn up in the place : when the earl came from westminster hall neer the scaffold , he was met by the undersheriff of middlesex , and a guard of his men , who took the charge of him from lieut. col. beecher and the partizans that were his guard ; the sheriff of london being also , according to command from the high court of justice , present , to see the execution performed . the earl of cambridg being come upon the scaffold , and two of his own servants waiting upon him , he first spake to the doctor as followeth : earl of cambridg . whether shall i pray first ? dr sibbald . as your lordship pleases . earl of cambridg . my lord of denbigh has sent to speak with me . i know not the fashion , i may ask you sir ; do these gentlemen expect i should say any thing to them , or no , they cannot hear ? dr sibbald . there will be a greater silence by and by . it will not be amiss , if your lordship defer your speaking till you hear from his lordship . cambridg . there is something in it . he was with the house . dr sibbald . i suppose he would give no interruption to your lordship , at this time , were there not something of concernment in it . cambridg . he is my brother , and has been a very faithful servant to this state , and he was in great esteem and reputation with them . he is in the hall , and sent to speak with a servant of mine to send something to me . dr sibbald . it will not lengthen the time much if you stay while you have a return from him . my lord , you should do well to bestow your time now in meditating upon , and imploring of the free mercy of god in christ for your eternal salvation , and look upon that ever-streaming fountain of his precious blood , that purgeth us from all our sins , even the sins of the deepest dye ; the blood of iesus christ washes away all our sins , and that blood of christ is poured forth upon all such as by a lively faith lay hold upon him : god so loved the world that he gave his only begotten son , to the end , that whosoever beleeved in him should not perish , but have everlasting life ; that is now , my lord , the rock upon which you must chiefly rest , and labor to fix your self in the free mercy of god through christ iesus , whose mercies are from everlasting to everlasting , unto all such as with the eye of faith behold him ; behold iesus the author and finisher of your salvation , who hath satisfied the iustice of god by that al-sufficiency of his sacrifice , which once for all he offered upon the cross for the sins of the whole world , so that the sting of death is taken away from all beleevers , and he hath sanctified it as a passage to everlasting blessedness : it is true , the waters of jordan run somewhat rough and surly , betwixt the wilderness and our passage into canaan ; but let us rest upon the ark ( my lord ) the ark christ iesus , that will carry us through , and above all those waves to that rock of ages , which no flood nor waves can reach unto , and to him who is yesterday , to day , and the same for ever , against whom the powers and principalities , the gates of hell , shall never be able to prevail ; lift up and fasten your eyes now upon christ crucified ; and labor to behold iesus standing at the right hand of his father , ( as the protomartyr stephen ) ready to receive your soul , when it shall be separated from this frail and mortal body : alass , no man would desire life , if he knew beforehand what it were to live , it is nothing but sorrow , vexation and trouble , grief and discontent that waits upon every condition , whether publique or private ; in every station and calling there are several miseries and troubles that are inseparable from them ; therefore what a blessed thing it is to have a speedy and comfortable passage out of this raging sea , into the port of everlasting happiness ; we must pass through a sea , but it is the sea of christs blood , in which never soul suffered shipwrack , in which we must be blown with winds and tempests , but they are the gales of gods spirit upon us , which blow away all contrary winds of diffidence in his mercy . here one acquainting the earl , his servant was coming , he answered , so sir ; and turning to the under sheriffs son , said . cambridg . sir , have you your warrant here ? sheriff . yes , my lord , we have a command . cambridg . a command . i take this time , sir , of staying , in regard of the earl of denbighs sending to speak with me , i know not for what it is he desires me to stay . dr sibbald . i presume mr sheriff will not grudg your lordship a few minutes time , when so great a work as this is in hand . his lordships servant being returned , and having delivered his message to the earl of cambridg privately , he said . so , it is done now ; and then turning to the front of the scaffold , before which ( as in all the rest of the pallace ) there was a great concourse of people , he said ; earl of cambridg . i think it is truly not very necessary for me to speak much , there are many gentlemen and souldiers there that sees me , but my voyce truly is so weak , so low , that they cannot hear me , neither truly was i ever at any time so much in love with speaking , or with any thing i had to express , that i took delight in it ; yet this being the last time that i am to do so , by a divine providence of almighty god , who hath brought me to this end justly for my sins . i shall to you sir , mr sheriff , declare thus much , as to the matter that i am now to suffer for , which is as being a traytor to the kingdom of england : truly sir , it was a country that i equally loved with my own , i made no difference , i never intended either the generality of its prejudice , or any particular mans in it ; what i did was by the command of the parliament of the country where i was born , whose commands i could not disobey , without running into the same hazard there , of that condition that i am now in : the ends , sir , of that engagement is publique , they are in print , and so i shall not need to specifie them . dr sibbald . the sun perhaps will be too much in your lordships face , as you speak . cambridg . no sir , it will not burn it . i hope i shall see a brighter sun then this , sir , very speedily . dr. sibbald . the sun of righteousness my lord . cambridg . ( but to that which i was saying sir . ) it pleased god so to dispose that army under my command , as it was ruined ; and i , as their general , clothed with a commission , stand here , now ready to dye ; i shall not trouble you with repeating of my plea , what i said in my own defence at the court of justice , my self being satisfied with the commands that is laid upon me , and they satisfied with the justnesse of their procedure , according to the laws of this land . god is just , and howsoever i shall not say any thing as to the matter of the sentence , but that i do willingly submit to his divine providence , and acknowledge that very many wayes i deserve even a worldly punishment , as well as hereafter , for we are all sinfull , sir , and i a great one ; yet for my comfort i know there is a god in heaven that is exceeding mercifull ; i know my redeemer sits at his right hand , and am confident , ( clapping his hand to his breast ) is mediating for me at this instant , i am hopefull through his free grace and al-sufficient merits , to be pardoned of my sins , and to be received into his mercy , upon that i rely , trusting to nothing but the free grace of god through iesus christ , i have not been tainted with my religion i thank god for it , since my infancy it hath been such as hath been profest in the land , and established , and now t is not this religion or that religion , nor this or that fancie of men that is to be built upon , t is but one that 's right , one that 's sure , and that comes from god . sir , and in the free grace of our saviour . sir , there is truly something that * ( had i thought my speech would have been thus taken , ) i would have digested it into some better method then now i can , and shall desire these gentlemen that does write it , that they will not wrong me in it , and that it may not in this manner be published to my disadvantage , for truly i did not intend to have spoken thus when i came here . there is , sirs , terrible aspersions has been laid upon my self ; truly such as , i thank god , i am very free from ; as if my actions and intentions had not been such as they were pretended for ; but that notwithstanding what i pretended it was for the king , there was nothing lesse intended then to serve him in it . i was bred with him for many years , i was his domestique servant , and there was nothing declar'd by the parliament that was not really intended by me ; and truly in it i ventured my life one way , and now i lose it another way : and that was one of the ends , as to the king ; i speak only of that , because the rest has many particulars ; and to clear my selfe from so horrid an aspersion as is laid upon me : neither was there any other design known to me by the incoming of that army , then what is really in the declaration published . his person , i do professe , i had reason to love , as he was my king , and as he had been my master : it has pleased god now to dispose of him , so as it cannot be thought flatery to have said this , or any end in me for the saying of it , but to free my selfe from that calumnie which lay upon me : i cannot gain by it ; yet truth is that which we shall gain by for ever . there hath been much spoken , sir , of an invitation into this kingdome : it 's mentioned in that declaration , and truly to that i did and do remit my self : and i have been very much laboured for discoveries of these inviters . 't is no time to dissemble . how willing i was to have served this nation in any thing that was in my power , is known to very many honest , pious and religious men ; and how ready i would have been to have done what i could to have served them , if it had pleased them to have preserved my life , in whose hands there was a power : they have not thought it fit , and so i am become unusefull in that which willingly i would have done . as i said at first ( sir ) so i say now concerning that point ; i wish the kingdoms happinesse , i wish its peace ; and truly sir , i wish that this blood of mine may be the last that is drawn : and howsoever i may perhaps have some reluctancie with my self as to the matter of my suffering , for my fact , yet i freely forgive all ; sir , i carry no rancour along with me to my grave : his will be done that has created both heaven and earth , and me a poor miserable sinfull creature now speaking before him . for me to speak , sir , to you of state-businesse , and the government of the kingdom , or my opinion in that , or for any thing in that nature , truly it is to no end , it contributes nothing : my own inclination hath been to peace , from the beginning ; and it is known to many , that i never was an ill instrument betwixt the king and his people ; i never acted to the prejudice of the parliament ; i bore no arms , i medled not with it ; i was not wanting by my prayers to god almighty for the happinesse of the king ; and truly i shall pray still , that god may so direct him as that may be done which shall tend to his glory , and the peace and happinesse of the kingdom . i have not much more to say , that i remember of ; i think i have spoken of my religion . dr. sibbald . your lordship his not so fully said it . camb. truly i do believe i did say something . dr , sibbald . i know you did , 't is pleasing to heare it from your lordship againe . cambr. truly sir , for the profession of my religion , that which i said was the established religion , and that which i have practised in my owne kingdome where i was borne and bred ; my tenents they need not to be exprest , they are knowne to all , and i am not of a rigid opinion ; many godly men there is that may have scruples which doe not concerne me at all at no time ; they may differ in opinion , and more now then at any time ; differing in opjnion does not move me ( not any mans ) my owne is cleare : sir , the lord forgive me my sinnes , and i forgive freely all those that even i might as a worldly man , have the greatest animosity against ; we are bidden to forgive ; sir , t is a command laid upon us ( and there mentioned ) forgive us our trespasses , as we forgive them that trespasse against us . dr. sibbald . 't is our saviours rule , love your enemies , blesse them that curse you , pray for them that persecute you , do good to them which despightfully use you . cambr. sir , it is high time for me to make an end of this , and truly i remember no more that i have to say , but to pray to god almighty a few words , and then i have done . then kneeling downe , with doctor sibbald , he prayed thus . most blessed lord , i thy poore and most unworthy servant come unto thee , presuming in thy infinite mercy and the merits of jesus christ , who sits upon the throne , i come flying from that of justice , to that of mercy , and tendernesse for his sake which shed his bloud for sinners , that he would take compassion upon me , that he will look upon me as one that graciously hears me , that he would look upon me as one that hath redeemed me , that he would look upon me as one that hath shed his bloud for me ; that he would look upon me as one who now cals and hopes to be saved by his al-sufficient merits ; for his sake , glorious god , have compassion upon me in the freenesse of thy infinite mercy , that when this sinfull soule of mine shall depart out of this fraile carcase of clay , i may be carried into thy everlasting glory ; o lord by thy free grace , and out of thy infinite mercy heare me , and look downe , and have compassion upon me ; and thou lord jesus , thou my lord , and thou my god , and thou my redeemer , heare me , take pitie upon me , take pitie upon me gracious god , and so deale with my soule , that by thy precious merits i may attaine to thy joy and blisse ; o lord remember me so miserable and sinfull a creature ; now thou o lord , thou o lord that died for me , receive me , and receive me into thy owne bound of mercy ; o lord i trust in thee , suffer me not now to be confounded , satan has had too long possession of this soule , o let him not now prevaile against it , but let me o lord from henceforth dwell with thee for evermore . now lord it is thy time to heare me , heare me gracious jesus , even for thy owne goodnesse , mercy , and truth ; o glorious god , o blessed father , o holy redeemer , o gracious comforter , o holy and blessed trinity , i do render up my soule into thy hands , and commit it with the mediation of my redeemer , praising thee for all thy dispensations that it has pleased thee to conferre upon me , and even for this , praise and honour and thanks of this time forth for ever more . dr. sibbald . my , lord , i trust you now behold with the eye of faith the son of righteousnesse shining upon your soul , and will chearfully submit unto him who hath redeemed us through his bloud , even the bloud of jesus christ , that you may appeare at the tribunal of god , clothed with the white robe of his unspotted righteousnesse ; the lord grant that with the eye of faith you may now see the heavens opened , and jesus christ standing at the right hand of god , ready to receive you into his armes of mercie . cambr. then the earle turning to the executioner , said , shall j put on another cap , must this hair be turn'd up from my neck , there are three of my servants to give satisfaction . d. sib. my lord , i hope you are able to give all that are about you satisfaction , you are assured that god is reconciled unto you through the bloud of christ iesus , and the spirit of the lord witnesseth to you that christ is become now a iesus unto you ; my lord , fasten the eyes of your faith upon jesus the author & finisher of your salvation , who himself was brought to a violent death for the redemption of mankind , he chearfully submitted to his fathers good pleasure in it , and for us , blessed and holy is he that has part ( my lord ) in the first resurrection ; that is , in the first riser jesus christ who is both the resurrection and the life , over him , the second death shall have no power , t is the unspeakable joy of a beleever , that at the houre of death his soule hath an immediate passage from this earthly tabernacle to that region of endlesse glory , yea to the presence of god himselfe , in whose presence there is fulnesse of joy , and at whose right hand there are pleasures for evermore . then the e , of cambridge turning to the executiooner , said , which way is it that you would have me lye , sir . execut . the executioner pointing to the front of the scaffold , the earle replyed what , my head this way ; then the under sheriffs son said , my lord , the order is that you should lay your head towards the high-court of iustice . the earl of cambr. after a little discourse in private with some of his servants , kneeled down on the side of the scaffold , and prayed a while to himself . when he had finisht his prayers , dr. sibbald spake to him thus : my lord , i humbly beseech god , that you may now with a holy and christian courage give up your soul to the hand of your faithful creator and gracious redeemer ; and not be dismaied with any sad apprehension of the terrours of this death . and what a blessed and glorious exchange you shall make within a very few minutes ! then with a cheerfull and smiling countenance , the earle embracing the doctor in his armes , said , camb. truly sir , i do take you in mine arms , & truly i blesse god for it , i do not feare , i have an assurance that is grounded here ; ( laying his hand upon his heart . ) now that gives me more true joy then ever j had , j passe out of a miserable world to go into an eternall and glorious kingdome ; and sir , though j have been a most sinfull creature , yet gods mercy j know is infinite , and j blesse my god for it , j go with so cleare a conscience , that j know not the man that j have personally injured . d. sib. my lord , it is a marveilous great satisfaction that at this last hour you can say so , i beseech the lord for his eternall mercy strengthen your faith , that in the very moment of your dissolution , you may see the armes of the lord iesus stretched out ready to receive your soule . then the earl of cambridge embracing those his servants which were there present , said to each of them , you have been very faithful to me , and the lord blesse you . camb. then turning to the executioner , said , i shall say a very short prayer to my god , while i lie down there : and when i stretch out my hand ( my right hand ) then sir , do your duty ; and i do freely forgive you , and so i do all the world . dr. sibbald . the lord in great mercie go along with you , and bring you to the possession of everlasting life , strengthning your faith in jesus christ . this is a passage , my lord , a short passage unto eternal glory . j hope , through the free grace of your gracious god , you are now able to say , o death where is thy sting ? o grave where is thy victory ? and to make this comfortable answer , blessed be god , blessed be god , who hath given me an assurance of victory through christ jesus . then the e. of cambridge said to the executioner , must j lie all along ? execut . yes , and 't please your lordship . camb. when i stretch out my hands — but j will fit my head , first tell me if i be right , and how you would have me lie . ex. your shirt must be pind back , for it lies too high upon your shoulders ( which was done accordingly . doctor sibbald . my lord , now , now lift up your eyes unto jesus christ , and cast your self now into the everlasting arms of your most gracious redeemer . then the earle having laid his head over the blocke , said , is this right ? doctor sibbald . jesus the son of david , have mercy upon you . execut . lie a little lower sir . camb. well , stay then till i give you the signe . and so having laine a short space devoutly praying to himselfe , he stretch'd out his right hand , whereupon the executioner at one blow severed his head from his body , which was received by two of his servants then kneeling by him , into a crimson taffety scarfe , and that with the body immediately put into a coffin brought upon the scaffold for that purpose , and from thence conveyed to the house that was sir john hamiltons at the mewes , where it now remains . this execution being done , the sheriffes guard went immediately to meet the earl of holland , which they did in the mid way between the scaffold and westminster-hall , and the under-sheriffes sonne having received him into his charge , conducted him to the scaffold , he taking m. boulton all the way in his hand , passed all along to the scaffold discoursing together ; upon which being come , observing his voice would not reach to the people , in regard the guard compassed the scaffold , he said ; holland . it is to no purpose ( i think ) to speak any thing here . which way must i speak ? and then being directed to the front of the scaffold , he ( leaning over the railes ) said , i think it is fit to say something , since god hath called me to this place . the first thing which i must professe , is , what concernes my religion , and my breeding , which hath been in a good family , that hath ever been faithfull to the true protestant religion , in the which i have been bred , in the which i have lived , and in the which by gods grace and mercy i shall die . i have not lived according to that education i had in that family where i was born and bred : i hope god wil forgive me my sins , since i conceive that it is very much his pleasure to bring me to this place for the sins that i have committed . the cause that hath brought me hither , i believe by many hath been much mistaken . they have conceived that i have had ill designes to the state , and to the kingdome : truly i look upon it as a judgement , and a just judgement of god ; not but i have offended so much the state , and the kingdome , and the parliament , as that i have had an extream vanity in serving them very extraordinarily . for those actions that i have done , i think it is known they have been ever very faithfull to the publique , and very particularly to parliaments . my affections have been ever exprest truly and clearly to them . the dispositions of affairs now have put things in another posture then they were when i was ingaged with the parliament . i have never gone off from those principles that ever i have professed : i have lived in them , and by gods grace will die in them . there may be alterations and changes that may carry them further then i thought reasonable , and truly there i left them : but there hath been nothing that i have said , or done , or professed , either by covenant , or declaration , which hath not been very constant , and very clear upon the principles that i ever have gone upon , which was to serve the king , the parliament , religion ( i should have said in the first place ) the common-wealth , and to seek the peace of the kingdome . that made me think it no improper time , being prest out by accidents and circumstances , to seek the peace of the kingdome , which i thought was proper , since there was somthing then in agitation , but nothing agreed on for seeding propositions to the king ; that was the furthest aim that i had , and truly beyond that i had no intention , none at all . and god be praised , although my bloud comes to be shed here , there was i think scarcely a drop of bloud shed in that action that i was ingaged in . for the present affairs as they are , i cannot tell how to judge of them : and truly they are in such a condition , as ( i conceive ) no body can make a judgement of them : and therefore i must make use of my prayers , rather then of my opinion , which are , that god would blesse this kingdome , this nation , this state ; that he would settle it in a way agreeable to what this kingdome hath been happily governed under ; by a king , by the lords , by the commons : a government that ( i conceive ) it hath flourished much under , and i pray god the change of it bring not rather a prejudice , a disorder , and a confusion , then the contrary . i look upon the posterity of the king , and truly my conscience directs me to it , to desire , that if god be pleased that these people may look upon them with that affection that they owe , that they may be called in again , and they may be , not through bloud , nor through disorder , admitted again into that power , and to that glory that god in their birth intended to them . i shall pray with all my soule for the happinesse of this state , of this nation , that the bloud which is here spilt , may be even the last which may fall among us and truly i should lay down mylife with as much chearfulness as ever person did , if i conceived that there would no more bloud follow us : for a state , or affairs that are built upon bloud , is a foundation for the most part that doth not prosper . after the blessing that i give to the nation , to the kingdom , and truly to the parliament , i do wish with all my heart , happinesse , and a blessing to all those that have been authors in this businesse ; and truly that have been authors in this very work that bringeth us hither : i do not onely forgive them , but i pray heartily and really for them , as god will forgive my sins , so i desire god may forgive them . i have a particular relation , as i am chancellour of cambridge , and truly i must here , since it is the last of my prayers , pray to god that that university may go on in that happy way which it is in , that god may make it a nursery to plant those persons that may be distributed to the kingdome , that the souls of the people may receive a great benefit , and a great advantage by them , and ( i hope ) god will reward them for their kindnesse , and their affections that i have found from them . * i have said what religion i have been bred in , what religion i have been borne in , what religion i have practised ; i began with it , and i must end with it . i told you that my actions and my life have not been agreeable to my breeding , i have told you likewise that the family where i was bred hath been an exemplary family ( i may say so i hope , without vanity ) of much affection to religion , and of much faithfulnesse to this kingdome , and to this state . i have indeavoured to do those actions that have become an honest man , and which became a good englishman , and which became a good christian . i have been willing to oblige those that have been in trouble , those that have been in persecution , and truly i find a great reward of it ; for i have found their prayers and their kindnesse now in this distresse , and in this condition i am in , and i thinke it a great reward , and i pray god reward them for it . i am a great sinner , and i hope god will be pleased to heare my prayers , to give me faith to trust in him , that as he hath called me to death at this place , he will make it but a passage to an eternall life through jesus christ , which i trust to , which i rely upon , and which i expect by the mercy of god . and so i pray god blesse you all , and send that you may see this to be the last execution , and the last bloud that is likely to bee spilt among you . and then turning to the side-raile , he prayed for a good space of time ; after which m. bolton said : my lord , now look upon him whom you have trusted . my lord , i hope that here is your last prayer : there will no more praiers remain , but praises : and i hope that after this day is over , there will a day begin that shall never have end : and i look upon this ( my lord ) the morning of it , the morning of that day . my lord , you know where your fulnesse lies , where your riches lie , where is your onely rocke to anchor on . you know there is fulnesse in christ : if the lord comes not in with fulnesse of comfort to you , yet resolve to wait upon him while you live , and to trust in him when you die ; and then say , i will die here , i will perish at thy feet , i will be found dead at the feet of jesus christ . certainly , he that came to seek and save lost sinners , will not reject lost sinners when they come to seek him : hee that intreateth us to come , will not sleight us when we come to intreat him . my lord , there is enough there , and fix your heart there , and fix your eyes there , that eye of faith , and that eye of hope , exercise these graces now , there will be no exercise hereafter . as your lordship said , here take an end of faith , and take an end of hope , and take a farewell of repentance : and all these , and welcome god , and welcome christ , and welcome glory and welcome happinesse to all eternity ; and so it will be a happy passage then , if it bee a passage here from misery to happinesse . and though it be but a sad way , yet if it will bring you into the presence of joy , although it be a valley of tears , although it be a shadow of death , yet if god will please to bring you , and make it a passage to that happinesse , welcome lord . and i doubt not but god will give you a heart to taste some sweetnesse and love in this bitter potion , and to see somthing of mercy and goodnesse to you , and shew you some signe and token of good , so that your soule may see that which we have had already experience of ( blessed be god for it ) many experiences , many expressions , not onely in words , but tears ; god hath not left us without much comfort nor evidence , and i hope ( my lord ) you that have given so many evidences to us , i hope you want none your selfe : but that the lord will be pleased to uphold and support you , and bear up your spirit , and if there want evidence , there is reliance ; my security lies not in my knowing that i shall come to heaven , and come to glory , but in my resting and relying upon him : when the anchor of faith is throwne out , there may be shakings and tossings , but there is safety ; nothing shall interrupt safety , although somthing may interrupt security , my safety is sure , although i apprehend it not : and what if i go to god in the dark ? what if i come to him , as nicodemus did , staggering in the night ? it is a night of trouble , a night of darknesse , though i come trembling and staggering in this night , yet i shall be sure to find comfort & fixednesse in him . and the lord of heaven be the strength , stay , and the support of your soul , and the lord furnish you with all those graces which may carry you into the bosome of the lord jesus , that when you expire this life , you may be able to expire it into him , in whom you may begin to live to all eternity ; and that is my humble prayer . — holland . m. bolton , god hath given me long time in this world ; he hath carried me through many great accidents of fortune ; he hath at last brought me down into a condition , where i find my self brought to an end , for a disaffection to this state , to this parliament , that ( as i said before ) i did believe no body in the world more unlikely to have expected to suffer for that cause : i look upon it as a great judgment of god for my sins . and truly sir , since that the death is violent , i am the lesse troubled with it , because of those violent deaths that i have seen before ; principally my saviour that hath shewed us the way , how and in what manner he hath done it , and for what cause , i am the more comforted , i am the more rejoyced . it is not long since the king my master passed in the same manner ; and truly i hope that his purposes & intentions were such , as a man may not be ashamed , not only to follow him , in the way that was taken with him , but likewise not ashamed of his purposes , if god had given him life . i have often disputed with him concerning many things of this kind , & i conceive his sufferings , & his better knowledg & better understanding ( if god had spared him life ) might have made him a prince very happy towards himself , & very happy towards this kingdom . i have seen and known , that those blessed soules in heaven have passed thither by the gate of sorrow , & many by the gate of violence : and since it is gods pleasure to dispose me this way , i submit my soul to him , with all comfort , and with all hope , that he hath made this my end , and this my conclusion , that though i be low in death , yet neverthelesse this lowness shal raise me to the highest glory for ever . truly , i have not said much in publique to the people , concerning the particular actions that i conceive i have done by my counsells in this kingdom ; i conceive they are well known ; it were somthing of vanity ( me thinks ) to take notice of them here ; he rather die with them , with the comfort of them in my own bosome ; and that i never intended in this action , or any action that ever i did in my life , either malice , or bloodshed , or prejudice to any creature that lives . for that which concernes my religion , i made my profession before of it , how i was bred , and in what manner i was bred , in a family that was looked upon to be no little notorious , in opposition to some liberties , that they conceived then to bee taken ; and truly , there was some marke upon mee , as if i had some taint of it , even throughout my whole wayes , that i have taken : every body knowes what my affections have beene , to many that have suffered , to many that have beene in troubles in this kingdome , i endeavoured to relieve them , i endeavoured to oblige them , i thought i was tied so by my conscience , i thought it by my charity , and truly very much by my breeding ; god hath now brought me to the last instant of my time , all that i can say , and all that i can adhere unto is this ; that as i am a great sinner , so i have a great saviour , that as hee hath given mee heere a fortune , to come publiquely in a shew of shame in the way of this suffering ( truly i understand it not to bee so ) i understand it to bee a glorie , a glorie when i consider who hath gone before mee , and a glory when i consider i had no end in it , but what i conceive to bee the service of god , the king , and the kingdome , and therefore my heart is not charged much with any thing in that particular , since i conceive god will accept of the intention , whatsoever the action seeme to bee . i am going to die , and the lord receive my soule : i have no reliance but upon christ , for my selfe i doe acknowledge that i am the unworthiest of sinners ; my life hath beene a vanity , and a continued sinne , and god may justly bring mee to this end , for the finnes i have committed against him , and were there nothing else , but the iniquities , that i have committed in the way of my life , i looke upon this as a great justice of god to bring me to this suffering , and to bring mee to this punishment , and those hands that have beene most active in it , if any such there hath beene , i pray god forgive them , i pray god that there may not bee many such trophees of their victories , but that this may bee as i said before the last shew , that this people shall see , of the bloud of persons of condition , of persons of honor ; i might say something of the way of our triall , which certainely hath beene as extraordinary , as any thing i thinke hath ever beene seene in this kingdome ; but because that i would not seem as if i made some complaint i will not so much , as mention it , because no body shall believe i repine at their actions , that i repine at my fortune : it is the will of god , it is the hand of god under whom i fall , i take it intirely from him i submit my selfe to him , i shall desire to roule my selfe into the armes of my blessed saviour , and when i come to this * place , when i bow downe my selfe there , i hope god will raise mee up , and when i bid farewell , as i must now to hope and to faith , that love will abide , i know nothing to accompany the soule out of this world but love , and i hope that love will bring me to the fountaine of glory in heaven , through the armes , mediation , and the mercy of my saviour iesus christ , in whom i believe , o lord help my unbeliefe . hodges , the lord make over unto you the righteousnesse of his owne son , it is that treasury that hee hath bestowed upon you , and the lord shew you the light of his countenance , and fill youful with his joy and kindnesse , o my dear lord , the lord of heaven and earth be with you , and the lord of heaven and earth bring you to that safety . holl. i shall make as much hast as i can to come to that glory , and the lord of heaven and earth take my soule : i looke upon my selfe intirely in him , and hope to finde mercy through him , i expect it , and through that fountaine that is opened for sin , and for uncleannesse my soule must receive it , for did i rest in any thing else , i have nothing but sinne and corruption in mee ; i have nothing but that , which in stead of being carried up into the armes of god and glory , i have nothing but may throw me downe into hell . bolton , but my lord , when you are cloathed with the righteousnesse of another you will appeare glorious , though now sinfull in yourselfe ; the apostle saith , i desire not to be found in my owne righteousnesse , and when you are cloathed with another , the lord will owne you , and i shall say but thus much : doubt not that ever god will deny salvation to sinners , that come to him , when the end of all his death and sufferings was the salvation of sinners , when as i say the whole end , and the whole designe , and the great work , that god had to doe in the world , by the death of christ , wherein hee laid out all his councels , and infinite wisedome , and mercy , and goodnesse , beyond which there was a non ultra , in gods thoughts , when this was the great designe , and great end , the salvation of sinners , that poor fooles should come over to him and live ; certainely when sinners come , hee will not reject , bee will not refuse . and my lord , doe but think of this , the greatest work that ever was done in the world , was the blood of christ that was shed , never any thing like it : and this blood of christ that was shed , was shed for them that come , if not for them , for none , it was in vaine else : you see the divells they are out of capacity of good by it , the angels they have no need of it , wicked men will not come , and there are but a few that come over , and should hee denie them , there were no end nor fruit of the blood and sufferings of the lord jesus ; and had your lordship beene with christ in that bloody agony , when hee was in that bloody sweat , sweating drops of blood , if you had asked him . lord what art thou now a doing , art thou not now reconciling an angry god and me together ? art thou not pacifying the wrath of god ? art thou not interposing thy selfe betweene the justice of god and my soule ? would hee not have said , yea : and surely then hee will not deny it now . my lord his passions are over , his compassions still remaine , and the larger and greater , because hee is gone up into a higher place , that ●ee may throw downe more abundance of his mercy and grace upon you ; and my lord , think of that infinite love , that abundance of riches in christ : i am lost , i am empty , i have nothing , i am poore , i am sinfull : be it so , as bad as god will make me , and as vile as i possibly can conceive my self , i am willing to be : but when i have said all , the more i advance that riches , and honor that grace of god . and why should i doubt when by this he puts me into a capacity into a disposition for him to shew me mercy , that by this i may the better advance the riches of his grace , & say grace , grace , to the lord , to all eternity , that god should owne such a creature , that deserves nothing ; and the lesse i deserve , the more conspicuous is his grace : and this is certaine , the riches of his grace hee throweth amongst men , that the glory of his grace might be given to himselfe , if wee can give him but the glory of his grace , wee shall never doubt to partake of the riches of it , and that fulnesse , my lord , that fulnesse bee your comfort , that fulnesse of mercy , that fulnesse of love , that fulnesse of righteousnesse and power bee now your riches , and your only stay , and the lord interpose himselfe between god and you , as your faith bath endeavored to interpose him between god and your soule ; so i doubt not but there he stands ( my lord ) to plead for you , and when you are not able to do any thing your selfe , yet lie downe at the feet of him that is a mercifull saviour and knowes what you would desire , and wait upon him while you live , trust in him when you die , there is riches enough and mercy enough , if hee open not , yet die at his doore , say their i 'le die , there is mercy enough . holland . and here is the place where i lie down before him , from whence i hope he will raise me to an eternall glory through my saviour , upon whom i rely , from whom only i can expect mercy : into his armes i commend my spirit , into his bleeding armes that when i leave this bleeding body that must lie upon this place , he will receive that soule that ariseth out of it , and receive it into his eternall mercy , through the merits , through the worthinesse , through the mediation of christ that hath purchased it with his own most precious blood . bolton . my lord , though you conclude here , i hope you begin above , and though you put an end here , i hope there will never be an end of the mercy and goodnesse of god : and if this be the morning of eternity , if this be the rise of glory , if god pleaseth to throw you down here , to raise you up for ever : say , welcome lord ! welcome that death that shall make way for life , and welcome any condition that shall throw me down here , to bring me into the possession of jesus christ . hodges . my lord , if you have made a deed of gift of your selfe to jesus christ , to bee found only in him ; i am confident you shall stand at the day of christ , my dear lord , we shall meet in happinesse . holland . christ jesus receive my soule , my soule hungers and thirsts after him ; cloud , are gathering , and i trust in god through all my heavinesse , and i hope through all impediments , he will settle my interest in him , and throw off all the claime that sathan can make unto it , and that he will carry my soule in dispight of all the calumnies , and all that the devi'l , and satan can invent , will carry it into eternall mercy there to receive the blessednesse of his presence to all eternity . hodges . my lord , it was his own by creation , it is his own now by redemption , and purchase ; and it is likewise his own by resignation : o my lord , look therefore up to the lamb of god , that sits at the right hand of god , to take away the sinnes of the world , o that lamb of god! holland . that lamb of god , into his hands i commit my soule : and that lamb of god that sits upon the throne to judge those 24 that fall downe before him , i hope hee will bee pleased to look downeward , and judge me with mercy that fall downe before him , and that worship him , and that adore him , that onely ttusts upon his mercy , for his compassion ; and that as he hath purchased me , he would lay his claime unto me now , and receive me . bolton . my lord , think of this , there is no condemnation to them who are in christ , who is it that can condemn , it is christ that justifies ; and therefore look now upon this , ( my lord , ) upon this christ , upon this christ that justifies : hell , death , sinne , sathan ; nothing shall be able to condemne , it is christ that justifies you . holland , indeed if christ justify , no body can condemne , and i trust in god , in his justification , though there is confusion here without us , and though there are wonders and staring that now disquiet , yet i trust that i shall be caried into that mercy , that god will receive my soule . bolton , i doubt not my lord but as you are a spectacle and of pitty here , so you are an object of gods mercy above . holland , then the earle of holland looking over among the people , pointing to a souldier , sayd , this honest man took me prisoner , you little thought i should have beene brought to this , when i delivered my selfe to you upon conditions : and espying captaine watson on horse back putting off his hat sayd to him , god be with you sir , god reward you sir . bolton , my lord , throw your selfe into the armes of mercy , and say , there i will anchor , and there j will die , he is a saviour for us in all conditions , whither should wee goe , hee hath the words of eternall life , and upou him do you rest , waite while you live , and even trust in death . holland . here must now be my anchor , a great storm makes me finde my anchor ; and but in storms no body trust to their anchor , and therefore i must trust upon my anchor ( upon that god , said mr. bolton , upon whom your anchor trusts ) yea , god , i hope , will anchor my soul fast upon christ jesus : and if i dye not with that clearness and that heartiness that you speak of , truly , i will trust in god , though he kill me , i will relie upon him , and in the mercy of my savior . bolton . there is mercy enough , my lord , and to spare , you shall not need to doubt ; they shall never go begging to another door ( my lord ) that come to him . then the earl of holland speaking to mr. hodges , said , i pray god reward you for all your kindeness ; and pray as you have done , instruct my family , that they may serve god with faithfulness , with holiness , with more diligence , then truly i have been careful to press them unto : you have the charge of the same place , you may do much for them , and i recommend them to your kindeness , and the goodness of your conscience . dr. sybald standing by upon the scaffold , in his passage to col : beecher , expressed himself thus to his lordship : dr. sybald . the lord lift up the light of his countenance upon you , and you shall be safe . holland . then the earl of holland embraced lieut : col : beecher , and took his leave of him : after which , he came to mr. bolton , and having embraced him , and returned him many thanks for his great pains and affections to his soul , desiring god to reward him , and return his love into his bosom . mr. bolton said to him , the lord god support you , and be seen in this great extremity ; the lord reveal and discover himself to you , and make your death the passage unto eternal life — . holland . then the earl of holland turning to the executioner , said , here , my friend , let my clothes and my body alone , there is ten pounds for thee , that is better then my clothes , i am sure of it . executioner . will your lordship please to give me a sign when i shall strike ? and then his lordship said , you have room enough here , have you not ? and the executioner said , yes . bolton . the lord be your strength , there is riches in him ; the lord of heaven impart himself to you , he is able to save to the uttermost : we cannot fall so low , as to fall below the everlasting arms of god ; and therefore the lord be a support and stay to you in your low condition , that he will be pleased to make this an advantage to that life and glory that will make amends for all . holland . then the earl of holland turning to the executioner , said , friend , do you hear me , if you take up my head , do not take off my cap. then turning to his servants , he said to one , fare you well , thou art an honest fellow ; and to another , god be with thee , thou art honest man : and then said , stay , i will kneel down , and ask god forgiveness ; and then prayed for a pretty space , with seeming earnestness . bolton . the lord grant you may finde life in death . holland . which is the way of lying ? ( which they shewed him ) and then going to the front of the scaffold , he said to the people , god bless you all , and god deliver you from any such accident as may bring you to any such death as is violent , either by war , or by these accidents , but that there may be peace among you , and you may finde that these accidents that have hapned to us , may be the last that may happen in this kingdom ; it is that i desire , it is that i beg of god , next the saving of my soul : i pray god give all happiness to this kingdom , to this people , and this nation : and then turning to the executioner , said , how must i lie ? i know not . executioner . lie down flat upon your belly : and then having laid himself down , he said , must i lie closer ? executioner . yes , and backwarder . holland . i will tell you when you shall strike ; and then as he lay , seemed to pray with much affection for a short space , and then lifting up his head , said , where is the man ? and seeing the executioner by him , he said , stay while i give the sign ; and presently after stretching out his hand , and the executioner being not fully ready , he said , now , now , and just as the words were coming out of his mouth , the executioner at one blow severed his head from his body . the execution of the lord of holland being thus performed , the lord capel was brought to the scaffold as the former , and in the way to the scaffold , he put off his hat to the people on both sides , looking very austerely about him : and being come upon the scaffold , lieut : col : beecher said to him , is your chaplain here ? capel . no , i have taken my leave of him ; and perceiving some of his servants to weep , he said , gentlemen , refrain your selves , refrain your selves ; and turning to lieut : col : beecher , he said , what , did the lords speak with their hats off or on ? lieut : col : beecher . with their hats off : and then coming to the front of the scaffold , he said , i shall hardly be understood here , i think , and then began his speech as followeth . capel . the conclusion that i made with those that sent me hither , and are the cause of this violent death of mine , shall be the beginning of what i shall say to you : when i made an address to them ( which was the last ) i told them with much sincerity , that i would pray to the god of all mercies , that they might be partakers of his inestimable and boundless mercies in jesus christ , and truly , i still pray that prayer ; and i beseech the god of heaven , forgive any injury they have done to me , from my soul i wish it . and truly , this i tell you , as a christian , to let you see i am a christian ; but it is necessary i should tell you somewhat more , that i am a protestant : and truly , i am a protestant , and very much in love with the profession of it , after the maner as it was established in england by the thirty nine articles ; a blessed way of profession , and such a one , as truly , i never knew none so good : i am so far from being a papist , which some body have ( truly ) very unworthily at some time charged me withal , that truly , i profess to you , that though i love good works , and commend good works , yet i hold , they have nothing at all to do in the matter of salvation ; my anchor-hold is this , that christ loved me , and gave himself for me , that is that that i rest upon . and truly , something i shall say to you as a citizen of the whole world , and in that consideration i am here condemned to dye : truly , contrary to the law that governs all the world ; that is , the law of the sword : i had the protection of that for my life , and the honor of it ; but truly , i will not trouble you much with that , because in another place i have spoken very largely and liberally about it , i believe you will hear by other means , what arguments i used in that case : but truly , that that is stranger , you that are english men , behold here an english man now before you , and acknowledged a peer , not condemned to dye by any law of england , not by any law of england ; nay , shall i tell you more ( which is strangest of all ) contrary to all the laws of england that i know of . and truly , i will tell you , in the matter of the civil part of my death , and the cause that i have maintained , i dye ( i take it ) for maintaining the fifth commandment , injoyned by god himself , which injoyns reverence and obedience to parents : all divines on all hands , though they contradict one another in many several opinions , yet all divines on all hands , do acknowledge , that here is intended magistracy and order ; and certainly i have obeyed that magistracy and that order under which i have lived , which i was bound to obey ; and truly , i do say very confidently , that i do dye here for keeping , for obeying that fifth commandment given by god himself , and written with his own finger . and now gentlemen , i will take this opportunity to tell you , that i cannot imitate a better nor a greater ingenuity then his , that said of himself , for suffering an unjust judgement upon another , himself was brought to suffer by an unjust judgement . truly gentlemen , that god may be glorified , that all men that are concerned in it may take the occasion of it , of humble repentance to god almighty for it , i do here profess to you , that truly i did give my vote to that bill of the e. of strafford , i doubt not but god almighty hath washed that away with a more precious blood , & that is , with the blood of his own son , and my dear savior jesus christ , and i hope he will wash it away from all those that are guilty of it ; truly , this i may say , i had not the least part nor the least degree of malice in the doing of it ; but i must confess again to gods glory , and the accusation of mine own frailty , and the frailty of my nature , that truly it was an unworthy cowardize , not to resist so great a torrent as carried that business at that time . and truly , this i think i am most guilty of , of not courage enough in it , but malice i had none ; but whatsoever it was , god i am sure hath pardoned it , hath given me the assurance of it , that christ jesus his blood hath washed it away ; and truly , i do from my soul wish , that all men that have any stain by it , may seriously repent , and receive a remission and pardon from god for it . and now gentlemen , we have had an occasion by this intimation to remember his majesty , our king that last was ; and i cannot speak of him , nor think of it , but truly , i must needs say , that in my opinion , that have had time to consider all the images of all the greatest and vertuousest princes in the world ; and truly , in my opinion , there was not a more vertuous , and more sufficient prince known in the world , then our gracious king charls that dyed last : god almighty preserve our king that now is , his son ; god send him more fortunate and longer days ; god almighty so assist him , that he may exceed both the vertues and sufficiencies of his father : for certainly , i that have been a counsellor to him , and have lived long with him , and in a time when discovery is easily enough made , for he was yong ( he was about thirteen , fourteen , fifteen or sixteen years of age ) those years i was with him , truly , i never saw greater hopes of vertue in any yong person then in him ; great judgment , great understanding , great apprehension , much honor in his nature , and truly , a very perfect english man in his inclination ; and i pray god restore him to this kingdom , and unite the kingdoms one unto another , and send a great happiness both to you and to him , that he may long live and reign among you , and that that family may raign till thy kingdom come , that is , while all temporal power is consummated : i beseech god of his mercy , give much happiness to this your king , and to you that in it shall be his subjects , by the grace of jesus christ . truly , i like my beginning so well , that i will make my conclusion with it , that is , that god almighty would confer of his infinite and inestimable grace and mercy , to those that are the causers of my coming hither , i pray god give them as much mercy as their own hearts can wish ; and truly , for my part , i will not accuse any one of them of malice , truly i will not , nay , i will not think there was any malice in them ; what other ends there is , i know not , nor i will not examine , but let it be what it will , from my very soul i forgive them every one : and so , the lord of heaven bless you all , god almighty be infinite in goodness and mercy to you , and direct you in those ways of obedience to his commands to his majesty , that this kingdom may be a happy and glorious nation again , and that your king may be a happy king in so good and so obedient people ; god almighty keep you all , god almighty preserve this kingdom , god almighty preserve you all . then turning about , and looking for the executioner ( who was gone off the scaffold ) said , which is the gentleman ? which is the man ? answer was made , he is a coming ; he then said , stay , i must pull off my dublet first , and my wastcoat : and then the executioner being come upon the scaffold , the lord capel said , o friend , prethee come hither : then the executioner kneeling down , the lord capel said , i forgive thee from my soul , and not only forgive thee , but i shall pray to god to give thee all grace for a better life : there is five pounds for thee ; and truly , for my clothes and those things , if there be any thing due to you for it , you shall be very fully recompenced ; but i desire my body may not be stripped here , and no body to take notice of my body but my own servants : look you friend , this i shall desire of you , that when i lye down , that you would give me a time for a particular short prayer . lieut. col : beecher . make your own sign , my lord . capel . stay a little , which side do you stand upon ? ( speaking to the executioner ) stay , i think i should lay my hands forward that way ( pointing foreright ) and answer being made , yes ; he stood still a little while , and then said , god almighty bless all this people , god almighty stench this blood , god almighty stench , stench , stench this issue of blood ; this will not do the business , god almighty finde out another way to do it . and then turning to one of his servants , said , baldwin , i cannot see any thing that belongs to my wife ; but i must desire thee to beseech her to rest wholly upon jesus christ , and be contented and fully satisfied : and then speaking to his servants , he said , god keep you ; and gentlemen , let me now do a business quickly , privately , and pray let me have your prayers at the moment of death , that god would receive my soul . lieut. col. beecher . i wish it . capel . pray at the moment of striking , joyn your prayers , but make no noise ( turning to his servants ) that is inconvenient at this time . servant . my lord , put on your cap. capel . should i , what will that do me good ? stay a little , is it well as it is now ? * and then turning to the executioner , he said , honest man , i have forgiven thee , therefore strike boldly ; from my soul i do it . then a gentleman speaking to him , he said , nay , prethee be contented , be quiet good mr. ___ be quiet . then turning to the executioner , he said , well , you are ready when i am ready , are you not ? and stretching out his hands , he said , then pray stand off gentlemen . then going to the front of the scaffold , he said to the people , gentlemen , though i doubt not of it , yet i think it convenient to ask it of you ; that you would all joyn in prayers with me , that god would mercifully receive my soul , and that for his alone mercies in christ jesus . god almighty keep you all . executioner . my lord , shall i put up your hair ? capel . i , i , prethee do ; and then as he stood , lifting up his hands and eyes , he said , o god , i do with a perfect and a willing heart submit to thy will : o god , i do most willingly humble my self : and then kneeling down , said , i will try first how i can lye ; and laying his head over the block , said , am i well now ? executioner . yes . and then as he lay with both his hands stretched out , he said to the executioner , here lies both my hands out , when i lift up my hand thus , * then you may strike . and then after he had said a short prayer , he lifted up his right hand , and the executioner at one blow severed his head from his body , which was taken up by his servants and put ( with his body ) into a coffin , as the former . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a86997e-240 * observing the writers . * looking towards m. bolton . * pointing to the block . * as he was putting up his hair . * lifting up his right hand . the true cavalier examined by his principles and found not guilty of schism or sedition hall, john, of richmond. 1656 approx. 315 kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from 72 1-bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : 2009-03 (eebo-tcp phase 1). a45087 wing h361 estc r8537 12196058 ocm 12196058 55989 this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons 0 1.0 universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase 1, no. a45087) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set 55989) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, 1641-1700 ; 101:8) the true cavalier examined by his principles and found not guilty of schism or sedition hall, john, of richmond. [8], 134 p. printed by tho. newcomb ..., london : 1656. dedication signed: john hall. reproduction of original in yale university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p5 using tcp2tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the 25,363 texts created during phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 january 2015. anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p5, characters represented either as utf-8 unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng royalists -great britain. great britain -history -puritan revolution, 1642-1660. 2007-06 tcp assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images 2008-03 john latta sampled and proofread 2008-03 john latta text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion to his highness oliver , lord protector of the commonwealth of england , scotland and ireland , and the dominions thereunto belonging . may it please your highness , that i should commend a cavalier to you , may , at this time , seem an incongruous address , considering how much you have suffered from some of that party : but then , if those i present be none of that some , but such as are neither guilty of schism nor sedition , nor ( being true to their principles ) can be so ; it will then , i hope , not be taken as presumption , so much as duty , to commend such servants to the protection of so good a master . so that now , sir , having drawn you into a c●ncern in that party , i shall be a little more free on their behalf . sir , it is to all the world apparent , that there is no party that by their principles stand more inclined and affected to the present government , that is , to monarchy , then they : for they fought for their then monarch , even for monarchy sake ; not for him as he was charls stuart , but as that their s●veraign lord the king , which by the grace of god had the present dominion over them . nay , sir , in that , we did not only shew good affection to this present government , but to you our present governor ; yes , and fought for you too , and that when you fought against your self . for , sir , it cannot be denied , but that as you are more eminently your self now then before , as being by the grace of god advanced to that power you had not then ; so also , in fighting for him , who was by relation our then present protector , we did fight for you your self , our present protector now . but it may be objected , that there are some that have conceived personal prejudice against you. it is too plain there are so ; but these are not the men i plead for , nor are they such as ( by the most considerable men amongst us ) are owned as true royalists or cavaliers no , sir , they are by them looked upon as their greatest enemies , even because , by t●eir undu●iful and disloyal attempts , they have given you occasion to suspect the whole party . sir , our principle is to respect him that is our higher power as in conscience sake to the ordinance of god , and not out of any fancy sake to his person alone , as the ordinance of man. and yet , sir , in respect of your personal worth too , and of that affection and esteem the most of us have of you , i will speak it knowingly , that were it in our own choice , we should rather have you then any other in the three nations to be our soveraign . and as for any hardship under which we do for the present lie , and whe●ein violation may seem to be offered to the act of oblivion , we do ( as i said ) impute the occasion to those that have wrongfully assumed the name of the royal party . it is not ( i assure you ) taken as proceeding from your self , who are looked upon as the chief author of that act , as david was of that covenant made with abner , for reducing all israel ( such as had formerly taken part with the house of saul ) under one obedience but as all the people and all israel understood then that it was not of the king , so are they perswaded of you now . we consider , that as david had such as shimei and sheba , that out of personal relation to others did disturb him , so also had he sons of zerviah , such as were too hard for him , although in the throne : he had such as joab , who out of emulation to be outscript in service or fidelity , or out of secret grudg or anger at the loss of a brother , or the like , received in the time of war , would perswade that abner , and such as he , came but to deceive him , and to be as spies to him in the behalf of some other in which their dealing towards such as were their brethren and of the same nation and religion with themselves , they shewed not so much conscience and good nature , as is recorded 2. chron 28. 9 , & c. to have been used towards those that had been overcome by war then . but , sir , we look upon you as as our joint-protector now ; and our prayer shall be to him that hath the hearts of princes in his hand , and can turn them which way soever he pleaseth , that no councel may prevail with you , but what may be for the glory of god , and the general peace and good of these nations . in which your royal resolution , i hope you shall never fail of the ready assistance of those that are of the royal party ; nor , i am sure , of the prayers and endeavours of your highness most humble and loyal subject , john hall preface . it was to me an unhappy diversion , when the civil distractions of my country about matter of government and obedience , had berest me of that imployment wherein before my livelihood did consist , and only furnished me with a melancholy leisure to reflect upon the true grounds and justice of quarrels of like nature . which being at first done for my own satisfaction only , during the time of that contention , came afterwards to such bulk , as that by the advice of some that were well-willers to peace , i was perswaded to send it abroad into the world for the satisfaction of others , in way of prevention of what might happen in like case for the future . but then again , proposing to my self to become as effectual herein as i could , and considering how prone such as had been of the contrary party and opposite to monarchy , might be to object partiality to me in reference to that relation i bore to the late king and the court , i was the more wary not to let any thing slip that might seem to have personal respect : but as i had from scripture and reason found monarchy to be the best and only right form of government , so to let them see that it was not for any one monarchs sake i did it ; but out of a desire to maintain perpetual peace and unity amongst us , i asserted this obedience to be continually due to that person which god in his providence should set over us . and truly i have looked upon submission and conformity to the present power , not only as necessary in respect of duty and care of publick peace and benefit , but for advance of private wishes too , be they on which side they will : not only fittest to be given to him that by divine appointment is to be setled in this power , but also to be given in case he should be removed ; for that the sooner that work is done , and he brought to that height which god hath decreed , the sooner shall he be taken away , and some other put in his place . that which i then did to avoid imputation of partiality , hath been by some on the other side conceived as an apostacie from the true principles of the royalist , and as savouring both of ingratitude to the last , and of flattery to him that is now in power . vpon which accompt they have also condemned whatsoever is by me done in conformity to any present establishment in the outward profession of religion ; as not deeming what was before setled in that kind by the former higher power , can be legally abrogated by this . in answer to all which i shall desire it may be considered , that i undertake not to write as a servant , but as a subject , and of the duty of subjection and obedience as indefinitely put , and abstracted from all personal regard . it was not the scope of my intention to compare person with person , or to shew which of them i was most obliged unto , or would for my own part have chosen either for my prince or master ; but to set forth that duty which became me and all men else , as considered in the common relation of subjects : which being impartially done , i doubt not but it will to others , as it hath done to my self , appear , that ( in order to the manifestation of gods glory ) all the means for mans preservation ought to be endeavoured ; that mans preservation , peace and charity having a necessary dependance on submission to the authority of some one , that shall be in all causes and over all persons as well ecclesiastical as civil , next under christ supreme head and governor ▪ it could not but follow , that he only was to be obeyed in things of this nature . and that the means to peace , vnity and charity may at no time be wanting , i have determined obedience to be given to him that shall be from time to time possessed of this high place of supremacie and power . and these things i have made the arguments of the three chapters of this treatise . the first to shew the true rise and scope of religion ; the next to shew what the n●tion of church doth import , and of the power of him that shall be head thereof ; and lastly ▪ to shew that no imputation of defect of title can take off our duty of subjection . all which being cleered , i presume that those censures which passed on me and others for hearing or receiving where common-pr●yer or other ceremonies were not used , or for hearing of such as ( i might suspect at least ) were not ordained as heretofore , and the like , would be found to be grounded more on prejudice then reason . in the first larger book of government and obedience , having ( as i said ) an especial aim to the satisfaction of such as were neither convinced in the right of kingly government , nor of that fulness of power that belonged thereunto ; i made use of no authority in proof of what i said , save that of scripture and reason ; both because these were not only the best and true authorities , as also for that ( generally ) with them all humane authority was not regarded but now being put to question what are the true principles of the cavalier or royalist , to the end it may be known whether i , in my conformity , or others , in their recusancie , have best followed them ; it must be expected i should quote some of the most reverenced and orthodox authorities in our church that have treated of things of this nature . and if in any thing in this treatise i shall be conceived short of the proof intended , recourse may be had to the former volume , where most of the same questions are more largely handled ; unto which this was intended as a supplement in some part only . and for fear any should mistake or conclude me disrespectful to the service-book or former ceremonies , because i am now perswading to conformity in alteration ; i shall in this case also desire them to consider , that i am not now taking upon me the part of a judg or law-maker , and comparing those forms and rights with any other of like kind , so as to estimate which were best and most convenient to be received as to separate worth in themselves ; but writing now as a son or member of a church ▪ in things determined by her authority already , the case will be found much different . as i am not so partial to my self , as not to conceive my own insufficiencie may be a cause why in many particulars my proofs and reasons are no more satisfactory and convincing : so , on the other side again , being to write in defence of authority , and to perswade to obedience , i must expect that both my self and work shall be vulgarly entertained with a censure suitable to what mr ▪ hooke armed himself against , when he wrote against the nonconformists of his time , viz. he that goeth about to perswade a multitude , that they are not so well governed as they ought to be , shall never want attentive and favorable hearers , because they know the manifold defects whereunto every kind of regiment is subject ; but the secret lets and difficulties , which in publ●que proceedings are innumerable and inevitable , they have not ordinarily the judgment to consider . and because such as openly reprove supposed disorders of state , are taken for principal friends to the common benefit of all , and for men that carry singular freedom of mind ; under this fair and plausible colour , whatsoever they utter passeth for good and current : that which wanteth in the weight of their speech , is supplied by the aptness of mens minds to accept and believe it . whereas on the other side , if we maintain things that are established , we have not only to strive with a number of heavy prejudices deeply rooted in the hearts of men , who think that herein we serve the time , and speak in favor of the present state , because thereby we either hold or seek preferment ; but also to bear with such except●ons as minds so averted beforehand usually take against that which they are loth should be poured into them . the grounds of prejudice and aversion , are ( i must confess ) naturally strong and pressing , especially when they come to that height ( as mine did ) to be thereby deprived of all . but when we shall have laid that passion aside which might arise from the thoughts of our former condition , and consulted with reason , of what in conscience and prudence is fittest to be resolved on in the condition we now stand , i doubt not but those motives that have prevailed with me , will prevail with others also , that the remainder of our life may be led with more comfort . vpon which hope i have thus exposed my self to publick view ; as mindful of that admonition of our saviour to s. peter ; and thou being converted , strengthen thy brethren . which god almighty grant . chap. i. of religion in its true ground and foundation . things that have life , are essentially distinguished from those that want , by particular sensation of their own perfections and enjoyments . and as they are again specifically distinguished and differenced from one another by degree of perfection and beatitude , so also by degree of vigor and relish in fruition . for as it is an abatement to happiness to have sense of loss or pain intermixed ; so is it also an increase thereunto , to be perceptible thereof in the highest degree of satisfaction and assurance . in which regard , since evidence of compleatness and fruition must be increased through increase of extention and emanation issuing from it self , and that again increased through increase of those objects whereon it worketh ( whereby as the print from the seal , the party possessed may find it self in degree more fully and powerfully therewith endued : ) it must therefore come to pass , that as it is most natural in god to be in the highest measure perfect and happy , so also to be communicative or good , and in goodness again to be enlarged and apparent . for to be blessed or happy , as to self-respect alone , argues not so plainly an immensity in any thing as to be extensive herein to others , without other confinement save that of its own good pleasure . that incomprehensible degree of wisdom and power which in the beginning of time did manifest it self in the whole creation , took effect from that innate propension to beneficence , which before all time was in the creator himself : omnipotencie serving as the means to accomplish that which goodness had first designed as its end . 1. consequent to the work of creation is that of providence : for as it was a work proper to the prime goodness to make things perfect and happy , so likewise to preserve them so ▪ in which respect ( again ) it must farther fall out , that as evidence of possession and perfection was increased from the signature thereof upon other things , even so also , for farther manifestation of the worth and force of the energie and impression ( as to goodness and bounty ) it was onwards necessary , that according to those degrees of blessings and benefits received , there should be in the receiver a higher measure of resentment implanted , the which we usually comprehend under the name of pleasure . for , these things which of meer grace and mercy do from divine bounty fall on any sensitive , when they come to be received by that sensitive as beneficial and good , cannot naturally be otherwise attested then by and under that conception ; pleasure it self being no otherwise evil or for bidden , then as depriving us of some more large and lasting delight . 2. which pleasure again , as it is by each sensitive pursued as its end , by the wise dispensation of the creator it is so ordered , that it should be not only in the highest degree communicated to things which are of greatest perfection , but also to such actions of their most eminently annexed , as do withal tend to the preservation and benefit of their own particulars , or that of their race and species . and therefore since some things stood more participant and sensible of the beatitude , perfection , and image of their maker ( by means of life , understanding , and will ; ) it will farther follow , that in reference to the more full expression of his own glory and goodness , a more exact and greater measure of providence and express rules should be set down and added for their preservation , then of things of inferior regard . that law of nature , and those instincts and properties wherewith inanimates or other sensitives do stand guided , seemed not sufficient for the conduct of man ; who being in a higher degree participant and sensible of divine resemblance and goodness , stood not only in himself , like them , positively expressing gods bounty in his own receipts , but , beyond them , by means of his reason and intellect , able to acknowledg even those benefits which himself or others had received , and so become a more express witness of his makers favor and glory . 3. from hence it comes to pass that men , like other sensitives , are not only naturally led by sense of pleasure to the prosecution of those things that tend to specifical or particular perservation , ( in order to the accomplishment of his will , that ordains his bounty to be extended as well to the individuals that for the present are , as to the successive generations of them to be by this means brought forth and made participants thereof ) but also by another law proper to themselves , even the law of reason , can apprehend and acquire that which is in a fuller degree fit for themselves also to execute , either for their own avail , or that of others . and therefore when again we find , that there is in all things naturally implanted a certain degree of love and delight unto those things unto which they are most usually associated and conversant ; even so we find mankind not only , like them , won to love and liking of one another by means of society , but by discourse and reason , being in degree made sensible of the benefit and pleasure which other things receive by means of the expression of this his love towards them , and also of his duty in doing , he is by sense of honor as well naturally and politically enforced , as by encouragement from above strengthened and directed in this resolution . 4. the passed discourse being summed up , and examined towards the discovery of mans duty , will easily discover that juncture and coincidence that is between the precepts of the first and second table . we may find why god that cannot , as in any proper regard , be any ways steaded or served by us , doth yet reckon of our services to one another as a service to himself ; according to that saying of david , my goodness extendeth not to thee , but to the saints that are in the earth , and to the excellent , ps . 16. 2 ▪ 3. or that of job , can a man be profitable unto god , as he that is wise may be profitable unto himself ? job 22. 2. and again , if thou sinnest , what dost thou against him ? ch . 35 ▪ 6. or if thou be righteous , what givest thou him ? thy wickedness may hurt a man as thou art , and thy righteousness may profit the son of man. all which would be well considered of by such as , in a mistaken or misgrounded zeal to gods honor , gods service , gods glory , gods worship ( as they use to phrase it , and to be performed in such a measure and manner as they are perswaded is best and truest ) are ready to make him apparently to act against himself , and will themselves be his agents even to kill men under colour of doing him good service . these men are to consider , that if gods honor or glory had , under the gospel , been tied to any such precise outward form of worship , it had been easie with him at first , and easie every day it still is , to make such exact declaration of his will therein , that none can make doubt or scruple thereof ; as amongst the jews he did . but he now requiring chiefly the devotion of our hearts , and leaving all things disputable , in the measure and manner of any outward form , to those that have the rule over us , we do then dis ▪ serve him , when we break charity and order , and make a schism in our service to him . and since god doth not only take care for mans being , ( which is politically included under the notion of peace ) but of his well-being also ( which we may comprise under the term of plenty ) to the end that through the sense and pleasure of his enjoyments he may be stirred up to praise and acknowledg him ; it is therefore farther to be considered , that even in those duties that are apparently to be performed towards god , as being expresly commanded for perpetuity in scripture , as duties of the first table , there be not yet so violent a pressure made , or yoke laid on the back of flesh and blood , as to defeat the end of the second table , mans good , and make his service seem altogether a burthen . and therefore they that are so ready to fancie to themselves an eminent proficience in piety , out of the more strict observation of some one or two precepts , as the pharisees of old were wont to do in the strict observation of the sabbath , even to the neglect of the rest , are to remember our saviors answer to the same pharisees , that the sabbath was made for man , not man for it . for as the sense of pleasure and enjoyment was implanted as well to witness gods bounty , as to provoke us to gratitude ; therefore unnecessarily to abate mans pleasure , is to abate gods glory : which should have been considered of them that , for fear of breaking the sabbath-day , would now turn it into a day of fasting and mourning . they are to remember how that evangelical prophet isaiah , chap. 1. is declaiming against those things that were done in more direct service to god , as sacrifice , prayers , and the like , and directs them to the observance of those things that tended to charity , as a more ready way to serve and please him ; to abstain from blood , to seek judgment , to relieve the oppressed , the fatherless , the widow , and the like . they are to consider , that although god doth set down his own service first , and strictly call for our faith and fear towards him , ( as well knowing that according to our fear and confidence in him , our observance of his laws will follow ) yet doth he always aim at our good , to be gained or strengthened by any religious observance . in which regard we may well know how to interpret that speech of s. paul , he that provideth not for his family hath denied the faith , and is worse then an infidel . where in an oec●●●●ical instance he speaketh of that force which christian religion , upon its true ground and intent , should have in the promoting of all moral vertues besides : insomuch as not to do the one , is to deny the other , and to become worse then he that hath no faith in christ at all , because he wanted that divine direction and ecouragement thereunto . and lastly , for want of due consideration of these things , and how charity is the end of the law , it is , that men are generally so superstitious , and so disconsolate and unsatisfied in their religious performances ; even so as to become quakers , seekers , and what not ? for while they guide themselves in their actions , without due sense or regard how these things are both of them by rules of religion made mutually serviceable to the same end , they do lose their religion by this irregular and partial seeking of it in one sort only ; even by dissolving and disjoining those things which god hath thereby joined together . for as all vertue and morality ( in regard of our inability to be so fully compleat as the first strict rule of providence requires ) is no better then heathenish philosophy , when done without faith in christ , or sense of duty towards god ; so also all acts of devotion proceeding from any uncharitable heart , or not having charitable intention , but done only out of fear or care to please or serve god thereby , as in things by him aimed at for himself , are at best but superstition . and therefore when our saviour makes up our religion by joining these fundamental precepts , thou shalt l●ve the lord thy god with all thy heart , and thy neighbour as thy self : and when again it is said , follow peace with all , men , and holiness , without which no man shall see the lord : it is not for us to think of disjoining that religious tie of the word , and to believe that by any extraordinary way of serving god whom we see n●t , or of following of some holy duties , we can find acceptance , if we have not ( the while ) a due regard to the love of our brother whom we do see , and to follow peace also . but since righteousness and peace have thus kissed each other , men should therefore in their religious deportments seek to preserve the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace , and even study to be quiet , by making conscience of avoidance of such things whereby scandal may be given or taken , to the disturbance of their joint communion in the same profession . let men be to their utmost wary in communicating in acts of known sin , because nothing of that kind but tendeth to the dishonor of god , and the general harm of men : but let them withall take heed that private prejudice , interest or passion makes them not forsake their society as they are men , much less in what they do as christians ; for that were more directly both to dishonor god as creator and redeemer , and to prejudice man himself : for although we may and must hate and abandon vice and sin , yet we may not the vitious and sinner farther then they are so ; but so far as i● possible , and as much as in us lieth , to have peace with all men . 7. if we look to mankind in their first way of religion , and to that condition and ability they then stood in , for maintenance of their duty both towards god and their neighbor ; we shall find that in all these deviations or defects wherein , through private appetite and abundance of enjoyment , they might be led both to forget the author of their benefits , and to neglect the good and preservation of other things , their fellow-creatures , that god almighty did accept of them and what they did , while they should forbear to eat of that forbidden tree of the knowledg of good and evil ; sacramentally put to repute them as innocent in all such actions , as in a strict sense they might be found to deviate from the fulfilling of the whole law or rule of providence , since they implicitely obeyed him that was the author thereof , and took not upon them to be guided by their own knowledg of that good and evil whereto they might morally tend . 8. in the second estate , and under the law , we may apprehend god conditioning with the posterity of him that had been most righteous in the keeping of the first natural law , for the observation of a certain number of precepts ; upon the performance whereof there was a promise of justification , as if they had performed the whole moral law , or law of providence . 9. but this being yet found too difficult , god almighty , in the third way of dispensation of his will , to wit , in the evangelical covenant , conditions with mankind for belief ; not accepting us for any acts of our own , as our own , but as done and accepted in the name and by the merit of another ; whom , by faith , we are now to apprehend and rely upon , as having in himself fulfilled all we stood outwardly bound unto , as well in reference to the first large law of providence , as to the jewish abridgment thereof . 10. in the first covenant it was , forbear this and live ; in the second , the condition was , do this and live ; in the third , believe this and live . 11. if we shall compare these covenants one to another , we shall find the greatest similitude and agreement between the first and the last ; between our state and condition under the first , and under the second adam . for as under the first , we had but one precept to observe as immediately divine , so under the second also . then , whereas we stood innocent in our deportments while guided inwardly by the propensions of uncorrupted nature ; and in what we might thwart one another , stood obedient to our natural fathers : so here , are we innocent too , while inwardly guided by nature rectified by grace , being all ●aught of god to love one another : and for our outward deportments , both in godliness and honesty , submitting to such as have a spiritual fatherhood and rule over us , whose faith we are to follow , considering the end of their conversation , heb 13. 7. even the maintenance of peace and order : and do all things without murmuring and disputing , that we may be blameless and harmless , the sons of god , in the midst of a froward and perverse generation , wherein we shine as lights in the world , phil. 2 : 14 ▪ to which end we may observe our saviour , the second adam , describing the innocencie of the evangelical estate to consist also in the abnegation of our prying humors , when he answers the pharisees that would be so much guided by pride and partiality in their interpretations of the written law , without regard to the main drift of the law : if ye were blind , you should have no sin ; but now ye say we see , therefore your sin remaineth . 12. but now , under the law , all these preceps being so immediately and strictly given and enjoined by god himself to be for perpetuity , literally observed by all of that nation and covenant , no one person could plead exemption from that sentence , cursed is every one that continueth not in all things written in the law to do them , farther then he could be to himself conscious , that according to his best enquiry he had exactly fulfilled them . whereas under the gospel or new-covenant , we shall find the case clean otherwise ; and not as it was formerly made with our fathers , when god took them ( as it were ) by the hand , to guide them in their actions by rules delivered by himself , heb. 8. 9. but now doth it by an inward law written in our hearts . and therefore s. paul putting the difference between them , bringeth in the righteousness which is by the law speaking in this wise , the man that doth these things shall live by them ; when that righteousness which is of faith , enquireth neither for new literal precepts to be received from christ now in heaven , or for literal observance of the old law , the which he fulfilled in his death : but what saith it ? the word is nigh us , and every day preached ; if thou shalt confess with thy mouth the lord jesus , and shalt believe in thine heart that god raised him from the dead , thou shalt be saved . and then for our conformable outward obedience to christ as king , as well as confession he is our lord , we have his own direction to hear such as he shall from time to time delegate , when he saith , he that heareth you heareth me , and the like . 13. if we search after the quality of these which were from time to time to be in this sort heard ▪ and that according to those several states and conditions which man then stood in , in respect of those different covenants & dispensations he was under ; it is to be considered , that as the will and affections of mankind stood at first more simple and uncorrupt , and their inward plantation of love more natural and entire , so had they again more immediate directions from god himself to guide them in such things as they might occasionally erre in . the innocencie of that first estate causing him more familiarly to converse with the patriar●hs at first ; as by those familiar speeches used to adam and others , and their ready answer ( not betokening strangeness ) may easily be presumed . 14. but after the flood , and towards the promulgation of the law , whenas mankind grew worse and worse , he then by degrees withdrew such manifestations only appearing by angels , or the like ; and resolved that his spirit should not ( so immediately ) strive with man in that kind ; but to constitute others , who as his vicegerents should be obeyed in his stead . he would not take to himself such personal judgment in the acts of violence , as in the case of abel , but remit the sentencing of it here to be done in an appointed way , by man himself ; whosoever sheddeth mans blood , by man shall his blood be shed . in which recess of his we must next suppose , that all things tending to the ends before rehearsed , that is , to the honor and worship of god , or preservation and good of men , are now to be directed and guided by others ; excepting only such things as by express law from himself are to be obeyed and acknowledged as unalterable by any other . 15. if we look unto the way and kinde how this regiment should be steered , in regard of persons , it will be plain he never dispensed with this power to more then one at once in chief ; not willing there should be any more gods in any kingdom on earth , then was in heaven it self . to this end it may be observed , that when-ever god makes a promise to any person of a great increase of race and posterity , he doth withal ( as a compleating of that blessing ) make them a promise of a monarchical or kingly government ; and that most especially to those people of whom he will make his church , and by whom he would have himself more eminently served . and therefore , although we may find ishmael and esau recorded blessed with a catalogue of princes , kings ▪ and dukes , yet having reserved to himself the more direct line of abraham , who should be as the sand of the sea for multitude , he doth with the one promise the other , gen. ●7 . 6. i will make nations of thee , and kings shall come out of thee . the like he promiseth to sarah , v. 10. she shall be a mother of nations , kings of people shall be of her . the like is promised to jacob ▪ gen. 35. 11. kings shall come out of thy l●ins . who again ▪ as the next i ather to the tribes , gives it particularly to judah , as an high blessing to be setled on him , in ●ight of that primogeniture which his elder brother ▪ had ●orfeired ; namely , that this promised s●epter should not depart from iudah ▪ nor a lawgiver foom between his feet , till ●o●● come ▪ gen 49. 10. in which last promise , under the ●otion o● lawgiver and of soepter in the singular number , we may well understand the king before mentioned . and ▪ however the p●ophetick designation of monarchical government to succeed as under the notion of kings , as the adopted father of each country , took not place until moses ; but that those that were the natural fathers of the tribes , and had right of government by primogeniture , continu●● as princes and rulers : yet their , as he was the first that was so stiled , being king in jes●u●●●● ▪ ( even as the succeeding judges may be so well called for that in the inter-regnum it is said there was no king in isra●l ) so shall we ●ind moses again as expresly foretelling that they should have a king , as that they should possess the land. for , the words to each promise run absolute , dent. 17. 14. when t●●u art come into the land which the lord thy god giveth thee , and sh●lt possess it , and shalt dwell therein , and shalt say , i will set a king over me like all the nations that are round about me , &c. it is not said , if thou shalt say ; no such conditional , but an express duty or prophecie : for the conjunction [ and ] here used , [ and shalt possess it , and dwell therein , and shalt say ] makes all of them equally certain ; as certain in the blessing of kingship , as in that of the promised land it self . of all which i have formerly at large discoursed , and have briefly here premised , to unprejudice such as are averse to monarchy , or the acknowledgment of the power of kings in the church ; and shall now treat of the church it self , and of its proper cognisance and power , in which we shall have farther occasion to assert this kingly superintendencie . chap. ii. of the church catholick , and of the power and jurisdiction of each particular church , and head thereof . the word ecclesia , or ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which we english church , doth originally import a company called forth , or men met together upon some special occasion . but the scripture treating of religious matters , applies that notion to ▪ meetings made to that end ▪ and therefore that assembly which demetrius and his craftsmen made , is called by that name . but then farther , because to be called forth , must presuppose some person or persons having power so to do , and also to propound and regulate what shall be disputed of or determined in these assemblies ; in that respect again we after find , that those things which in the former unruly meeting could not be composed , are by the town-clark promised to be determined in a more lawful church or assembly , to be called according to authority . all religions agreeing in this truth , that without observation of government and order , both church and state will quickly run into confusion . after christianity had a while been professed , this name by way of excellence was appropriate to them , and those of their communion : insomuch as in the beginning thereof , and while the land of jewry did contain the whole number of believers , or that the christians there or elswhere had not cast themselves into any proper or distinct forms of regiment ; all such as stood as well separated from the world , as associated amongst themselves by their joint profession of the same faith , stood only distinct from the rest of the world by the word church , or church of christ ▪ catholickly applied , without distinction thereof into parts in respect of any local application ▪ but when afterwards they came to be dispersed into several cities , so distant from one another in place , and so different in jurisdictions , as to require some form of ecclesiastical discipline to be setled amongst themselves for their more orderly service in their religion ; it came then to pass , that as those that had begotten them in the faith , and been their spiritual fathers and instructors , had chief authority herein , so were those their churches and followers distinguished by topical additions , as the church or saints at rome , at corinth , at ephesus , or the like . by the use of the word at such a place , and not saying , the church of rome , of corinth , of ephesus , or the like , ( as now we do the church of rome , england , geneva , &c ) we are to conceive , that as the first believers were , in respect of this separation from the rest of the world , in faith and some religious exercises , called by the name of a church ; so these , in those several cities wherein they lived , were called saints or church at such a city , and not of ; as betokening that they were aswel but a part of that city as to civil regiment , as also a part of the whole catholick church now subordinate to some separate authority in the exercise of their religion . but then we are to conceive , that although this separation of theirs from others of the same city , both in their meetings and holy exercises ; were done in order to their religion ; yet was it not the quality of any religion , as such a religion , but difference in rites and form of worship , and in meeting thereabouts from that other religion which was publikely authorised in that place , which made it preserve this name of church as taken in its proper sense . and therefore ( as before said ) we shall usually find that the addition of the church of god , or of christ , is put to distinguish , as well as to dignifie it above other religious congregations that were not such . and upon this reason it is , that we never read in the scripture , that the the word church is applied to the jews , although they were a nation separate from all the rest of the world , both in their religion it self , and in the ceremonies thereof ; even for that it was all one and the same with that which the publick authority of that place did appoint and allow . whereas when christianity first began amongst them , the first professors thereof , being but subordinately divided , were set down as a church or congregation of men in that respect separate , saying , the church , or church of christ which is at jerusalem . which being considered , we need not wonder why s. paul should proceed to no higher punishment then that of excommunication , against a blasphemer , or an incestuous person , or the like , who ( by the very heinousness and nature of their sins ) might be presumed not greatly desirous of their communion ; even for that it was , at that time , all the punishment he , or other heads of churches could inflict , wanting ( as before noted ) all coercive jurisdiction . upon which ground again , we find not that the jews did ever exercise this kind of punishment while they continued masters of their own soveraignty ; but , comprising all offences under the same law , they punished transgressions of all sorts as breaches thereof : when yet afterward in the time of our saviour , that the supreme power was in the hand of the romans , we find them both threatening , and actually thrusting men out of their synagogues . but however such notorious sinners as those might , in the infancie of christianity , set lightly of any church-censure in that kind ; yet with the more conscientious sort , who , in regard of those many promises by christ made no his church , had been at first won to be of their fellowship and communion as the only means to their salvation , it was taken as a punishment of the highest import . and however that the then church , for want of judiciary power as aforesaid , could not punish otherwise , yet since it became all that were named by the name of christ to depart from iniquity , and to have their conversation such as becomed saints , and to walk worthy that vocation wherewith they were called , ( in which respect we shall find the name of disciples , believers , saints , church , and christians , indifferently used to signifie those that made profession of christs name ) it therefore became them who were to be as lights on a hill , and to see that others light did so shine before men , that they seeing their good works might glorifie that god in whose obedience they did it , to be very sensible and tender of permitting any thing scandalous in the eye of the world , to be acted or countenanced by any of their profession . in reference to which gracious promises of salvation , illumination , assistance , and the like , made by christ to his church , and of that degree of sanctity wherewith those of this profession stood eminent above the rest of the world , or of that city or place where they lived ; it is no wonder if we find that this notion of church was still used , even after the time that the publick authority of the country came also to be of the same belief ; especially considering that it was more then three hundred years after christs birth before any emperor at all was of that profession , from which they quickly again fell ; and that during the said time , and a good while after , the more considerable , and perhaps the major part of the empire it self , ( besides what was done in other countries more heathenish ) continued still infidels . towards whose conversion , and for the greater honor of their master and his doctrine , as they desired to become worthy disciples by the example of their holy lives , so d●d they withall still keep up as far as might be a communion with one another therein , as well as a separation from others that were not of the same belief . but yet we shall never find in scripture , or author of antiquity , that was not prejudiced by particular adherence to some party , that these notions of church or saints were used to separate christians from christians , so as to accompt others ( especially their fellow-subjects ) that publickly professed faith and obedience to christ , to be yet none of his church ; until such time as the whole church , through the goodness of god , being rid of the fear of much harm from such as for christs sake were their common enemy , some separate parts thereof began in a strange requital to seek out enemies amongst themselves : ambition , pride , interest , and passion causing men to forget those prime precepts of humility , meekness , patience , brotherly love , and the like , wherewith christianity stood at first adorned , and whereby they ( as out of a common principle of love to christ and his honor , as well as to one another , according to the true intent of religion ) were piously and unanimously guided ; and now to prosecute that course which should at once hazard the honor and good of both christ and his whole church , through their strife to advance some particular sect above the rest , and themselves in it . as if christs disciples and followers must not now be called such in regard of their faith in him , as formerly was used ; but out of belief in , and for following them rather in things circumstantial , or by themselves called fundamental , the more to countenance that breach of charity which must thence ensue : hereby shewing that we have not , as the true elect of god and beloved , put on bowels of mercies , kindnesses , humbleness of mind , meekness , long-suffering ; so as to forbear one another , and forgive one another , if any man have a quarrel against any , even as christ forgave us : but have neglected to put on charity , which is the bond of perfectness ; and to let the peace of god rule in our hearts , to the which we are also called into one body , even this body and communion of a church , col. 3. 12 , &c. it being indeed impossible for any but such elect as these to escape those deceits and snares which each particular sect , as in christs name , will be ready to lay before us , saying , lo here is christ , and lo there is christ ! on purpose to affright us from confidence in that name whereby alone under heaven we can be saved ; as if salvation were not to be found in being a member of the catholick church , or any part of it , as christian ; but in that secret chamber , or that desert assembly , which is now separately named and owned by themselves . 6. this is that great misery under which christendom hath of late been so much troubled , as well through that ambitious humor of universal rule and dominion , whereby those of the roman party ( out of opinion of eminencie , succession , or the like ) would advance their head to be head of the whole church , ( even where his jurisdiction reacheth not : ) as of others also , who , in any particular church , are ready to make a separation of themselves ; as though , in regard of any extraordinary degree of sincerity , of worship , or sanctity of life by them professed above others , the antient notion of church could now again be appropriate to them , without notice of their brethren of the same religion , and those in authority , and perhaps more in number also ; in like manner as formerly the notion of church was understood in opposition to those that were meer heathens . 7. the truth is , that christian societies may well be distinguished from professors of other religions by this peculiar appellation ; their religion being indeed the religion , even as their god is apparently the god. for where they , in discovery of their meer humane extraction or wors , are , in their precepts , wholly regardful of their own outward glory , pomp and estimation , and that according to humane fancie and opinion ; when we are by voice from heaven taught that strict conjunction which is between glory to god in the highest ! and peace on earth , and good will towards men . their deities stand manifestly on their sacrifices , professing greatest love to such as are most zealous in them , or such like kind of adoration : ours pronounce charity the end of the law , and prefer mercy before sacrifice ; and , to encourage men thereto , our saviour personateth the hungry , blind , naked , imprisoned , and promiseth even the reward of heaven to such as should most express their love and duty to him that way . 8. and thereupon again , as true it is , that particular churches cannot seclude one another from being members of that catholick body , while they acknowledged the same common head ; much less can such as live within the authority , or are members of any christian church or society , claim any jurisdiction apart , or make separation therefrom , upon allegation of any extraordinary sanctity or neerer degree of imploiment in religious affairs ; for this were to overthrow the main scope of the church before set down . and therefore since humane preservation and peace is the end of religious as well as civil associations , it will therefore follow , that as each state hath its rule entire and absolute , for the better preservation of concord and order , so must each christian state or church much more have the like , in as much as those precepts and directions leading thereunto are much more apparently within their commission ; their duty and charge being to perfect and consummate that by a religious tie , unto which natural perfection could not reach . 9. and hereby it comes to pass , that what was vertue or vice in a bare philosophical accompt , is now called righteousness or sin . and so these politick societies , which ; upon the former light of natural reason , took upon them the guidance of humane actions , and were called kingdoms and commonwealths , when they come to acknowledg subjection to this higher direction and rule , are usually called churches also . and thereupon those that were formerly called schismaticks in respect of separation , or stubbornness to ecclesiastick authority , are now to be esteemed seditious and rebels also , if they do in any such thing disobey or oppose him that hath both these authorities conjoined . for very hard it would seem , if the same terms of separation should still be kept up against christian princes and rulers , as was formerly ; and they allowed no more honor and power being christians , then while they were pagans . but we will now proceed to shew what hath been the sense of the church of england herein , according to the doctrine of those that were eminent in it . 10. as those of the roman party had ( no doubt ) a design of stretching the papal jurisdiction , even in temporals , by their engrossment of all spiritual power as catholick head , so hath it been always censured by ours as an unjust usurpation : therefore we shall find that the late archbishop , in his answer to the jesuite , all along to disprove that claim of universal head of the whole church , and sect . 25. num . 12. sheweth , that after the conversion of the emperors , the bishops of rome themselves were still elected or confirmed by them , without any title of universal head ; until that john patriarch of constantinople , having been countenanced in that title by mauritius the emperor , ( who came afterward to be deposed and murthered by phocas ) phocas conferred on boniface the third that very honor , which two of his predecessors had declaimed against as monstrous and blasphemous , if not antichristian . and as he thus defends the power and jurisdiction of particular churches , and the chief magistrate in them against the pope , so doth he defend the power and supremacie of this magistrate over all that live within the same jurisdiction : and therefore sect . 26. num . 9. doth set it down for a great and undoubted rule given by optatus ; that wheresoever there is a church , there the church is in the commonwealth , not the commonwealth in the church , and so also the church was in the roman empire . the truth is , that at first , and while some smaller parcels of the roman empire only were christians , then these ▪ being only of the church , might it be said to be in the commonwealth ; first as being but a part , and next but a subordinate part of the whole empire , or those that had jurisdictions therein : but after that the government it self became christian , then was there no question to be rightly made , which was in which ? that is , whether the church in the commonwealth , or that in the church : for that both were one , and both to be conceived included under that name of highest honor , the name of church , importing as well our relation to god , as to one another . whereupon also , since , for some ages , the authority of the roman empire did extend it self in a manner over all nations that were christian , it might well come to pass that , amongst the writers of those times , the roman and catholick church might be taken as equivalent and alike : which to use now , is an absurd contradiction , as implying a particular-universal ; for none other it is to call any man a roman catholick . at the time the emperor of rome had the soveraignty or government of any christian state , then and there had the pope or chief bishop of rome the like soveraignty in ordering of the affairs of that church , if the said emperor so thought fit ; and to depart from that obedience or communion , was then ( as i conceive ) not schism alone , but sedition also . but in case any that are neither within the popes own territory nor jurisdiction , but in the proper jurisdiction of some other prince , who yields only a voluntary conformity in doctrine and discipline to that sea , as spain and france , and other free princes now do ; then are they that make alteration against the liking of that prince or power under whom they live , not schismaticks against the pope of rome , but against him ; and if he approve of their doctrine , they are neither schismaticks , nor seditious : as was the case of our henry the eight , and those his subjects of the church of england which followed him ; and for ought i know , was the case of luther also , in respect of his subjection to the duke of saxony . 11 : for it is to be considered , that where the jurisdiction doth divide and become independent , there doth the notion of church divide also ; as was to be seen in the church of the jews , after they fell into two distinct governments , to wit , that of judah , and that of israel . in which case although they had still but one divine law and prescript form of worship to live by , yet the government of each kingdom being unsubordinate , they were each of them reckoned as a church apart , and the good or ill government of each of them attributed to none but the peculiar king thereof , even as proceeding from his proper observance or breach of the law. and although the primitive churches in saint johns time had not yet any absolute jurisdiction , yet since what they had was independent , we shall find that those reproofs and admonitions which were in the apocalyps given to the seven churches , are directed to their several angels or heads , apart , without any hint or notice of subordination to any other catholick head or curate , save of christ himself . 12. i must confess , that as the earnest desire and aim i have always had towards the silencing of disputes and civil commotions in kingdoms , hath made me the more earnest and studious in pressing the power and authority of each prince ; so for common-peace sake again amongst kings themselves , and for taking off those irregularities and oppressions which each of them , by this power , might inflict on their subjects , i have many times entertained the thoughts of admittance of some such power like that claimed by the bishop of rome : but upon serious excogitation of the whole , i was brought to resolve , that in the plea and condition of power the pope now standeth , the interposition of his authority would many times rather increase , then be effectual to prevent injustice , or silence differences ; whether acted between a prince and his own subjects , or by one prince upon another . as for example ; some person or order of princes subjects , misliking their usage , appeal to rome , as against injustice and oppression : he must then ( to make his authority known to be useful ) determine for one party or another , as his judgment shall be engaged . if for the king , then is he but heightned and farther warranted to do the like : if for thomas a becket , or the barons against him , as sometimes in england , then are subjects encouraged towards sedition and civil war another time . again , before he can be supposed rightly to interpose between prince and prince in the justice of their quarrels , they must all of them be brought to be of the same religion and perswasion with himself , or else equally averse , that he may be impartial . suppose that might be done , yet since he may have kindred and relations , may he not in that case favor a nephew , a casar borgia , or the like , against him that hath no relation ? or may he not respect interest and application , so as again to favor such an one as king john , not only above his barons , but other princes too , upon resignation of his crown to be held of him and his successors . but that was not all ; for partiality , and the like , is but that which the subjects of any monarch might object against his absolute rule : but the great difference and difficulty is , that since the absolute monarch was in all causes and over all persons in his dominions supreme governor , there was hereby a sure way for prevention of civil war and disturbance ; which , being the chief political evil , would recompence those sufferings of inferior nature , which could but occasionally happen , and never be so general . whereas he claiming but ecclesiastical power only , and it being not at all determined or agreed upon what is certainly so , or not so , ( for prevention of question thereabouts ) i saw no possible hope to attain peace by his umpirage , ( if any should say he did exceed his commission ) unless he could make himself judg of that too , and so by degrees , and in ordine ad spiritualia , draw in cognisance of all matters whatsoever . when that is done , as constantines throne will better become him then s. peters chair ; so truly if such an universal christian monarch there were , ( which is not likely to fall to be he ) there might much good arise by it , as to the general increase of christian peace and profession . as for that other way found out by some of that side , mentioned by the late archbishop , sect . 26. num . 11. for advance of his supremacie , namely by setting up again one emperor over all christendom to rule in secular matters , while himself would rule him , and them too , in what he would call spiritual , with as supereminent splendor as the sun doth the moon , i apprehend it still ineffectual to peace , till those powers be joyned in one person ; unless the emperor could indeed be content ( as i said ) to change places with him , and become so subordinate as not to shine in any act of moon like power , but by the light and leave of this his sun. could this in any likelihood have been e●pected , i might happily then have given some credit to those slender probabilities of s. peters primacie , and the popes succession in the chair . in the mean time , the usurped exercise of this his ecclesiastick power , where he had no jurisdiction , as a power standing insubordinate to the prince , hath begotten that great mistake , that there might be a church in a church , that is , one christian common-wealth in another . 13. but let us hear judicious mr. hooker more at large in this business of the church , and in answer to such as would appropriate the notion of church to those of their own perswasion only , ( lib. 5. fol. 367. ) church is a word which art hath devised , thereby to sever and distinguish that society of men which professeth the true religion , from the rest which professeth it not . there have been in the world , from the very first foundation thereof , but three r●ligions : paganism , which lived in the blindness of corrupted and depraved nature : judaism , embracing the law , which reformed heathenish impiety , and taught salvation to be looked for through one , whom god in the last days would send and exalt to be lord of all ; finally christian belief , which yieldeth obedience to the gospel of jesus christ , and acknowledgeth him the saviour whom god did promise . seeing then that the church is a name which art hath given to professors of true religion ; as they which will define a man , are to pass by those qualities wherein one man doth excel another , and to take only those essential properties whereby a man doth differ from creatures of other kinds : so he that will teach what the church is , shall never rightly perform the work whereabout he goeth , till , in matter of religion , he touch that difference which severeth the churches religion from theirs who are not of the church . religion being therefore a matter partly of contemplation , partly of action , we must define the church , which is a religious society , by such differences as do properly explain the essence of such things ; that is to say , by the object or matter whereabout the contemplations and actions of the church are properly conversant : for so all knowledges and all vertues are defined . whereupon , because the only object which separateth ours from other religions , is jesus christ , in whom none but the church doth believe , and whom none but the church doth worship ; we find that accordingly the apostles do every where distinguish hereby the church from infidels and from jews ; accounting them which call upon the name of our lord jesus christ , to be his church . if we go lower , we shall but add unto this certain casual and variable accidents which are not properly of the being , but make only for the happier and better being of the church of god , either indeed , or in mens opinions and conceits . this is the error of all popish definitions that hitherto have been brought : they define not the church by that which the church essentially is , but by that wherein they imagine their own more perfect then the rest are . touching parts of eminencie and perfection , parts likewise of imperfection and defect in the church of god , they are infinite , their degrees and differences no way possible to be drawn unto any certain account . there is not the least contention and variance , but it blemisheth somwhat the unity that ought to be in the church of christ ; which notwithstanding may have not only , without loss of essence or breach of concord , her manifold varieties in rites and ceremonies of religion , but also her strifes and contentions many times , and that about matters of no small importance ; yea , her schisms , factions , and such other evils whereunto the body of the church is subject , sound and sick remaining both of the same body , as long as both parts retain , by outward profession , that vital substance of truth , which maketh christian religion to differ from theirs which acknowledg not our lord jesus christ the blessed saviour of mankind , give no credit to his glorious gospel , and have his sacraments , the seal of eternal life , in derision . now the priviledg of the visible church of god ( for of that we speak ) is to be herein like the ark of noah ; for any thing we know to the contrary , all without are lost sheep . yet in this was the ark of noah priviledged above the church ; that whereas none of them which were in the one could perish , numbers in the other are cast away , because to eternal life our profession is not enough . many things exclude from the kingdom of god , although from the church they separate not . in the church there arise sundry grievous storms , by means whereof whole kingdoms and nations professing christ , both have been heretofore , and are at this present day divided about christ . during which division and contentions amongst men , albeit each part do justifie it self , yet the one of necessity must needs erre , if there be any contradiction between them , be it great or little : and what side soever it be that hath the truth , the same we must also acknowledg alone to hold with the true church in that point , and consequently reject the other as an enemy , in that case , fallen away from the true church . wherefore of hypocrites and dissemblers , whose profession at the first was but only from the teeth outward , when they afterwards took occasion to oppugn certain principal articles of faith , the apostles which defended the truth against them , pronounce them gone out from the fellowship of sound and sincere believers , when as yet the christian religion they had not utterly cast off . in like sense and meaning , throughout all ages , heretick● have been justly hated as branches cut off from the body of the true vine ; yet only so far forth cut off , as their heresies have extended . both heresie and many other crimes which wholly sever from god , do sever from the church of god in part only . the mysterie of piety , saith the apostle , is without peradventure great : god hath been manifested in the flesh , hath been justified in the spirit , hath been seen of angels , hath been preached to nations , hath been believed on in the world , hath been taken up into glory . the church a pillar and foundatiou of this truth , which no where is known or profess'd but only within the church , and they all of the church that profess it . in the mean while it cannot be denied , that many profess this , who are not therfore cleered simply from all either faults or errors , which maketh separation between us and the wel-spring of our happiness . idolatry severed of old the israelites ; iniquity , those scribes and pharisees from god , who notwithstanding were a part of the seed of abraham , a part of that very seed which god did himself acknowledg to be his church . the church of god may therefore contain both them which indeed are not his , yet must be reputed his by us , that know not their inward thoughts ; and them , whose apparent wickedness testifieth even in the sight of the whole world , that god abhorreth them . for to this , and no other purpose , are meant those parables which our saviour in the gospel hath concerning mixture of vice with vertue , light with darkness , truth with error ; as well an openly known and seen , as a cunningly cloaked mixture . that which therefore separateth utterly , that which cutteth off clean from the visible church of christ , is plain apostacie , direct denial , utter rejection of the whole christian faith , as far as the same is professedly different from infidelity . hereticks , as touching those points of doctrine wherein they fail : schismaticks , as touching the quarrels for which , or the duties wherein they divide themselves from their brethren : loose , licentious , and wicked persons , as touching their several offences and crimes , have all forsaken the true church of god , the church which is sound and sincere in the doctrine that they corrupt , the church that keepeth the bond of unity which they violate , the church which walketh in the ways of righteousness which they transgress ; the very true church of christ they have left , howbeit not altogether left nor forsaken simply the church , upon the main foundations whereof they continue built , notwithstanding those breaches whereby they are rent from bottom to top asunder . and having largely discoursed on the same argument in the beginning of his third book , he proceeds to reprove such , as being then members of this church , would annihilate her being truly a church , and claim an independencie because of some corruptions they conceived in her . as there are ( saith he , fol. 86. ) which make the church of rome utterly no church at all , by reason of so many grievous errors in their doctrine ; so we have them amongst us , who under pretence of imagined corruptions in our discipline , do give even as hard a judgment of the church of england it self . and afterwards , f. 88. coming to distinguish the visible church into parts according to their several jurisdictions , to the end that authority thereof might be made useful , he farther saith : for preservation of christianity , there is not any thing more needful , then that such as are of the visible church have mutual felowship and society one with another . in which consideration , as in the main body of the sea being one , yet within divers precincts hath divers names ; so the catholick church is in like sort divided into a number of distinct societies , every of which is termed a church within it self . in this sense the church is always a visible society of men ; not an assembly , but a society . for although the name of the church be given unto christian assemblies , although any multitude of christian men congregated may be termed by the name of a church ; yet assemblies properly are rather things that belong to a church . men are assembled for performance of publike actions , which actions being ended , the assembly dissolveth it self , and is no longer in being ; whereas the church which was assembled , doth no less continue afterwards then before . where but three are , and they of the laity also , saith tertullian , yet there is a church , that is to say , a christian assembly . but a church , as now we are to understand it , is a society , that is , a number of men belonging unto some christian fellowship , the place and limits whereof are certain . that wherein they have communion , is the publike exercise of such duties as those mentioned in the apostles acts , instruction , breaking of bread , prayers . as therefore they that are of the mystical body of christ , have those inward graces and vertues , whereby they differ from all others which are not of the same body ; even so again , whosoever appertain to the visible body of the church , they have also the notes of external profession , whereby the world knoweth what they are . after the same manner , even the several societies of christian men , unto every of which the name of a church is given with addition betokening severalty , as the church of rome , corinth , ephesus , england , and so the rest , must be endued with corespondent general properties belonging unto them , as they are publike christian societies . and of such properties common unto all societies christian , it may not be denied , that one of the very chiefest is ecclesiastical politie . which word i therefore the rather use , because the name of government , as commonly men understand it in ordinary speech , doth not comprise the largeness of that whereunto in this question it is applied : for when we speak of government , what doth the greatest part conceive thereby , but only the exercise of superiority peculiar unto rulers and guides of others ? to our purpose therefore the name of church-politie will better serve , because it containeth both government , and also whatsoever besides belongeth to the ordering of the church in publike . neither is any thing in this degree more necessary then church-politie , which is a form of ordering the publike spiritual affairs of the church of god. but we must note , that he which affirmeth speech to be necessary amongst all men throughout the world , doth not thereby import that all men must necessarily speak one kind of language : even so the necessity of politie and regiment in all churches may be held , without holding any one certain form to be necessary in them all , &c. 15. from all which discourse these conclusions are plainly deducible , as touching the preservation of peace and charity . first , that the imputation of heresie , schism , or the like , cannot by particular churches be so charged upon one another , as to take from them the reality of being true christian churches , whilst they hold the foundation : and much less , that any such imputation from any the sons or members of any church should be held of avail to take that respect which is due unto her as a church of christ , and debar her from exercising his authority on earth ; and that not only for keeping of love and union , but for preservation of christianity it self , which is also needful to be upheld by observation of the rules of society and government in the church , as well as in the commonwealth . 16. that to a church , as now the word is applied ▪ polity and regiment being proper , that therefore no sort of persons wanting this power , but living under it or any other christian jurisdiction , can assume to themselves the notion of a church , although they should consist of such as were of the order of the clergy . in which condition , since the notion of church could be no otherwise appropriate then to import a congregation or assembly , it might be given to the laity also , as he avoucheth out of tertullian . 17. and next we may observe what those things be that are to be publikely exercised , and wherein the members of each church are to have communion , and which do fall within the churches authority and cognisance , as instruction , breaking of bread , and prayers ; that is to say , to order and regulate the publike use of preaching , administration of sacraments , of prayers , or other form of service or worship . so that when any church shall think fit to make any new appointment in any thing of these kinds , it is not fit ( as he elswhere saith ) for those that are members thereof , to ask why we hang our judgments on the churches sleeve ? and out of stubbornness and disrespect to her authority , to go about to perswade men to inconformity ; by making them believe , that obedience to alteration in these things is hazardous or destructive to their salvation : not regarding the difference which ought to be put between things of the one and the other sort , in respect of power to change . touching points of doctrine ( saith he , lib. 3. fol. 110 , 111. ) as for example , the vnity of god , the trinity of persons , salvation by christ , the resurrection of the body , life everlasting , the judgment to come , and such like ; they have been , since the first hour that there was a church in the world , and till the last they must be believed . but as for matters of regiment , they are , for the most part , of another nature . to make new articles of faith and doctrine , no man thiuketh it lawful : new laws of government , what commonwealth or church is there which maketh not , either at one time or another ? the rule of faith , saith tertullian , is but one , and that alone immoveable , and impossible to be framed or cast anew . the law of outward order and politie , not so . there is no reason in the world wherefore we should esteem it as necessary always to do , as always to believe the same things ; seeing every man knoweth that the matter of faith is constant , the matter contrariwise of actions daily changeable , especially the matter of action belonging unto church-politie . neither can i find that men of soundest judgments have any otherwise taught . then that articles of belief , and things which all men must of necessity do to the end they may be saved , are either expresly set down in the scripture , or else plainly thereby to be gathered . but touching things which belong to discipline and outward politie , the church hath authority to make canons , laws and decrees , even as we read in the apostles times it did . which kind of laws ( for as much as they are not in themselves necessary to salvation ) may , after they are made , be also changed , as the difference of times or places shall require . 18. so that then we may resolve , that as the true essence of a church ( as a church ) doth depend on the doctrine and profession of the faith of jesus christ , and the authority from him received ; so doth the essence and force of discipline and outward polity depend on her authority only . it is from her power , as a church , that they are made of this or that form : it is not from any form in them , as thus or thus made , that her being or power can be thought to depend . 19. and therefore surely if the church have power to alter and change when they are made , as well as to make canons , laws , and decrees ; it must follow , that those that are members of that church , are also tied to obedience , clergy as well as others ; as he ( lib ▪ 5. fol. 391. ) urgeth against the non-conforming ministers of those times , viz. why oppose they the name of a minister in this case unto the state of a private man ▪ do their orders exempt them from obedience to laws ? that which their office and place requireth , is to shew themselves patterns of reverend subjection , not authors and masters of contempt towards ordinances ; the strength whereof when they seek to weaken , they do but in truth discover to the world their own imbecilities , which a great deal wiselier they might conceal . so that we may find that he is no ways countenancing those that think their orders do exempt them from the common relation of subjection , as if they had church ▪ power apart : but he is very precise and peremptory in reproof of such as , in those times , thought they might oppose the ordinances of their then church-governors , upon the score of their function . as if because they had ( as they said ) received their commission and authority to preach , to administer , and the like , from god ▪ that therefore in the manner , order , and other circumstances how they should be performed , they should not be tied to the constitutions of men , farther then they were agreeable to the word of god ; even in such strict sense agreeable , as to find express texts for them ; if not , their being agreeable to the general sense and scope thereof , would not ( as they taught ) suffice to conform their obedience , when as yet they could bring no text in disproof of them . no , if they wanted this , then they would ( as he said elswhere ) make their childish appeals to the usage of other churches which had no authority over them at all . and therefore i see not how any of that order now can turn non-conformists to our publick communion , when ( on the one hand ) they cannot so much as pretend there is any thing retained not agreeable to the word of god , and ( on the other ) they cannot alleadg the example of any one church now in being , whose practise is conformable to them in those things wherein they do dissent . these , i am sure , may be justly accompted guilty of apostacie from those principles formerly maintained by the famous and orthodox men of the church of england , rather then such as will not , through private discontent and dislike of persons commanding and in power , shew stubbornness to the command and power it self . the which when it is by any done , is so far from giving any reputation to them , as men of orders , learning , or gravity , that it doth but discover to the world their own imbecility , ( in respect of some peevish prejudice whereby they are swayed ) which a great deal wiselier they might conceal . 20. and because , in these cases again , it is not to be supposed otherwise now then amongst nonconformists formerly , that is , that some having their necessities and wants greater , or being more fearful and conscientious in open opposition , are ready outwardly to yield to compliance , and yet do underhand deprave and discountenance the deed it self , and that authority which they do obey therein . of these he saith , lib. 5. fol. 248. they do like one that should openly profess he putteth fire to his neighbours house , but yet so halloweth it with his prayers that he hopeth it shall not burn . it had therefore perhaps been safer , and better for ours to have observed s. basils advice both in this , and all things of like nature ; let him which approveth not his governours ordinances , either plainly ( but privately alwayes ) shew his dislike , if he have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , strong and invincible reason against them , according to the true will and meaning of scripture : or else let him quietly with silence do that which is enjoyned ; obedience with profest unwillingnesse to obey , is no better then manifest disobedience . 21. and therefore in these cases , men should not go about to disturbe the peace of the church , that pillar and ground of truth , which for peace and order sake , god hath appointed to be obeyed in establishing things of this nature , upon every plausible argument which by means of their abilities and learning , they are able to bring in disparagement of any thing established by her ; they must rest obedient in all such things as they cannot finde strong and invincible reason against , according to the true will , and meaning of scripture , whose drift is peace and order ; and not according to their will and meaning onely , who it may be have contrary designes ; no , he disclaims all such kinde of proofs as ineffectuall in this case . for ( saith he ) lib. 5. fol. 201. where the word of god leaveth the church to make choice of her own ordinances ; if against those things which have been received with great reason , or against that which the ancient practise of the church hath continued time out of mind ; or against such ordinances as the power and authority of that church under which we live hath it selfe devised for the publique good , or against the discretion of the church in mitigating sometimes , with favorable equity that rigour which otherwise the literal generality of ecclesiastical laws , hath judged to be more convenient and meet , it should be lawfull for men to reject at their own liberty , what they see done and practised according to order set down ; if in so great variety of wayes , as the will of man is easily able to find out towards any purpose , and in so great liking as all men especially have on those inventions , whereby some one shall seem to have been more inlightned from above then many thousands , the church did give every man license to follow what himself imagineth that gods spirit doth reveal unto him , or what he supposeth that god is likely to have revealed to some other , whose vertues deserve to be highly esteemed , what other effect could hereupon ensue , but the utter confusion of his church , under pretence of being taught , led , and guided by his spirit ? the gifts and graces whereof do so naturally all tend unto common peace , that where such singularity is , they whose hearts it professeth ought to suspect it the more ; in as much as if it did come of god , and should for that cause prevail with others , the same god which revealeth it to them , would also give them power of confirming it unto others , either with miraculous operation , or with strong and invincible remonstrance of sound reason ; such as whereby it might appear that god would indeed have all mens judgements give place unto it : whereas now the errour and insufficiency of their arguments doth make it , on the contrary side , against them a strong presumption , that god hath not moved their hearts to think such things , as he hath not enabled them to prove . 22. in this last quotation he is very expresse concerning the power of that church under which we live ; and that even in devising ordinances for the publike good thereof : the which to oppose is , so far from shewing it self a fruit of the spirit , that by that dissention and discord which it must necessarily produce , it may be suspected to have proceeded from some other master then the god of peace , and some other principle then the gospel of peace , even from the god of this world , some powerfull temptation sent by the prince of the air , whereby he is wont to rule in the hearts of the children of disobedien●e . if god do not therefore in this case furnish them with one of those sorts of invincible proofs by him set down , that is , either power of miracle , or such strong and invincible remonstrance as to cause all mens judgements to give place ; their opposition is to be suspected as proceeding from affected singularity or worse . 23. for if in those things wherein controversie is , whether they be warranted by scripture , or by the catholick church , as fathers , councels , or the like , such as live under any christian authority should take upon them to be judges , they should then usurpe that proper cognisance and power which is peculiar to the church onely ; and leave her nothing to doe ▪ for since in points fundamentall , or fully agreed upon , her power reacheth not , it must follow , that to her alone it belongeth , out of that variety of interpretation made of the meaning of the texts themselves , and out of that variety and contradiction which is found amongst councels , fathers , and other writers , to make choice of , and give determination for what sort of doctrine or regiment she shall finde , either to have been most catholiquely received , or to be grounded upon most orthodox principles , and soundest reason : which done , for men to say the church hath no power to institute , or or take away , contrary to the word of god , and then produce no other texts for condemning her in any particular , then what are by others interpreted otherwise , and also after the same manner she hath done already , doth certainly argue great arrogance , and stubbornness of mind , in them that would thus apply it , although the speech in it self be most true . 24. and no lesse then so it is , when out of the sentences of some councels , fathers , or other writers , the doctrine and authority of the catholike church is alledged , to take off our obedience to that church under which we live : it being none other in points of controversie in religion ; then if in civill suits and debates , the parties in contention should appeal from the laws of that common wealth , to the verdict of the civil law , and avouch the testimony of vlpian , papinian , or the like , for the meaning thereof : or to the law of nations , and then prove there is such a law , and to be just so construed , because some men whom they esteem well of , have so thought . if there be no controversie about the truth or equity of what they propound , but all men are found to agree ; why then it is a sign god did make the discovery to them , since he hath thus enabled them to prove it : if not , how can they think but reasonable , even for peace and order sake , if not for her own sake , that that side and determination which in this controversie agrees with the church , should be preferred to that which is chosen by them . and therefore if the church may devise new rites , and must for peace sake be obeyed , then certainly when she doth not devise any thing new , ( by way of addition ) nor so much as retain what was before taken as scandalous in things that were ancient , i do not see any invincible reason , no nor reason at all for schisme or separation . 25. and as for that power of mitigation what the general and literal rigour of ecclesiasticall laws hath set down , as he spake it in justification of what was by the then civill magistrate , ( or a power from her ) dispensed with in the cases of plurality , non-residence , and the like ; so it may also truly inform us , that if for the further enabling men in the study of divinity , and consequently in the gift of preaching , ( nay even for their temporal maintenance sake ) these general laws and rules of the church were dispensed with while the same was still remaining and in power . much more may men now , ( out of the rule of justice , and charity , both to themselves and others ) think themselves dispensed with the omission of some rites and ceremonies , and of reading the service book , when as , not a dispensation alone , but a strict injunction against the use of them is by the like soveraign power apparantly made ; and that church also whose laws they were , hath neither force or being . charity i say , both publike and private , when as both preaching it self , and the maintenance to rise thereby , have so necessary a dependance on the forbearance of them . if preachers that had other places to live on , and preach in , might out of particular favour to them , or some other person whose chaplains they were , be thus dispensed with , as we know they were , and that they then readily enough made use of it ; may we not conclude that both the rule of charity to ones self , and of generall charity to others ( that may reap good by their doctrine ) will excuse them , in a time when their own maintenance , and the exercise of preaching , doth wholly rely upon their obedience in this kinde ? so that seem the thing never so strange and new , either in respect of addition , or substraction , to what was formerly done and established , it is not by those that are members , and do live within the jurisdiction thereof to be disobeyed , as out of scandal at alteration : the church having power , as well to substract as to institute ; and therefore he saith , lib. 5. fol. 196. all things cannot be of ancient continuance , which are expedient and needfull for the ordering of spiritual affairs : but the church being a body which dieth not , hath alwayes power as occasion requireth , no lesse to ordain that which never was , then to ratifie what hath been before . to prescribe the order of doing all things , is a peculiar prerogative which wisdome hath as queen or soveraign commandress over other vertues . this in every several mans actions of common life , appertaineth unto morall , in publike and politick secular affairs unto civill wisedom . in like manner to devise any certain form for the outward administration of publique duties in the service of god , or things belonging thereunto , and to find out the most convenient rule for that use , is a point of wisedome ecclesiasticall . it is not for a man which doth know , or should know , what order is , and what peaceable government requireth ; to ask why we should hang our judgement upon the churches sleeve ? and why in matters of order , more then in matters of doctrine ; the church hath authority to establish that for an order at one time , which at another time it may abolish , and in both do well . then which nothing could in my opinion , have been spoken more pointing to peace , and silencing of disputes in our present alterations , and to the satisfaction of such as think that those forms of prayer and administration of sacraments , ordination , and other publike rites and ceremonies may not by a succeeding church and power therein be lawfully taken away , like as they were by a former established . 26. and that specially , if to those that have the oversight of these things , there shall seem to be superstition incident to the use of them , through some over-value and mistake , which through frequent use , might be cast towards them ; as though they were indeed fundamentals of themselves . superstition ( saith he , lib. 5. fol. 191. ) such as that of the pharisees , by whom divine things indeed were lesse , because other things were more divinely esteemed of then reason would . the superstition that riseth voluntary and by degrees , which are hardly discerned , mingleth it self with the rites even of every divine service done to the onely true god , must be considered of , as a creeping and incroaching evill ; an evill , the beginnings whereof are commonly harmlesse : so that it proveth onely then to be an evill , when some farther accident doth grow unto it , or it self come unto further growth ; for in the church of god sometimes it cometh to passe , as in over-battle grounds , the fertile disposition whereof is good ; yet because it exceedeth due proportion , it bringeth forth abundantly , through too much ranknesse , things lesse profitable ; whereby that which principally it should yeeld , being either prevented in place , or defrauded of nourishment faileth . this ( if so large a discourse were necessary ) might be exemplified by heaps of rites and customes , now superstitious in the greatest part of the christian world , which in their first originall beginnings , when the strength of vertuous , devout , or charitable affection bloomed them , no man could justly have condemned them as evill : whereby it is still plain that things good and profitable in their first institution , and setled upon good advice and great authority , may by a succeeding age and church be found prejudiciall , and that then that church hath power to take away and abolish that which the other did institute ▪ 27. and again , much to the same purpose , and in answer to such as think things once well and solemnly established , cannot be altered , he saith , l. 4. fol. 165. true it is , that neither councels , nor customes , be they never so ancient and so general , can let the church from taking away that thing which is hurtful to be retained . where things have been instituted , which being convenient and good at the first , do afterward in processe of time wax otherwise ; we make no doubt but they may be altered , yea , though councels or customes general have received them . and therefore it is but a needless kind of opposition which they make who thus dispute . if in those things which are not expressed in the scripture , that is to be observed of the church , which is the custome of the people of god , and decree of our forefathers , then how can these things at any time be varied , which heretofore have been once ordained in such sort ? whereto we say , that things so ordained are to be kept , howbeit not necessarily any longer then till there grow any urgent cause to ordain the contrary . for there is not any positive law of men , whether it be general or particular , received by former expresse consent , as in councels ; or by secret approbation , as in customs it cometh to passe , but the same may be taken away , if occasion serve . even as we all know , that many things kept generally heretofore , are now in like sort generally unkept , and abolished every where . by which we may further finde , that as it is the duty of the members of any church to conform to such rights and orders as the authority thereof shall institute and set up ; so also can no plea of former establishment , whether by councels or customes , warrant their opposition or inconformity , if the church under which they live shall think fit to abrogate them ▪ when they find urgent cause to the contrary . no he accounts it but a needless kinde of opposition to urge in these disputes , the custome of the people of god , or the decree of our fore-fathers ; as if for the necessary continuance of peace and order , there were not the same degree of respect due to a succeeding church , by her present children , as was given to the former church , and such as were our forefathers therein . can we fancie that the establishment we doe now approve might be made in place of what the church preceding it had made before , and yet think the church under which we live cannot do the like , in disanulling some things made by the church preceding us . 28. but now if all this while , it should be allowed that this power should be in the church ; yet what and if some mens greater affection and interest cast towards other persons then those that had the present managing of religious affairs , might make them conjecture that rather they then these ought in these things to be obeyed ; and what and if they might withall doubt , that him they called the civill magistrate should have power to order affairs of the church as head thereof ; we will therefore set down what he farther inferreth , fol. 567. the lord god of israel hath given the kingdom over israel to david for ever , even to him and his sons , by a covenant of salt. and job 56. 8. bringing in that place of cant. 8. 11. solomon had a vineyard in baalhamon , he gave the vineyard unto keepers , every one bringing for the fruit thereof a thousand pieces of silver , &c. he saith it is true , this is meant of the mystical head set over the body which is not seen ; but as christ hath reserved the mystical administration of the church invisible to himself , so hath he committed the mystical government of congregations , visible to the sons of david , by the same covenant ; whose sons they are in governing of the flock of christ , whomsoever the holy ghost hath set over them to go before them , and lead them in their several pastures , one in this congregation , another in that ; as it is written , take heed to your selves , and to all the flock , whereof the holy ghost hath made you overseers , to feed the church of god which he hath purchased with his own blood . and presently after to shew who he means by those overseers , he saith , the pope hath fawned upon the kings and princes of the earth , and by spiritual couzenage hath made them sell their lawful authorities and jurisdictions for titles of catholicus christianissimus , defensor fidei , and such like . and again fol. 569. complaining of the unnatural usage of some towards their mother , that were natural children of this church , under a misguided conceit that obedience was not due to the then queen elizabeth , but to another ; he saith , that by this means the bowels of the child , may be made the mothers grave , and that it hath caused no small number of our brethen to forsake their native country , and with all disloyalty to cast off the yoke of their allegiance to our dread soveraign whom god in mercy hath set over them ; for whose safeguard , if they carried not the hearts of tygers in the bosomes of men , they would think the dearest blood in their bodies well spent ; and presently after he reckons up the faults charged by the popish party upon them , and for which they stood excommunicated , as if they had been no church , nor part thereof : viz. that the queen had quite abolished prayers within her realm ; that we not only have no assemblies unto the lord for prayers , but to hold a common school for sin and flattery ; to hold sacriledge to be gods service ; unfaithfulness and breach of promise to god , to give it to a strumpet , to be a vertue ; to abandon fasting , to abhor consession , to mislike penance , to like well of usury , to charge none with restitution , to find no good before god in single life , nor in no well working ; that all men as they fall to us , are much worsed , and more then aforecorrupted . 28. now , to my thinking we are again fallen into that unhappy condition , as to have the same , or much like faults and scandals laid to the charge as well of those that are in soveraign power , as of those that follow them by such as out of like zeal to former publike usage and establishment , are ready upon the same arguments to turn recusants to the present orders of this church ; and yet to continue recusants to the popish communion too . not well considering how that as in one case , they must against our change , make use of their arguments , so will they then be dis● furnished of replyes to them , for that change by the church of england formerly made , when a greater number of ceremonies , and those of a more general approbation , and longer continuance in this church , were by the authority of the civill magistrate ( as they call him ) taken away , and this form which they now cleave unto put in the place thereof . and least any should object ( like them ) nullity and invalidity to our church or her authority , through some scruple of the lawfulnesse and calling of our present pastors and ministers in the exercise of their functions , because of the want of some forms and ceremonies heretofore appointed to be used in their ordination before they were permitted to preach , or administer , and consequently think it unlawfull to hear or receive at their hands , we shall finde him of another minde ; nay though they were not at all in orders , or claimed any mission from authority : for he saith , lib. 5. fol 227. nature as much as possible inclineth to validities and preservations , dissolutions , and nullities of things done , are not onely not savoured , but hated ; when either urged without cause , or extended beyond their reach : if therefore at any time it come to passe , that in teaching publiquely or privately in delivering this blessed sacrament of regeneration , some unsanctified hand , contrary to christs supposed ordinances , do intrude it self to others , which of these two opinions seem more agreeable with equity , ours that disallow what is done amisse , yet make not the force of the word and sacraments , much lesse their nature , and very substance to depend on the ministers authority and calling , or else theirs which defeat , disanull , and annihilate both , in respect of that one onely personal defect ; there being not any law of god which faith , that if the minister be incompetent , his word shall be no word , his baptisme , no baptisme . he which teacheth and is not sent , loseth the reward , but yet retaineth the name of a teacher , his usurped actions have in him the same nature which they have in others , although they yeeld him not the same comfort . and if these two cases be peers , the case of doctrine , and the case of baptism both alike , sith no defect in their vocation , that teach the truth , is able to take away this benefit thereof from him which heareth ; wherefore should the want of a lawfull calling in them that bapitze , make baptism vain ? and again , fol. 332 : the grace of baptisme cometh by donation from god alone ; that god hath committed the ministery of baptisme unto speciall men , it is for orders sake in his church , and not to the end that their authority might give being , or adde force to the sacrament it self . that infants have right to the sacrament of baptism , we all acknowledge . charge them we cannot as guilesull , and wrongful possessors of that whereunto they have right by the manifest will of the donor , and are not parties unto any defect or disorder in the manner of receiving the same . and if any such disorder be , we have sufficiently before declared , that delictum cum capite semper ambulat , mens own faul's are their own harms . wherefore to countervail this and the like mis chosen resemblances with that which more truly and plainly agreeth : the ordinance of god concerning their vocation that minister baptisme , wherein the mystery of our regeneration is wrought , hath thereunto the same analogy which laws of wedlock have to our first nativity and birth . so that if nature do effect procreation notwithstanding the wicked violation and breach of natures law , made that the entrance of all mankind into this present world might be without blemish ; may we not justly presume that grace doth accomplish the other , although there be faultiness in them which transgress the order which our lord jesus christ hath established in his church ? and afterwards again , lib. 5. fol. 448. that therefore wherein a minister differeth from other christian men , is not , as some have childishly imagined , the sound preaching of the word of god , but as they are lawfully and truly governors to whom authority of regiment is given in the common-wealth , according to the order which polity hath set ; so canonical ordination in the church of christ is that which maketh a lawful minister , as touching the validity of any act which appertaineth to the vocation . the cause why s. paul willed timothy not to be overhasty in ordaining ministers , was ( as we very well may conjecture ) because imposition of hands doth consecrate and make them ministers , whether they have gifts and qualities fit for the laudable discharge of their duties , or no. if want of learning and skill to preach did frustrate their vocation , ministers ordained before they be grown unto that maturity , should receive new ordination whensoever it chanceth that study and industry doth make them afterwards more able to perform the office ; then which , what conceit can be more absurd ? 29. by those words of his , that wherein a minister differeth from other men , is as they are lawsully and truly governors , to whom authority of regiment is given in the commonwealth , according to the order which polity hath set ; we may find him 〈…〉 against their judgments that would make canonical ordination , and the validity of any act appertaining to the vocation , to depend on any separate ecclesiastick authority . and when again he is saying , that they are lawfully and truly governors , to whom authority of regiment is given in the commonwealth , according to the order which polity hath set ; we may presume by the words are is , and hath , he means that present power and those present overseers which the holy ghost or divine , providence hath placed over them , as sons of david , as was by him before rehearsed ; and so making him the lawful governor , whom the present polity or law hath set . for if he should admit other question of his lawfulness , by saying , whom polity should set , or the like , he should then overthrow that course before s●t down in determining the lawfulness of ministers sent by him , and leave no setled way for peace or order . he is therefore to be understood as concluding , that as the lawfulness of inferior powers must for peace and orders sake depend on him , ( who alone is to be held the lawful and true governor , to this end ) so his can depend on none but god. but of this more hereafter . 30. in the mean time it is to me a wonder , how those that do now so much insist upon the necessity of their agreement with that doctrine and discipline which was formerly set down by the church of england , amongst which the frequent use of sermons and sa●raments were set down as duties necessary to our christian profession , ( if not salvation ) can now be so much changed from their first principles , as to decline those means and instruments which by the providence of god are for the present sent us to that very end , and that only for want of such like formality of induction or institution which the rule of the church or state did in that case formerly appoint ; and can now , even while they do profess their constancie in the same belief , go about to perswade against effectualness of administration , either in one kind or other , through any such like objection . more likely to my thinking it should follow , that since there is such a great necessity still remaining in the frequent use of these things , and since such manner of ordination , induction , and other qualifications as they themselves have received , can only warrant men to be right hearers or receivers , that therefore it is incumbent on them as a necessary duty to be doing hereof , for fear of that sentence , wo if i preach not . 31. in which case if we shall compare the cause and prosecution of nonconformists now in their scandal in matters of abridgment ▪ with those exceptions and that demeanor therein , which the former nonconformists made against the churches too great imposition in that kind , we may ( as i conceive ) attribute more reason and christian charity and moderation to them , than these . for amongst them it was held for a maxim , that they would rather preach in a fools coat , then be deprived of that benefit which might come by their ▪ ministry and preaching . and this the discreeter and more moderate sort did ; although the doing of a thing conceived to be unlawful by the law of god , be more to be scrupled at then the forbearance of a thing held lawful by the authority of the church , which , in the condition they then stood in , would not suffer them to be preachers , without actual use of the surplice , or the like : whereas amongst us , neither subscription , nor use of any thing in the like kind , is by present authority enjoined . 32. and as for those that so much stand upon the former institutions of the service-book , and other rites and ceremonies , if we should have respect only to abolished laws , yet do i not find that it is any where said , that no sermon or sacrament shall at any time be held lawfully or effectually made or done , when these shall not be also used : but the intention of the act of vniformity ( as an act of vniformity ) must be construed , that in the times appointed for the use of such like things , that then , for preservation of peace and uniformity in the church , none other but those shall be used . doth the act any where say , or can any presume it did mean , that no man should preach at any time a sermon , or come to hear others do so , unless , at the same time , the service-book , or part of it were read ? no certainly , if we consider the injunction , as to persons , it will be plain it lies not upon preachers as preachers , but upon such as had fixed ministerial charge in delivering of the sacraments , or the like , to the which the book had chief reference ; and not enjoined on them neither , if they had vicars or curates to do it . it is not said , if any preacher , pastor , or lecturer shall refuse ; nor was ever so construed . for experience tells us , that never any did do it when they preached , if they could have it conveniently omitted or done by others ; being , while the law was in force , seldom read by bishop , dean , or doctor , but left to those of inferior sort , however now it be pressed as necessary . 33. and if we consider the intent of the words directing to the use of this book or form , they must be construed by way of seclusion of all other . which will be manifest to such unprejudiced persons as shall consider how the whole scope of the act doth condemn such as did by speech or action derogate or deprave against the use of the service-book or ceremonies , as unfit or unlawful , and not those that did approve them : and therefore it prescribes no punishment to such as in obedience to authority , do , against their own liking forbear to use or hear it ; but such as , notwithstanding the authority of the church , do refuse it , out of contempt of their power , or better liking to some other form ; saying , if any manner of parson , vicar , or other minister whatsoever , that ought or should sing or say common prayer mentioned in the said book , or minister the sacraments , from and after the feast of the nativity of st. john baptist next coming , refuse to use the said common-prayer , or to minister the sacraments in such cathedral or parish-church or other places , as he should use to minister the same , in such order and form as they be mentioned and set forth in the said book , or shall , wilfully and obstinately standing in the same , use any other rite , ceremony , order , form , or manner of celebrating the lords supper , openly or privily , or mattens , evensong , administration of the sacraments , or other open prayers , then is mentioned and set forth in the said book , &c. but then again in case they do not refuse , but have been willing and made offer of doing it , and have been by others disturbed in the use of that , or made to use another ; why then , by the judgment of that very act , they are not comprised in any blame . but the punishment laid on such as should by open fact , deed , or by open threatenings compel or cause , or otherwise procure or maintain any parson , vicar , or other minister in any cathedral or parish-church , or in chappel , or in any other place , to sing or say any common or open prayer , or to minister any sacrament , otherwise or in any other manner and form then is mentioned in the said book ; or by any of the said means shall unlawfully interrupt or let any parson , vicar , or other minister in any cathedral or parish-church , chappel , or any other place , to sing or say any common and open prayer , or to minister the sacraments or any of them , in such manner and form as is mentioned in the said book ▪ that then every such person , being lawfully convicted in form abovesaid , shall forfeit to the queen our soveraign lady , her heirs and successors , for the first offence an hundred marks . and so the act goes on , prescribing still greater punishments for the second and third offences , by way of mulct to the queen and her successors . 34. but now , what if her successors come to enact against the use of it , and be themselves compellers and threateners , may we not then conclude that they may lawfully interrupt , or at least the other be excused for being interrupted ; where before , in a subject , it was unlawful to interrupt or let any parson , in the doing what was by the then law established ? so that by this very act ( as i conceive ) such as have a reverend esteem and willingness to use it , are not only freed foro interno ▪ but , by the clause following , enacting , that no person shall be at any time hereafter impeached or molested of or for any of the offences above-mentioned ▪ hereafter to be committed or done contrary to this act , unless he or they so offending be thereof indicted at the next general sessions to be holden before any such justices of oyer and determiner , or justices of assise next after any offence committed or done contrary to the tenor of this act ; we may conlude he is freed foro externo also , and may ( for ought i can find ) rest free from all danger , while obedient to the queens successory , she dying without an heir . 35. and if by reason of any oath or obligation received at ordination , or taking degrees , some should think themselves farther bound ; they are also to consider , that as neither any derived power can go beyond that which impowers it , so are they also to presume that their intentions are alike ; even to maintain peace and order , by uniformity to what is enjoyned , and not to raise disturbance by opposition . and surely , if oaths , vows or the like , were to be held of force in such a case ; i see not how any jesuite or priest could in reason , no nor in conscience , be perswaded to recede in any thing from their obedience and conformity to the papall sea and ceremony ; when as their promises are not only more strict , but confirmed by laws more ancient and general , and which are still in the same force . 36. it is also farther to be considered that when after in the preface to our bibles it is set down , that where heretofore there hath been great diversity in saying and singing in churches within this realm , some following salisbury use , some hereford use , some the use of bangor , some of york , and some of lincoln ; now , from henceforth , all the whole realm shall have but one use : and when in the directions following that preface it is set down ; that all priests and deacons should be bound daily to say the morning and evening prayer , either privately , or openly , except they be let by preaching , studying of divinity , or some other urgent cause : we are still to conceive that both uniformity was aimed at , and that the duty of preaching was in the first place held necessary . 37. and if we go to experience , in their practise of this precept of reading of the service book , then we shall find it apprehended as an injunction that did onely bind them ad semper velle , but not ad semper agere , ( as mr. hooker ( elsewhere ) speaks of gods affirmative precepts , as pray continually , and the like , ) and that thereupon few could give account of their daily use of it , even when the hindrance of preaching , studying , or the like , could not well be alledged , as before noted . and therefore if in a time when it was commanded , the use of it might be forborn , rather then preaching be omitted , what may we think of them that in a time it is taken away , will yet rather omit preaching then it ; to the great discouragement and scandall of many a man in his christian obedience and communion , and to the great detriment of the nation in generall : who , in a time of scarcity , are much wanting of that instruction which might be had from men of their abilities . in which respect , as i am my self a true lover of many of them for their learning and gifts in that kinde , so hath the sence of mine own losse , as well as that of others now made me thus large in this particular . 38. but , besides this , and the want of satisfaction how they can in this condition uphold the church of england in her former sentence against non ▪ conformity , if upon the same score they shall slight her authority themselves ; they are next to consider , what answer for their present recusancy they can bring , which on the other side , shall not withall justifie the recusants themselves in their separation from our communion also . for plain it is ( as i said before ) that as the drift of all the arguments brought formerly by the papists against our churches authority , was in respect of usurpation in our princes , and want of succession , lawfull ordination , and the like in our priests ; so was the sum of all their doctrine that wrote in defence of what was done by us , brought to this issue : that these things were not essentiall to salvation , or to the being of a church : that each christian church , having ( as heretofore set down ) a power within it self for ordering its own affairs , had as well power to abbreviate or abrogate what was in former times , or by other churches instituted before , as to institute that which was new ; so that the casting out from our service book , and leaving out of our publike forms of worship , all such prayers , ceremonies , and observations , as in the opinion of those that then had power in the church , had on the one side little or no footing in scripture , and which had on the other side greatest superstition cast towards them , was then held lawfull : as by that declaration annexed to our bibles , concerning ceremonies , why some be abolished , and some retained , may appear . and if it was then held agreeable , and the church thought a fit judge , wherein superstition was most to be feared , and what was the best way of reformation ; how can we now change our principle , unlesse we joyn with the adversary to d●●●de the fact , as done by the civil power , and magistrate , and with them neither own england , for a church , nor him for head thereof ? let us hear a little what father not the jesuite , in his book called , charity maintained , doth to this purpose alledge , in his answer to doctor potter ; after some dispute , chap. 6. about the truth of our ministery , for want of succession visibly derived from the pope and church of rome , he saith at last , sect. 20. but grant their first bishops had such authority from the church of rome , after the decease of those men , who gave authority to their pretended successors ? the primate of england ; but from whom had he such authority ? and after his decease , who shall confer authority upon his successors ? the temporall magistrate : king henry , neither a catholique , nor a protestant ! king edward a child ? queen elizabeth a woman ? an infant of one houres age , is true king in case of his predecessors decease : but shall your church lye fallow till that infant king , or green head of the church come to years of discretion ? do your bishops , your ●ierarchy , your succession , your sacraments , your being , or not being hereticks , for want of succession , depend on this new found supremacy-doctrine , brought in by such a man , meerly upon base occasions , and for shamefull ends ; impugned by calvin , and his followers , derided by the christian world ; and even by chief protestants , as doctor andrews , w●tton , &c ▪ not held any necessary point of faith ? and from whom i pray you , had bishops their authority , when there were no christian kings ? must the greek patriarchs receive spiritual jurisdiction from the greek turk ? did the pope by the baptism of princes , lose the spiritual power he formerly had of conferring spiritual jurisdiction upon bishops ? hath the temporal magistrate authority to preach , to assoil from sins , to inflict excommunications and other censures ? why hath he not power to excommunicate , as well as to dispense in irregularity , as our late soveraign lord king james either dispensed with the late archbishop of canterbury , or else gave commission to some bishops to do it ? and since they were subject to the primate , and not he to them , it is cleer that they had no power to dispense with him , but that power must proceed from the prince as superior to them all , and head in the protestants church in england . if we have no such authority , how can he give to others what himself hath not ? your ordination or conse●ration of bishops and priests imprinting no character , can only consist in giving a power , authority , jurisdiction , or ( as i said before ) episcopal or priestly functions : if then the temporal magistrate confers this power , &c. he can , nay he cannot chuse but ordain and consecrate bishops and priests , as often as he confers authority or jurisdiction ; and your bishops , as soon as they are designed and confirmed by the king , must ipso facto be ordained and consecrated by him without intervention of bishops , or matter and form of ordination : which absurdities you will be more unwilling to grant , then well able to avoid , if you be true to your own doctrines . the pope , from whom originally you must beg your succession of bishops , never received , nor will , nor can acknowledg to receive any spiritual jurisdiction from any temporal prince : and therefore if jurisdiction must be derived from princes , he hath none at all ; and yet either you must acknowledg that he hath spiritual jurisdiction , or that your selves can receive none from him . and afterwards again , sect . 22. he saith ; but besides this defect in the personal succession of protestant bishops , there is another of great moment , which is , that they want the right form of ordaining bishops and priests ; because the manner which they use is so much different from the roman church ( at least according to the common opinion of divines ) that it cannot be sufficient for the essence of ordination , as i could demonstrate if this were the proper place of such a treatise , and will not fail to do if d. potter give me occasion . in the mean time , the reader may be pleased to read the author cited here in the margent , and then compare our form of ordination with that of protestants ; and to remember , that if the form which they use either in consecrating bishops , or in ordaining priests , be at least doubtful , they can never have undoubted priests nor bishops : for priests cannot be ordained but by true bishops ; nor can any be true bishop , unless he be at first priest . i say , their ordination is at least doubtful , because that sufficeth for my present purpose . for , bishops and priests , whose ordination is notoriously known to be but doubtful , are not to be esteemed bishops or priests , and no man without sacrilege can receive sacraments from them , all which they administer unlawfully . and ( if we except baptism with manifest danger of invalidity , and with obligation to be at least conditionally repeated ) so protestants must remain doubtful of remission of sins , of their ecclesiastical hierarchy , and may not pretend to be a true church , which cannot subsist without undoubted true bishops and priests , nor without due administration of sacraments , which ( according to protestants ) is an essential note of the true church . and it is a world to observe the proceeding of english protestants in this point of their ordination : for first , an. 3 ed. 6. cap. 2. when he was a child about twelve years of age , it was enacted , that such a form of making and consecrating of bishops and priests , as by six prelates and six other to be appointed by the king should be devised ( mark well this word devised ) and set forth under the great seal , should be used , and none other . but after this act was repealed , 1 mar. sess . 2. insomuch as that when afterwards , an. 6 & 7 regin . eliz. bishop bonner being indicted upon a certificate made by doctor horn a protestant bishop of winchester , for his refusal of the oath of supremacie , and excepting against the indictment , because dr. horn was no bishop ; they were all at a stand till an. 8 eliz. cap. 1. the act of ed. 6. was renewed and confirmed , with a particular proviso , that no man should be impreached or molested by means of any certificate by any bishop or archbishop made before this last act : whereby it is cleer that they made some doubt of their own ordination , and that there is nothing but uncertainty in the whole business of their ordination , which ( forsooth ) must depend on six prelates , the great seal , acts of parliament being contrary one to another , and the like . so that you see all along the authority and interposition of the magistrate is scoffed at , and by them made ineffectual in the ordering of the affairs of the church ; nay the church must be no church , if not wholly and independently governed by the clergy , and a clergy too that do particularly derive their ordination and power from a forein head , and according to rights and ceremonies then abolished . if none but true priests can administer the sacraments , nor none but true bishops make true priests , nor none but the pope make true bishops , ( but that the authority of the magistrate doth interpose ) why then no true sacraments , nor no true church , by their doctrine . and to that purpose he doth put a mark upon the word devised , as deriding the civil power therein : 38. if we shall add to this what was ( before him ) observed by father parsons concerning the institution of the service-book , and objected against the validity and use of it , as well as the power to abolish their mass and other ceremonies ▪ it will make us wary in condemning less alterations now made by a greater power , while yet we shall commend conformity to a less power , in a matter of greater alteration . for he alleadgeth in his book of the three conversions of england , par . 2. chap. 12. sect . 25. that the reformation and service-book were made by the then protector to edward the sixth , ( who it is well known had no such power and soveraignty in himself as our present protector hath . ) and to this end he saith : and now candles , ashes , and images being gone ( as you see ) there followed in the next moneth after ( to wit , march ) that the protector still desiring to go forward with his designment of alteration , sent abroad a proclamation in the kings name , with a certain communion-book in english , to be used for administration of sacraments in stead of the mass-book . but whether it was the very same that was rejected a little before in the parliament , or another patched up afterward , or the same mended or altered , is not so cleer . but great care there was had by the protector and his adherents , that this book should be admited and put in practice presently , even before it was allowed in parliament . to which effect fox setteth down a large letter of the council to all bishops , exhorting and commanding them , in the kings name , to admit and put in practice this book . we have thought good ( say they ) to pray and require your lordships , and nevertheless in the kings majesties our most dread lords name to command you , to have a diligent , earnest and careful respect to cause these books to be delivered to every parson , vicar and curate within your diocese , with such diligence , as they may have sufficient time well to instruct and advise themselves for the distribution of the most holy communion , according to the order of this book , before this easter time , &c. praying you to consider , that this order is set forth to the intent there should be in all parts of the realm one uniform manner quietly used . to the execution whereof we do eftsoons require you to have a diligent respect , as you tender the kings majesties pleasure , and will answer to the contrary , &c. from westminster , the 13. of march , 1548. by all which , and by much more that might be alleadged , it is evident , that all that was hitherto done against catholick religion for these first two years , until the second parliament , was done by private authority of the protector and his adherents , before law , and against law , &c. 40. and if we look farther into the preamble of the first statute that confirmed this book , by him also set down a little after , sect . 35. we may find that the said book was appointed first for uniformity ; and next , that it or some other had been set on foot before by the lord protector in the kings name . the words are ; where of long time ( saith the act ) there hath been in this realm of england divers forms of common-prayer , commonly called the service of the church , as well concerning mattens and evensong , as also the whole communion called the mass , &c. and where the kings majesty , with the advice of his most entirely beloved vncle the lord protector , and others of his highness council , hath heretofore divers times assayed to stay innovations or new rites concerning the premisses ; yet the same hath not had such good success as his highness required in that behalf . whereupon his highness by the most prudent advice aforesaid , being pleased to bear with the frailty and weakness of his subjects in that behalf , of his great clemencie hath not been only content to abstain from punishment in that behalf ; but also to the intent that an uniform , quiet , and godly order should be had concerning the premisses , hath appointed the archbishop of canterbury and certain of the most learned and discreet bishops , to consider and ponder the premisses ; and thereupon having as well an eye and respect to the most sincere and pure christian religion taught by the scriptures , as the usages of the primitive church , should draw and make one convenient and meet order , rite and fashion of common-prayer and administration of sacraments to be used in england , wales , &c. the which at this time by the aid of the holy ghost , with uniform agreement , is of them concluded , set forth and delivered , to his highness great comfort and quietness of mind , in a book entituled , the book of common-prayer and administration of sacraments , &c. now truly i cannot , for my part , see how we can make either the first imposition or receipt of this book lawfull if we stick not to our main principle in acknowledging the present supream christian magistrate to be head of the church , which doubtless the protector was in the non-age of the king. and if those elder reformed protestants amongst us , did well to conform to this authority in abolition of the masse , and other very ancient services , and that notwithstanding the book had been by parliament already rejected , there seems to me great reason to conform to what an act of parliament and a protector of more power , hath determined concerning another alteration of this kinde . to think that the book , or the ceremonies thereby appointed , had of themselves , ( separate from that authority , by which they were devised and imimposed ) any such inherent and divine worth , as for their own sake to claim admittance and continuance , were plainly to contradict the act it self , and the stories of those times which tell us by whom it was made , and by whom commanded , and it doth plainly cross the judgement of mr. hooker himself , who in his answer to mr. travers , fol. 471. may be found giving sentence for indifferency in the use of these things as in themselves , by the instance of kneeling , sitting , or walking , at receiving of sacraments ; his words are , an order as i learn , there was tendred , that communicants should neither kneel , as in the most places of the realm : nor sit as in this place the custome is , but walk to the one side of the table , and there standing till they had received , passe afterwards away round about by the other ; which being on a sudden begun to be practised in the church , some sat wondring what it should mean , others deliberating what to do , till such time , as at length by name one of them being called openly thereunto , requested that they might do as they had been accustomed , which was granted , and as master travers had administred his way to the rest ; so a curate was sent to minister to them after their way , which unprosperous beginning of a thing , ( saving onely for the inconvenience of needless alterations , otherwise harmless ) did so disgrace that order in their conceit who had to allow or disallow it , that it took no place . was there indifferency and harmlesness in the use of these things then , and now they onely inconvenient , as causing distraction and scandall to the generality of other receivers ; and could master hooker record without censure , the custome of that congregation whereof he was minister ; in receiving of the communion sitting , ( and for ought appears gave it so to them himself ) whereas yet the service book had appointed it kneeling ; and shall we now think of any inherent divine wor●●in the things themselves ? no sure , this would but too plainly argue them guilty of superstition that so maintain , and thereupon render the abolition of it both just and reasonable ▪ now , as the abolition of the masse book was formerly , in respect of like superstition cast towards it : for the late archbishop , sect . 35. num . 7. punct . 5. affirmeth , that himself had heard some jesuites confess that in the lyturgie of the church of england there is no positive error : and being pressed why then they refused to come to our churches , and serve god with us . ( in like manner as now conformists may be asked , now when no positive error can be objected neither ) they answered ( saith he ) they could not do it ; because though our liturgy had nothing ill , yet it wanted a great deal of that which was good , and was in their service : so that if this answer were not valuable to excuse refusants then , i see not how the like can excuse any now . 41. all which well weighed , i know no effectuall answer to be made to such as have been recusants or non-conformists , if we fall from that principle of acknowledgement of that supremacy which the church then gave the chief magistrate amongst us , accounting him in all causes , and over all persons , as well ecclesiastical as civil , supream head and governour . if upon any pretence we forsake this hold , we not only lose the direct way to unity and peace , but do let in error on every side to over master and confound us . and although this power were formerly given to the chief magistrate while they had the stile of king or queen , yet if we shall impartially consider the intention of that act whereby this power was exercised by the king , we shall finde that it , like all laws , having a regard to the perpetuall conservation of peace , order , and unity , did not limit it to persons so stiled onely , but that it might be kept for ever , did for ever unite it to the imperial crown of this realm ; that is , to the monarch thereof , although no king , nor more crowned , nor anointed then some of the roman emperors were ; and accordingly we shall find mr. hooker to understand and apply it ; for reckoning up the subject whereof his eight books are to treat , he saith , the eight is ▪ of the power of ecclesiastical dominion or supream authority , which with us , the highest governour or prince , hath as well in respect of domestical jurisdictions , as of that other forrainly claimed by the bishop of rome . in which expressions of highest governour or prince ▪ ( prince signifying the same with highest governour , or governour in chief ) we may presume he meant it due to the king as monarch , and not to the monarch as king. and a great pitty it is that we had not the book it self to have been further satisfied herein , and in the power belonging to him : but for want thereof , we will adde the judgement of such others as have been generally held most famous in their generations . 42. bishop andrews in his sermon upon that text of touch not mine annointed , proves at large that all persons in supream power are to be esteemed gods annointed , although material unction and other ceremonies be wanting ; as primarily ( he saith ) it was meant of such as were patriarchs ; for ( saith he ) fol 798. in the first world the patriarchs were principal persons , and ( as i may safely say ) princes in their generations ▪ and for such holden and reputed by those with whom they lived . i may safely say it , for of abraham it is in expresse terms said by the hethites , audi domine , princeps dei es inter nos , thou art a prince of god ( that is , a mighty prince ) here among us : as indeed a prince he shewed himself , when he gave battel and overthrow to four kings at once . of isaac no less may be said , who grew so mighty , as the king of palestine was glad to intreat him to remove further off , and not dwell so neer him ▪ and then to go after him in person and sue to him , there might be a league of amity between them . and the like of jacob , who by his sword and bow conquered from the amorite ( the mightiest of all the nations in canaan ) that country , which by will he gave to joseph for possession . it was neer to sichar , well known ; you have mention of it , joh. 4. 5 : great men they were , certainly greater then most conceive . but be their greatness what it will , this is sure , they were all the rulers the people of god then had , and besides them rulers had they none . and that is it we seek : pater was in them , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 too ; fatherhood and government : and these two made them patriarchs , & unctos ante unctionem ( saith s. augustine ) anointed before there was any material anointing at all . and as he said it to be properly due to such , and none but such as were rulers of the people of god ; so because christian magistracie in the latter ages was mostly executed by and under the notion of kings , so doth he afterwards prove how they were to succeed in this right . which done , he proceeds to censure that usurpation of power foreignly claimed by pope and cardinals , who under pretence of this title would enter common with christian kings ; proving that thirty three times in scripture the terms of gods anointed are used , and no where to be applied to any but patriarchs , christ himself , or of kings all : shewing farther , that others , priests , prophets , or the like , although they were anointed , and might be so called yet were never stiled , the lords a●ointed ; it may be uncti , but not christi . and then setting forth the kings more proper claim to this title , as being chief christian head , he after asks , who be they ? if we go by the book , princes : why then , touch not princes , that is , such as are in principal power , or rulers in chief and thereupon he after adds , to take their supposition off that thought this authority depended on the ceremony of unction , or the like , fol. 800. this claim by the ceremony is clean marred by this text : for when these words ( here , were spoken , there was no such ceremony instituted , it was non ens , no such thing in rerum natura ; that name not up til moses . now these here in the text were in their graves long before moses was born ; no meos then , no claim by the ceremony . and after it came up , no priest went out of ju●● to persia to carry the ceremony to cyrus ; yet of him saith isaiah , haec dicit dominus cyro christo meo , thus saith the lord to cyrus mine anointed : and yet never came there any oil upon his head . so that even after it was taken up , yet the ceremony and the claim by it , would not hold . the truth is , the ceremony doth not any thing ; onely declareth what is done . the party was before , as much as he is after it : onely by it is declared to be , that he was before , and the which he should have been still ; though he had never so been declared . the truth may and doth subsist , as with the ceremony , so without it . it may be retained , as with some it is , and with us it is , and it may be spared as it is with others ; spared or retained , all is one ; no claim groweth that way . but last of all , where it was used , as by samuel to saul , by zadoc to solomon : yet they claimed nothing in the parties they anointed , but called them still gods , and never their own anointed : they knew no claim lay by it . nay , if it had been a sacrament , as it was but a ceremony : he that ministreth the sacrament , hath no interest in the party by it , but god alone ; and then much lesse he that performeth but a ceremony , is to plead any meos . so that every way , this claim vanisheth of christi pontificis . afterwards he reproves all claim made by the people of power over them , as though they were their anointed , or had his right to govern from their suff●ages : and set● forth also by divers instances of personal failings , both in government and religion , as well among the roman emperors as others , that no such pretence of fault could debar the person ▪ him that was in power , of this priviledg and title , so as to give liberty of touching him either with hand , tongue , or pen , or the like : for ( saith he ) it is the administration to govern , not the gift to govern well ; the right of ruling not the ruling right : it includes nothing but a due title ; it excludes nothing but vsurpation . and he asks the question , who is anointed ? and answers it , on whom the right rests : and so again he asketh , who is inunctus ? and answers , he that hath it not , that is ( as i conceive ) hath not this right by administration to govern , or immediate possession of the government . if he be a foreigner , like the pope , he is to be accounted an usurper , as medling in anothers mans jurisdiction . or if he be ( as he after instanceth ) in nimrod , one who cared for no anointing , thrust himself in , and by violence usurped the throne , came in rather like one steeped in vinegar , then anointed with oil , rather as a ranger of a forrest , then a father of a family ; he was no anointed , nor any that so cometh in . these words at first view will seem to a prejudiced reader to contradict and overthrow all said before in defence of the authority and respect to be given to the chief mag●strate : but when we shall have considered those qualifications that debar him this anointing , and then whether it abate subjects in their just obedience , or him only in having just title to it ; and then whether this repulse and resistance of such an one may be made whilst he is first entring , or afterwards also , and by whom then made ; we may then well reconcile him to what was said before . for first having spoken of that sacred power which belongs to each christian king as anointed , he was to oppose to it all foreign claim , whether craftily entred upon , as the pope mentioned before , or forcibly , as now instanced in nimrod ; especially if a heathen , or of another religion ; in which respect he could not be reckoned among the christi , not caring for anointing , or to have care of church or religion , which is the drift of this discourse . when as , if we should understand that every one that a discontented party will call usurpers , or do make a forcible entry , may be , by those that live under his obeisance , withstood upon any allegation , we make him contradict himself , in commending that submission which primitive christians gave to their former emperors , although known usurpers , and some of them different in religion . 43. but he will be best understood to gainsay such kind of liberty or meaning , by the immediate following words . but on the other side , david , or he that beginneth a royal race , is as the head ; on him is that right of ruling first shed , from him it runs down to the next , and so still , even to the lowest border of his issue . ) so that then you finde that it is not that which now is usually called usurpation ; the poss●ssion of the government by a new person , or family , that is usurpation indeed ; for how then should any amongst christians be thought a lawfull beginner of a royal race , who in his possession must needs dispossess some person of the old family which could never be supposed to want some such relating to him in kindred , as to be apparantly within the lowest borders of this natural issue , as he said before ? and if he did do so as david did to the family of saul , and have not the like divine anointing and warrant as he had ; how shall subjects be so guided in their distinction as not mistake and think every one a usurper ? for if such an one be a usurper , then are christian kingdoms governed by a race of usurpers . nay by usurpers too , if ( as he saith ) right be to be derived from the first beginner of a race . 44. and it is also to be noted , that this derivation of right from first seisure , as though his right were best , even as davids was better then any that followed , doth contradict that fancy of prescription , as meer fancy indeed ; wherein it is made worst : or rather to have no worth at all , but that the successors do arrive at lawfulness , accordcording as by degrees they shall be removed from it . 45. and to prove his meaning to be that subjects may not upon any such allegation rise or resist , we shall finde him instancing in the case of saul , of whom he saith , fol. 791. i verily think god , in this first example , of his first king over his own people , hath purposely suffered them all to fall out , and to be found in him ; even all that should fall out in any king after him , to enforce their position : that so we might find them answered to our hands . to touch them in order ; they would easily have quarrelled at sauls mis government . not at the first ; he then was a mild and a gracious prince . never came there from any princes mouth , a more princely speech , then the first speech he is recorded to have spoken , quid populo , quod flet ? what ailes the people to complain ? a speech worthy everlasting memory , so they complain not without cause . but within a while , he grew so stern and fierce , as no man might speak to him . upon every light occasion , nay , upon no occasion at all , his javelin went straight to nail men to the wall ; not david onely , but jonathan his son and heir apparant , and no cause why . in the 13. chapter it is said , saul had then been king a yeer , and reigned two years in israel ; yet it is well known , his reign was fourty years : their own writers resolve it thus , how long soever he reigned , he was a king but two years . all the time after , he was somewhat else , or somewhat more then a king. and they let not to tell what ; applying to saul that of the psalm , tyrants that have not god before their eyes seek after my soul . and that , vnder thy wings shall be my refuge , till this tyranny be overpast ; yet for all this tyranny , ne perdas , saith david , yet for all this he fell not into the sin of all sins , which they stand so much on us●rping power in things spirituall ; yes , and that would they have found too . why ? did he call himself head of the church ? indeed no , samuel did that for him ; he it was that said , when thou wert little in thine own eyes , the lord made thee head of the tribes of israel , ( of which the tribe of levi was one ) for that samuel must answer . but saul went further a great deal ; yea further then oza : for he took upon him to sacrifice in person himself ; to offer burnt offerings upon the very altar , the highest part of all the priests office : that is , usurped further then ever did any . and all this david knew , yet it kept him not from saying , ne perdas . they never have done with persecuting and shedding priests blood : was sauls singer in that too ? in that he passed : he put the high priest himself , and fourscore and four more all in one day to the sword , and all upon the single accusation of doeg ; innocent in the fact , and all loyall to him , and all but for a douzen of bread given to david . this could not but grieve david exceedingly : it was for his sake ; yet he saith , ne perdas , though for all that . and one case more i give in for advantage . it is well known he was a demoniack , one actually possessed with an evill spirit ; which is a case beyond all other cases : yet destroy him not , abisai , though : so that , if abisai , in stead of inimicum tuum , had said , god hath shut up this tyrant , this vsurper , this persecutor , this possessed party , this what you will ; david would have said no other then he did , ne perdas , still . i would fain know , which of all their destructive cases is here wanting : they be all here , all in saul , all in him at the time of this motion : yet all alter not the case ; david saith still , as he said . if then all be in saul , all incident , all eminent in him , nay if his case be beyond all said it must be , that david here saith . though he be any of these , though he be all these , destroy him not ; or destroy him , and be destroyed ; destroy him , and be the child of perdition i would be loth to deceive you ; there may seem yet to want one thing . here was no high priest , to excommunicate him , or give warrant to do it ; yes that there was too , for abiathar scaped that great massacre of priests by saul ; and now he was lawfull high priest . now he fled to david thence , and brought the ephod with him . so as by good hap , the high priest was with david now in the camp , and the ephod too . there wanted no just cause ( you see ) to proceed against saul . there wanted no lawfull authority , the high priest we have : there wanted no good will in abiathar , ye may be sure , his father and brethren having been murthered by saul , so here was all , or might have been , for a word speaking , all would not serve ; david is still where he was ; saith still , ne perdas ; knew no such power in the high priests censure , was not willing to abuse it , cannot see quis , any person to do it ; nor any cause for which it is to be done . that abisai may not do it , nor abiathar give warrant to it , his charge is honest , ne perdas : his reason good , christus domini ; his sentence just , nor erit insons : his challenge unanswerable , quis mittet manum . 46. by giving subjects leave to rise and resist in such a case , would also be the ready way to bring the church and state into such a condition as to have no king in israel , and so bring in ●dolatry and anarchy ▪ which in his sermon upon that text , he impu●es to that want ; and therefore fol. 126. saith , our first thanks then shall be this first , the ground of all the rest , for a king. this very thing that there is one and that this de●ect non erat rex , hath not taken hold on us . the shout of a king is a joyful shout , was a true saying out of the mouth of a false prophet , balaam ) but forced thereto by god ▪ that a joyfull shout , and this a wofull cry , hos 10 ▪ 3. nonne ideo nobis null●● rex , quia non timemus dominum . are we no● therefore without a king because we fear not god ? and our fear to god was not such , but he might justly have brought us to the mise●able plight . the more cause have we to thank him , that we have one . and when i say one , i mean first any one ; for be he nebuchadonosor , yet must we pray for him : or be it jeroboam him though god gave in his wrath , yet he took away in his fury , the worse wrath of the twain . o● be he who he will , to have one , is a matter of thanksgiving ; for b●●●er any , then an anarchy : better any one a king , then every one a king ; and every one is more then a king if he do what he lists ▪ it calleth to mind the cry of the beasts in the fable , when they were in consultation to submit themselves to the lion as to their king : for when it was alleadged , it was like enough he would do they knew not well what , what he listed , which they had cause to fear ; they all cryed , praestat unum timere quàm multos , bet●er one lion do so , then all the bears and wolves and wild beasts of the forrest , as before they did . first then for this , that there is any king , &c. 47. and therefore in sum , in what he speaks against u●urpation , he must be also understood as all others in that kind ; that is , striving to cast what odium he can upon it , that ambitious persons might be more discouraged from such undertakings ; and not as meaning that subjects have right to rise or resist ▪ upon any pretence of civil or legal right , him whom divine providence hath at any time brought in for to be head of the church . and this especially , if they find in this man all that can be expected in him that beginneth a royal race ; that is , both election and conquest , like as in david . he is not , like nimrod , a stranger by birth and relation , found to force himself in by his own greatne●s and power , but being of the same nation and religion , is at first freely chosen and followed , and that by a more n●merous and eminent party then that which david first headed . during which time he was also undeniably signal in those victories he obtained over such as were their enemies ; by which he might come to claim right and dominion over them , even as by election he might claim it over he other of his own party , and so have just dominion over all . for it is a gross mistake to think , that either election or conquest ( the two ways to transfer right in this kind ) can be otherwise , or more truly had . for first , if none could be thought duly elected , but where every man in all parties did personally agree , or might be concluded to do so ; this were impossible . nay , such confirmation were not to be expected , nor was ever had , although that nation or kingdom were not divided into parties : but these that had the ruling power in a nation , or party thereof , having chosen their head , all that do then , or shall come to submit to them , must be taken as submitting to their choice also . and then , as no one man can be elected by every one , so can no one be supposed able to conquer every one , whereby to give him right to govern that way neither . he must not be supposed conqueror of his friends and those of his own party ; but having had right of dominion of them by election , he hath also , as their head , right of headship over those they shall afterward conquer . but of this more anon . 48. i shall now proceed to shew what was the judgment of this learned bishop concerning the power of this head of the church , and particularly in calling councils , or the like : and how he argues , that the right to call the assemblies b●longed to the magistrate in chief , even as such . we shall find that , in that sermon made of the right and power of calling ass●mblies , he proves , that by the two trumpets delivered ●o moses , the ordering of church-assemblies , implied by one , is as well intrusted as the other . for , saith he , ( fol 202. ) if these be needful for the camp , and for the congregation , as it is a civil body ; i doubt not but i may add also , every way as needful for the congregation properly so called , ( that is ) the church . the church hath her wars to fight the church hath her laws to make : wars with heresies , wherein experience teacheth it is a matter of less difficulty to raze a good fort , then to cast down a strong imagination ; and more easie to drive out of the field a good army of men , then to chase out of mens minds a heap of fond opinions , having once taken head now heresies have ever been best put to flight by the churches assemblies , ( that is ) councils , as it were by armies of gods angels , ( ●s eusebius calleth them : ) yea it is well known , some heresies could never be throughly mastered but so . ●hen for the churches laws ( which we call canons and rules ) made to restrain or red●ess abuses , they have always likewise been made a● her ass●mblies , 〈…〉 ●ouncils , and not elswhere . so that as requisite are assemblies for the congregation in this sense , as in any other . by this then that hath been said it appeareth , that gods fac tibi here , is no more then needs ; but that meet it is the ●rumpets be put to making . and so i pass over to the instruments , which is the second part . assemblies ( we said ) is reduced to motion ; motion is a work of power ; power is executed organicè , ( that is ) by instrument : so that an instrument we must have , wherewithal to stir up or begin this motion . that instrument to be the trumpet . it is the sound that god himself made choice to use at the publishing or proclaiming his law ; and the same sound he will have continued and used ●or assemblies which are ( as hath been said ) special supporters of his law ; and the very same he will use too at the last , when he will take accompt of the keeping or breaking of it , which shall be done in tuba novissima , by the sound of the last trump . and he holdeth one , or continueth one and the same instrument , to shew it is one and the same power that continueth still : ●hat whether an angel blow it , as at sinai ; or whether moses , as ever after , it is one sound , even gods sound , gods voice we hear in both . they are to be twain for the two assemblies ; that follows in the next verses : either of the whole tribes , coagmentivè , or of the chief a●d choice persons of them , repraesentativè . and for the two tables also : for even this very moneth , the first day , they are used to a civil end ; the tenth day to a holy , for the day of expiation ; of which this latter belongeth to the first , that former to the second table . they are to be of silver ( not to seek after speculations ) only ●or the metals sake , which hath the shrillest and cleerest sound of all others . they are to be of one whole piece both of them ▪ not of two divers ; and that must needs have a meaning , it cannot be for nothing : for unless it were of some meaning , what skilled it else though they had been made of two several plates ? but only to shew that both assemblies are unius j●ris , both of one and the same right , as the trumpets are wrought and beaten out ●oth of one entire peece of bullion . but it will be to small purpose to stand much upon the instrument : i make way therefore to the third point , how they shall be bestowed , who shall have the dealing with them ; for on them depends , and with them goeth the power of calling assemblies . first , to whom these trumpets , to whom this power was granted to call the congregation : and then whether the congregation were ever after so called by this power , and these trumpets . where first it will be soon agreed ( i trust ) that every body must not be allowed to be a maker of trumpets ; nor when they be made , that they hang where who that list may blow them : that is , that every man , hand over head , is not to be in case to draw multitudes together . there will be ( saith saint luke ) turbatio non minima , no small ado , if that may be suffered . if demetrius getting together his fellow craftsmen , they may of their own heads rush into the common-hall , and there keep a shouting and crying two hours together , not knowing most of them why they came thither , and yet thither they came : there is not so much good in publique meetings , but there is thrice as much hurt in such as this : no commonwealth no , not popula● estates could ever endure them . nay , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( say both scripture and nature ) let all be done in order : let us have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lawful orde●ly assemblies , or else none at all . away then wi●h this confusion ( to begin with ; ) away with demetrius's assemblies . to avoid then this confusion , some must have this power , for and in the name of the rest . shall it be one , or more ? ( for that is next . ) nay , but one ( saith god ) in saying , ●ibi . where i wish you mark this : that as at the first he took this power into his own hands , and called them still together himself : so here he deriveth this power immediately from himself , unto one , without first ●etling it in any body collective at all . it is from our purpose to enter the question , whether the power were in the whole body originally ? seeing , though it were , it is now by the positive ordinance of god otherwise disposed . the reason may seem to be , partly necessity of expedition ; the trumpets may need to be blown sometimes suddenly , sooner then divers can well meet , and agree upon it too . partly avoiding of distraction : the two trumpets may be blown two divers ways , if they be in two hands , and so shall the trumpet give an uncertain sound , ( 1 cor. 14 ▪ 8 ▪ ) and how shall the congregation know whither to assemble ? nay ( a worse matter yet then all that ) so may we have assembly against assembly ▪ and rather then so , better no assembly at all . therefore , as god would have them both made of one piece , so will be have them both made over to one person ; for . [ tibi ] implieth one . who is that one ? it is to moses god speaketh ; to him is this tibi directed : him doth god nominate , and of his person make choice first to make these trumpets , no man to make , no man to have the hammering of any trumpet but he . and there is no question , but for aaron and his sons the priests , they are to call the levites , to call the people together to their assemblies : how shall they warn them together , unless they make a trumpet too ? but if there be any question about this , gods proceeding here will put all out of question : for to whom giveth he this charge ? not to aaron is this spoken , but to moses : aaron receiveth no charge to make any trumpet ; never a fac tibi to him , neither in this , nor in any other place . to moses is this charge given : and to moses , not , make thee one , ( one for secular affairs , that they would allow him ) but fac tibi duas , make thee two , make both . well , the makeing is not it : one may make , and another may have : sic vos non vobis — you know the old verse . when they be made and done , then who shall owe them ? it is expressed that too ; et er●nt tibi , they shall be for thee . they shall be , not one for thee , and another for aaron ; but , erunt tibi they shall be both for thee , th●y sh●ll be both thine . a third if they can find , they may claim to that : but both these are for moses . we have then the delivery of them to moses to make , which is a kind of seisin , or a ceremony investing him with the right of them . we have beside plain words to lead their possession ; and those words operative , erunt tibi : that as none to make them , so none to own them being made , but moses . and what would we have more to shew us , cujus sunt tubae , whose the trumpets be , or who●e is the right of calling assemblies ? it is moses certainly , and he by vertue of these stands seised of it . to go yet further : but was not all this to moses for his time only ; and as it begun in him , so to take end with him ? was it not one of the same privilegia personalia , quae non trahuntur in exemplum . a priviledg peculiar to him , and so ●o precedent to be made of it ? no , for if you look a little forward ( to the 8. verse following ) there you shall see , that this power which god here conveyeth , this law of the silver-trumpet , is a law to last for ever , even throughout all their gene a●ions , not that generation only . and there is great reason it should be so , that seeing the use should never cease the power likewise should never determine . being then not to determine , but to continue , it must descend to those that hold moses place . i demand then , what place did moses hold ? sure it is that aaron was now the high priest , anointed and fully invested in all the rights of it , ever si●ce the eight chapter of the last book moses had in him now no other right but that of the chie ▪ magistrate : therefore as in that ●●ght ( and no other ) he received and held them : so , he was made custos utriusque tabulae : so , he was made custos utriusque tubae . but who can tell us better then he himself in what right he held them ? he doth it in the third verse of deut. 33. ( read it which way you will ▪ ) frat in jesh●une rex , or in rectissimo rex ; or , in rectitudine rex ; or , in recto regis , dum congregaret principes populi , & tribus israel . all come to this ; that though in strict propriety of speech moses were no king , yet in this he was in rectitudine rex , or in recto regis , ( that is ) in this , had ( as we say ) jus regale , that he might and did assemble the tribes , and chief men of the tribes at his pleasure . herein he was rex in certitudine ▪ for this was rectitudo regis , a power regal . and so it was held in egypt before moses , even in the law of nature , that without pharaoh no man might lift up hand or foot in all the land of egypt , ( suppose to no publique or principal motion . ) and so hath it been holden in all nations , as a special power belonging to dominion . which maketh it seem strange , that those men which in no cause are so fervent , as when they plead , that church-men should not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , have dominion ; do yet hold this power , which hath ever been reputed most proper to dominion , should belong to none but to them only . our saviour christs vos autem non sic , may ( i am sure ) be said to them here in a truer sense , then as they commonly use to apply ●● . to conclude then this point : if moses , as in the right ●f chief magistrate held this power , it was from him to de●●end ●● the chief magistrates after him over the people of god , and they to succeed him , as in his place , so in this right ; it being by god himself setled in moses , and annexed to his place lege perpetuâ , by an estate indefeisible , by a perpetual law throughout all their generations . therefore ever after by gods express order , from year to year , every year , on the first day of the seventh moneth , were they blown by moses first , and after by them that held his place , and the ●east of the trumpets solemnly holden ; as to put them in mind of the benefit thereby coming to them , so withall to keep alive and fresh still in the knowledg of all , that this power belonged to their place , that so none might ever be ignorant to whom it did of right appertain to call assemblies . and how then shall aarons assemblies be called ? with what trumpet they ? god himself hath provided for that in the tenth verse following , that with no other then these . ( there is in all the law no order for calling an assembly , to what end , or for what cause soever , but this , and only this : no order for making any third trumpet ; under these two therefore all are comprised . ) this order there god taketh , that moses shall permit aarons sons to have the use of these trumpets ; but the use , not the property . they must take them from moses , as ( in the 31. chapter of this book phineas doth ) but erunt tibi , gods own words , erunt tibi must still be remembred : his they be , for all that ; moses the owner still , the right remains in him ; their sounding of them deprives not him of his interest , alters not the property : erunt tibi must still be true , that right must still be preserved . it may be , if we communicate with flesh and blood , we may think it more convenient ( as some do ) that god had delivered moses and aaron either of them one : but when we see gods will by gods word what it is , that moses is to have them both ; we will let that pass as a revelation of flesh and blood , and think that which god thinketh to be most convenient . now then , if the trumpets belong to moses , and that to this end , that with them he may call the congregation , these two things do follow . first , that if he call , the congregation must not refuse to come . secondly , that unless he call , they must not assemble of their own heads , but keep their places . briefly thus : the congregation must come when it is called , and it must be called ere it come . these are the two duties we owe to the two trumpets ; and both these have gods people ever performed . and yet not so , but that this right hath been called in question , yea even in moses own time , ( that we marvel not if it be so now ) and both these duties denied him , even by those who were alive and present then when god gave him the trumpets . but mark by whom , and what became of them . the first duty is , to come when they be called ; and this was denied ( in the 16 chapter following , ver . 12. ) by core , dathan , and their crew : moses sounded his trumpet , sent to call them ; they answer flatly , ( and that not once , but once and again ) non veniemus , they would not come , not once stir for him or his trumpet , they . a plain contradiction indeed ; neither is there in all that chapter any contradiction veri nominis , truly and properly so to be called , but only that . you know what became of them ; they went quick to hell for it : and wo be to them even under the gospel ( saith saint jude ) that perish in the same contradiction , the contradiction of core. the second duty is , to be called ere they come . this likewise denied even moses himself , ( that they in his place might not think strange of it ) in the 20 chapter of this very book . water waxing scant , a company of them grew mutinous , and in ●umultuous manner , without any sound of the trumpet , assembled of themselves . but these are branded too ; the water they got , is called the water of meriba : and what followed , you know ; none of them that drunk of it ; came into the land of promise ; god swore they should not enter into his rest . now , as both these are bad ; so of the twain this latter is the worse . the former ( that came not , being called ) do but sit still , as if they were somewhat thick of hearing : but these latter ( that come , being not called ) either they make themselves a trumpet , without ever a fac tibi ; or else they offer to wring moses's trumpet out of his hands , and take it into their own . take heed of this latter : it is said there to be adversus mosen , even against moses himself . it is the very next forerunner to it , it pricks fast upon it : for they that meet against moses's will , when they have once throughly learned that lesson , will quickly perhaps grow capable of another , even to meet against moses himself , as these did . periclitamur arguiseditio●is , ( saith the town-clark ) we have done more then we can well answer ; we may be indicted of treason for this days work , for coming together without a trumpet . and yet it was for diana , that is , for a matter of religion . you see then whose the right is , and what the duties be to it , and in whose steps they tread that deny them ; sure , they have been baptized , or made to drink of the same water ( the water of meriba ) that ever shall offer to do the like , to draw together without moses's call . and now to our saviour christs question : in the law how is it written ? how read you ? our answer is ; there it is thus written , and thus we read , that moses hath the right of the trumpets , that they to go ever with him and his successors , and that to them belongs the power of calling the publick assemblies . this is the law of god ; and that no judicial law , peculiar to that people alone , but agreable to the law of nature and nations ( two laws of force through the whole world ) for even in the little empire of the body natural , principium motus , the beginning of all motion is in and from the head : there all the knots , or ( as they call them ) all the conjugations of sinews have their head , by which all the body is moved . and as the law of nature , by secret instinct , by the light of the creation , annexeth the organ of the chiefest part ; even so doth the law of nations , by the light of reason , to the chiefest person ; and both fall just with the law here written , where ( by erunt tibi ) the same organ and power is committed to moses , the principal person ; in that commonwealth ; the law of nations in this point ( both before the law written , and since , where the law written was not known ) might easily appear , if time would suffer , both in their general order for conventions so to be called , and in their general opposing to all conventicles called otherwise . 49. afterwards he shews how practise ran in this point , and shews that joshua , the next to moses in chief magistracy , succeeding in execution of this power ; when he ( not eliazar ) assemble all the tribes , levi and all , to sichem , josh . 24 : called them together at the first verse , dissolved it at the 28. which being in a matter ecclesiastical , he doth ( as he says ) particularly note , because it is by some objected concerning moses , that for a time he dealt in matters of the priests office. then he doth descend to the state of their kings , and shews particularly how they used this power till the captivity . in which he shews how it was used by mordecai ( when he came in place of authority ) appointing the days of purim , and calling all the jews in the province together , to the celebrating of them . after the captivity , he instanceth in nehemiah his using of it , and so falls to the maccabees , and proves it used by those that were then chief governours . afterwards he tells how this power was exercised by christian emperors and kings upon their first receipt of christianity , and instanceth in general and national councils and assemblies . amongst whom we may not onely say that not onely constantine , jovianus , and others the prime founders and restorers of christianity d●d not come in by the election of the senate ( the way which was then held lawful ) but that they , and most others were brought in by the force of a prevailing party ; nay commonly , at first , set up by one part of the army only ; and yet the christians in those times gave them always the same respect and obedience which was by the law of god due to their governor in chief : so that he that shall read their stories , and observe the legality of their entrance , will not beleeve ( as i said ) that bishop andrews in what he said against such as nimrod , did ever intend that such like usurpations as might by some be attributed to those , should ever take from any that respect and subjection which did belong to the lords annointed , and head of the church . 50. afterwards the bishop shews how constantine and his successors held those trumpets for a thousand years after christ and then one of them ( saith he ) fol : 113. by what means we all know , was let go by them , or gotten away and carried to rome ; but that getting hath hitherto been holden a plain usurping , and an usurping ( no● upon the congregation , but ) upon princes and their rights ; and that they , in their own wrong , suffered it to be wrung from them . and why ? because not to aaron , but to moses it was said , et erunt tibi . to draw to an end , it was then gotten away , and with some a do it was recovered not long since : and what ? you may please to remember , there was not long since a clergy in place , that was wholly ad oppositum , and would never have yeelded ought : nothing they would do , and in ( eye of law ) without them nothing could then be done ; they had incroached the power of assembling into their own hands . how then ? how shall we do for an assembly ? then erunt tibi , was a good text ; it must needs be meant of the prince ; he had this power , and to him of right it belonged . this was then good divinity ( and what writer is there extant of those times , but it may may be turned to in him ? ) and was it good divinity then , and is it now no longer so ? was the king but licenced for a while , to hold ●his power , till another clergy were in ; and must he then be deprived of it again ? was it then usurped from princes , and are now princes usurpers of it themselves ? and is this all the difference in matter of the assemblies , and calling of them ; that there must be onely a change ; and that instead of a forreign , they shall have a domestical , and instead of one , many ; and no remedy now , but one of these two they mnst needs admit of . is this now become good divinity ? nay ( i trust ) if erunt tibi were once true , it is so still ; and if ( tibi ) were then moses , it is so still ; ●hat we will be better advised , and not thus go against our selves , and let truth be no longer truth , then it will serve our turns . and this calls to my mind the like dealing of a sort of men , not long since here among us . a while they plied prince and parliament , with admonitions , supplications , motions , and petitions : and in them , it was : their duty , their right , to frame all things to their new invented plot ; and this , so long as any hope blew out of that coast . but when , that way ( they saw ) it would not be , then took they up a new tenet ●traight : they needed neither magistrate nor trumpet , they ; the godly among the people might do it of themselves , for confusion to the wise and mighty , the poor and simple must take this work in hand , and so by this means the trumpet prove their right , in the end , and so come by devolution to demetrius and the crafts-men . now if not for the love of the truth , yet for very shame of these shifting absurdities , let these phantasies be abandoned ; and ( that which gods own mouth hath here spoken ) let it be for once and for ever true ; that which once we truly held and maintained for truth , let us do so still ; that we be not like evil servants , judged ( ex ore propris ) out of their own mouthes . let me not overweary you ; let this rather suffice . 1. we have done as our saviour christ willed us , resorted to the law , and found what is written , ( the grant of this power to moses , to call the congregation . ) 2. we have followed moses's advise , enquired of the days before us , even from one end of heaven to another , and found the practise of this grant in moses's successors , and the congregation so by them called . it remaineth , that as god by his law hath taken this order , and his people in former ages have kept this order , that we do so too ; that we say as god saith , erunt tibi , this power pertaineth to moses . and that neither with core we say , non veniemus ; nor with demetrius run together of our selves , and think to carry it away with crying , great is diana . but as we see the power is of god , so truly to acknowledg it , and dutifully to yield it ; that so they whose it is may quietly hold it , and laudably use it , to his glory that gave it , and their good for whom it was given . which god almighty grant , & c. i have the more largely made recital of this sermon , because all along it is so express in cleering of most of those objections which are now made . now as it was then in answer to the recusants and nonconformists of those times , in which respect i fear that what is let down towards the end thereof touching stubbornness in conformity towards the chief magistrate in matters of reformation , when it shall be by him thought necessary , will but too neerly condemn some amongst us with apostacie and tergiversation from their first principles , and that ex ore proprio ( as he saith ) because they do now deny him the exercise of that power , which hitherto themselves and the most eminent of their party have maintained to be their due . for he sheweth , that since the church hath her wars to fight , and her laws to make , as well as the civil state ; that therefore it is as necessary there should be a continual power to call and preside in all assemblies made to that purpose in the church , as well as in the state : that these trumpers are to be of one peece , vnus juris : that this power is from god , immediately derived unto one , without first setling it into any body collective at all . and therefore truly if a whole national church can claim no church power , no one party , or separate order therein can , although they should be as eminent as aaron himself ; no , both powers are delivered to moses , not for his time onely , but as he had it , as the chief magistrate , so to succeed to such as should be chief magistrates amongst the people of god , as a jus regale to him that should be rex in jeshrune ; although in strict propriety , he be no more king then moses was . and then he censures such as would , in regard of their separate order sain have had a separate power . it may be ( saith he ) if we communicate with flesh and blood , we may think it more convenient ( as some do ) that god had delivered moses and aaron either of them one : but when we see gods will by gods word what it is , that moses is to have them both ; we will let that pass as a revelation of flesh and blood , and think that which god thinketh to be most convenient . and hence he infers , that in respect of this sole and supreme power the church or congregation must not come uncalled , or refuse to come when called ; that is , must not act against , or without him , but according to his direction in church affairs ; these being the two duties which ( he saith ) gods people have ever duly performed to the two trumpet . no meeting without a trumpet , like demetrius and his craftsmen , out of love to any diana of their own liking , as nonconformists formerly did ; nor no slighting of the magistrates call , like core and his company , out of conceit of equal holiness with him , or in favor to the supreamacy o● some other head , as the then recusants did after that , instancing how the magistrates here , had been troubled with those of the roman clergy , and with that of the non-conforming party too , who would neither yeeld that he should at all make reformation , nor like that he had made , but would have those trumpets and powers in other hands ; he exhorts ( as i may do ) to constancy in this doctrine , saying , that which we once held and maintained for truth , let us do so still ; that we be not like evil servants judged , ex ore proprio . 51. for when , as it was by the papists usually objected against our reformation , that no such thing was necessary , since no such heresie or superstition was in their doctrine , or publick form of worship as was alleadged ; and having in proof of them brought in divers texts of scripture , and also produced evidence of general practise of a thousand years for most of them , in that church which at that time was held catholick : i do not for my part find , but that the chiefest stress of lawfulness of reformation lay , as i said before , in asserting the power of the chief magistrate . and that way ran the late arch-bishop of canterbury also ; who in his answer to the jesuite a c. sect. 26. num 11. fol. 205. says , emperors and kings are custodes utriusque tabulae ; they to whom the custody of both tables of the law , for worship to god , and the duty to man , are committed ; that a book of the law was by gods own command in moses his time to be given the king ; that the kings under the law , but still according to it , did proceed to necessary reformation in church businesses , and therein commanded the very priests themselves ; as appears in the acts of hezekiah and josiah , who yet were never censured to this day for usurping the priests office. that the greatest emperors , for the churches honour , theodosious the elder , and justinian , and charls the great , and divers other , did not onely meddle , now and then , but enact laws to the great settlement and increase of religion in their severall times . 51. if more satisfaction be requisite to assert not one ▪ the kings right to meddle in these things , but even to shew the necessity of having a king to that very purpose , iet us see the judgement of bishop andrews in another place , where he is speaking upon that text , in those dayes there was no king in israel ; and using these words fol. 122. this is not noted as a desert in gross , or at large ; but even in israel , gods own chosen people . it is a want ( not in edom , or canaan , but ) even in israel too , the want of a king. truely israel , being gods own peculiar might seem co claim a prerogative above other nations , in this , that they had the knowledge of this law , whereby their eyes were enlightned , and their hands taught , and so the most likely to spare one , others had not like light ; yet this , non abstante , their light and their law , and that they were gods , own people , is no supersedeas for having a king , of which there needeth no reason but this , that a king is a good means to keep them gods israel , here , for want of a king israel began , and was fair onward , to be no longe● israel , but even babel . when mica ( and by good reason any other as well as he ) might set up riligions , and give orders themselves ; as it were in open contempt of god and his law. so that , the people of god can plead no exemption from this , since it is his own ordinance , to make them and keep them the people of god. was it thus here in the old testament , and is it not so likewise in the new ? yes , even in the new too ; for there saint peter willeth them that they be subject to the king , as to the soveraign , or most excellent . and saint paul goeth further , and expresseth it more strongly , in the stile of parliament , and ( like a law-giver ) saith , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , be it enacted that they submit themselves : and when saint paul there , had in his act said , omnis anima ; that this act reacheth to every soul , which was enough : yet because that seemed too general , saint peter came after , and goeth to the very point , and saith , gens sancta must do thus too ; that is , there must be a king even in gods israel . and , what would we more ? i come to the third part ; and to what end a king ? quid faciat nobis ? what will a king do unto us ? it it hath been said already ; he will look that every one do not that which is good in his own , and evill in gods eyes ▪ he will in his general care look to both parts the eye and the hand : the eye that men sin not blindly , for want of direction ; the hand that men sin not with an high hand ( that is wilfully ) for want of correction . he will be their good opthalmist , with right eye-salve , that the sight may be cured , and things seem as they be , and not be as they seem . at the hardest , si noluerunt intelligere , but the eye will rove and run astray , that the hand be bound to the good abearing . that they do it not ; or if they do it ( as do it they will , yea though there be a king ) yet that they may not do it impune ; do it , and nothing done to them for it , and scape the punishment due unto it ; for , that is the case , when there is no king in israel . and if , when there is one , that be the case too , where have we been all this while ? for if so , etiam n●n est rex , cum est rex : then when there is a king , there is no king ; or one in name , but none indeed . which as it is not good for the state , so neither is it safe for themselves . to this , special regard will be had : non enim frustra ( saith st. paul ) for they bear not the sword in vain : that every one do not thus . every one , but namely ( which is the occasion of this text ) that not mica , for mica's fact brought ●orth this first sight : that they were not come to this pass , that he , or any such as he was , might set up in his house any religion he would , and no man controle him for it . to look to every one therefore , but especially to mica ; and to care for , all , but above all , the matter of religion , ne quisque videat quod rectum est , there ; that every one be not allowed to see visions there : at least , ne quisque faciat , that , see what they list , they be not suffered to set them up : but if the eye will not be rectified , the hand be restrained . and sure , no where doth the eye more misse , ●or the hand swerve , then in this ; and therefore no where more cause to call for a king , then for this . o●e would think this were impertinent , and we were free enough from mica . we are not . even to this day , do men still cast images or imaginations ( all as one ) in the mould of their conceits , and up they set them , at least for their own houshould to adore . and then if they can get such a fellow , as is hereafter described , a levite for ten shekels and a suit ; ( or because now the world is harder , ten po●nd ) they are safe , and there they have and hold a religion by themselves . for evident it is by this text ▪ setting up of false worship , is the cause why kings were missed ; and the redress of it , why they were placed ; the cause , i say , and the first cause of their placing , and therefore this a part , and a principal part of their charge . i will touch them severally . 1. a part to look to mica and his false worship . why , this is matter ecclesiastical ? it is so , and thereby it appeareth ( i think ) that kings have and are to have a hand in matters of that nature : if religion were at faul● , because there was no king ; and that one there must be , to set it right again . for is it once to be imagined , that the cause of corrupt religion is laid on the want of a king ; and yet when there is one he should not meddle with it ; rather the consequence is strong on the other side , mica thus did , because there w●● then no ki●g ; therefore when there is one he will look better to it , that never a mica of them all shall do the like thus it went when there was no king ; after , when there was one , i find again , the not taking the high places ( which were pl●ces meerly religious where the people did sacrifice ) in pated still to the king as his fault ; and yet shall he have nothing to do with high places , or sacrificing either there or any where else ? very strange it were , that they who are by god himself , by an express ego dixi ●erm●d gods , should yet have nothing to do with gods affairs ! and no less , that being termed by isaiah nutritii , foster-fathers , to whose care the church is committed to cherish and bring up , should yet be forbidden to intermeddle with the church ▪ in that which is of all fostering the principal part : verily , when the apostle speaketh of the service that kings do unto god , he doth not onely use the term of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( that is ) publick officer , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 too ( as it were gods deacon o● servitor ) by a name peculiar to the church offices : and this he uses twice for one other . it can therefore neither be denied , nor doubted of , in that id●latry came up by defect of kings but that kings were placed to pull down idolatry , and to plant and preserve the true service of god. in a word , there is a king in israel , that there may not be a mica in israel . that is , that no man be suffered to set up any form of worship formerly used , if not now allowed , which was micha's case with his teraphim , and think that through some l●gal sanctimony inherent to the ephod , and to that priest that shall officiate ( as being a levite ) he shall be justified herein ; and they onely condemned that devise some new form to be exercised in their private meetings , and set up some other sort of persons , even some son of their own to be their minister therein : no , the use of a king will plainly appear out of what he hath said before , that gods people or a church cannot be without such a government which is necessary for them ( as a church ) even for the making and keeping them the people of god , that is for keeping them united in one true relgion . that to him omnis anima , every soul is to be subject , having power both to direct and correct ; for else it would be for israel to have no king , when there is a king. and therefore since ( as he proved ) he is to take care of religion , and to see what forms of worship are set up , it is not allowed to any to set up their private imaginations now , as mica did his images of old . 52. in those differences between the nonconformists and papists ▪ the one in their imaginations liking of no form or settlement made by humane direction or precept , and the other attributing too much to their images , the things themselves so settled , that speech of our saviors concerning the disagreement between the samaritans and the jews , hath by way of comparison , often come into my miud ; i have , on the one side , thought that to frame a worship out of opposition , and to have no reason for it , but because our fathers did so is but ( too samaritan like ) to worship we know not what ; whilst , without due consideration of the different degree of splendor and greatness which the church shall by the goodness of god have in doing these things at one time more then another , we shall ingratefully forget to make suitable return in our expressions and acknowledgments thereof in his worship . but then , on the other side again , when inward devotion is chiefly expected , to fancy that this or that precise form might , out of any inherent worth in it self , or out of singular opinion we have of some persons who first instituted them , be onely observed and none other , were now unreasonably to follow the example of the jews , in fixing all adoration in one precise place , without consideration , that the christian church is not now , like theirs , included in one nation , nor can be presumed so tyed to the constitution of any one prince herein , as they were to solomon , as to exclude others of equal jurisdiction and power , from making such alterations as they shall find suitable to that present condition they shall be in . if upon the score of anc●ent in●itation alone we transgress the order of that church under which we live , then singularity and difference will render us but innovators ; and prove us rather antick then antient in our way of worship . 53. in these much more i might have alleadged out of these authors i have pitched upon in justification of supream magistrates power in ordering the affairs of the church ; but these alleadged , being ( as i conceive ) plain and enough for satis●action of any unprejudiced person , i have spared that labor ; and have also out of ease to the reader , forborn quotations of many other famous men in our church , concurring in the same judgement ; and made most particular choice of , mr. hooker and bishop andrews , as men generally held most famous and orthodox in their generations ; the one in the time of queen elizabeth , and the other since , even in the time of our late king : they were then , and are still for ought i know , held to be the great defenders of this churches authority , and that of the ●hief magistrate therein , against the then recusants and nonconformists ; and i hope their credit is not so lost , but that their authority and yet arguments will remain of the same force still to keep us from all inclinations either to schism or sedition ; that we do not thereby give the world too just occasion to say , we are indeed fallen from our principles through some sinister prejudice , or partial conceit of our own . 54 ▪ to direct and encourage in this constancy , let us revert to thse grounds and reasons before laid down , let us consider that since the maintenance of love and charity , and the preservation of mankind by peace , have so necessary a dependence upon submision to the authority of that church where we live , and since the glory , service and worship of god here on earth , hath again so near a relation unto this preservation of mankind by peace , that therefore in these , and thing● of the like nature ( which are not of such express divine precept , as to be demonstrable out of the word of god , or are not fundamental to our salvation ) there should no opposition be made to the disturbance of the peace of ●he church : but , to that very end , all to submit to the determination of those that have chief power therein . let not the crafts or designs of other men lead us to d●quiet , so as to think , that in things of this nature , and where controversies and differences do daily arise between church and church , christian and christian , our salvation should be endangered while we incline to that side that maintains charity , by submitting our selves to those that have the rule over us : to this end , i shall here record that remarkable speech of dr. vsher late primate of armagh ; that in these propositions which without all controversie are universally received in the whole christian world , so much truth is contained , as being joyned with holy obedience may be sufficient to bring a man to everlasting salvation ; neither have we cause to doubt but that as many as walk according to this rule ( neither overthrowing that which they builded by superinducing any damnable heresies thereupon , nor otherwise violating their holy faith , with a leud and wicked conversation ) peace shall be upon them , and upon the israel of god. this as it was alleadged by dr. potter , in his treatise called charity mistaken ( for that the church of rome did make all things fundamental which she held , and thereupon excluded all from salvation that were not of her communion ) so is it by mr. chillingworth in his reply , fol ▪ 20. held for as great and good a truth , and as necessary for these miserable times as can be uttered : for if it should stand with men in the point of salvation , according to that censure which each church , or sect therein , doth put upon all that differ or descent from them , then could no one christian hope for heaven ; insomuch as he must necessarily be a member of some church or other , which in matters of doctrine or discipline ( if not both ) is by some other churches held so far heretical or sch●smatical , as to exclude all of that communion from hope of salvation ; which thing the papists do hold concerning all protestants in general , and many of the protestants hold of them again ; and do also pass their sentence as hardly of one another . but our comfort is , that we shall at the last day , be judged by him who knows our hearts , and whether we have not sought and followed his truth according to the u●most of the ability he gave us ; and not left to the sentence of such , as , out of pride , prejudice , or other interest , are so ready to put an over-value upon their own tenets , and become both parties and judges . 55. corcerning those aspersions of heresie and schism which are now so frequently thrown by one party upon another , i have in the general observed that where the names and notions themselves are of●nest repeated , and most stood upon , there the arguments used for confutation are the less , or less weighty . it faring , in some mens discourses and writings about controversies ▪ as with women in their scolding ; where she that can call whore lowdest , and oftenest , is co●ceived to have got the better of it : so ( usually ) there is nothing to be perceived but a design cast towards disparagement , when the imputation of those ecclesiastical railing terms are used towards any , without any remons●rance or proof wherein their ill consists , or how their opponents are justly to be charged with them . 56. as ●or heresie , i do not see why any christian mans case should be held desperate , that in things not fundamental ▪ cannot bring his judgement to assent to that of anothers : always provided that it proceed not from , or be encreased through discontent , pride , or ●ffected singularity , and that he hold it peaceably to himself ; not seeking to disturbe the peace of the church by publication thereof to others ; for then it plainly shews that some of those other co●r●p● principles had a hand in the entertainment , as well as in the divulging of i● : and then i● will come to pass , ●hat that which would as in it self , and a●●onsidered a● matter of speculation , have been an error in judgement onely , being now infused into others , so as to induce action and separation , will argue pravity in the will , and turn into schism ; which i do look upon as a sin , not to be at any time , or in any persons otherwise excusable ▪ then when the foundation of faith or good manners cannot be otherwise preserved ▪ and because in all dissenting parties that live under any christian authority , the name ▪ of schismatick is by either side cast on the other ; i do hold it for a maxime , ●hat that party i● onely free that conforms to the rule set down by him that i● head of that place , and all the rest schi●maticks ; even as in state differences , all parties that hold not with the sovereign power , are to be called this or that faction , wh●n as the other is not to be called a faction or party , but rather to be looked upon as the whole , because united to the head. ●7 . and therefore truly , if men could be once brought to put a greater rate upon thing● fundamental ▪ and a less upon superstructures ; considering that the not holding to ●●● one bring● on the loss of heaven ▪ and the too strict holding to the other , brings on the loss of charity , and thereby shrewdly endanger the other also ( besides that quiet we should imutually reap in the exercise of religion ) we should preserve the state in quiet also ; and prevent all those mischiefs we now so much complain of through changes therein ; the which , of latter times have from hence chiefly taken their rise ; when such as are seeking to make themselves more glorious or powerful , do daily make use of mens too great zeal and credulity in this kind , as the ordinary stalking-horse ▪ hereunto . the instances whereof are plain enough in christendom , especially since it became so divided into sect● ; for the advance of any of which , as gods truth , we shall ever find the notion of reformation cried up and alledged , but alteration in the state , and those that are in rule therein , is really brought in . if we do but reflect on some more remarkable passages among our selves , we may , from that smal difference which was in the six articles themselves from the roman doctrine , well conclude , that the preservation of the popes power as head of the church here , was more aimed at then truth of religion ; insomuch as a dispensation was ready to be granted for every thing , save for taking the oath of supremacy . when , on the other side again , both henry the eighth and his successors , looked upon this foreign acknowledgement as a sure testimony of ill affection to them and their government ; nay , the law it self came to be resolute in that point ●oo ; accounting popery to consist in the alienating and withdrawing of subjects from their obedience to their prince , to raise sedition and rebellion , &c. 58. and so now also we find that presumption of malignancy and disaffection to the present government and governor , is most taken from that great affection which is cast to the use of this book ; because , in so doing , they manifestly decline those acts and alterations which are made by him , and do submit to what was done by another . i have not heard that any man hath been particularly forbidden to read this book that did in the use of it pray for the present sovereign power , according to the fo●m therein set down , and as always hath been used to be done towards them onely that were in present authority . if that be not done , doth it not too plainly ▪ argue that some affection and zeal beside that of the book it self , doth guide them in this choyce ? doth not the scripture look to the present , when it enjoyn ▪ obedience to the powers that are , and commands to pray for kings and all that are in authority ? doth it any where in this case leave us to a choice by distinction , saying such as should be in authority , or the like ? and is it not a general rule , that where the scripture makes no distinction , neither should we ? no , in this case we may presume that the present higher power and kings were meant , without such distinction ; both for that they were a● that time such as might that way have been excepted against ; and also for that the words following that under them we may lead quiet and peaceable lives &c. must determine the prayer to be made for that present au●hority which we do live under and are subject unto . nor do i find that ever any orthodox pen but did confess prayer for that person under whose protection they lived , to be a duty incumbent upon all christians , without referment of them to distinctions and qualifications . nay , doth not the book it self , in that prayer for the whole state of christs church militant here on earth , interpret this doctrine of the holy apostle to include all , and accordingly appointed us to pray for all christian kings , princes and governors ? and when it comes with an especially for that person who shall be at present our governour , ●● i● said , because he is the right heir , or hath best ▪ title , or the like ▪ no , it hath still respect to the divine authority of the apostles precept : and therefore presently gives the same reason , that under him we may be godlily and quietly governed . in which respect i cannot , by the way , but highly commend that those frequent and full expressions which were made for those persons that were still in chief power amongst us , as proceeding from good principles , even the sence of honor and esteem , which was owing to that god whose authority he did represent amongst us ; when as now we may observe that those that have been possessed of the same party with the protector , do yet either wholly neglect to pray for him at all , at least to mention him therein , and then do it so coldly and fumblingly , that partly by the falling of their voyce , partly by the conditional qualifications they mention in their prayer for him , they give but too just cause to suspect , they are not so rightly principled and perswaded concerning that high duty and respect which is ●●e to him in this his relation ▪ for as it becomes not them in publick especially to censure him , so also not to insinuate any thing that might give occasion for others to do ●o , for this will be ●o pray rather against , then for him . but to return to the consideration of the service book ▪ i say , that to prevent those jealousies and d●ngers which might happen to some amongst us , through too much forwardness to read , or abuse , and partialy in reading it the said book , i have made all the foregoing discourse ; both ●o shew what is truly fundamental and necessary in our christian faith , and what rule to follow in our christian obedience ; and to give satisfaction in that particular of taking away the service book ; the thing for ought i see , now most insisted upon : i have to that end striven to evince that continual power which is continually residing in the head of this , and each other church , to abrogate as well as impose in things of that natu●e ▪ unto the confirmation whereof , i shall now onely by way of conclusion , add that testimony of the universi●y of oxford , printed in the year 164● ▪ who in their reasons against the discipline and directory in place of the service book , fol. 32. say , we are not satisfied how we can submit to such ordinances of the two houses of parliament , not haveing the royal assent , as are contrary to the established laws of this realm , contained in such acts of parliament as were made by the joynt consent of king ▪ lords , and commons . nor so onely , but also pretend by repeal to abrogate such act or acts ; for since ejusdem est potestatis destruere cujus est constituere ; it will not sink with us , that a lessor power can have a just right to cancel and annul the act of a grea●er . especially the whole power of ordering all matters ecclesiastical ; being by the laws in express words for ever annexed to the imperial crown of this realm . and upon what head that crown ought to stand , none can be ignorant . in this we see their plain concurrence in yeelding the power of abrogation of this book to such as instituted i● , even to him that should hold the imperial crown of this realm . and as for the words following , which by some may be thought uttered in derogation of the power now in being ▪ we shall examine them with other questions of that nature in the chapter following . chap. iii. of the imputation of usurper , and whether i● do take off subjection . we have formerly shewed the necessity to peace and union in reference to the glory of god to be increased and set forth by the preservation and good of men , we have also shewed the necessity of submission to government , and particularly commended monarchy ▪ as the most necessary and available means to maintain this peace and accomplish those other benefits in society to be expected . now since not onely religion , but the light of natural reason do teach , that this peace and benefit is a thing to be always followed and sought ; and since without actual submission to those powers that are from time to time actually in being , it cannot at no time be had , it comes thereupon ●o pass that those that are usual disturbers thereof , being such as are either leaders or followers , have ( accordingly ) names of guilt and odium ●ixed upon them ; that through sence thereof they might be discouraged from such foule and pernicious undertakings . the one sort is of such as are ambitious to rule , and the other of such as are impatient of being ruled . the first will be executing any power which is not due to him in right of the place he holds , but to another who is already seized of that office , is thereupon called an usurper ; the other ●ort , that do resist the power of him that is so possessed , are usually distinguished by the name of rebels ; although , in truth , they are of such joynt extraction , and so near a kindred , as we may count them one : for as none can resist government but they must take upon them to judge and act in things proper thereinto ; so again , none can well usurpe that doth not withall rebel : and therefore , the first leading , and the last following , and both making usually but one society , we may call the usurper the great rebel , and the other the lesser usurpers . these things being so , we need not wonder why first that notion of usurpation , or to usurp , properly signifying often using onely , and taken as well in a good as bad sence , when applied to other things , should always import evil , when applied to the ease before re●earsed ; nay further , we may find the cause why this stile of usurper , being in the primary intention to be fixed onely upon such as transcended the limits of their own ranks and callings , and take upon them to execute that jurisdiction and power wich was proper to the place of another , should now , as out of common detestation of the thing , be continued to the party when the usurpation is past , and he now in possession of that place from whence the maintenance of peace by execution of this power can onely be reasonbly expected . 2 and onward , upon the same design again we may perceive the reason why few or none should set down in plain terms , that it was lawful for men to obey him that was an usurper ; for however the thing might have been conceived true , yet it might be apprehended an incouragement or abatement to the odium of such as should attempt the like . which being so , we are not to wonder why it should come to pass in this , as in the imputation of tyranny , or things of like nature , to wit , that through faction and personal interest and respect ▪ that which was intended for common benefit , should be many times made use of for particular ends onely ; so that now usually the name of usurper importing much evil , like the foresaid name of tyrant , is but the remonstrance of discontent ; and thereupon given usually to such as are in possession , however there ●i●le be ▪ so long as any thing can be ●ound out for the asserting of a better claim in some other person , in whose advance themselves have greater interest and hopes ▪ and therefore it may be observed , that as in all alterations , the dispossessed ●ri●ce is called tyrant by one party , so the new one is by the other called usurper , by which means , contrary to the first intention of preservation of publique peace by adhering to the party possessed , it is now thought by some just occasion to bring in rebellion and civil war upon a whole land , rather then their particular favorite , with his conceived better title , shall not be able to dispossess the other , which they now call by that name . but as they do hereby truly make themselves rebels by disobedience or opposi●ion , so do they make him they obey and countenance a true usurper indeed ▪ for want of possession of that place of authority unto which this obedience and subjection is due . 2. thus shall we find papists and those of the roman party , in favour to their own head , putting the scandal of usurpation upon all that authority ecclesiastical which christian princes exercise even in their own dominions ; while some again , upon the score of power claimed by the whole people , or some coordinate order of magistracy or representation amongst them to elect or govern as in their right , are ready to reckon all such persons as usurpers , and their power as usurped , that without election or confirmation , made in such measure as they shall approve of , take upon them the execution of sovereign power ; n●y , and sometimes the party possessed , for encrease of the odium , is called tyrant also ; for passion and not rea●on ●uli●g them in their censure , they may upon every act of justice or severity , which crosseth their interests or ●u●●●s , say that the laws of god and the land are broken in his regiment , as well as in his entry . nay , indeed if it should be granted , that he that hath possession , and thereby prejudiced anothers right , cannot therefore claim obedience from those that stand by just relation subjected to that place of power which he holdeth , then truly for want of actual power so to do , all acts of justice done and enforced in his name as prince , would be but tyranny in him , however they might have been lawfully executed by another . from the evil consequents and effects of these two opinions , the monarchs of christendom are seldom free ; the notions of pope or people , and the power belonging to them , being by discontented parties still urged as a just cause of their disturbance . 3. a third sort that make use of this scandalous name of vsurper , are of such , who in favor to some particular person only , now out of possession , would , upon the allegation of his right to govern , instigate those that are actually subjects to him , to withdraw their allegiance , and give it to him that is not possessed at all : without regard to that publike disturbance which must thereupon ensue . and this doctrine hath less of reason to plead for it self then the other two . for first , they do it on the behalf of a whole society of men , or some eminent officers amongst them whom they would have preferred before this one person now possessed : and then they alleadge for themselves both laws of reason and natural equity , and also positive divine constitutions , to shew that this power was by such original right vested in them , and therefore that no particular sanction can deprive them of it . whereas the other , as they would have whole societies of men ruined and disturbed by civil war , only to prefer and advance one single person or family before another , ( who in reference to the state is as like to rule well , as he or his ) so have they no allegation for it but some particular and private laws , made at the instance of , and during the government of this person or his family : when as in truth , since in positive edicts made by unequal authority , the last is to stand and to be observed , they should of right be governed by these present constitutions that do authorise the party in possession , and not those that are now abrogated and bereft of their force ; even as that person or family they were made by and for , are bereft of their power . 4. if we shall apply these things to our selves in england , and examine how they have been generally resented by that part which was in that respect justly called the royalist or cavalier ; we shall find all three sorts by them condemned as contrary to them in their original principles , which were , maintenance of peace and monarchy . the first two they opposed and went against as matters of fact , and which did already make disturbance : when as there being then no fear how disturbance would be made by claim the other way , and finding many laws in force to continue their obedience to him in possession , they did usually inveigh not only against all usurpation in attempt , but also against all right to possess and continue ; the more to affright from , and discountenance such undertakings . in which last respect of lawfulness to possess or continue , they must still be understood to intend that right which is to be considered in relation to the party dispossessed ; against whom , and to whose prejudice ( if he had right ) he is only in reason to be taken as an unlawful disseisor . and therefore they might , by these or the like imputations , be supposed to hope , that since in him was the fault of entrance whereby publike peace was disturbed , and it being in his power only by his quiet resignation to do personal right again , without civil war and blood , that for his farther incitement thereunto , they would also insinuate some unlawfulness to those acts of obedience which shal be done unto him by such as are now actually his subjects . 5. to which end , and none other , we may well apply that additional expression of the university of oxford before set down , viz on what head that crown ought to stand , none can be ignorant . for having before , pag. 7. alleadged the act made 1 eliz. 1. for restoring to the crown the antient jurisdiction in things ecclesiastical , they may by that crown be well conceived to mean that ecclesiastical authority which thereto belonged : and so not only to declare against that usurpation of power which the parliament then took in their enacting in such matters , whilst the crown ( and consequently the power ) did and ought to continue in him that was still reigning and actually possessed ; but they might , in duty also to the settlement and security of their present prince , as well as the setling of the peace of the nation , have an aim hereby to prevent all attempt towards personal usurpation , by implying that that crown ought not to be on any head but his who now wore it . but what if no such head be ? must not the crown be worne ? yes sure : for as they had before recited that act whereby this authority should be for ever united and annexed to the imperial crown of this realm ; so can we not reasonably presume it their meaning , that those jurisdictions which should be of continual use and for ever annexed to the imperial crown of this realm , should be understood so limited to any one person or family , as , in defailance of their wearing of it , ( which must be supposed subject to humane chance and casualty ) the church should be deprived of that useful power . 6. in like manner are we to understand bishop andrews and all other , in their writings against usurpation ; that is , intending thereby so much more to confirm subjects obedience to their present prince . for , they then supposing that against him no such thing would be objected , and on the other side , fearing that tyranny or any other crime which he might fall into might be alleadged as a just excuse for insubjection , they did what they would to make the first odious , and these tolerable . in which doing , since their aim was good , they may be apprehended ( out of duty ) to be rather officiously , then truly guided in many of their expressions that way made ; and that , as they did but hereby intend the more to conform obedience to him under whose power they then lived , so to be exemplar herein to others ; without permitting such as were now subjects to do evil , that good may come of it ; to wrong their ▪ own consciences by disobedience , that another may be righted in his private title . and if we look in that sermon of bishop andrews made of giving caesar his due , we shall find him acknowledging as much ; for ( saith he ) fol 91. what caesar was this , for whose interest christ thus pleadeth ? it was tiberius , even he under whom our saviour was ( and knew he was to be ) put to death ; a stranger from israel , a heathen man , uncircumcised , an idolater , an enemy to the truth , &c. where you see that obedience and tribute is directed to be paid to one that was as great a stranger to israel , as great an usurper in any legal power there , as nimrod could be . and however nimrod might be thought in other things to equal him , yet since he had no hand in putting our saviour to death , we may well think that though it were unlawful for such as nimrod thus to rise or reign , yet did he not intend it lawfull for subjects to disobey , when thus up and ruling . 7. so that to take them , and all other in like sort , according to their right meaning ( that is , to be constant in their direct respect to the common peace and benefit of the whole society of men , without such partial eye to the favor of any particular person or family , as to abe● what shall be contrary thereunto ) we are to conceive , that as they had pitched upon monarchy , as that which by divine and humane light was fittest to accomplish this end , even so it was not to be supposed they would be so forgetful of their first original ground , as to invalidate that use and benefit which by monarchy was to be expected ; so as to give leave to subjects to thrust him out again , as often as the monarch should not have been to their likeing ; for this had been to overthrow that whole foundation they had before built upon , to wit , continual peace , by continual submission to the present monarch . whereas if any party of the subjects might take upon them to withdraw obedience when they thought their governour defective in title ▪ then , since it should seldom happen but that there might be some objections in that respect made by some discontented party or another , it would also follow , that for want of constant means how peace and agreement should for every time present be preserved , that course which they had designed , whereby it should be continually and at all times preserved , would contradict it self , and come to nothing . and therefore having endeavoured that this peace , as they thought , should never be interrupted , even by the course formerly mentioned , that is , laying so great imputation , and leaving such small hopes of enjoyment on those that should attempt it , they were less regardful to speak of any way to be taken after it was interrupted , and the publick peace now setled in another hand , lest by any express allowance of a lawful obedience to him afterwards , they should ( as we said ) seem to cast more hopes and encouragements upon such like enterprises . and that their intentions hereby were onely to deter from such ambitious rising , and not from giving obedience to any in possession , we shall not find that any name of odium is found out , and given to such as live in subjection to usurpers ; which doubtless they would have done , had they conceived them as guilty in their obedience , as he in his entrance or command . 8. and if we shall appeal to matter of fact , we shall find the cavalier party all along constant to the sure way of preservation of publick peace , by their adherence to the party possessed , and by opposing of such , as would upon the allegation of usurpation , or want of title in him or his ancestors , or for want of election or authority derived from the people , make all his commands and rule unlawful . and in order to this , was that maxime so often found in the mouths of that party , at such time as many personal defects and imputations were laid to the charge of the late king , that the crown was to be obeyed and fought for , although it stood upon a may-pole ; which speech , as it had been taken from the duke of norfolk , so was it by him used in defence of his loyalty to his present sovereign , whom the other party called both tyrant & usurper ▪ 9. and if we do impartially look upon the reason and ground of all politick constitutions of this kind . we shall find all contrary construction to arise from mistake or prejudice . for first , is there any thing more available to the continuance of publick peace , then that submission should be continued to the monarch in possession ? and then that there might be one always in possession , so as to make use of this submission , and that without danger of publick disturbance , through strife about the person to enjoy it , was it not again necessary , that by publick edict it should be beforehand appointed to whom it should succeed , that all might be more deter●ed from seeking it ? which succession being not by the law of god entailed on any one family amongst christians now ▪ as amongst the jews it formerly was on the linage o● david , will it not still rationally and equitably follow , that the possessor should have most right of any to have this entail setled on his family ? and do we not accordingly find that all nations that have due regard to future peace and quiet , have joyned with the possessor in setling it accordingly ? and will it not onward still follow , that in order to maintain the first principles , we should be loyal to the family so setled , ●o as to the utmost of our powers to defend them in their possession against all opposers , justly charging them with the imputation of treason and rebellion that are desturbers of publique peace in favour to the claim of any other whatsoever ? but then again , will it not from the same principles still follow , that in case my loyal endeavors shall not have their wished success , but that the other party shall set up another monarch , and that in such full possession as now to be quietly and generally submitted to , as in the seat of justice , ( the laws being executed in his name , as they were in the others before ) that then present peace depending on present obedience , and present obedience on present power and command , therefore i that was before a loyalist in maintenance of the power in being , am now a rebel , if i change my principles , i continue not loyal to him that is so ; having in that regard changed conditions with those that were rebels before , who by their adherence to the present power and maintenance of peace thereby are now become the true royalists . 10. if we shall examine the grounds and intentions of our own fundamental constitutions concerning this government and governors , therein we shall find them to be the same : namely , the design of peace by submission to the present monarch , without regard to the stile of king , or family of which he was of . and to this end it may be observed , that in the act made in henry the eighths time , wherein his supremacy is asserted , it is set down 24. hen. 8. c. 12. [ where by divers sundry old authentick histories and chronicles is manifestly declared and expressed , that this realm● ▪ of england is an empire , and so hath been accepted in the world , governed by one supream head and king , having the dignity and royal estate of the imperial crown of the same , unto whom a body politick compact of all sorts and degrees of people , being bounden and owen to bear next to god a natural and humble obedience , &c. ] by which words we may easily discover some determination touching the present dispute , by observing what is therein set down as the foundation and original of this government ; to wit , that it is , and always hath been an empire or monarchy as well over all estates in it self , as independent of any other : and then as it is called an empire as well as realm , so may : that he●d thereof be called emperor , or the like , as well as king ; he whosoever he is that is at any time monarch or head thereof , is he to whom all sorts of people been bounden and owen to bear next to god a natural and humble obedience . it is no part of the fundamental law to appropriate it for perpetuity , to the family of plantagenet , tudor , stuart , or the like , no authentick record , to be brought for that ; that as it must be excepted as a secondary ▪ constitution made in order to preserve the first , he must give it place when the other is indangered . as for the first , i conceive that if king and parliament should enact that this government should be a monarchy no longer , it would be void , not onely as contrary to the law of god and reason , but as a thing without their jurisdiction , even as overthrowing that power whereby themselves had power , or that fundamental rule or law whereby themselves were made law ▪ makers . he that is in possession being the present monarch by that law established , may by vertue of that authority he hath over all under him ▪ for peace sake , determine and enact that the sovereign power shall descend to his heir ; and no doubt but he is therein to be obeyed by all that are his subjects ▪ ●n case he be either naturally or politickly dead , and those that were his subjects become the subjects of another , then the fundamental law that aims at continuance of peace by continuance of monarchy , must in like manner be presumed to determine the subjection and obedience to this present possessor and his family . want of due consideration whereof , we shall find one of the chief grounds why some of more consciencious sort , as well of those that have , as have not been of that party , are so hardly drawn to conceive right of things of this nature ; and also for want of due distinction and differencing of that condition , which through alteration of time , may come to make the same person to contract a different guilt in the entrance into this place of power , over it is in the execution of it . how a man may be an unlawful intruder in to an office whereunto a lawful power doth belong , when yet , being possessed , he is lawfully to be obeyed by all that stand subjected to those that are in this place of power . for want of which due consideration , and how those exceptions and objections usually made against the lawfulness of government gotten by usurpation , are to be , as before noted , differently understood in reference to the commander and obeyer , much trouble doth many times arise ; for he though , he may not lawfully hold the place by authority whereof he doth command , yet ought he lawfully to be obeyed by the authority of that office which he doth hold . 11. two great faults and mistakes therefore there may be observed which do daily administer occasion of much trouble in things of this nature , by frustrating divine and positive edicts of their true intent , through their making so great a separation between those that are necessarily to this end conjoyned , that is , the power and person thereby impowered ; for while some would have obedience to the power onely , as gods ordinance , without due regard to the person , they make the power vain , by leaving no possibility whereby it should be reduced into act . these being affected with so much ambition or impatience against church or state rulers , are crying out with core and his company , you take too much upon you , and power is in the whole congregation , in the whole people ; by which means they are about to usurp ▪ and keep the real execution of power to themselves , while they leave to others onely the titles and formalities thereof . and some again , having too personal regard herein , and striving to make the worth and value of the power depend on their affectionate choyce , do thereupon shrewdly hazard , if not wholly defect that true esteem and benefit which is to be given unto , and expected from this conjunction . these may be reckoned of ephesti●ns company , that report not alexander as king , but the king as he is alexander ; and in justification of this their opinion , and the attempts of their favorites in this kind , comes the title of usurper to be every where so commonly applied by the dispossessed and his favorers to all persons in possession of power , although they might perhaps have the better title of the two , even as among our selves in that doubtful claim between the houses of york and lancaster , each party threw it upon the other on purpose to withdraw the subjects allegeance from his adversary all that he could . for although each party in presumption of his better title had agreed , that obedience to an u●u●ped power was not lawful , especially when known and voluntary given ; when as yet prejudice would not give them leave to consider , that when obedience to this power commanded by its proper officer now in actual seisure thereof , is always both lawful and necessary , that is , always lawful for subjects to obey , though not lawful for him ( it may be ) to continue in command . 12. and if we seriously look into the true ground of these aspersions , we shall find both the imputation of vsurper fastned on him that commands , and flatterer on him that defends , to proceed from heat and prejudice alone . and therefore they seldom go rationally to work ▪ and shew what are those evils and inconveniences , as in order to peace and publique good , that do attend on subjection or acknowledgment of any that is now peaceably obeyed as in the soveraign power ; and that this is no way to be avoided , but by striving to remove the person possessed : then indeed might they have had some ground for disobeying him themselvs , and for calling others flatterers that wrote or spake in his behalf . but else to write or speak in the defence of him who by the law of god and reason , and present law of the nation is to be so acknowledged , and in a case too , apparently tending to publike peace and good , is not flattery , but duty : whereas he that out of private or personal regard , would , to the plain disturbance and unsettlement of the state , perswade to a present obedience where there is not a present power , may be truly called a flatterer or sel●-●eeker ; both as making his address and acknowledgment where it is not due , and by being therein swayed out of discontent of something past , or out of hope of increase of private advantage to come to himself by the change . 13. and therefore in such like disputes as these , passion or interest will be always subject to biass and mislead us in personal adherence , if we do not lay aside our private respects , and candidly and conscionably look back into those true grounds and reasons why obedience did originally come to be given to any one man at all ; being ( as heretofore we shewed ) gods glory by mans peace . and this will be found the most warrantable and surest way to discover unto us that person who at any time is to have it . and to this end i have judged it a well-grounded maxim , love the king for peace sake , and peace for gods sake . for since none but god can be perfectly good , so as to be loved for his own sake only ; so all other things being good but suo modo , or according to their relation , and that serviceableness and benefit they afford to other things ( that stand his creatures and witnesses of his goodness and glory amongst us ) they must still be personally loved and respected according to such their present relations : whereas those that want that relation , cannot , out of any separate respect and value that is in themselves be esteemed right objects of that love and respect which is only due in regard of the relation it self ▪ 14. so that the way to cleer our selves of prejudices ▪ and to understand things aright , is to consider them in their proper ranks and conditions , and to di●●inguish them by their proper names : even to put a difference between such as are justly called usurpers , upon reasons before spoken , namely by assumption of that power which by place belongeth not to them , ( as for the woman to usur● authority over the man , or subjects over their prince ) and such as do dispossess any of the place it self ; the which last are to be esteemed disseisors or intrudors . for although the wrong done by the disseisor be greater then that of the usurper , as to the party dispossessed ; yet in respect of their right to obedience , the first hath only right herein of the two , the other having none at all . and therefore in reference to that necessary conjunction which is to be upheld in the union of the person with the power , 't is wel to be observed how god hath joyned these two together to the intent that no man , through interest or prejudice , should put them asunder . for where he enjoins subjection to the higher power as his ordinance , and sets forth the penalty of doing otherwise ; he presently denotes it to be personally due , by subjecting us to those that are rulers : for rulers are not a terror to good works , but to evil ; that is , they being possessed of this power , are to be expected just avengers of resistance , therefore called evil , because the cause of so much evil . and then when it after follows , wilt thou then not be afraid of the power ? do that which is good , and thou shalt have praise of the same ; it is presently appropriate to that person which god in his providence hath set over us : for he ( that is , this person ) is the minister of god to thee for thy good ; that is , gods deacon or vicegerent in preservation of peace by means of this submission . and so it afterwards followeth , he beareth not the sword in vain ; and , he is the minister of god , &c. and as we find the power and person thus conjoined , so that it might be always effectual to this end , it is also enjoined in the present tense , without any exception to the lawfulness or validity in the title to enter or rule by ; when it is said , the powers that are ( that is ▪ the powers in being ) are ordained of god. — he is , and he beareth , &c. and so also when we are elswhere enjoined to make prayers for kings and all that are in authority , that under them we may live quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty ; these words [ that are in authority ] denoting present authority , cannot ( as heretofore noted ) warrant any exception to be made by those that are to obey : for then it should not be effectual to the leading of a quiet and peaceable li●e , nor would the duties pertaining to godliness be so duly and freely exercised : and we may consequently conceive , that obedience and subjection is not to be given to such as are not in authority , nor to powers that are not in being . and that text especially , where we are commanded to fear god and the king , and not to meddle with those that are given to change ; will be expressed in obedience to the king or person in present power and possession : for why else should we be forbidden to seek to change him , or meddle , or joyn with them that would do so , in such unlimited words ? if to seek to change by way of sedition , had been thought lawful for subjects , upon any ground , by him that said , that against the king there is no rising up , then surely this precept was very wrong put ; especially not having any such exception ; for rather the word not should have been left out , and the precept have been , meddle with them that would change , or are seditious towards it ; for sedition must precede change in that kind . 15. and if we do not carry an equal and impartial respect to persons dignified by gods ordinance , we shew plainly we have no respect to his ordinance at all , but would have it an ordinance of our own : when as the power thereby claimed , is to be at no time of value without our approbation ; and by this means fall within the compass of saint james his reproof , to have the faith of our lord jesus christ with respect of persons . for , as in his instance , if those that are unequal in worldly honor or title , are yet equally to be respected as they stand equally our christian brethren ; so also , such as are now in power , are , for their power sake , and for the honor of him that ordained it , to be equally respected and obeyed , however there might be a greater share of outward worldly title in one man then another . so then we may see the way to be a constant royalist , is to be a constant loyalist ; not to respect the power or place for the persons sake , but the person for the place and power sake : and thereby , according to our duty having respect to god and his precept , before our own . if we do not this , he that to day was loyal , may to morrow be brought turn rebel and traytor , through that change of families which stories do tell us have in this thrust out one another . 17. but some would make prescription the onely way to lawfulness in possessions of things of this nature , as well as it is for silencing of claims between subjects in their private possessions ; but since they have not yet , nor cannot , upon any true ground , agree in limiting of this time , it argues the thing it self to be but a fruitless invention : for although towards the ending of suits and quarrels , each state and kingdom do , by laws of its own , prefix a certain time in which possession shall in certain cases be a good plea in it self against all other , yet this law being positive , bears always an exception to the law-maker himself , as having continual power to right himself and all others in case of equity ; according to that maxim , nullum tempus occurrit regi . and therefore although it may be available to silence private titles in regard of a superior power to appoint it , and see it executed accordingly , yet it will not thereupon follow , that subjects may fancy any such laws to bind their prince by . and therefore when questions of this kind shall arise for confirmation of law-makers themselves , i know not any superior under god himself , who shall ascertain this prescription , and see it executed accordingly . and if we but mark the thing it self , in its original rise and ground , we shall find them gain-saying themselves , and laying that very first possession which they disallow , for a foundation of that which they would have to be right afterwards . for in such variety of times prescribed , suppose it should be a hundred years ; when , and where must we begin to accompt ? must it be from the first day of the parties secret plotting or attempt to get into this place of power ? how shall that be truly known ? and if you leave that out of the computation of unlawful action , which was most of all so , and begin to compute it from the time of possession , then shall we want a judge to state when that did precisely begin ; and thereupon when it shall take end , so as to say to the subjects , the hundred years are now out , you have all this while been subject for wraths sake onely , now you must submit for conscience sake also ; yesterday , being but the ninty ninth year , and three hundred sixty fourth day since the family got possession , it was never made lawful till this very day ▪ thus they that deny right of obedience to the possessor , do yet derive right from possession , and by consequent , grant it to be due thereunto . and surely if men had had that due regard to publick peace which they should , and in respect whereto it might be thought that they had prefixed a time to silence disputes of that nature , they would not then have so far lengthened it , as to pass that limit , wherein it was not supposable , that the dispossessed should continue at all , or in such repute o● power as to disturb him that had all this while been setled ; and not , on the other side , while disturbance is most to be feared , left them at liberty for to attempt it . 17. again , will they make one prefixed time serve for legitimating the government of all new families , notwithstanding that great difference in right to claim , and way of entry that may be observed in them ? they then become unjust : if they make difference , then who shall be judge concerning him who shall really be esteemed an usurper , amidst that great partiality which interest or envy useth to cast that way , as well for making usurpers that are not , as acquiting those that are so ; and again , for aggravating or lessening the faults of such as are ? 18. if we think of some foraign power , as that of the pope , or the like , to undertake in this kind , as he hath sometime done , how shall we do for another to place above him again , to see that particular spleen or interest have not made him partial also : so far as to make charls martel and his son lawful possessors , notwithstanding known precedent usurpation , even while he was master of the palace ; and on the other side , to call king henry the eighth , who was an hereditary possessor , an usurper , while he acknowledged not him for supream ? 19. will they put it to subjects themselves to judge whether their prince be at all , and how far , and in what degree an usurper , to the end that they may know whether , or how far obedience is to be given unto him ? what hope of agreement in their verdict ? nay , is it not the sure way to set them at disagreement , and consequently , to introduce civil war ? for since he should not at all have been possessed , if the wills and power of those that opposed him , as wanting title , could have prevailed against the greater number or power of such as elected and helped him in , how then can we imagine that these should now not onely let go their superior power herein , which they have all this while contended for , but also submit that equal vote they have as subjects , to be overborn and silenced by the desires of their enemies , in the dethroning their friend , and admision of a known adversary into supreme power over them ; who by their past opposition , they must now expect also to be heightned with thoughts of revenge ? 20. is it not therefore much better , and more becoming such , as have any real love to the peace and welfare of the church and state where they live , to labour to distinguish and free themselves from private and personal respects and prejudices , and ingeniously to examine all things accordiong to their prime intention and aim , which is preservation of god glory , by preservation of men ; and preservation of men , by preservation of publick peace and agreement ? what and if ( for reasons before set down ) some have not so plainly asserted obedience and loyalty to an usurper as they have to a tyrant ? can we yet otherwise think then , that as their intention was to preserve peace in this case to the publick , notwithstanding the publick it self must therein suffer ; even so , and much more must we imagine , that in this other case , where onely one person or family doth suffer , that yet they should leave men at liberty to make disturbance in the publick , as often as passion or interest should furnish subjects with occasion of such imputation ? no certainly ; had they meant that the subjects of any prince now peaceably setled might under colour of usurpation withdraw their allegiance , they would not then have so firmly asserted that this allegiance was due to tyrants ; since that , as formerly said , can never be practised without usurpation , and that in a more continued and high measure , and also accompanied with more pernicious and dangerous consequents then in the other . for whereas a new prince is called usurper , for breaking the law made in behalf of the dispossessed in particular , doth not the tyrant much more break and transcend those laws , and the laws of god and nature also , in what he doth in detriment to the publike ? and doth he not daily repeat the same breach , and newly violate them , as often as he doth tyrannise ? whereas usurpation consisteth only in one act , against one single person or family of the whole , and is not daily prosecuted like the other , to the detriment of all in general . let us not therefore invert the prime intention of laws , and make that destructive to peace , which was purposely framed to preserve it ; by the wilful mistake of their meaning , that seem to ascribe unlawfulness to the rule of usurpers , or possession of usurpers . and this we shall best do , if we do but reflect on that different condition the same person is to be look'd upon in relation to that prince or family he opposeth or dispossesseth , and in relation to the rest of the subjects and nation ; and this also in reference to what shall be by him done before he is possessed , over what it is afterward . 21. while any one is attempting thus to enter , he is doubtless to be opposed by both prince and people , as an enemy not only to the prince himself , but to the common-weal also in disturbing their peace and quiet : and being not yet seised of any such place of power as to make his acts or commands warrantable , there is nothing which is by him done in a politick capacity can be called lawful . but if the tables be now turned ▪ and he quietly seated in the legislative power , as the other was before , then are the subjects to turn themselves in their obedience too , and having still respect to gods ordinance and the publick quiet , continue on the same peace , by a dutiful submission to him that is now dei gratia or by divine providence brought into that authority , which the other did claim dei gratia before : when yet the person thus entred , if he be not throughly satisfied in the right of his possession , stands before god accomptable for the injury done to the dispossessed , and what else shall happen in his regiment . in which respect , as his possession it self , so the commands thereby imposed , may well be unlawful as to the imposer , but cannot be so esteemed in the obeyer : he may be called usurper by the dispossessed , in reference to the place by which he is impowered ; but is not by the subjects to be so thought in the execution of what is proper thereunto : they are to look to possession as an evidence of right in it self ; for are not all mens estates else called by that name ? do we not say , such and such men are men of great possessions ? and if subjects shall be put to guide their obedience and loyalty by other dark evidences , who shall shew them and expound them but parties interessed ? and how shall they agree in them ? do we not , for peace sake , say in other things , that possession is eleven points of the law ? and will it not in this much more follow , that it should be all twelve ? there one part is left open and free , because appeal to the law-maker may make alteration : but there being in this case no superior on earth , it is to pass as confirmed by god also , till he in his providence shall make alteration . 22. if this course should not hold , but their obedience and loyalty should not be lawful , if the prince were not lawfully seised or made so by prescription , there would seldom any time happen , in any nation amidst those many changes of families , wherein subjects could warrantably obey , for want thereof . it was not , i am sure , the practice and opinion of christians formerly : they , as they lived neerer the apostles times , so they followed more closely their precep●s and examples , in subjection to the parties possessed of those higher powers they lived under . if they should have understood s. pauls injunction of subjection to the powers that are , to have no enforcement upon the conscience of any that could not be perswaded his present prince or emperor came in as a lawful successor , or by lawful election ; how could they have been at all times noted for such constant loyalists , notwithstanding there were very few , but either in their entry balked the election and approbation of the senate or people , which at first were held only lawful authorities , and as much afterwards transgressed the rule of hereditary succession , by bringing in new families . in which cases , although to the eyes of all men it was apparent , that force or craft set upon their present soveraigns ; yet would not they forget their duty of loyalty to him , however their prince might have forgot to do justice to another . and if to this end we shall but look to our stories , we shall find cause enough to retract this opinion of disobedience , being contrary to the sense and practice of our loyal ancestors . we will begin but from the conquest , because best known , although more shifting have been before . 23. harold that preceded the conqueror , is chosen by the nobility , being then the prevailing party ; and though a stranger by family , is yet generally obeyed , notwithstanding the known right heir is amongst them , even edgar atheling . 24. harold is thrust out by the conqueror by force , both a stranger himself , and of a new family : he is also obeyed ▪ notwithstanding the right heir is still living . 25. his son william , sirnamed rufus , dispossesseth his elder brother robert , and is yet generally obeyed , although also the right heir be still living . 26. after him the other younger brother henry possesseth the crown , against the right of the said robert , still living ; and is yet generally obeyed . 27. next , stephen ▪ by help of londoners and nobility , assumes the crown ; and although he were of a new family , yet is he generally obeyed , notwithstanding the right of succession was in maud the empress and her issue . 28. in the next , henry the second begins a new family , and in him indeed may we may find the first true usurpation ; for his own sons are taking upon them soveraign power , their father yet living and possessed . 29. he being dead , richard the first his son gets the throne , and is no longer to be called usurper . 30. king john next seiseth on the soveraignty against the hereditary right of his brothers son . in his time indeed the pope doth usurp authority to censure and depose . 31. the next possessor is henry the third ▪ who , although the son of the said john , is not yet cast off upon the score of usurpation , but generally acknowledged and obeyed ▪ but he was much troubled with the usurped authorities of some of his peers and parliaments , who would often incroach upon the soveraignty . 32. edward the first is the next possessor , generally obeyed , atlhough entring upon the like claim , as grandchild to king john. 33. to him succeeded his son edward the second , towards the end of whose time , prescription of an hundred years from his great-grandfather john might only have been pleaded to have made their obedience matter of conscience ▪ when on the contrary he hath the most opposition of all his predecessors , from his wife , peers and parliaments , all which usurp upon his authority . 34. edward the third the next ▪ was not only a rebel , but a true usurper , in taking upon him to act in things of state , without and against his fathers leave , being still in possession : for however his claim was undoubted as to succession , yet deserved he more then a stranger to have the odium of usurpation cast upon him , as being most unnatural . yet the father being dead , and he possessed of the crown , although the other had been forced to resign , ( as he could not but well know ) we do not find that any man took upon him to disobey him afterwards , as rebel or usurper . 35. this mans successor , richard the second , we shall find deposed and dispossessed by a prevailing party , who set up henry the fourth as in right of the family of lancaster , reckoning the other but as usurpers ; whose grandchild henry the first is again dispossessed by that family of york as u●urpers , whom they had called usurpers before ; and all within the space of sixty years . during which time , and that of richard the second , those that continued loyal to the persons in possession , were certainly to be esteemed better , and more consciencious subjects then those those that opposed ; who could in truth be but rebels . 36. although the next , edward the fourth , might well be called usurper , taking upon him as king , while the other was yet living , and in possession of part of the country , and when also by the articles made with his father , and confirmed in parliament , henry the sixth was to reign during his life , yet is he generally obeyed . but then , what shall we say of him , when his predecessor henry the sixth comes to be restored and repossessed again ; and himself being forced to flye beyond sea , and after he was publickly proclaimed usurper , entring the land , durst not claim any right to the crown , as his right , but onely to the dukedom of york ( wearing also the badge of henry the sixth's eldest son in t●ken of his homage ? ) what shall we say , when he after in cruel manner smo●e him on the face with his gantlet , and caused him to be slain by his own servants , and caused also the father to whom ●e had formerly done homage to be imprisoned , murthered and scornfully buried ; a person so good , that he was called by the name of the holy ? yet do we not find but for all this , while he had possession , he had due loyalty and subj●ction acknowledged unto him , and the crown entailed on his family . 73. against the right of his son edward the fifth , king richard the third enters , and might well also be called usurper , because he exercised kingly power before the other was actually dispossessed . and yet , as ill as he was otherwise also , is he generally obeyed and fought for . 83. henry the seventh succeeds ; but he , not taking to himself kingly power till he were in full possession , is not called usurper : although his title was not so good as the others , ( whom we are however to expect to be called usurper and tyrant also , the more to dignifie the other now in possession ) when as yet , although the said richard were an usurper as to his nephews , he was none to him . again , although richard were dead , yet were there others living , and in england too , of a far more lineal and legal claim to the crown , as was the lady elizabeth , daughter to edward the fourth , and the earl of warwick , son to the elder brother of king richard , george duke of clarence , to whom and his heirs the crown was also by parliament given by henry the sixth , in case he should die without issue , as he did . and yet further , he stood by act of parliament attainted of treason , and had his lands and goods with those of his followers confiscate to the said king richard : may he not also be called usurper , for that he not onely exercised kingly power before he was married to the lady elizabeth , the right heir , but that afterwards he never so much as joyned her name in acts of state and sovereignty ; when by the law of the land she should have been chief , as was adjudged on the case of queen mary and king philip. and although he also brings in a new family , to wit that of tudor in place of plantagenet , yet , being in possession of the crown , he hath not the stile of usurpation so thrown upon him , as to take off the subjects duty of allegiance . nor do i think that any will commend them for loyalty , that did after rise in the behalf of perkin warbeck ; although the subjects generally thought him to be the right he●r indeed , and no counterfeit . 39. henry the eighth succeds him upon the same title , and edward the sixth him , with very small dispute of their right . 40. queen mary finds another claimer to retard her possession ; namely the lady jane grey . and truly had she not bestirred herself , and frighted the other party by a much greater power , i beleeve the other would , with her possession , have been generally reputed and obeyed as the legal heir , having all the state conformation could be then expected ▪ for the lords of the council , that then acted all publick affairs , caused her to be proclaimed in london ; and no worse a man then b ridley , in a sermon at pauls cross , perswaded obedience to lady jane , and invighed earnestly against the title of lady mary , as witnesseth stow , fol. 1033. and it is like he might use the same motives against the succession of her , as are recorded by mr. camden ( in his introduction to the annals of queen elizabeth , to have been used against the succession of her and her sister also . ) to wit , for that the ladies mary and elizabeth were by the act of parliament judged illegitimate , which act was never duely repealed ( notwithstanding that the king their father had by the same act declared , that they should succeed in order after edward the sixth , if his issue should fail : ) and for that the said sisters could not by the common law of england be successors hereditarily to king edward , because they were not germans , that is , of the whole blood by father and mother , but ( as our lawyers term it ) of the half blood , it was also signified that henry the eighth by his last will and testament , conveyed the title of the crown to the said lady mary , or the lady elizabeth should marry with foreign princes , which might revoke the bishop of romes authority now banished out of england , and subject the english under a foreign yoke . and to the same purpose also were produ●ed letters pattents of king edward the sixth , made a little before his death , and signed with the hands of many noblemen , bishops , judges , and others . but all this notwithstanding , those very lords that had before caused her to be proclaimed , finding afterwards themselves unable to put her into full possession , they wisely laid title aside ; proclaimed the other , and made what haste they could to obtain her favour : dutifully and wisely preferring that which was the sure way to publick peace and benefit ( although hazardous and disadvantagious to their own ) before a more sure way to their own advance , with the loss of that which was publick . 41. what shall we now think of the lawfulness of all those transactions , which , all along , in those times were performed to the several princes here ? was there never any obedience rightly given but to edward the second , and queen elizabeth , because they two onely could prescribe as to the term of a hundred years since the crown was usurped by their progenitors , and this hapening to them but towards the end of their reigns , shall we conclude that what was done before , or towards any other , was not legally done , and to be esteemed acts of fear and flattery more then of duty ? how comes it to pass that the laws made by these several princes , nay by richard the third himself , are acknowledged for laws of force ? if possession of the law-makers place gave them a right to make laws , will it not also give them a right to their subjects obedience ? beyond all which if we will be truly regarding the injury offered to the deposed family , and think our selves obliged to s●e right therein done ( without regard to the publick ) will it not follow , that this injury being the higher , and the more as the party doing it was nearer in relation , or of kin to those he did it , that therefore an usurpation made by a stranger , is not so heinous ▪ as where a son usurpeth against his fathers likeing , as edward the third did ▪ or an uncle against nephews , as king john , and richard the third , or one brother against another , or the like , as is to be observed in this long story . in which cases to alleadge they had consent of the people , this will not make any thing lawful as to their taking of possession , more then it did that of adoniah against the liking of david . 42 find we any in all this list of kings , and story of changings amongst them that left his stile and claim of dei gratiâ or divine providence , and stood upon that of lawful succession ; when they do still all along write themselves henry , edward , or the like , by the grace of god king of england , &c. not mentioning at all their fathers or progenitors name , or the descent by which they did at first claim : what is this ( i say ) but plainly to evidence to us , that the best evidence of their right and tenure , as gods vicegerents , is that attestation of his providence , whereby they have been enabled to attain this possession ? towards the attainment of which , the same providence doth ordinarily make use of succession , until he hath some notable work to do ; and then , sometimes of election , by bowing the hearts of the people , and sometimes of conquest , as lord of hosts . yet can i never find that however those that were to enter , for strengthning of their party and adherents , were ready to make use of popular exclamations against usurpers , and to do their best to have it beleeved , that the possessor was so , yet ( as i said ) they , being in possession , stuck to that claim above all other . a fresh example hereof we have in her that was successor to queen mary , and the last of the family of the tuedors , or indeed ▪ of the english nation that were crowned amongst us . for says mr. camden in his annals of queen elizabeth , fol. 18. although in some mens opinions bacons wisdome failed him ( on whom as an oracle of the law the queen wholly relied in such matters ) for that the act of parliament which had excluded her , and queen mary from succession of the crown was not repealed ; upon which , some seditious persons took occasion afterwards to attempt dangerous matters against her , as being not lawful queen , yet ( saith he ) the english laws having long since pronounced , that the crown o●ce worne quite taketh away all defect whatsoever . it was by others imputed to bacon's wisdom , who in so great perplexity and inconstancie of acts and statutes , whereas those things that made for queen elizabeth , seemed to be joined with the ignominy and disgrace of queen mary , would not new ▪ gall the sore which was with age skinned over ; and therefore applied himself unto that act of the 35. year of henry the eight , which in a manner provided for both their fames and dignities alike . 43. so that we find , that however princes are , in prudence , willing to omit no claim that may make for their admission or security , and that especially at their first entrance ; yet is seisure and possession held ever to be the steadiest support ; nay , such it is in the express verdict of law it self . to which end i shall here insert the opinion of him that ( by lawyers themselves ) hath been accounted the oracle of the law since , in fuller confirmation of that maxim before set down : and that is the resolution of my lord coke , who , in the third book of his institutes , f. 7 , 8. in the title of treason , expounding the words of n̄re seignior le roy , says , that by le roy is to be understood a king regnant , and not of one that hath but the name of a king. and then also he alleadges the instance of queen mary , on whom , as having indeed the soveraign power , the word le roy was appropriate , although she were a woman , and her husband at the same time stiled king of england . and that the stile or title alters not the respect and obedience due from subjects to soveraigns , more then it doth from children to the master or father , ( in which respect a yeoman is as absolute in his relation as a lord ) may appear ( besides ) in that instance of our kings holding the soveraignty of ireland under the title of lords , and not as kings , till of late times ; during which space they had certainly as great authority as afterwards , and the subjects there were in the same cases made rebels or traitors to him as lord , as afterwards to him as king. afterward he quotes in the margent , the statute of 11 h. 7. enacting , that none shall be condemned for any thing done in obedience to the present king or soveraign , ( for so the words of the statute are , king or soveraign ) he further saith , this act is to be understood of a king in possession of the crown and kingdom ; for if there be a king regnant in possession , although he be rex de facto , & non de jure , yet is he seignior le roy within the purview of this statute ; and the other that hath right , and is out of possession , is not within this act ▪ nay , if treason be committed against a king de facto , & non de jure , and after the king de jure cometh to the crown , he shall punish the treason done to the king de facto ; and a pardon granted by a king de jure , that is not also de facto , is void . by all which it will appear , that the law directs our fidelity to n̄re seignior , our soveraign lord , not confining it to the stile of le roy or king , to whom it is only due as being actually n̄re roy , our soveraign lord the king. 44. by which we may see , that the intention of common and fundamental law of the land was not , by proper acts made at the instance of , and in favor to particular persons and their families , to overthrow that first main design of publike peace , which was sought by appointment of a successor in the government . the which because it was to be supposed to come to the heir of the possessor , therefore were subjects sworne to him , his heirs and successors ▪ still intending that it is not due to the heir only as heir , if he be not also successor . for if so , why did not the oath of allegiance and supremacie run as grants of land , and of other inferior offices of power , to him and his heirs , if none but his true heir must be obeyed after his death or removal ? and therefore the law , by putting down that word of successor , did ( doubtless ) determine , that obedience should go along with poss●ssion , as before noted . 45. the laws , you see , having publick regard , will not be abused with these misapplied terms of usurper , or the like , which passion or interest ( as heretofore noted ) had politickly sometimes wrested to serve as a snare to withdraw obedience from the person already in power , when it was only due to him that did attempt to dispossess him . and therefore they use not the term of usurper more in this then other cases , where he that takes possession of any thing by fraud or force , is not called usurper , but disseisor , or the like ; even as here he is called a king by fact . they knew well enough how to put a difference between the legality of their commands that are usurpers , while they were usurping ; and theirs that are now possessors , although they were once usurpers . while they are in their act of usurpation , they are to be resisted not only as opposers of publick quiet , but of the crown and dignity of the present prince , which , in conscience as well as by oath , we are bound to maintain . but then , if it happen that the crown and dignity do by providence fall to him that was usurper before , the same consideration of duty and publick peace must enjoin us to loyalty where the crown and dignity is ; all actors to his disturbance must be now resisted as usurpers . for as the oath of allegiance did personally before pass in relation to that regal power he or his had , or were like to have ; so when the person or family comes to be changed , it must be presumed to pass in reason to those that shall be now possessed of those regal powers to which it is due . 46. but because ●ome divines may perhaps make slight of the determination of lawyers in this matter , i shall confirm their judgment out of plain example in scripture . what think we of that panishment which david the king over israel de jure , did inflict on baana and rechab for their treason against ishbosheth , that was but king de facto ? nay , what think we of the doing it by this king de jure , before he was possessed of that crown ? again , what other plea but possession can justifie all those of israel for adhering to him , since the right was in david to rule over israel as well as judah ? to think that they knew not that david was by god appointed ruler over israel , as well as abigal , 1 sam. 25. 30. hath little likelihood ; nay , it is plain that abner knew so much , by those words of his , god do so to abner , and mo●e also , except as the lord bath sworne to david , even so i do to him . to translate the kingdom from the house of saul , and to set up the throne of david over israel and over judah , from dan to beersheba , 2 sam. 3. 9 , 10. nay , that all israel ▪ knew so much , appears by their speech to david , after that ishbosheth , sauls son , was dead , viz. in time past when saul was king over u● ▪ thou wast he that leddest out and broughtest in isreal ; and the lord said to thee , thou shalt feed my people israel , and thou shalt be a captain over my people israel . they make no apologie for their past obedience to another set up over them by the power of abner , without any choice of theirs , as may be presumed : and yet being a king and possessed , david is so far from blaming his subjects for obedience , that he calls him a righteous person , 2 sam. 4. 11. that is to say , one that by reason of possession ought to be esteemed righteous by such as , like baana and rechab , lived under him . nay , if possession give not to princes right to command their subjects also , i see not how david , in that seven years war between the house of saul and his , 2 sam. 3. 1. could be excused of that oath he made to him of not cutting off his seed after him , 1 sam. 24 21 , 22. for however the war be there set down as between the two houses , yet it being to be looked upon as a national contest , it became not david , now in publick charge , to prefer his private engagement before that engagement he now had taken upon him , that is , to preserve the common safety and liberty of his subjects against all opposers , however they might be well esteemed of by himself . and the truth is , that however all kings are pressing that an oath of allegiance , or the like should be express to them and their family ; yet since the whole reason for swearing to them and their family , and in maintenance of their power , was in re●erence to peace and publick good to be preserved by their power , it must of consequence follow , that being out of power , that then the obligation of the oath doth attend him on whom the power now rests for preserving that publick peace and good . 47. and indeed if he should be an usurper in any monarchy , which could no● prove his discent by direct lineal right from an ancestor by god put in , or instituted by nature , then all the monarchs that are or have been in the world , except some few that by express divine appointment have ruled amongst the jews , are and have been usurpers , or at least for ought appears to the contrary ; even for that they cannot , or do not derive their pedigree from adam , in such sort as to evince , that of all that nation wherein they live and govern , both their family , and they in it , ought by the rule of primogeniture to have precedence to that soveraignty ; according to the observation of the judicious author of a treatise called , the anarchy of a limited monarchy , who says , f. 12. all kings that now are , or ever were , are , or were either fathers of their people , or the heirs of such fathers , or vsurpers of the right of such fathers . it is a truth undeniable , that there cannot be any multitude of men what soever , either great or small , though gathered together from the several corners and rem●test regions of the world , but that in the same multitude considered by it self , there is one man amongst them that in nature hath a right to be the king of all the rest , as being the next heir to adam , and all the others subject unto him . every man by nature is a king or a subject ; the obedience which all subjects yield to kings , is but the paying of that duty which is due to the supreme fatherhood . many times by the ●●● either of an vsurper himself , or of those that set him 〈…〉 heir of a crown is dispossessed , god using the mi●… wi●kedest men for the removing and setting up 〈…〉 in such cases the subjects obedience to the fat 〈…〉 ●ust go along and wait upon gods providence , w●… right to give and take away kingdoms , and thereby to adopt subjects in the obedience of anotner fatherly power . in which as he hath in the beginning ▪ according to the most general opinion of the royalist , sounded monarchy on patriarchical right , so doth he end like a true royalist indeed , in directing subjects obedience to wait on gods providence in the appointmeet of this their political father , in like manner as they do of their natural . for since right of primogeniture and power of government , could not be conceived to be given to cain out of personal worth , but for preservation of peace ; and since no one now , as david formerly , can plead divine right for the settlement of their families , therefore it must still follow , that all families being equal as to original right ; respect to peace and obedience must in conscience cause us to submit to that person or family which divine providence hath set over us . 48. nay and respect to the continual administration of justice also , unto which ( doubtless ) our laws had an especial regard , when not onely the publick peace is called the kings peace , but the laws too are called his laws , being acted in his name , as well as enforced by his authority ; so that to question or abolish his power of judicature , is not onely to overthrow peace but justice also . insomuch as if none should be at any time so lawfully possessed of the soveraign power , as to challenge obedience , no man then can expect a legal remedy for any injury offered him by another ; for how can he do me right upon my appeal , if he may not lawfully command , and the other be not bound to obedience ? and if another be bound , why not i ? would i be righted in my own particular by acknowledgement of his authority , and do i yet think it ha●d to joyn with all others in the like acknowledgement whereby the whole commonwealth may have right ? doth not protection necessarily imply and call for subjection as perfect relatives ? if i hold land of another , either by rent or service , or both , and do in that case think it reasonable in me to expect continuance of that benefit which ariseth by tenancy ; am i no● bound to give to him of whom i hold and have it , that rent and homage which is due to the place he holdeth ? and would i not ( being a lord ) expect the like from my tenants ? would i think it proper or reasonable , that upon any of my tenants presumption , that i was no● so rightly seized as they conceived i should , they might thereupon take liberty to withdraw their acknoweldgments and services , even during the time they hold under me ? if this were permitted , and some of the tenants licenced to with-hold their lords due upon every fair pretence they could make that way , what great disturbance ▪ do we think , would insue ? doth not the instance between nabal and david inform us , that the rule of reason and prudence , as well as gratitude do justly call for obedience , and compliance to a protecting power , even in a case against the interest and leave of his present prince , and while he is neither possessed , nor so much as claiming the whole sovereignty , and shall we think it yet reasonable that after this sovereign power is wholly possessed ; and hath been generally submitted unto , we may then with shemei or sheba , out of particular love or relation to the last person or family , as being allied by courtesie or kindred ; or out of some discontent at this , renounce and cast off our subjection when we shall think fit ? 47. surely no ; such a resolution can never find entertainment in any that is a true cavalier indeed ; that is , one that out of a true sence of duty and loyalty alone appeared on the side of the late king , even because he was their king , and their present governour in chief . i am ( for my part ) perswaded , that as the most considerable body of that party consisted of the nobility and gentry , so were they men of too much honour and ingenuity to joyn themselves that way in hope of any private advantage to themselves ; but rather resolved to hazard their own lives and fortunes in testimony of their loyalty to their present sovereign . and therefore i have cause to hope that no loss by that means to be sustained ( which the chance of war must render to one side or other ) can move them to be now so inconsiderately inconstant , as to cease to be loyal at such a time as is apparently advantagious also . all sinister construction and wresting of principles is most to be feared from such as appeared on that party , not out of any such consciencious principle to their king , as king , but as they stood byassed by hope of gain or preferment ; such as these , finding themselves defeated of their aims , it is no wonder if they be found hardly reconcileable to those they conceive the authors thereof , but mutinous against them ; without any just sence of that publick detriment which must thence insue . it being not unlikely also , but tha● , in case the king had prevailed , those that were then the most forward in lifting themselves for the royal party , would themselves have proved the kings greatest enemies , if their covetousness or ambition stood at any time not satisfied to their liking : no otherwise then we do plainly find now , in some of those tha● were most zealous on the other side , as if they were the most godly of that party ; who upon such like discontent , are found most ready to turn enemies themselves to that party and protection under which they fought ; clearly evincing , that it was rather gain then godliness , that first engaged them . it was for the con●●●ction of these , and such as these , and for prevention of such dangerous doctrines and practises as they might infuse into others , to the abatement of ou● bounden duty , on the one hand , and the endangering ou● just punishment on the other , that hath made me thus large in the discovery of all those things as they stand both in conscience and prudence considerable in themselves , separate from all personal regard and prejudice . 48. for if we be not very watchful against such like insinuations , or what our own passions and prejudices may in these cases tempt us unto , we may quickly mistake in our respect and censures of gods vicegerent amongst us , no otherwise then st. paul did in his answer to the high priest , at such a time as he stood much exasperated through sence of his present suffering under his command . but what then ? if he fall , mark how quickly he riseth ? if he be told by a brother that it was gods high-priest , he so answered , he disputes no● his succession or legal election into that office according to their former law ; although he could not but know , that these were wanting in a far higher measure then can be now objected . but he being now in moses seat , the seat of supreme autority , applies the text of subjection and respect to him , th●u shalt not curse the gods , nor revile the rulers of the people : as if on purpose to leave us a president , that no such supposition could hereafter warrant any mans disobedience or contempt of authority . it will therefore concern us to be very watchful against all temptations of like kind , as that which is but too subject to prevail upon flesh and blood . for however such things may have a religious appearance put upon them by him that can transform himself into an angel of light ▪ yet by their fruits we may know them to be none other then works of flesh . 49. when therefore we read that this blessed apostle , and true saint indeed , saint paul himself is finding a law in his members ▪ warring against the law of his mind , and bringing him into captivity unto the law of sin . shall we , ●uch as we , think we are free ? have we not rather just cause to doubt , that si●ce he , notwithstanding that abundant grace and revelation given him , could not at all times d●scover and bear against this enmity , even against this sinister construction , which particular interest is ready to put in , for interruption or misleading him when he came to interpret or practise what was by god commanded him in the law● , so much more we , on whom the ●nds of the world are come , may well suspect and fea●●●is our natu●l corruption will take place , even in our most religious performances ; and that sin which was before natural onely , taking occasion by the commandment , to insinuate it self under a religious form will be subject to deceive , and ( thereby ) slay us . 50. but what need a doubt be made of our readiness to confess the prevalence of this our original state of corruption ? do we not find it on all hands acknowledged ? nay more , do we not find each one as for himself , ready to confess his own imbecilitie in performance ▪ of most holy things ? as in a general way we do ; when yet again , it is as sure , that when , in such or such particular actings or opinions , we come to raise a foundation for our deportments , or beleif , we shall then be found so precipitately and hastily swayed , as not onely to give a partial ●ear to the temptations offered by this law ; but also , for the most part to be carried with such violence , as not at all to search or doubt whether prejudice , interest ▪ or other natural corruption be therewith mingled or no. when we find in how many particulars that which had been said of old time in the law , was by partial construction of such as lived under it , made to serve private interest and revenge ( where publick good and justice was intended ) we are all of us ready enough to beleeve that mis-interpretation did sure enough happen to them ; when yet in ou● in●erpretation of some gospel rules and precepts , we suffer ou● selves to be as prejudicately led , without either due consideration of publick good or benefit at all , or else measure and apply i● in relation to our separate credits or benefit . we would sooner beleeve that such as eliah or elishah should transcend their relations , and intrude into the gove●nors imployment of dist●●buting equal justice , by that rule , of an eye for an eye , and a tooth for a tooth ; nay , and our saviours own disciple● therein follow them too , then that we , we who can now boast so much of our evangelical light , should in any acts of ours shew our selves any way guilty of such mistaken zeal , no , not we . those things belong to ou● enemies , those of the contrary opinion , or party to us ; they , not we , bring railing accusations , despise dominion , and speak evil of dignities , have onely a for● of godliness , profess they know god but in works they deny him ▪ being abominable and disobedient , and unto every good work reprobate . but let us be wary of the stratagems of the old serpent , of that subtilty wherewith he beguiled eve , to transgress a known command , under a fair pretence of being more like god , or god-like ; we must not do evill that good may come of it . where god hath expresly , and without exception , commanded obedience to the higher power , or to love one another , he that breaks that precept , or hates his brother , is neither truly godly , nor a lover of god. meekness , humility , patience , &c. are the gospel rules . religion , if it be pure , will be peaceable : but if it be contentious , it proceeds from pride . let us therefore ( i say ) be very careful to examine our own hearts , as that which is desperately wicked , and deceitfull above all things . let us lay righteousness to the line : do we not break a plain precept , when we ▪ disobey or reproach our governours , or persecute or censure our brother ? and then , are we , on the other side , as sure that the cause why we do it , is indeed the cause of god , and so nearly concerning him that it must be now , and by us done ; and that without further warrant , or else his honour will be lost ? that we transgress by our disobed ●●ce , every one sees ; but that we are right in our reason for doing it , none se●s but our selves . i am perswaded that if the frame of our hearts were well searched , that even in our most zealous and religious ways of acting to the disturbance of others , or disobedience to authority , it would be often found , that it was not true piety ▪ but pride that caused contention ; and stubbornness , and discontent to be in subjection to any other , was the true cause we became so extreamly devoted to the service of god , that , under colour of some service and obedience to a higher power , our contempt of this might be justified . to try whether this were so or no , le● us strictly and impartially examine our own aims in the search of scripture in things wherein obedience and submission is expected . do we indeed search them with a meek , patient , and unprejudiced spirit ; with a true desire to be farther satisfied in our submission and conformity , as that which hath apparently in it self directest tendency to gods glory , and mans good ? or do we not rather search both them and the law , with hearts full of anger and discontent , and a desire to find things clean otherwise , even to find some exception how we may resist the higher power , or meddle with those that are given to change ? why then , it is a sure sign that there is a root of bitterness springing up , we shall therewith be defiled . if the evil spirit find the house thus swept and garnished , find such a preparedness to evil , we shall return but ten times more the children of wrath then before . as we see of baalam , that notwithstanding a plain precept , go not with them , numb . 22. 2. would yet , from a corrupt principle within , be further searching what gods m●nd was : why then , being given over to strong delusions , he found an answer , go with them ; so when we shall abuse those plain precepts given in the scripture , as in order to publick good , and will be seeking among mystical texts for other contary rule● , whereby to guide our selves , will it not then be just with god to let us hear ( as he did ) an answer in the night , saying , go with them , vers . 20 ? but however we should mistake our own hearts , through the deceitfulness of sin , yet if we find men to be so far progressive in the course of disobedience and gain-saying , as to persist therein , even after that the reformation contended for , and all that could be reasonably expected , is now brought about , and that against those too that were their leaders , and did accompany them therein , this will plainly evince to the world that they began upon a carnal principle , let their pretensions be as godly as they will ; and i fear many now living are too plainly guilty herein . and amongst these that thus see visions in the night : what think we of them that dream of a fifth monarchy ? who since they can find neither government nor governour better on earth , will seek one in heaven ; christ himself shall rule them , or they will not be ruled at all . why truly , when he comes to reign personally , which ought to be every good mans prayer , i beleeve no christian will be found unwilling to submit to his scepter , and in the mean time , i hope none will refuse to submit to that authority , which amongst us doth most represent him . finis . the reader is desired to mend these errata . pag. 6. l. 2. oeconomical . l. 34. insert this word [ and ] before and to believe , &c. p 18. l. 8. r acknowledg . p. 22. l. 12. r. hath for where . p. 23. l. 12. eff●cted for expected . p 40. l. 29. dele job 56. 8. p. 44. l. 31. r. cleer for there . p. 51. l. 10. d●ride for divide . p. 58. l. 5. were for now . l. 12. worth for work . l. 15. now : for now . p. 62. l. 23. r. given to . p. 77. l. 15. dele only . p. 82. l. 16 : r. defect . p. 87. l. 2. r. imitation . l. 9. dele in these . l. 25. dele yet . p 92. l. 18. r is it for it is . l. 19. r. like ? for like ; l 29 dele possessed . p. 93. l7 . dele it . p 97. l. ult . r. an equal . p. 103. l. 15. r. and for l. p. 104 l 4. r. so for he . l. 17. r. in case for in case . p. 105. l. 26. r. and for are . l. 28. r. defeat . l. 31. r. respect . p 106. l. 8. dele when . p. 109. l. 2. r. ●xpress . p. 112. l. 22 r. disengage for distinguish . p. 113. l. 15. r. up for u●●● p. 17. l 12. r. confirmation . & l 33. read , lady jane grey ; and withal it was shewed how dangerous a matter it might be if the lady . 