# indx_content

c0: A28224
c1: Bisbie, Nathaniel, 1635-1695.
c3: 1684
c6: 20357
c7: 389
c8: 45
c9: A28224.xml
c10: A28224.txt
c2:
  Two sermons the first shewing the mischiefs of anarchy, the second the mischiefs of sedition, and both of them the mischiefs and treasons of conventicles : preached at the assizes held for the county of Suffolk, ann. 1682/3 : and published at the request of Tho. Waldegrave, Esq. ... / by Nath. Bisbie ...

c4:
  Look we , 1. Into the Disorders that then , and at that time infected and infested the Land ; Every man did that which was right in his own eyes : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what seemed right and good to him , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rectum esse vel videri : To him , and in his own eyes good ; but bad , stark naught in themselves and in the eyes of God ; so bad , that ( as at that time there was no King in Israel , so ) if there had been no God in Heaven , they could not have been much worse . And if I make these three particulars out , I shall settle the thing , what their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was to be ; and what indeed they wanted , when they were so unhappy as to have no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 no King.

c5:
  aaron; abiram; company; dathan; days; evil; god; government; house; israel; king; korah; land; like; lord; man; men; micah; moses; nay; priest; right; text; time

c11:
   Two sermons the first shewing the mischiefs of anarchy, the second the mischiefs of sedition, and both of them the mischiefs and treasons of conventicles : preached at the assizes held for the county of Suffolk, ann. 1682/3 : and published at the request of Tho. Waldegrave, Esq. ... / by Nath. Bisbie ... Mischiefs of anarchy Bisbie, Nathaniel, 1635-1695. 1684 Approx. 121 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 38 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A28224 Wing B2984 ESTC R3888 12631436 ocm 12631436 64778 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A28224) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 64778) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 344:15) Two sermons the first shewing the mischiefs of anarchy, the second the mischiefs of sedition, and both of them the mischiefs and treasons of conventicles : preached at the assizes held for the county of Suffolk, ann. 1682/3 : and published at the request of Tho. Waldegrave, Esq. ... / by Nath. Bisbie ... Mischiefs of anarchy Bisbie, Nathaniel, 1635-1695. [8], 66, [1] p. Printed for Walter Kettilby ..., London : 1684. "The mischiefs of anarchy" and "Korah and his company" each have special t.p. Advertisements: p. [1] at end. Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Anarchism -- Early works to 1800. Sedition -- Early works to 1800. Sermons, English -- 17th century. 2006-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-02 Robyn Anspach Sampled and proofread 2007-02 Robyn Anspach Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion TWO SERMONS . THE FIRST , Shewing the Mischiefs of ANARCHY . THE SECOND , The Mischiefs of SEDITION . AND BOTH OF THEM , The Mischiefs and Treasons OF CONVENTICLES . PREACHED At the ASSIZES held for the County of SVFFOLK , Ann. 1682 / 3. AND PVBLISHED At the request of THO. WALDEGRAVE , Esq High Sheriff of the said County . By NATH . BISBIE , D. D. LONDON , Printed for Walter Kettilby , at the Bishop's Head in St. Paul's Church-Yard , MDCLXXXIV . To the Worshipful THOMAS WALDEGRAVE Of SMALBRIDGE , In the County of SVFFOLK , Esq High Sheriff of the said County , and one of His Majesties Deputy Lieutenants for the County of Essex , and the said County of Suffolk . I Read in Plutarch of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of one that was a great lover of Alexander , as he was a brave accomplish'd man ; and of another that was a lover of him as he was his true and lawful Soveraign : And without doubt to have a Prince both Good and Vertuous , Heroick and Magnanimous ; Obliging to Subjects , Dreadful to Enemies ; Victorious at home and abroad , insomuch that by his Goodness and Vertue he deserves the Title of being Great , it must be the Pride and Honour of us all : But if here we stick , and view not Majesty as well as goodness ; if we consider not his Power and his Place as well as his Merit and Desert , we may be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lovers of Alexander , but no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lovers of the King ; and in truth no more qualifi'd to be Subjects , than was Phoenix and Prothytes when they would have enfranchis'd and Commonwealth'd the Thebans ; than Demetrius and Nicanor when they would have set up Amyntas against him ; than Cassander and Jolla when waiting upon his Cup , they would have administred poyson to him . But , Sir , It is Your Character ( Craterum cum Hephaestione ) so to love your King , as to be an admirer and asserter both of His Person and His Power , and with Heart and Hand equally to engage for both ; A Loyalty , justly challenging aemulation as well as commendation , and which , in spight of all the Apostates of the age , is every mans great and bounden duty , as well as known to be Your firm and open practice ; and how far the County hath been influenc'd thereby , and the tide stemm'd even ( when the raging flouds of a new found loyalty had almost wash'd the old away ) the present change of affairs may easily discover . It s enough for me that honest discourses might be vented under You , and not threatned with the Pillory ; that I could assert my Princes right , and not be told that my little learning had made me mad , or that my greater Loyalty ( which is but my just tribute ) had hurried me on to be a betrayer of my Religion : Wherefore if what here I offer , happen to be too hot for the age , and therefore censur'd ; be pleas'd to blame Your self for calling me , first to the Pulpit , and now to the Press ; for resolv'd I was , from the time you press'd me into your Service , and made me one of your retinue , to keep pace in daring Loyalty as near as I could unto your self ; and shall ever study to abound in that vertue , as knowing , the more Loyal the more Christian , and far better qualified to be Long-Melford , Suff. Sept. 9. 1683. Your truly devoted Servant and Chaplain , NATH . BISBIE . The Mischiefs of Anarchy : OR , A SERMON Preached at the ASSIZES HELD AT BVRY St. EDMVNDS , For the County of SUFFOLK , March 13. 1682. At the request of THO. WALDEGRAVE , Esq High Sheriff of the said County , Mr Justice WINDHAM Being Judge there . By Nath. Bisbie , D. D. LONDON , Printed for Walter Kettilby , 1684. JUDGES xvii . 6. In those days there was no King in Israel , but every man did that which was right in his own eyes . That which brings on my Text , and gives it its rise , is this , The man Micah had an house of Gods , and made an Ephod and Teraphim , and consecrated one of his Sons , who became his Priest . THE Jewish Rabbins long ago have observed , That there were three Crowns indispensably requisite to make a Nation happy ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Crown of the Judge , the Crown of the Priest , and the Crown of the King : that of the Judge , for the Peace and Happiness of the State ; that of the Priest , for the Welfare and Establishment of the Church ; that of the King , for the Prosperity and Flourishing both of Priest and Judge , of Church and State. And the Graecians have luckily lighted upon an Etymology for the same , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quasi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as if he were the People's only basis and support ; pinning them up , and keeping them together , that they drop not into a confusion like a tottering Wall , whose foundation is sunk and gone . For if there be no Magistrate ( no King ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one man will eat up another alive , the rich will oppress the poor , and the poor devour the rich , every one bidding battle and defiance to their Neighbour , till they have turned our Cities into Dens , and our Villages into Forests for Wolves and Tigers to inhabit ; Creatures , less ravenous and much more orderly in themselves , than unruly Man ( that ravenous Creature Man ) when let loose into the World , and without a King to govern Him. This the Jews full well experienced ; for in those Days when there was no King in Israel ( and it seemeth there had been such days there , as well as here ) every man did that which was right in his own eyes . We may call this the Crown-Text , a Text Royal ; not only tacitly adjusting the right of Kings , but openly shewing the grand inconveniences and mischiefs that arise from want of their Inspection and Government . We may talk of Arrows by day , and of Pestilences by night ( of wasting and consuming judgments ) judgments ! that leave not one stone upon another , but turn Cities of men into Golgothas and places of Sculls ; Fruitful and Pleasant Vineyards into barren and naked Wildernesses for the Ostrich and the Owl to dwell in ; but of all the fatal boding Calamities that ever happened to a Nation , or indeed can , there is not ( nor ever was ) any like that of Anarchy : for if there be no King , every man will play Rex , and be a Lord of Misrule , and do whatsoever his Lusts , his Interests and Passions ( which are always prone to be wild and extravagant ) shall say , will be good for him to do . So that we have the Commonwealth of Israel , 1. Labouring under great and manifold Disorders ; Every man did that which was right in his own eyes . 2. We have the true Reason and Cause of those Disorders ; In those days there was no King in Israel . Look we , 1. Into the Disorders that then , and at that time infected and infested the Land ; Every man did that which was right in his own eyes : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what seemed right and good to him , from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 rectum esse vel videri : To him , and in his own eyes good ; but bad , stark naught in themselves and in the eyes of God ; so bad , that ( as at that time there was no King in Israel , so ) if there had been no God in Heaven , they could not have been much worse . And let but men ( I mean the generality of men , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the rude and ungovernable Multitude ) once arrive at that which they call Liberty and Freedom , to do what pleaseth them and what seemeth good in their eyes ; and the Land ( within as few Days perhaps as it was with Noahs flood ) will be overrun with an Inundation and Deluge of Impiety , Injustice , Villany . We shall be nothing but Teagues and Toryes , Banditti and enleagued Borderers ; no Society or Company of Men , but an Herd of Wolves and of Bears ; a Band and Fraternity of Schismatical Furies , Atheistical Debochees , Bloody and inhumane Cannibals ; Legion will be the Name , the Prince of the Air the General , and the House divided against it self our Rendezvouze and Castle . And if our eyes be our own , we may take the truth of what is offered from the Jews before us ; they were all for that which was right in their own eyes , and what was that ? but to make themselves Idols and to Consecrate their own Priests ; to spoil Houses of their Goods , and Women of their Chastity ; to cut poor innocent mens Throats , and to depopulate as well as deflower a Nation ; Israel no longer , but a Bethaven and a Babel ; a Stage of wickedness , and a Theatre of Confusion . The Landskip whereof cannot be over-pleasing to the Spectator ; and yet to do right unto my Text , it will be requisite to make a further enquiry 1. Into the nature of the Disorders ; 2. Into the number of the Offenders . 1. Into the Nature of the Disorders ; all Monstrous , Horrid , Prodigious : There were no such deeds done or seen from the day that the Children of Israel came up out of the Land of Egypt , unto those Days ( Chap. 19.30 . ) Put all the provocations that had any where happened in the Wilderness together , add to them the many prevarications that had been acted in the time of Joshua , and no such Crimes ( none so lewdly vile ) had ever all that while been perpetrated , as in those days when there was no King in Israel . Would you have a Catalogue of them ? Then hear O Heavens , and be astonished O Earth ! Schism and Idolatry ( those cursed abominations ) begin them ; Sacriledge and Theft follow ; then marches Whoredom , Rape , Adultery ; after these , Murder , Bloodshed , Civil War ; then Parents kill their Children , and Children their Parents ; one part of the Land riseth up against the other ; Tribe setteth against Tribe , City against City , all embroiled ( and eagerly concerned ) to undo , destroy and root out each other . Such lewdness in Israel , and so generally , so warmly pursu'd ( as you may see in this , and the ensuing Chapters to the end of the Interregnum ) that Hell it self with all her black inhabitants in so short a time could not well be supposed to have outdone them : Sine Rege , sine Lege , sine Fide ; without King , without Law , without Religion . Loth I am to make England the after-scene , or to run a parallel of her disorders with those of Israels ; for though in our late Anarchy we were as bad as any ( as the Jews themselves , even in those days when there was no King ; nay , as in those days when they Crucified and Murdered their King ) yet Cham was accursed for exposing his Parents nakedness ; and I had rather you should make the Jews your spectacle , and from them and their miscarriages , learn to be more Loyal , and henceforth to love a King ( your King ) the better . But to make up the measure of their iniquity , we must consider 2. The Number of the Offenders ; Every man did that which was right in his own eyes . Some ( no question ) there were who had not bowed their knee to Baal , that even in those days did , and would do what was right in Gods eyes and not in their own ; and were as good as others could then be bad : But as for the generality of the land , they were utterly corrupted ; Ephraim , Dan , Manasseh ; Ephraim in the midst , Dan and the men of Gibeah in the two ends thereof ; so that this [ every man ] is expressive of the greatest part ; for not only the more loose and profane , but the more precise and religious too were thus wickedly given ; not only thieving Dan and adulterous Gibeah , but devout Micah , the young man his Priest , the old Saint his mother ; every one of these did what was right in their own eyes ; which brings on my Text ( three times in this , and the ensuing Chapters set down , but in this first and ) upon occasion of this Micah's self-instituted Place and Worship ; for The man Micah had an house of Gods , and made an Ephod and Teraphim , and consecrated one of his Sons , who became his Priest . Where we have the whole of his iniquity displayed ; and if we will but take in what was said of him in the preceding verse , that he had before this a Graven and a Molten Image by him for the said House ( which according to Grotius was an Altar with other the Utensils thereunto belonging ) we have then all the prime and chief furniture of the Tabernacle , that was by God himself appointed for the Service thereof : and yet it was an evil , 1. That he had an house of Gods ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( the word is altogether Plural , but used mostly Singular ) an house of God , a Bethel , a separate place of his own setting up : Aediculam sive capellam , as some interpret it , a Chappel of ease , a Religious place of his own , distinct and separate from that of publick assignation at Shiloh , whereunto all were bound to resort . Neither can this interpretation be quarrelled , provided you will but consider that place in the Twelfth Chapter of Deuteronomy , which is the first place , ( if I be not mistaken , ) wherein this phrase of Every mans doing right in his own eyes , is used , You shall not do after the things which we do here this day , every man what is right in his own eyes , ( that is , worship where , and in what place you please , as hitherto hath been done in the Wilderness ) but when you go over Jordan , and dwell in the Land which the Lord your God shall give you to inherit , then there shall be a place which the Lord your God shall choose to cause his name to dwell there , thither shall you go : So that Micah's House , and Micah's Separation , was one of those Evils that then pestered the Land. Nay , for the palliation of this Evil , and to make the Service ( therein performed ) look more innocent , and more like the Service of the Tabernacle , 2. He made him an Ephod . Now an Ephod was a Sacerdotal Garment , proper for the Tabernacle and the use of the High Priest , never to be used but in Divine Worship and at the most solemn services of the Tabernacle . A Garment designed by Micah , that the Priest of his House might every way be clad like one of Gods Priests ; and appear not only Grave and Sacred in his Habit , but as Jure divino , like as the very best of those , who were of Gods nomination and appointment . Most evident it is , that when the Danites went up to surprise Laish ( Chap. 18.5 , 14. ) they consulted this Ephod ; and that too , with as much Veneration and Devotion , as if it had been the very Ephod of the Sanctuary , which had the Vrim and the Thummim , and from whence ( as from between the Cherubims ) God was pleased to give forth his Answers . He had also , 3. His Teraphim . What this Teraphim was , whether loquens imago , a blearing bleating Image , craftily set at work by the Incantations and Charms of the Knavish Priest its Familiar , to give out its Mysterious Oracles and Unintelligible Answers to the over-credulous unwary Multitude ; or whether an Astrological Engine shaped and figured like unto the Cherubims of the Tabernacle , to discover the Planetary Motions and Aspects of the Heavens ( whereby a Guess and Prediction was to be made of things that were to come ) is not much to our present concern : Certain it is , they were used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the foretelling of future Events , and in all probability designed to Cap and Supply not only the want of the Vrim and the Thummim , but the very Cherubinical voice it self , which was confined to , and went along with the established Priesthood . The word it self is used in a good , as well as in a bad sence ; particularly Hos . 3.4 . it being there threatned as a judgment upon Israel , that they should abide many days without a King , and without a Sacrifice , and without an Ephod , and without a Teraphim . But this also became an evil to him , for so it is recorded among other his evil deeds , that he made him a Teraphim . The last thing mentioned of him is , 4. That he consecrated for himself a Priest ; his own Son first , ( one neither of Aarons Lineage nor of his Tribe ) willing that any one should be his Priest , rather than not have one of his own ; afterwards ( for the more Solemnity of the thing , and to seem more Conformable to the Divine institution ) a Levite ; one in Holy Orders , but of the meanest rank , and no less irregular and unlawful than the former , it being permitted to none to take the Priests Office upon them , but who were Descendents of Aaron : though indeed not much matter who it be , nor how dressed , nor if at all consecrated , provided he will but usurp the Priesthood and give out his Edicts to the Brotherhood of the Gild , as his inspired brain and the home-made Teraphim shall dictate to him . I know there are some , that make this Micah's Religion to be perfect Idolatry , and downright Apostasie from the Religion that Almighty God by his Servant Moses had established among the Israelites ; but if so , what made him so fond of the Ephod , the Altar , the Cherub , the Levite , and every thing else that did but so much as Ape the religion of the Tabernacle ? Nay , what made him so joyful that he had got one of Gods Levites to be his Priests ? or to make so many applications to the true God as he did ? for my part I do ( and thereunto I am obliged by Vatablus , Grotius and many others , to ) think that he was veri Dei cultor , a worshipper of the True God , though ( Puritan like ) in a separate way ; insomuch , that howbeit he might have a tincture of Idolatry in his worship , yet it was a fault in him , and a very great one too , that he had set up an house of his own ; and therein an Ephod , an Altar , a Teraphim , a Priest in contradiction to the Tabernacle , the Ephod , the Altar , the Cherubims , and the established Priests of God. In short , a Will-worship , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a self-pleasing devotion ; a separate house , a separate Priest , a separate Religion ( howbeit of the same God ) from the regular national establishment . A thing very pleasing to man ! and so pleasing , that if left unto himself , because there is no King to restrain him , every man will think himself as good as Micah , and set up an house and a Priest of his own , and there do whatsoever shall seem right in his own eyes . Thus it fared of old with Israel , and thus of late with England ; for no sooner began we to grow mad , and to bethink our selves of no King , but immediately ( as if Hell it self had broke loose ) all the worm-eaten exploded heresies , from the very days of Christ , began to make head again ; and there came upon the stage a revived rabble of Gnosticks , Arrians , Macedonians , Novatians , Enthusiasts , and whatever else seemed right to any ; every one calling ( as it seemed good to them ) for their own Priest , and their own house ; till not a Mountain , not a Grove , not a City , scarce a street but had an house , a God , a Priest of their own . And if we do but consider how some men of late ( good friends , no doubt , to Micah ) to give ease to tender Consciences would have eased us of our religion ; and out of kindness to a little uncouth Protestantism to come into the Church , would have thrust out the Reformation ( nay Christianity it self ) out of the Church , we may say , it was well for us then , that we also had a King. Doubtless a most sad complaint and account of things ! But it leads me from the mischiefs and disorders that happened in those days , 2. To the Cause thereof ; there was no King , no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. None of Regal Soveraign authority to superintend and command the rest . 2. None of inferiour Jurisdiction and government , that had resolution and courage ( suitable to the power they were invested with ) either to see the Laws executed , or the Offenders thereof punished : the want of which ( as well as of the other ) will soon fill a land with all manner of disorders , and run it into Ataxy and confusion . Their misery was 1. That they had no King ; no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 none of Superiour Soveraign authority to superintend , over-aw and set the rest at work . Now this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 denotes a government 1. In its nature Monarchical ; 2. In its authority Soveraign ; 3. In its continuance Hereditary . All which conveniencies and advantages were wanting at that time in the government of Israel ( as shall more at large be made to appear out of the history of those days ; ) from the want of which , those evils ( so much complained on ) came upon them . And if I make these three particulars out , I shall settle the thing , what their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was to be ; and what indeed they wanted , when they were so unhappy as to have no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 no King. 1. It supposeth a government truly Monarchical . It hath been concluded by many , That these words [ of having no King ] bear a particular regard to the first forty years that the Children of Israel had been in possession of the Promised land from the death of Joshua ; the one part whereof , was under the government ( as some say ) of the surviving Elders , which came into the land with Joshua ; as others say , under the Sanedrim or Senate of Elders as they were at first established by Moses , and afterwards renewed by the people ; The other part under Othniel their Judge , to whom though usually the whole forty years be ascribed , yet it is certain that many of them were pass'd and gone afore ever he took the office of a Judge upon him ( ch . 3.8 . ) ; and it is no less certain , that the abuse done to the Levites Concubine ( which is one of the last recited Villanies committed in those days ) was acted in the time of Phineas ▪ the High Priest ( ch . 20.28 . ) , who came into that office upon the death of Eleazar about the death of Joshua , and continued in it ( as Chronologers compute ) all the years ascribed to Othniel , dying with or about the same time as Othniel did . However in those days there was no King ; Elders there were ( as you have heard ) of the Tribes , and every Elder ( as some conceive ) governing his own Tribe ; There were moreover the Elders of the Sanedrim superintending and governing the whole Nation of the Israelites ; Nay , as for part of those days , there was a Judge among them ; and yet great oppression , frequent disorders , and all occasioned by the want of a King. Which shews , That neither Aristocracy nor Democracy , the Rule of the Nobles , nor the Rule of the People ( be it by themselves or their Representatives ) was able of it self , or indeed capable to secure them from confusion , impiety , oppression . And therefore you shall find them endeavouring , and upon all occasions labouring after a King ; calling first to Gideon , Do thou King us ( ch . 8.22 . ) ; afterwards to Samuel , to make them a King ( 1 Sam. 8.5 . ) And its observable , that the nearer they approached to this kind of government , the better they were ; but if at any time the Judge dy'd ( who was instead of a King , ) or the government came to be devolv'd upon their Sanedrim , all things presently went to confusion , and they reinforc'd to chuse them a new Judge . And thus it is recorded of them in general ( ch . 2.18 , 19. ) That when the Lord raised them up , Judges , the Lord was with the Judge , and delivered them out of the hand of their enemies : but if the Judge dy'd , then it came to pass , that they returned and corrupted themselves more than their fathers had done . And in particular , thus it was when Othniel dy'd ( ch . 3.12 . ) , thus when Ehud dy'd ( ch . 4.1 . ) , thus when Deborah dy'd ( ch . 6.1 . ) thus when Gideon dy'd ( ch . 8.33 . ) , and thus , and almost always thus to the end of the whole government of the Judges : which argues , that the nearer the advance is made to Kingship , the nearer people get to Order and good Government ; and the further any stand off , still the worse , and every day worse ; for when there was not so much as a Judge among them , they fell not only into sin but into slavery . So it hapned in the Interregnum between Joshua and Othniel , they were oppressed by Cushan eight years ( ch . 3.8 . ) , by Eglon upon the death of Othniel eighteen years ( ch . 3.14 . ) , by Jabin upon the death of Ehud twenty years ( ch . 4.2 . ) , by Midian upon the death of Deborah seven years ( ch . 6.1 . ) , by Ammon upon the death of Jair eighteen years ( ch . 10.8 . ) , by the Philistines upon the death of Abdon forty years ( ch . 13.1 . ) , In all an hundred and eleven years ; slavery enough ( if people would be taught any thing ) to convince them of the necessity of a King and Kingly government , as likewise of the defects , imperfections , calamities of all other rule , though it be that of a Senate or a Sanedrim . 2. A King supposeth a power Soveraign ; One of a Supreme and indefeisable authority ; Superiour to all , to the very Senate and Sanedrim : To whom the appeal must lye , and from whom the final and decretory Sentence must come ; accountable to none but to God , who is the King of Kings , and the last Judge of men , though in Conscience oblig'd to do no evil himself , nor to suffer others to do it ; as knowing that he must one day account to the God who first made him a man , and then gave him his authority . A person ( I say ) of superiour and uncontrollable authority , for otherwise he is not Supreme , and no better than one of the Judges of the land ; for the Judge was the Leader , the Prime and Principal of the rest , had the chief honour and conduct , but always subservient to , and controllable by the Sanedrim ; which bred mighty delays , huge inconveniencies , many and lasting confusions : whereupon being wearied and tired out by the defects of that kind of government , they say to Samuel , Give us a King ; and to Gideon , Be thou a King ( a Soveraign ) to us , who by an inherent supercommanding authority may in times of necessity and danger not only silence the Faction of Tribes , but the heat of Senators ; for they also may be faulty , as in the case of Korah , where no less than two hundred and fifty Princes of the Assembly rose up against Moses ( Num. 16.2 . ) . Nay , probably this was the reason why they said to Samuel , Give us a King like other Nations ( 1 Sam. 8.5 . ) ; not as if they were desirous to be tyrannized over , or made slaves as other nations too too often were ; that 's a thing they were resolved to venture rather than endure the known mischiefs and barbarisms , that the jealousies , delays , factions , of the Demagogues and men of renown in the Sanedrim used to expose them unto . And what if the Prince should be personally wanton , by nature cruel , upon experience covetous , designing , seeking his own and his family concerns , and thereupon pervert justice , take illegal occasions to oppress and revenge ? Nay , what if Naboth's Vineyard be to be had , or the Vessels of the Temple to be rifled , or religion it self to be altered ? If these doings are so criminal , so outrageous , so formidable , when confined to one , what will they be when they are the espoused Sentiments of many ? nay , made their interests and acted in all the corners and quarters of the land ? Put the case as bad as you can ; and what if this be the manner of the King ( as Samuel tells the people , 1 Sam. 8.11 . ) That he will take your sons , and appoint them for himself , for his chariots and his horsemen ; and set them to ear his corn , and to make his instruments of war ? and what if he take your fields , your vineyards , and your oliveyards , and give them to his officers and Servants ? This is the worst that the very worst of them will do : But put the case that this be done ; yet if there be a Decemviri as at Rome ; if thirty Tyrants , as at Athens ; if two hundred and fifty , as in the Assembly of the Israelites : These may all ( and every one of them ) be as bad , as lascivious , as covetous , as oppressive , as designing as that One ; and so the Tyranny , oppression , impiety be much greater and more spreading , but not so easily cur'd , nor so well endur'd . I am apt to think , that if our late Calamities ( which lasted not full twenty years ) were well reflected upon , there would be found more Tyranny to have been exercised , more outrages to have been committed , more injustice to have been done by the Assemblers and Senators of those days , than ever there can be found among all our Kings since we have had a Monarchy , or ( what 's altogether the same ) since we have been a Nation . 3. A King supposeth one Hereditary ; a King with an Heir and known Successor at hand to step into his place as soon as ever he himself is gone . Hence the Israelites ( full sensible of the want of such a King ) call unto Gideon , rule thou over us , thou and thy son , and thy sons son , ( ch . 8.22 . ) profering thereby an entail and inheritance ; and intimating , that they should never be well , nor out of danger , till they had a King ; not a Judge ( for so Gideon was , and had done as great and as valiant things as ever any Judge had done , ) but a King ; and a King , with Off-spring and Progeny to succeed and to rule without any interregnums or new choice , which had too too often proved factious and tedious , and mostly fatal . Thus the loosness of Laish was ascribed to this inconvenience , there was no Magistrate , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 no heir of restraint , no certain and apparent Successor to the Throne ( ch . 18.17 . ) And indeed interregnums are always pregnant of mischief and of misery ; never any of them hapned in Israel ( and yet happen they did , and ever will , where there is not a certain Heir to succeed ) but they brought along with them all manner of Confusion and Oppression : which very thing made the Israelites so eager to have a King with Posterity and Succession attending ; never happening till King Davids time , and from the reign of Solomon ( his Son and Successor ) never put by as to Judah from the Primogeniture and right Heir . This is a most certain truth , that none illegitimately born could inherit , Thou shalt not inherit in our fathers house , ( say the Gibeonites concerning Jephtha , ch . 11.2 . ) for thou art the son of a strange woman : but if legitimate and first born of the family , there was no proscription ( no Bill of Exclusion ) to be made ; nothing being ever accounted more horrid and vile among the Israelites than to snarl , disturb , interrupt or displace the Inheritance . Nay , though there had been more wives in the case ( the wrong loved , and the right hated ) yet the first-born of the hated was to have the Inheritance ; the right of the first-born is his , ( Deut. 21.17 . ) So that to set limits to the Monarch , or to minorate and depress him in his Prerogative , Supremacy , Succession , is to rob Israel of her King ; and in truth to put no difference between a King and an Elder of the Sanedrim , or at the best , between a King and an ordinary Judge , put on and off according to the humor and insolence of every designing , prevailing Faction . Certainly it is not a Purple Robe , nor a Reed put into the hand , that will make Israel a King ; the Jews so served our Saviour , and withal bowed the Knee unto him , saying , Hail King of the Jews : but ( says the Text ) they first stripped him , and then they mocked him : and in sooth if Kings come once to be stript of their own Robes ( I mean their Jura regni , their Preheminences , Regalities , Dignities , whereby they come to be Kings and to excell others ) I cannot see but they are worthily made the People's scorn ; and though Princely clad , yet no better than a Supposititious Perkin , or a bare King of Clouts . Nay , I cannot see , but that if King Adonibezek ( notwithstanding his eight Kings prostrated and captivated by him ) be himself to be bound and shackled at the will , and by the Votes of his Subjects , He must be adjudged to be himself enslav'd , and as far ( in reality ) from being a King in Israel's sence , as those very Captivated Kings were , who lay gathering their Meat under his Table with their Thumbs and their Toes cut off . But to end this ; The Rabbins have a saying , that there were three things enjoyned the Israelites ( whilst they were in the Wilderness ) to be performed by them when they entred into Canaan ; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to root out the memory of Amalek , to choose them a King , and to build them an House for a Sanctuary ; the first whereof ( if they had proceeded regularly , as Scickard upon Maimonides observes ) was to choose them a King. It s true they displeased Samuel in doing it ( 1 Sam. 8.6 . ) ; nay , God tells them , that by so doing they had rejected him also , ( vers . 7. ) ; from which and other like places the Rota-brained Republican takes an occasion to Blaspheme God and the King , and to decry their Government as if it were not only Tyrannical but Antitheocratical ; and yet God promised Abraham ( soon after that he promised him the Land ) that Kings should come out of his Loins ( Gen. 17.6 . ) ; and by prediction from Jacob , that the Scepter should not depart from Judah till Shiloh came , Gen. 49.10 . and as they were going to the Land , he informed them what manner of King they were to choose , when they came thither ( Deut. 17.15 . ) ; Yea , and when choice was made of Saul , God owned him , and promised blessings along with him , provided they would but fear God and walk in his ways ( 1 Sam. 12.14 . ) ; nay , the Scripture brands all the Male contents and those who refused to congratulate his Choice , for Sons of Belial ( 1 Sam. 10.27 . ) . So that if the Israelites offended in asking a King , it was in formâ non jure petendi , in the manner of asking , and not in the thing it self : either because they did it in a Seditious Tumultuating manner , affecting Innovation in the Government as some do conceive ; or in an affrontive way to Samuel their present Judge , as others imagine ; or to a wrong and evil design , hoping thereby to make an alteration in the established Religion of the Land , as a third sort think . All which were not only evil in themselves , but very culpable , and justly provoked God to say , that He would give them a King in his Anger : however the desiring or having a King was not evil in it self ; for God gave them one upon their request , and when that Person was dead , he appointed them another ( even David , a man after his own heart ; ) and under that kind of Government he continued them so long as he continued them in Canaan . Which intimates , that the having a King in Israel ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one of a Soveraign power , with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with an Heir of restraint at his back ) was one of the blessings of the Land of Canaan ; and the most proper Government that a Nation can wish for or have , which endeavours after a peaceable and happy settlement . Judges will not do alone ; neither Joshua nor the High Priest must presume too far ; nay , the Sanedrim it self must be modest and humble ; these and every one of these in their proper Spheres may help on the blessing , but to make a Nation perfectly happy ( Canaan like ) God must give them a King. For though he had often changed their Government before , from Captains to Judges , from Judges to Priests , yet having once given them a King , he there rests ; as having brought all to perfection , and never changed any more . Which argues , that Kings are not only Divine , but the best if not the only means to maintain the peace , and to propagate the welfare of a Nation . And so we pass from the first cause of those mischiefs that befel the Israelites , they had no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 no King ; unto the Second , and that was , 2. Because the Magistrates and Judges ( who then had the Rule ) neglected their office , and neither suppressed sin , nor punished the offender , which was all one as if they had had no King in Israel . It is said of the inhabitants of Laish ( afterwards Dan ) that they lived careless , and after the manner of the Zidonians ; in Lust and Luxury , in Vice and Idleness , in Idolatry and Prophaneness ; and the reason given for it is ( Chap. 18.7 . ) that there was no Magistrate in the Land to put them to shame in any thing : Magistrates there were , but none that would enforce the Laws , or prosecute the offenders ; none that would restrain them in their Vices , or be ( as the Apostle phraseth it ) a terror to evil doers . The very case of the Israelites before us , for Magistrates they had , as the Jewish Writers themselves confess ; but withal so backward and tardy in acting like Magistrates , as if they had been afraid to be Gods Deputies ; so shy of executing the Laws , as if ( like Draco's ) they had been wrote in blood ; and again so fearful of punishing , as if the whipping a Micah had been the Martyring a Saint ; whereas Magistrates ought not to prevaricate in their office . St. Paul expresly tells them , they must not bear the Sword in vain ; not hold it in their hands as if it were a bare Scepter of ornament for themselves , but use it as a Sword to be a revenger , and to execute wrath upon them that do evil . Neither ought the wholsom precept of Charity and forgiveness ( which our blessed Saviour so often , and so earnestly inculcates ) enervate , much less evacuate this power ; for it doth not hinder Parents from chastising their offending Children , nor Masters from correcting their rebellious Servants ; this were to licentiate Disobedience , and to give a toleration to Disorder . Suffer but this , and the Parent shall not rule his Child , nor the Master his Servant , no more than the Prince his Subject ; nay , suffer but this , and the Child will soon make his Parent pass through the fire for him to Moloch ; the Servant will soon bore the ears of his Master ; and the Subject get into the Throne of his Soveraign , and be a thousand times more insolent than He. Let but this immunity be proclaimed as a voice from Heaven , and the world will soon be in flames about our ears . The children of God will fall in Love with the daughters of Men , and the daughters of Men as soon produce a race of strong and mighty Giants ; ( a Crew of stubborn , wilful , disobedient men ) so mighty , that neither Reason shall perswade , Kindness oblige , nor Government hold ; Men of renown and famous in their Generations ( such as Korah , Dathan , and their accomplices were said to be ) ; Giants Non tam corporum mole , quam latrociniis & grassandi libidine , Mighty not so much in bulk as in Will , not in body as in Humour ; Mighty by their Stubbornness and Faction , by their Wickedness and Villany , to overthrow and confound a Nation . Wherefore let me perswade you ( You who are the present Guard of our Country ; the eyes to find out , and the hands to punish Offenders ) that as you have a King Enthron'd , so you would use your endeavours ( as in Duty and Conscience you are bound ) to keep and preserve him on his Throne . Let not the mighty Giants nor their Weavers-beams scare you ; think not that Dan and Benjamin ( the Ravishers of Women , and the Riflers of Houses ) are our only Malefactors ; but let Ephraim and his Idols , Micah and his House of Gods be alike enquired into , and punished ; Practices suiting only Anarchy , and the worst of Days when there is no King ! and therefore since we have a King , let these practices ( I pray you ) have an end , that it may not be said of us that we live as we did , or indeed as if there were , or rather as if we would have it so , that there should be no King in Israel . There will be a Micah if there be no King ; and therefore if there be a King , there ought to be no Micah , nor no House of his in Israel . And here ( that I may not seem Splenetick , nor too much exasperated against a sort of Men under the name of Malefactors , when Religion is in the case ; but rather do the duty of a good Levite as becomes the Establishment ) be pleased to consider with me , 1. That Micah's House and Religion is an Evil in the Land ; 2. That it is an Evil to be enquired into by the King and the Judges of the Land ; 3. That when no care is taken thereof , it is usually the Mother Evil of the Land. But I know before I proceed , that I shall be accounted ( for what I have to say ) no friend to the Religion now on foot called Protestantism ; however I am sure , that I am serving the Church of England , nay , disserving the Church of Rome , as much as if I were unreeving the Conclave , or pulling the Trentine Fathers out by the ears . For would we be perswaded to keep to the Fold , and the Shepherd appointed us ( be he on the Mountain or in the Planes ) to the Shepherd whom God , his Church , and the lawful Presidents thereof have set over us ; the Wolves may howl for want of prey , the greedy Itinerant return a perfect Mendicant , the Seminaries abroad be forced to keep the brood they have hatch'd , and the Roman Eagle never more take pleasure to quarry upon our English shore : for it was Micah's House , and the High-places afterwards ( like places of Separation ) that first brought Idolatry into Israel ; and I am as confident that if it ever be brought into our English Churches again , these are the Houses that must dress up the Idol , these the Seminaries that breed the Shavelin who will say Mass afore it . But the Enditement is fram'd and drawn , come I therefore briefly to prove the particulars of it ; and , 1. That Micah's House and Separation ( though never so near a kin to the Religion of the Sanctuary ) is one of the Evils of the Land. Thus it was in our Micah's days : and thus no less in the days of Gideon ; for ( Chap. 8.27 . ) He made him an Ephod , and put it in his City ( even in Ophra ) and all Israel went thither a Whoreing after it . Now the Ephod ( as you have heard ) was one of the Garments that God had appointed for his own Priests ; and his making an Ephod denotes , that he was resolved to turn back upon the Tabernacle , and to have a Priest and an House of his own ; which was no sooner effected , but ( as if they were as naturally given to Faction , as to Lust ) all the lascivious Saints and the wanton Satyrs , both He 's and She 's of the City and the Country round , went a Whoreing to it ; But this ( as it there follows ) became a snare ( an evil ) to Gideon and to his house , and was ( as some conceive ) the provoking cause why God suffered the Sons of the said Gideon to be slain in the self same City , where this Ephod had its entertainment . The like we read of Judah , that they did evil in the sight of the Lord ; nay , they provoked him above all that their Fathers had done , for they built them High-places and Groves ( 1 Kings 14.22 . ) ; not contented with the places erected for them ( such at that time were the Temple , the Synagogues , the Sanctuaries of the Land ) they would have Places of their own , High-places and Groves ; where the fault ( as I conceive ) was not , because a Place of Worship was erected , for that Land was accounted unclean which had no Sacred place in it ( Josh . 22.19 . ) ; nor because they were built on High , for the Temple was so , if not the Synagogues too ( Prov. 8.2 . ) ; nor because near unto or within a Grove , for the Sanctuaries were so ( Josh . 24.26 . ) ; nor altogether because polluted with Idolatry , for ( as Menochius observes ) many of them ( those especially in the Land of Judah ) had little else in them but the Service of the Temple . So that the Evil ( so much cryed out upon ) must be centred in this , and in this mainly , that they ( not God , or their Governors for them , but they ) for themselves built to themselves places of Worship , wherein contrary to the Sanctions and decrees of their guides and Governours they would serve the Lord. The next thing to be proved upon them is , 2. That this Micah's House and Worship is an Evil to be enquired into by the King , and the Judges of the Land ; such an Evil as is fit only for those days when there was no King ; and therefore if there be a King in the Land , there ought to be no such Evil there . Thus it is added amongst many other the good deeds of Jehosophat , and as no small commendation to his Reign , that he took away the High-places and Groves out of Judah ( 2 Chron. 17.6 . ) ; but charged to the account of Asa his Predecessor ( 1 Kings 15.14 . ) that though his heart was perfect with the Lord , and though otherwise he did that which was right in the eyes of the Lord , yet he suffered the High-places , ( those Assemblies and Meeting-places of Faction , Sedition , Contradiction ) to remain in the Land : He otherwise did that which was right ; intimating that he had done much better and more like a King , if he had put down those supernumerary and by-places of worship , and reduced the Service of God unto the Temple , which was the place of Gods own chusing . And doubtless if it be an unexceptionable prerogative of the Kings of England to have the same power from God as the godly Princes in Scripture had ( and as our Church asserts ; ) it will inevitably follow , that they must have the same power to restrain and suppress the irregular conventions of the Land , as the Kings of Judah had , these being ( some of them ) the very best of Kings that the Scripture makes mention of ; and upon that account so far to be esteemed from doing evil thereby , or being themselves irreligious for doing it , or indeed from having it done by others their Judges and Officers , as that God doth highly own and applaud the action , and will one day Crown them ( both principal and instrument ) with a reward for it . The last thing proveable upon them is 3. That when no care is taken of this House of Micah , or of the Ephod and the Teraphim therein , it is usually the mother Evil of the Land ; the Shore , the Chanel into all which the nasty , loathsome draughts of the Land empty themselves . Is there any in distress , in debt , discontented ? hither ( as they did to David , hoping to be armed against their Soveraign ) they all fly : Men ever ready at their Quiver and their Bow , resolv'd to be gratified with the prey they aim at , or otherwise to prey upon their Prince , at least to make Scepters and Crowns stoop unto their ambition and humour . What is the transgression of Israel ( saith the Prophet , Mic. 1.5 . ) ? Is it not Samaria , the Schismatical Temple there ? And what are the high places of Judah , are they not Jerusalem , the Schismatical houses there ? Certainly these were the forges wherein all the Weapons of our late War were form'd ; these the Cabals wherein the Leagues , the Covenants , the Associations were fram'd ; these the Chappels that Consecrate all Misprisions , Treasons , Conspiracies into holiness to the Lord : the erecting and keeping up of which , was thought a fitting project for rebellious Jeroboam ( that disgrac'd , disgusted Officer ) to keep up the Faction he had raised , Jeroboam ! that son of Nebat , who taught Israel to sin : For ( says he , 1 Kings 12.27 . ) if this people go up to do Sacrifice in the house of the Lord , then shall the heart of this people turn again to Rehoboam their Lawful King ; whereupon he made him two Calves ( two Teraphims ) and Consecrated Priests thereunto , and said , it is too much for you to go up unto Jerusalem , behold your gods ( or your house of gods ) O Israel . Places eminent at home as well as abroad for Faction and Sedition , and upon known record for being enemies to Kings and Princes . You may talk of foreign Seminaries and Jesuitical Societies , and deservedly esteem them the Pests and the bane of the Nation , ( Sodalities erected on purpose to confront Kings , disturb peace , and confound Government ; ) but believe me , a Conventicle at home , or in the City of Ophra is as bad ; nay considering the Principles they manage ( every way as pernicious to Government and to the welfare of the land , as any Jesuits College in the world ; Doway or St. Omers have not been more fatal to us than Micah's house or Gideon's City ; I speak not this to excuse the Jesuite or his Faction , but to alarm and caution all good Christians and Subjects against such places and persons , and their ( as they would have us formidably believe ) invincible Armado ; for be assured , that as long as these are kept up and suffered to be frequented , it will be a thing impossible for us ( who live on the top of the Mountain where Micah hath his house , or within five miles of the City or Corporation where Gideon hath his Ephod , though we study the peace of the Tabernacle and of the Temple never so much ) to keep up either Loyalty in our neighbourhood , or Conformity in our-Churches . I am not ignorant that there are other enormities whereunto my Text ( as afterwards reiterated ) bears a relation , and whereupon I might seasonably animadvert ; for ( ch . 18. ) there is Burglary , Felony , Sacriledge ; ( ch . 19. ) there are Riots , Rapes , Adultery , Murder ; ( ch . 20. ) there is Civil war , a great deal of Bloudshed , Firing of Cities , insufferable depopulation of all that comes to hand ; ( ch . 21. ) there is Spiriting of Women , enforced and unlawful marriages , ( enough for the charge of a Judge , or the Inquest of a Jury ; ) and all this for want of a Judge to punish and restrain them : But these are matters of daily infliction , it is Micah and his house that is most apt to escape and be pitied . And hence you may observe how forward the Israelites were to blame , yea , to revenge the outrage committed on the Levite's Concubine , The like ( say they ) was never seen in Israel ; nay , they were for the excision of a whole Tribe to expiate it ; But as for this Micah and his house , no man said a word against it , but passed it over as if it had not been an evil in Israel ; though as injurious to God , and as prejudicial to Society as any other evil of the land can be , and indeed is the motive why I would have you so earnestly to fix your eye upon it : Nay , I am prone to think , that though you should rout the whole Confederacy besides , yet if you let this escape ( with a Touch me not , for I am holier than thou ) there will never be want of work for the Judges , nor the worst of their Executioners , as long as the world endures . I confess their is another sort of men among us , not altogether of Micah's house , but of Micah's principles and acquaintance , perfidious , false-hearted Conformists ; Men that can gorge themselves upon the fat of the Altar , and yet for a fuller meal let out their barns to a Conventicle , and their Vicarages to the Preachers of them ; that can with the Apostate Apostle take the Sop ( the maintenance of the Church ) from the hands of Christ , and yet at the same time have it in their hearts to betray him ; known by their Lisping to be Ephramites ; Men that have the lingua and holy dialect of Israel , but withal an accent , a Sibboleth and twang of their own ; who BLOOD-like take to themselves the Priests habit , but upon no other design ( nor for no other end ) than to steal away the Crown : Innocent Church-men in shew , but downright Pensioners to the Faction ; dealing through their Traiterous practices and deceitful behaviour with the poor Church their Mother , as the Priest did ( ch . 19. ) by his abused Concubine , hew her to pieces ( limb from limb , bone from bone ) and then send them to all the Tribes ( the several parties and factions of the land ) to make Protestants of them . This is also an evil in the Land , and if not looked after and restrained ( how right soever it be in some mens eyes ) they 'l soon fill Micah's house with their neighbourhood , and in a little while more turn Priests themselves unto him . I might be as long winded in the cause as one of Micah's Priests , but my time and your business forbids . However You are called hither to see what Evil is done in the Land , be perswaded therefore ( I pray you ) neither to be Ignoramus's nor Gallio's in the case ; a like resolv'd not to see , or not to care for these things . Not as if I would have you to deal by those Ephramites of the Mountain , as Herod did by the Baptist of the Wilderness , cut off their heads to oblige every idle dancing daughter ; much less to think that no atonement ( nor settlement ) is to be made without the fore-skins of all the Philistins of the Land : This looks too much like a Presbyterian root and branch , or ( what is much the same ) an Independent Wallinfordian Massacre ; A debate ! so horrid and barbarous , that it made the very Atheist ( who records the story ) to quake and tremble . A little severity , and rigor ( Juridically apply'd ) is enough , and most becoming the gentleness , the Candor , the Ingenuity of the Church of England ; whose Mercies are not Cruel , whose Hands are not Bloody , whose neither Principles nor Temper ever lead further than to Conquest or to Peace ; always hating to hew Agag to pieces , or to destroy the Amalekites ( as the Israelites were forc'd to do ) till not one of them be left alive ; never aiming at more than to Humble or to make Tributary ; to provide that her Adversaries be modest or tractable , Obedient or submissive , which indeed is the End and design both of Government and Law : and without doubt to blindfold the one , or to cramp the other ( when open and notorious malefactors are concern'd ) instead of righting you 'l injure us ; and instead of keeping us in Peace , Love and Unity ( as the Law and the Makers thereof design ) you 'l expose us to all the malice and peevishness of a perverse and froward generation . To day made Execrable , and to morrow a Victime ; now Condemned , and anon Executed ; every way expos'd to insolence and humor , to parties and factions , to violence and oppression , and ( in short ) to whatsoever seemeth right to them that are resolv'd to do wrong . I have but one word more , and that is to provoke you to a constancy in this your care ; That you may not do , as some are observ'd and said to do by the Venemous creatures of the Land where they live ; set a day to destroy them , and rid their land of them ; which they observe with the greatest strictness and severity imaginable , searching all their holes , destroying all their nests and harbors , and sparing neither young nor old ; but if once that day be over , they suffer them ever after freely to encrease and breed ; nay , to abide under their very thresholds , and to crawl into their chambers , never after minding nor concerning themselves with them , till the year be out , and the day again return upon them . Sirs ! it is not the time of an Assize , a day when you are instigated by a Sermon , or a charge that will destroy this sort of Vermin , or rid our land of their breed ; it must be your daily Vigilance and care , otherwise afore the next return , the Nation will be as full , and as much over-run with them as ever it was ; and the brood as numerous , as viperous , and as difficult to Master as now it is . And thus have I shewn you , That when there is no King in Israel , nor no Subordinate Magistrate there ; or they neither willing nor ready to punish the Offenders in Israel , every one will do everything , and all will come to confusion . Wherefore from those days wherein such evil is done ; from the Evil that is done in those days ; and from the Curse and Plague of having no King at all , or none under him to punish Offenders in Israel ; let all those who wish well to Sion ( to the Church and the State there ) say , Now and ever , good Lord deliver us . To whom ( Father , Son and Holy Ghost ; Three persons , One God ; ) be ascribed , all honour , glory , power , and dominion now and for ever , Amen . KORAH And His COMPANY PROVED To be the Seminary and Seed-plot OF SEDITION and REBELLION , IN A SERMONOn Numb . xxvi . 9. Preached at the Assizes held at Bury St. Edmunds , for the County of Suffolk , July 27. 1683. At the request of THO. WALDEGRAVE , Esq High-Sheriff of the said County . The Lord Chief Baron Mountague , and Mr. Serjeant Holloway , being Judges there . By Nath. Bisbie , D. D. LONDON , Printed for Walter Kettilby , 1684. NUMBERS xxvi . 9. This is that Dathan and Abiram , which were famous in the Congregation , who strove against Moses and against Aaron in the Company of Korah , when they strove against the Lord. IT hath been observed by no inconsiderable , nor unconsidering Man among us , That the first Authors and Beginners of the grand Mischiefs and Disorders among Men , have been ever as to their Persons remarkably punished in this Life ; and I think I may ( without presumption ) add , that as to their Memories they have no less been stigmatized to Posterity for ever after . And this eminently appears in the instance of the three great Sinners afore us ( the first Publick Mutineers against Kingship and Priesthood that we meet with in the world ) Korah the Author and Leader , Dathan and Abiram his Seconds and Followers ; the one a dissatisfied aspiring Levite , the other disobliged disgusted Reubenites . A sin perhaps not so timely born into the world as some other sins , but every way as luscious and pleasing to some sort of Men ; nay , as taking and as likely to last and to abide in the world as any one sin , that the Scripture hath any where took notice of , or the great God at any time punished : a sin attended with the greatest prosecution of vengeance from Heaven , and charged upon the Memories and Names of the Acters thereof with the greatest and most durable marks of infamy . An argument certainly , that how sweet and palatable , how popular and plausible a thing soever Rebellion and Sedition may seem to be , yet they must be crimes highly displeasing to Almighty God , ever to be shun'd and hated by the Sons of Men as very great Enormities ; so great and so detestable , that they are not to be thought on without abhorrence , nor mentioned without disgust and disgrace . We have the whole story of the matter in the Sixteenth of Numbers , at the beginning of the thirty eighth Lecture of the Law , which the Hebrews entitle Korah , because the Mutiny and Rebellion , wherein this Korah , Dathan and Abiram were engaged , is the principal and most remarkable matter there treated of . We meet with them again in my Text , then in Deuteronomy , then in the Psalms , and so on to the Epistle of St. Jude , but never without their sin and their punishment annexed ; God being unwilling that such forward and notorious Malefactors should be had in remembrance without Dirt and Infamy to attend them : that which brings them upon the Stage here , is the muster that was made for the distributing the Land among the Israelites , whereunto they were now got ; a time certainly to take notice of Rebels and of Schismaticks in , yea , and of their Posterity too ( if the earth hath not swallowed them up , or they repented them of their fathers sins ) lest too much of the Land be given them , and they put into a capacity to rebel and to mutiny again : in this muster the preference is given to the Tribe of Reuben , the First-born of Israel ; and among other the descendants thereof Dathan and Abiram are found ; whereupon a stop is put , and the muster not suffered to go on , till their Names and Villanies are enrolled for a Sign and Memorial to all after Ages , ( to the Reubenites from whom they descended in particular , to the whole Nation of the Israelites to whom they belonged in general ) thereby hanging them up in Effigie , though otherwise destroyed , and leaving them to be pointed at by all that survive or come after ( so odious must Schism and Rebellion for ever be ) with a This is that Dathan and Abiram , who strove against Moses and against Aaron in the Company of Korah , when they strove against the Lord. So that my Text singles out a sort of Sinners above all that then were , or ever had been sinners in Israel ; for we shall not find throughout the whole Muster-Roll besides , that any one was seized upon , or so much as Chronicled for his misdeeds , these and these only ( besides Nadab and Abihu , Persons much of the same guilt with themselves ) excepted ; as being ( without doubt ) sinners above others , notoriously and eminently so ; or rather such sinners that the Earth must not bear , nor the Land be divided unto . Please you upon this small alarm to examin the matter how they come to be so culpable ; and in order thereunto look we , 1. Into their Crime ; They strove against Moses and against Aaron . 2. Into the shame they were thereupon exposed unto ; they were made a sign , and set up for Posterity to behold , with a This is that Dathan and Abiram . I confess a charge of this nature is an invidious distasting thing ; men though they be actually engaged in rebellion against their King , or in Sedition against their Priests , yet they care not to be stared in the face , and call'd Rebels for it . Though of themselves as bloody as Cain , as imposing as Nimrod , as Sanctimoniously wicked as Dathan and Abiram , and altogether as resolved to follow their steps and ways ( to the dethroning of Moses , to the unpriesting of Aaron ) ; yet the gaping earth is not more horrid and scaring than the mouth of the Priest when opened upon them ; they love to act , but they hate to hear , and though none more despicable to them than the Sons of Aaron when distant , and apart ; yet an Army of Banners is not more terrible than the meanest of them , when got into his Ebal , or begirt with his linnen Ephod , he thunders out his Anathemas and execrations against them . Wherefore since it is my Task to day ( if not to preach ) at least to point with my finger , it were folly in me to expect much kinder usage ( provided they be the inflicters ) than what the earth and the fire afforded , even to be swallowed up and consumed by them ; especially when there are so many undevoured Dathans and Abirams in the land , yea , and so many of their sons too , who , instead of repenting them of their fathers sins , go on in their fathers ways . Hence their Censures and their Censers : their Censures to defame and bely our Persons ; their Censers to confront and disturb our Office : However when the Muster 's made , these are to be made a sign . Look we therefore 1. Into the nature of their Crime ; They strove against Moses and against Aaron ; against Moses their King , against Aaron their Priest ; persons nominated and appointed by God himself to be their Leaders and Governours ; The one as to their concerns in State ; The other as to their concerns in Religion , yet at all times envy'd and accounted the worst of men , no better than Buchanan's wild beast , that must be hunted down , and at length made a Prey to the Leaders of them , men famous in the Congregation . Hitherto ( say the Jews ) all Dominion and Government from the very days of Adam ( to whom it was first given ) had gone along with the first-born ; whose Priviledges , Pre-eminences , Prerogatives the Law declareth to be very great , in that they were peculiarly given and consecrated to God , ( Exod. 22.29 . ) were next in honour to their parents , ( Gen. 49.3 . ) had a double portion of their fathers goods , ( Deut. 21.17 . ) succeeded them in the government of the family or kingdom , ( 2 Chron. 21.3 . ) and in the administration of the Priest-hood and service of God , ( Num. 8.17 . ) Neither was ever any of them ( for ought that I can find ) disseiz'd of that his right , but by special appointment from God , and only for some greater faults , as in the case of Reuben ( from whose loins this our Dathan and Abiram descended ) ; but was not to excel , because he went up to his fathers bed ( Gen. 49.3 , 4. ) . And thus it continued till such time that the Israelites were to be led out of Aegypt by the hands of Moses and Aaron ( where they had been captives and slaves ) to be a Nation of themselves , and to have a land of their own to dwell in ; for the better accomplishment whereof the Government was given by God to Moses , the Priesthood to Aaron and his Sons , adding the whole Tribe of Levi to them ( whereof this Korah was one ) to be aiding to them in all their ministrations ( Num. 8.18 . ) ; and this I take to be the first occasion of the Mutiny and Insurrection here made . However let not private persons ( though as Sacred in their function as Korah , as great in their places as Dathan and Abiram ) hereupon presume to dispose of birth-rights , or displace either Mitre or Crown ; such things are not to be touch'd , much less transferr'd , but by the special appointment of God. Nay , had Moses and Aaron of themselves attempted the dislocation and change , and without immediate authority from above , they must have made themselves criminals , and been every way as liable to punishment for striving against the first-born to dispossess them of their wonted birth-right , as this Dathan and Abiram afterwards were , when they strove against Moses and against Aaron , to dispossess the first of his Diadem , the second of his Ephod , after God had so visibly established the one and the other upon them : Nothing but heaven ( and by a voice of its own , thundring as it did from mount Sinai ) can make such an undertaking innocent . Wherefore for Subjects to beleaguer and beset their King , as if like Moses he were fitter to be wrapt up in Bulrushes and thrown into the Sea , than preserv'd upon his Throne ; for them to Combine and Conspire not only against his Servants ( to stone and abuse them ) but against his Heir to seize his Inheritance and deprive him of his Birth-right , with a Come , This is the heir , let us kill him , and take the inheritance to our selves ; for them over and above , not only to defie and supplant the High-Priest and his Sons , but the whole Tribe of Levi ( howbeit they have reconciled themselves by their after Zeal ) as if they were still to endure the first curse , and to be divided a new in Jacob , and scattered afresh in Israel ; doubtless it must be a sin so transcendently sinful and provoking to God ( who hath set them up and owns them ) that both his Heaven and his Earth must be too hot , the one to bear , the other to receive them . Nay , what can such sinners expect , since they have been so industrious to divide the Earth , and make Schisms among the inhabitants thereof , but that the Earth in return should divide and open upon them ? what can they hope for but as they have been the Incendiaries among men , and set the Earth on fire ( ever delighting like so many Salamanders to dwell in the flames ) but that they should live and die in the said flames ? why should not their Perishings as well as their Gainsayings be the same with Korahs ? or why should they not down to the Gulph with Dathan and Abiram , when ( whilst living ) they would have no Tents but theirs ? such another Criminal we read of ( Mark 15.7 . ) who for the Insurrection by him made , and the Murder thereupon committed was cast into Prison and bound for Execution , and yet you shall find that when it was moved by Pilate whether Jesus or He should suffer , the People as one ( well wishers all to the proceedings of the man ) cried out , not Barabbas but Jesus : and I am very apt to think , that if it were left unto the People still to give their Vogue who are the sinners of the Day ( so poisoned have they been of late ) that it would not be Dathan nor Abiram , no nor any of the Sons of Korah ( all , and every one of them God wot are Holy , Ignoramusly Holy ) but Moses and Aaron ( Gods King and Gods Priest ) that would be brought in for Guilty . However that we may be throughly informed and acquainted with the nature of the Crime ( an Horrid Traiterous Conspiracy , it seems , it was ) look we , 1. Into the Persons engaged therein ; 2. Into the Motives that induced them to it ; 3. Into the Judgment passed upon the Action . 1. Into the Persons engaged , which were Dathan and Abiram ; the only persons nam'd as being the Ringleaders and Generals of the Faction , and probably more fully set and resolved to go on with the Mutiny and Insurrection they had made , than many others that were seduc'd and decoyed into the quarrel : for I find Korah and his Company submitting to a Peaceable debate with Moses , though it ended not so ( Numb . 16.8 . ) ; and whereas On the Son of Peleth took men , no less than others ( Numb . 16.1 . ) yet we hear of him no more , probably desisting upon what Moses had said in the case ; but as for this Dathan and Abiram they would no such thing , We will not come up ( say they , verse 12. ) resolving to stand to their Arms , and to keep both their Post and Party ; Men under Solemn Covenants and Engagements never to yield whatever others might do ; insomuch that henceforward no Moses and Aaron , or no Dathan and Abiram ; no Sons of Amram , or no Sons of Eliab . Two only named , and yet the Faction Great and Prevalent ! Consider we therefore , 1. Their Quality , 2. Their Confederates and Party . 1. Their Quality , they were famous in the Congregation ; said ( Numb . 16.2 . ) to be Princes of the Assembly , and Men of renown : Primores & Senatores , States-men and Senators , called to the Parliament or Great Council of the Nation ; from their Place therein said to be Princes of the Assembly , and from the Bustle and Stir they there made , to be Men famous in the Congregation , Men of renown : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Men of Honourable Note and Name , like those Giants ( those mighty Men of Old ) who having got power into their hands , turned Apostates from God , and fell upon others with Violence and Oppression , exercising an unlimited Tyranny over all that would be under or less Princes than themselves . One of the Assembly speaking of them says , that they were men of Note and Fame both for Parentage and Parts , but grown Notorious and Infamous for the abuse of them , through an Impious Conspiracy and Rebellion ; it being almost impossible to be Men of Name ( Popular and Cried up States-men , the Demagogues and Demigods of the Mobile ) but in some measure or other to be given and addicted to Mutiny and Faction . Some mistake this Assembly for the Sanedrim wherein the Seventy sat to assist Moses in his matters of Judicature ; but altogether against reason , in regard they consisted but of Seventy in Number ( Numb . 11.16 . ) ; whereas the Assembly before us had many Hundreds in it ; no less than Two Hundred and Fifty of them took part with our Dathan and Abiram , and probably as many ( if not more ) might adhere to , and go along with Moses their King ; ( for it is not to be supposed , that all of them like the Apostate Angels should quit their Loyalty and fall together ; or like the mighty Men afore spoken of become Giants in a day ) a Proof , that it was the National Senate made up ( as Abulensis and others averr ) of all the Governours and Heads of the People throughout the whole Nation of the Israelites . Howbeit if such do Apostatize and decline , turn Mutineers and Rebells , make or espouse a Faction , it s a Thousand to one but ( like Lucifer ) they draw a Train ( a great part of the Congregation ) after them ; the truth whereof England sufficiently knows , having been once quite shatter'd and undone , and sithence almost broken to pieces again by such Factious Unruly Senators , Princes of her Assembly , Men of renown . However I do not find that the Cause was ever the better , or the more favoured for such Senators being in it ; nay , in all probability it sped the worse ; for whereas Moses had hitherto overlooked Korah and his Conventicles ( pitying their simplicity , and seemingly indulging their mistaken Zeal , as if their Separation had been Conscience not Design ) He no sooner hears of the perversion of his Senators , and how the Conventicle influenced the Assembly , but he immediately calls for Vengeance , and God executes it ; deeming it high time to put a stop to both ( by making examples of some , even of some of the very Princes of the Assembly ) lest Church and State , Priesthood and Government , Religion and Commonwealth be ruined and fall together . The Apostle speaking but of one unruly Member , in the body Natural , the Tongue , saith ( James 3.6 . ) that if it be not restrained , it will set the whole course of nature ( the whole wheel of affairs ) into combustion ; and what then ( do you think ) will become of the body Politick , if Two Hundred and Fifty of them be let alone ? especially when to every Tongue there are Two Hundred Hands , and in every Hand a Granado . Consider we , 2. Their Confederates and Party , It was in the Company of Korah ; This is that Dathan and Abiram , who strove against Moses and against Aaron in the Company of Korah . There must ( it seems ) be an Assembly of Divines to sanctifie Rebellion , as well as an Assembly of Princes to carry it on ; Korah and his Company to Preach and to Pray , as well as Dathan and Abiram to Fight ; State Designers can never prosper , if there be not Church Revolters ; Come now I pray thee ( saith Balak to the Prophet Balaam ) and curse me this People , for they are too mighty for me , and peradventure I shall prevail . It was upon this design that Korah first went out , ( Korah the principal and prime Incendiary who inflam'd the rest ) for it is said of him ( Numb . 16.1 . ) that he took men , that is , ( according to the Chaldee Translation ) That he separated and withdrew himself aloof and apart from the rest of the Congregation , taking along with him such as were as ready as himself to cast off the Priesthood and Ministration of Aaron , and to have Meetings and Conventicles of and by themselves ; said therefore for ever after , to be of the Company of Korah . Whither having once got them , then ( according to the Septuagint's Translation ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , He Preached unto them ; took them by his Seditious Discourses and Sermons , filling their Ears with noise and clamor , their Hearts with fears and jealousies , their Souls with Religious fury and Enthusiastical madness , till he had fitted them for what ever the Ringleaders of the Faction should prompt them to . To this Company of Men the discontented Reubenites at length joyned themselves , as knowing that if a Crown be to be won , or a Birthright regain'd , the separated Levites must be aiding and assisting to them in it : enough certainly to make both Moses and Aaron to beware , left by conniving too long at Korah , Dathan and Abiram ( those State Engineers ) give rout unto them both . However he took , and he took , till he had took some of the chief Princes of the Land ; no less than Two Hundred and Fifty of them that were within the walls of the Senate , Princes of the Assembly ( Numb . 16.2 . ) , more ( as it may be presumed ) infinitely more , in and among the Families and Tribes whom they represented , and for whom they served ; questionless being Men of renown and name , they could not be without a Faction to cry them up , and ( if need were ) to follow them : neither indeed durst they have been so bold and daring , in the very Assembly , where Moses himself sat , had they not had , and been secured of an interest suitable to their ambition and designs . However I cannot but remark , that they were all ( every one of them ) of the Company of Korah ; Men addicted to Separation and Faction , having Tents , Conventicles , Levites of their own , in opposition to Aaron , the Tabernacle , and the Priesthood of God. And therefore you shall find , that though the Censer and the burning of incense properly belonged to the Priest and to his Office ( 2 Chron. 26.18 . ) ; yet there was not one of those Factious Princes but had a Censer belonging to him , Two hundred and fifty Censers , for the Two hundred and fifty Princes : ( Numb . 16.18 . ) ; and I am apt to think , that if ever a Rebellion be kindled again in our Israel , it must be by such Separatists , and through the Fire of their Censers . It s certain , that the only Mutineers here mentioned ( the Apostatized Levites excepted ) were the disgusted Reubenites , whose Tribe was situated next unto the Kohathites ( of whose family this Korah was ) as they were lodg'd about , and surrounded the Tabernacle , ( Num. 2.10 . ) and thereby influenced by those conventions of theirs to be of their party and faction . And I dare say , if there be a Rebel , or one that wishes well to rebellion in England , he is to be met with-in , or upon the borders of such Tents and places . For my part , were I , for a tribute upon me , to bring forth one or more of them to my King , I would go but to the next Conventicle , and the man that I saw first come out , should be he that I would seize upon , as knowing that if he be found in the Company , he must have the gainsayings of Korah , and wish well to the Tents of Dathan and Abiram . And so we pass from the persons engaged in the mutiny unto 2. The Motives that induc'd them to it ; which were either 1. Secret and concealed , and not so much as mentioned by them in the fray , or 2. Divulg'd , and made the common argument and pretence . 1. Secret and conceal'd , which ( for ought that I can find ) was their ambition and discontent ; inwardly repining at the grandeur of Moses and Aaron , and fretting at their own disappointments , looking on themselves ( through , and by reason of that establishment ) as for ever lost touching all future hopes of greatness . Now this Korah was of himself Cousin German to Moses and Aaron , the eldest son of Izhar , brother to Amram their father ( Exod. 6.18 . ) ; A Levite of the family of the Kohathites , to whom belonged the charge of the most holy things within the Sanctuary , and the chiefest place next unto Aaron and his Priests about it ( Num. 3.19.31 . ) , which one would have thought might have been preferment enough for the man : But because the first-born of Izhar , and moreover Cousin German to Moses and Aaron , who then had the power and the government in their hands , he thought his birth-right and blood might have been better consider'd , at least so far forth as not to have had himself and his family thrust down for ever into the rank and class of ordinary petty Levites ; much less to have Elizaphan the son of the youngest family of the Kohathites , made Prince over the sons of Kohath , even over this very Korah who was of the elder house , and himself in the interim neglected ( Num. 3.10 . ) : all which put together raised his indignation and spleen , and set him first against his King , and then against his Priest ( who should not have degraded , if they had not preferr'd him ) and was the first occasion ( as the Rabbins say ) that caus'd him to take men . Of the like nature was the disgust that Dathan and Abiram had taken ; for they were of the posterity of Reuben , ( Num. 16.1 . ) who was the first-born of Israel ( Gen. 49.3 . ) , but forasmuch as he defiled his fathers bed , his birth-right was given from him , ( 1 Chron. 5.1 . ) , that is to say , the Government to Moses , the Priesthood to Aaron , the double portion to Joseph ; all lost in Reuben : but by his sons sought to be recovered , which was the occasion also of their taking men , and joyning themselves with Korah ; hoping by him and his Company , to re-enstate themselves and their posterity into that Power and dignity ( that Empire , Priesthood , Estate ) that originally and of old belong'd unto them . And I am apt to think , that if all after-Mutinyings and Rebellions were look'd into , ( yea , that of this very day ) the like disappointments , disgusts , degradations would be found at the bottom of them all . But Rebellion hath always a mask and vizard , a Samuel's mantle to cover its ugliness ; Look we therefore 2. Into the reason pretended , and spread abroad to draw in the populacy after them ; which was Usurpation in Aaron , Tyranny and breach of trust in Moses : the popular and usual pretence that hunts down government , and gives birth and encouragement to all manner of anti-regal , anti-priestly factions ; and perhaps hath caused more Properties to be alter'd , more Birth-rights to be lost , more Liberties to be invaded , more Religion to be defaced , yea , and more Arbitrariness and Tyranny to be set up and exercised in the world , than any one thing else besides . Hence says Korah to Aaron in behalf of himself and his Company , you take too much upon you , seeing all the congregation is holy , and the Lord is among them ( Num. 16.3 . ) ; and hence again , Dathan and Abiram with their company in reference to Moses , Is it a small thing that thou hast brought us out of a land that floweth with milk and honey , to kill us in the wilderness , unless thou make thy self Altogether a Prince over us , a Prince absolute and uncontrolable ( Num. 16.13 . ) , which if either of them be your design , ( of you Aaron to appropriate the Priesthood , or of you Moses to engross the Government to your selves ) then farefall Pharaoh and his Kingdom ; may Aegypt have us before Canaan , the land of thraldom before the land of promise ; if we must be slaves and tyrannized over , then to our furnaces again , where we had Patriarchs to govern us , and Priests of our own to rule us ; where as we were slaves to others , we were Princes our selves . And how of late did the like , but false , pretensions prevail with , and befool us ? whither did the out-cries of an Arbitrary Government , of a proud and usurping Priesthood hurry us ? As for the Church , her Beauty was defaced to have her Purity restored ; they prophan'd her Temples , plunder'd her Revenues , destroy'd her Discipline , poisoned her Proselytes with a thousand follies and phrensies ( call'd indeed New Lights , but the black Enthusiasms of the Prince of darkness ) and all to reform her ; so they murdered the best of Kings for the good of Subjects ; wrung the Scepter out of his hand , and tore the Crown from his head to make him a great and a glorious Prince ; so were we slaves to our own slaves , a company of Tagaroons hired with our purses to command our persons , and whatever else was ours ; many were no better than Servants , and Prisoners in their own homes , than Tenents and Farmers to their own estates , and this to preserve the Rights and Liberties of the good People of England , the right forsooth of Plundering , Oppressing , Murdering . But for my part I wonder , that the good people of England did not all as one man rise up in rage , and stone those notorious impudent Impostors , who so long abused their credulity , cheating them of their goods , and inthralling their persons , and ( as much as in them lay ) damning their Souls ; I wonder ( I say ) that the English Nation should be so dispirited and crest-faln ( as like Izzachars Ass ) to be daily loaden with blows and burdens , and tamely to couch under them ; that they should be so stupid and insensible , of such intolerable wrongs , and oppressions ; but more , that any of us all ( after such sad and woful Tragedies acted ) should be for the Furnace and Thraldom of Aegypt again ; ever any more doat upon the holiness of the Party , or the sweet Song that the Syren makes . And so having considered the Motives , that induced them to the Conspiracy , look we into , 3. The Judgment passed upon it , This is that Dathan and Abiram , who strove against Moses and against Aaron , when they strove against the Lord ; in shew no more than a striving against them , but by interpretation , and in guilt , a striving against the Lord. The iniquity whereof appears , 1. In that it was a striving against his right and power , to make an establishment among them ; as if the setting up of Moses and Aaron over them ( the one in the Government , the other in the Priesthood ) had been an invasion upon the peoples right , and not in the power of any , no , not of the great God himself to do it : which opposition ( in as much as it was against the decrees of Heaven ) is said ( in my Text ) to be striving against the Lord , and ( Numb . 16.11 . ) to be a gathering together against the Lord. Thus when the people grew weary of Samuel , and threw off his Government , saith God in the case , They have not rejected thee , but they have rejected me ( 1 Sam. 8.7 . ) , intimating , that the Government , in whose hands so ever regularly it be , is still Gods ; and that the striving against , or opposing of them that have it , is a striving against and opposing of him ; and will as severely and surely be punished , as if it were acted , or designed against his very Person and Throne . The like our blessed Saviour declares concerning his Ministers , He that heareth you , heareth me ; and he that despiseth you , despiseth me ( Luke 10.16 . ) ; intimating , that he that casts off , or rises up against his Priest , doth in effect cast off , and rise up against God , whose Priest he is , and whose Priesthood he exercises . And indeed it is not for Subjects to trouble themselves about their Governours , whether Sacred or Civil , farther than to see that they be Gods off-spring , and are sent by him ; the rest of their work is to obey and follow , yea , and with as much readiness , regard , veneration ( if God be with them ) as if the very Gods themselves were come down from Heaven among them . Now that Moses was thus appointed ( for we have spoken of Aaron before ) is plain from the Commission given him , which was first sealed ( Exod. 3.10 . ) , afterwards ratified and confirm'd unto him ( Exod. 4. ) by a power to work Miracles , for the convincing gainsayers , which was fully done , by turning his Rod into a Serpent , and back into a Rod again ; by making his hand Leprous , and then clearing it of that Leprosie ; by causing the water in the River to become blood upon the ground ; though had there been neither Commission at first , nor ratification afterwards , yet the works he had done , and the mighty deliverances , he had wrought for them ( that especially of raising them into a Nation by themselves , when they were , and had been slaves to others ) might have caused not only all the Tribes and Families , but all the first-born of Israel , to have surrendred their birth-rights , and become Subjects to him . The Government ( thus transferr'd ) was afterwards by a gift of the like nature , setled upon Joshua , then upon the Judges , and then upon Kings , and at length appropriated , and entail'd , upon the Descendants and Line of David ( 2 Sam. 7.12 . ) which shews , that whatever alteration God is pleased to make , he is always pleased , with the thing called Succession ; for he setled his Priesthood in it , afterwards the Government , and from thence never made nor suffered a deviation ; and in truth is a most evident and plain demonstration , that if God entails , none but God must cut off ; and that every striving afterwards against it , is a striving against the Lord. 2. This striving against Moses and Aaron appears to be a striving against the Lord , in that it was prosecuted against his declared resolution to defend the establishment he had made . One should have thought , had they not been a Rebellious gain saying People indeed ( a People , who like the Sons of Zerviah were resolved to be too hard for Government , and to die every one of them in the cause , rather than to give out ) that the fire which broke out to consume some of them , and the earth that opened its mouth to devour others of them , should have enlightned the eyes , and stopt the mouths of all the survivers of them from all after Murmurings . But no sooner is the punishment over and they safe , but they grow as Mutinous as ever , enter upon new consultations and fresh complaints ; and thereupon gather themselves the second time together , and are a second time punished ; a Plague from Heaven devouring no less than Fourteen thousand and seven hundred of them ( verse 49. ) ; neither stay they here ( so hard is it to put a stop to Faction ) , but unless a Miracle be further wrought for the particular vindication of Aaron and his Priests , they 'l die on , and stand the other and the other judgment ; which in the last place was finished and effected in the budding and blossoming of Aarons Rod , amidst the Rods of the several Tribes of Israel ( laid by it ) to confront and prove it ; and because it did so , ( the other remaining sapless and dry ) it became a token against the Rebels , and so their Murmurings ended ( Numb . 17.10 . ) . And I am apt to think , that if ever a Mutiny or Rebellion be to be taken away , it must be by the budding and blossoming of Aarons Rod ; for it was by Korah that the Faction began , and by his Company that it was carried on ; and therefore by the Rule of contraries , it must be by Aaron and his Priests defeated . Hence saith God to Moses ( when he would have declined his office for want of an Assistant ) Is not Aaron the Levite thy brother ? I know he can speak well , and he shall be to thee instead of a mouth , and thou shalt be to him instead of a God ( Exod. 4.16 . ) intimating , that if Moses do but interpose , and by his Authority protect Aaron , to keep him safe in his Office and Duty that the Faction disturb him not ; Aaron and his Priests will do the like for Moses , by Preaching up the Doctrine of Obedience , and upon all occasions shewing the People , that they must be subject to Principalities and Powers , or else purchase to themselves Damnation , and be thrown for ever , after Dathan and Abiram into the Fiery Association of Rebells . My Prayer therefore shall be , that the Rod ( which hath been so long taken from Aaron , may be restored to him again ; and when restored ) that it may for ever blossom and bud , and fill the face of the world with fruit ; and then I doubt not , but ( as it happened to the Isralites , so ) it will be to the Inhabitants of England , a lasting token against Rebels , and their Murmurings thereby be quite taken away . And so we pass from their Crime , 2. To their Punishment ; This is that Dathan and Abiram who strove against Moses and against Aaron ; and who for their so striving ( as in the succeeding verse ) were sent quick to destruction , and thereby made a Spectacle and sign to all after Ages . To this judgment the Prophet hath reference , when praying against his enemies , he saith , Let them go down to Hell ( Psalm 55.15 . ) ; Now these things were our examples ( saith the Apostle ) and were written for our admonition ; that we remembring what was done by and upon these sinners here , may take care of doing and becoming like them : every one of them ( by the Sign and Spectacle they are made ) Preaching this Lession to all that come after , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Let every one that looks up unto me ( be he a Levite as was Korah ; a Layman as were Dathan and Abiram ; famous or infamous in the Congregation ) for ever beware of being Seditious against their Priests , or of being Rebels against their Prince , lest the earth open , and the fire in like manner consume them . But passing by the punishment which seized upon their Persons , look we only at present ( as much more proper to our purpose ) to what happened to their Names and Posterity ; a Consideration perhaps no less influential with some , to deter from the sins than the former . And in order hereunto remark we , 1. That Sedition and Rebellion , are two such sins , that they deservedly stain the memory of the engagers in them with perpetual Infamy , and disgrace ; their Names must never after be mentioned without their Crimes ; their Escutcheons must have their blot , their Arms a bar , their greatness an allay ; something or other to make them infamous , for having once been famous . This , this is that Dathan and Abiram ! This by way of contempt and disgrace ; This whom all Records must stigmatize , all Chronicles defame , all good men loath ; This who if but casually nam'd , must be spat at , spoke against , and made odious to Posterity , for the crimes they have been guilty of . The like may every way be observed of Jeroboam , who for turning Rebel to his Lawful Soveraign , and for renouncing and casting off the Priesthood , and Service of the Temple , to become a King himself . And to have Service , and Priests of his own , ( sins scarce ever forgiven , but never in History to be forgotten ) is said to have taught Israel to sin ; and for his so doing can never after be mentioned ( though often and often in Scripture nam'd ) without a record of that his wickedness affixt , with a This is that Jeroboam the son of Nebat , who taught Israel to sin . Customary it was among the Jews , at the naming the name of Haman , to beat their fists upon the Planchers where they were , as if it had been upon Haman's head ; not willing that such an enemy to Religion , and one that had deserved so ill of it , should have a naming among them , without a blow at the same time ( if possible ) to brain him . Now the rest of the Acts of Zimri , and his Treason that he wrought , are they not written in the Chronicles of the Kings of Israel ( 1 Kin. 16.20 . ) ; such sort of sinners must not off the stage and have their memories preserved , unless it be to keep up their wickedness , and therewith their punishments , for an admonition to us that we be not in our generations like unto them . And wherefore then is it , O Son of Dathan ! that thou canst glory in thine or thy fathers shame ? That thou canst boast of the mutinies thou hast made , of the battels thou hast been engaged in , of the murders thou hast therein committed ? Dost thou think that those arms ( those Spears , which hang up as Trophies by thee of thy wickedness ) do , or can give lustre to thy name , or add any merit to thy family ? Nay , canst thou imagine , that those sinners upon whom the tower of Siloam fell , or rather those sinners whose limbs are yet upon the Tower , were sinners above all other men ? I tell you nay , but except you repent , ye shall all likewise perish . Remark we 2. That Sedition and Rebelion are two such sins , that God usually punisheth unto the third and fourth generation , unless by their posterity they be repented of . Here you shall find the whole family of Dathan and Abiram to be cut off ; they and all that appertain'd unto them , their wives , and their sons , and their little children , ( Num. 16.27 . ) Insomuch that when the land was to be divided among the respective families of Israel , there was not one of the families either of Dathan or Abiram to be found ( Num. 26. ) ; which shews , that they all dyed with , for , or under their fathers sins . Nay , look into the next Chapter , and you shall find the daughters of Zelophehad ( though their father was dead ) pleading for his inheritance , and using this for an argument why they should not be overlook'd nor pass'd by in the division , because though dead , yet he dyed in his own sin and not in the company with Dathan and Abiram ; Our father dyed in the wilderness , and he was not in the company of Korah , but dyed in his own sin ( v. 3. ) ; intimating , that if he had been guilty of the Treason , or had been in the Conspiaacy with those Traitors and Rebels , his name had worthily been struck out of the genealogy , and his posterity justly disinherited , and made objects of scorn , contempt and poverty to all after ages . The sons indeed of Korah either were not ingag'd in , or at least repented them of their fathers sin ; and therefore it is sad ( in the verse save one succeeding my Text ) that the children of Korah dyed not : nay , they not only surviv'd the desolation , but they kept their office in Israel ; for their genealogy is reckoned , their posterity appointed by David to be Singers in the house of the Lord , they had many Psalms dedicated to them , of them came Samuel the Prophet , and Heman who with his off-spring were singers ( 1 Chron. 6. ) ; and I dare say there is no man living who wisheth well either to Moses or to Aaron , that envies theirs or any other man's reconciliation or preferment . We know , and we desire that the sons integrity may expiate for their fathers sedition , and their after Loyalty for all former Rebellions ; there is joy in heaven ( as our Saviour telleth us ) over one sinner that repenteth , and our trouble rather is , that there are not more , as great an appearance of them as ever march'd against their King , or quarrel'd their Priests : I should then turn my Sword into a Plough-share , my Steleteuticks into Euges , my reproofs into Paeans ; I would bless the day , and enter it not into my Rubrick ( that perhaps may seem too bloody ) but into my Calendar ( which hath its atros as well as albos dies ) that ever I saw such a reformation ; and instead of rearing up gibbets with Haman , I would venture my life with Hester ( were my interest like hers ) to lead such Mordecaies to the King : but since I see , that the dog returns unto his vomit , and that not only the parents have eaten sowre grapes , but that their childrens teeth are set on edge by them , I hope it will not be amiss to call unto such to repent lest the tower of Siloam fall also upon them , and they likewise perish in the gain saying of Korah . For my part , had I been the son of a Korah , of a Dathan or Abiram , and had not repented me of my fathers sins , yea , and given a sufficient demonstration to the world of that my repentance , I should dream of nothing but of murdered Bishops and of martyr'd Kings , of Whitehal Scaffolds and of Edghill fights ; Cromwel and Bradshaw in their blood and armour would be all I should see ; Certainly the most miserable Caitiff whom the earth hath not as yet swallowed , or whose limbs the justice of God hath not exalted to be a spectacle to Angels and men ; I should fansie every corps I touch , would bleed ; every grave I tread upon , would cry out like Abel's against me ; I should conclude an host of Loyalists and Churchmen always behind me , chaceing me to the judgment-seat to give an account of my actions ; but how others do or can harden themselves , unless they be their fathers own sons in principles as in blood , I know not , may perhaps pity , but ( I am afraid ) never reform . And yet verily there is a generation of men in the world who need none of this repentance ; who have been neither enemies to their King nor opposers of their Priests ; who in the heat of the mutiny have been neither Schismaticks with Korah , nor Rebels with Dathan ; but fidi Achates , trusty and Loyal Subjects ; good old Barzillai's , who are feign ( God knows ) to be content with their olim meminisse , their wounds and scars , and dy'd garments from Bozrah ; the services they have done , and the sufferings they have undergone ; yea , and others who following their fathers steps , have fought with beasts at Ephesus , ventur'd at the dens of Lyons , stood the shock of Schismatical envy and Democratical fury ; and whenever the records be search'd , I wish their names and their merits may not be overlook'd . But and if this be that Dathan and Abiram , or if these be the sons of that Dathan and Abiram , whose names are to be branded to all posterity for their Schismatical rebellious doings , what ought to be done to those that have been thus faithful and loyal , valiant and serviceable , ever striving against the strivers , and ( as need requir'd ) resisting the resisters unto blood ? Verily , Silver and Gold I have none , but what I have , give I heartily unto you ; may the blessing therefore of Aaron and of his rod fall upon you , and follow you ; may the King of Jeshurun ( whose Champions and worthies you have been ) with his oyl and his fatness reward you , and ( when the day of account comes ) may you never be found Rebels to your God , more than you have been unto your King. Remark we 3. That Sedition and Rebellion are two such sins that will destroy the whole fabrick of Government though never so well rear'd , and run it eftsoon into confusion and slavery , if not timely and carefully prevented . They 'l divide the house , and if the house be divided , truth it self will tell us , that it cannot stand . Humanity will turn into cruelty , nature and friendship into Faction and fury ; to kill one another will be called valour , to disobey the King accounted loyalty ; plain robbery and oppression the best of zeal and Religion ; the Sword ( the bloody , heedless , devouring Sword ) the only Lord Chief Justice of the Land. We shall soon see an overthrow of all order and Law , a confusion in our duties both to God and man , and a Kingdom ( which for its pleasure may be a Paradise , for its Light a Goshen , for its plenty a Canaan ) chang'd into a Chaos , a worser Chaos than that which the world came out of ; for a word put an end to that ( God spake , and the world was made , Psalm 38.9 . ) ; nay , God divided the light from the darkness , and he called the light day , and the darkness he called night , and the Evening and the Morning were the first Day : ( Gen. 1.5 . ) But if these take place , Evening and Morning will be both alike , we may know their beginning , but never their ending ; darkness and horror of darkness ! till we our selves ( if we be not careful ) fall thereby into the pit of darkness . Wherefore let me perswade you ( you who are this day to number the people , and to view the several inheritances among us , that there be no Mutineer nor Rebel in our Tribes or families . ) To be careful and jealous in that your enquiry , that none such pass your Tribunal ; much less go off from you with Ceremony and Complement ( too customary a thing with some ) as if you were lovers of their Nation , and would build them Synagogues . It is not their being an holy Congregation that will make them ( when they are Seditious ) Holy ; neither will your punishing them be a slaying the people of the Lord. We live ( you see ) in an age full of Sedition and Conspiracy , where neither our Moses can well keep his Crown upon his head , nor our Aaron his Ephod upon his breast ; the Seditious Levite on one hand , the Rebellious Reubenite on the other , are so industriously concern'd in the undermining and supplanting them both , that if heaven interpose not to defend the one and to root out the other , both Moses and Aaron , Priesthood and Government must sink and fall together . Wherefore to your respective Stations and Charge ; and know 1. That Dathans Conspiracy is still on foot in the land , alive and alive like to be . The Cause ( saith one of our late Regicides ) lies in the bosom of Christ , and as sure as Christ arose , the Cause will rise again : I believe ( saith another of them , no less Prophet than the former ) that at long running there is not a man that fears the Lord , will have any reason to be sorrowful for engaging in the Cause ; for though the Lord hath been pleased to let it be as it were the Sun-setting for a night , yet it will certainly arise next Morning very gloriously again . Neither was it ( for ought that I cand find ) ever thorowly brow-beaten , or hiss'd off the stage ; These ( saith the publishers of their death ) all dy'd in the Faith ; Saints who through Faith of the Gospel have entered into rest . Nay , who of the Company of them ( especially if they were famous either in the Assembly or in the Congregation ) ever went unto their graves ( from that day to this ) without an Herse full of Scripture Scutcheons , and Religious Labels ? The memory of the Just is blessed , precious in the sight of the Lord is the death of his Saints ; enough to give credit to the worst of Causes , and to draw all the Saints of the land after them : And yet ( with horror be it spoken ) some of them have had their bowels burnt alive , and went down into the earth like Dathan ; others of them liv'd and dy'd in the company of Korah , and never repented them of their sins though stained with the blood of the best of Kings , and the devoutest of Prelates . Shall I re-mind you of what one of the Korathites still living hath said of himself ? That he hath often searched into his heart whether he did lawfully engage in the late War against the King , or did well to encourage so many thousands to it , and that he cannot as yet see that he was mistaken in the Cause , neither dares he repent of it , nor forbear to do the same if it were to do again . And yet this man lives and repents him not ; nay , hath his Company with him still , to whom he preaches Sedition as of old , and with whom thousands of the Dathanites and Abiramites of the land do Confederate ; whereby you may see the stubbornness and hopes of the Faction , and how the good Old Cause will go on , if God by his judgments , and the Magistrate by his care and severity prevent it not . Awake and know , 2. That the Cause not only lives , but there are multitudes in the Land , ready fixt and prepar'd to carry it on : dissatisfied Reubenites , who for their own , or their fathers sins have lost their offices , their honours , their birth-rights ; and perhaps not a few of them neither even among the very Senators of the Land , who ( by their having been there ) gather hopes to recover the greatness they have lost ; at least to make themselves too great ever after to be crushed , or degraded again . But lodge they where they will , I will be bold to say , they are all of the Company of Korah , frequenters of his Tents , or lovers of his Company ; let but his Conventions be searched , and you will find them all ; for of this sort are they which creep into houses ( 2 Tim. 3.6 . ) . However of such pernicious influence they have been , that it will be difficult to say whether the Barrels of Powder once under the Senate , or the Conventicles afterwards adjoyning , have been the most fitted and adapted to blow it up ; or indeed whether Faux with his Dark Lanthorn and his Match in his hand , or these with their New lights and their white and black Caps on their heads , are the most likely to do the mischief ; pardon the expression , but assuredly I my self in my days of Curiosity , have heard such dangerous Positions , such Fiery conclusions , such Flambeau Divinity vented in those Assemblies , that I never read nor met with the like in Bellarmin , Mariana , Reynolds , nor the worst of Jesuits . Let the Pillar then stand for a lasting Monument , to instruct all that pass by where the Fire ( that consumed the City and impoverished the Nation ) first began ; but there are and have been of late so many incendiaries ( Firers of the City and Country ) for I look upon every Conventicler to be one , that if a Column were to be erected at every place where the Nation hath been enflam'd , we should not have Purse nor Piety enough to erect them . Habent & Vespae favos , It seems Wasps as well as Bees have got their hives ; but if they be suffered to breed , and to plant new Colonies , the Hony of the Land will soon be eaten up , and the Bees that should gather new destroy'd . Wherefore awake , awake , you Sampsons of the Age , ( you men of Loyalty and of strength ) and know that the Philistins are upon you ; think not that to Address your selves to your King , to Congratulate his late preservation is Loyalty enough ; the better way in these times of Conspiracy to express it , will be to Address your selves unto his business ; to seize the Tents of Dathan , and to scatter the Company of Korah : for assuredly , if Korah hath his Company , Dathan will have his , and it shall not be long ere both of them take Men. May the God therefore of Peace , who stilleth the raging of the Sea , and the madness of the People , whose is the Kingdom and the Power , and who sent his Son to reconcile the world unto himself , and each one therein unto the other , make us all to be of one mind and of one tongue ; and through the assistance of his holy Spirit , to live in the true faith and fear of God , in humble Obedience to our King , in brotherly love and Charity one to another , that there may be no more Schisms nor Conspiracies among us , but that we may ( all and every one of us ) obey them that have the rule over us , and submit our selves to them who watch for our souls . To whom three Persons , one God , be ascribed all Honour , Glory , Power , Adoration now and for ever . Amen . FINIS . Books Printed for Walter Kettilby , at the Bishop's Head in St. Pauls Church-yard . PRosecution no Persecution : or the difference between Suffering for disobedience and Faction , and suffering for Righteousness , and Christ's sake ; in a Sermon preached at Bury St. Edmunds in Suffolk , being the time of the General Assizes there held . The Modern Pharisees : or a Sermon shewing the Principles of the present Jesuites , and Puritans , to be of the same evil influence with the ancient Pharisees ; and equally vexatious and destructive to Government . Both by Nath. Bisbie , D. D. Mr Milbourn's Samaritanism Revived : A Sermon preached on the Ninth of September , being the day appointed for a solemn Thanksgiving , for the Discovery of the late Horrid Plot against his Majesties Person and Government . Mr Payne , Of the unlawfulness of stretching forth the hand to Resist or Murder Princes , with the principal cases about Resistance considered , in Two Sermons : the first preached upon the last Thirtieth of January ; the other upon the day of Thanksgiving , for the Deliverance of the King and Kingdom from the late Treasonable Conspiracy . Ahitophel's Policy Defeated : a Sermon preached on the Ninth of September , being the day appointed by his Majesty for a Publick Thanksgiving , for his and the Kingdoms great Deliverence from the late Treasonable Conspiracy . Mr Payne's Sermon . Learning and Knowledge , recommended to the Scholars of Brentwood School in Essex ; Preached at their first Feast June 29. 1682. Published at the earnest desire of the Stewards . 


c0: A41804
c1: Grascome, Samuel, 1641-1708?
c3: 1693
c6: 16619
c7: 316
c8: 44
c9: A41804.xml
c10: A41804.txt
c2:
  An appeal of murther from certain unjust judges, lately sitting at the Old Baily to the righteous judge of heaven and earth; and to all sensible English-men, containing a relation of the tryal, behaviour, and death of Mr. William Anderton, executed June 16. 1693. at Tyburn, for pretended high treason.

c4:
  ( Pardon the Expression , for the very Words were used , ) and therefore no matter whether the Law was strained , or not ; they had caught a Man whom they thought fit should die , if not for his Crimes , yet for Example : And thus we have bravely secured our Lives , Liberties and Estates , when men are hanged for Reasons of State , not for Offences against Law. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor.

c5:
  anderton; books; case; evidence; jury; law; life; man; matter; men; printing; prisoner; stephens; thing; time; treason

c11:
   An appeal of murther from certain unjust judges, lately sitting at the Old Baily to the righteous judge of heaven and earth; and to all sensible English-men, containing a relation of the tryal, behaviour, and death of Mr. William Anderton, executed June 16. 1693. at Tyburn, for pretended high treason. Grascome, Samuel, 1641-1708? 1693 Approx. 92 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A41804 Wing G1566 ESTC R216496 99828223 99828223 32650 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A41804) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 32650) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1865:16) An appeal of murther from certain unjust judges, lately sitting at the Old Baily to the righteous judge of heaven and earth; and to all sensible English-men, containing a relation of the tryal, behaviour, and death of Mr. William Anderton, executed June 16. 1693. at Tyburn, for pretended high treason. Grascome, Samuel, 1641-1708? 41, [1] p. s.n., [London : 1693] By Samuel Grascome. Caption title. Discusses the trial of William Anderton, tried for high treason, after being accused of printing two pamphlets: "Remarks upon the present confederacy and the late revolution in England" and "A French conquest neither desirable nor practicable". He was sentenced to death and executed at Tyburn on June 16th, 1693. -- Cf. Plomer. Includes "To the Right Honourable Sir John Fleet, Lord Mayor of the City of London, and the rest of the commissioners for the Goal delivery of Newgate. The humble petition of William Anderton a convicted prisoner in Newgate.". Reproduction of the original in the Christ College Library, Oxford. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Anderton, William, d. 1693 -- Early works to 1800. Lawton, Charlwood, 1660-1721. -- French conquest neither desirable nor practicable. Anderton, William, d. 1693. -- Remarks upon the present confederacy and the late revolution in England &c. Trials (Treason) -- England -- Early works to 1800. Execution and executioners -- Early works to 1800. Sedition, England -- Early works to 1800. Printers -- England -- Biography -- Early works to 1800. Printing -- England -- History -- Early works to 1800. 2006-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-06 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2006-06 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion An Appeal of Murther from certain unjust Judges , lately sitting at the Old Baily , to the righteous Judge of Heaven and Earth ; and to all sensible English-men , containing a Relation of the Tryal , Behaviour , and Death of Mr. William Anderton , Executed June 16. 1693. at Tyburn , for pretended High-Treason . WEre all Men truly Good , publick Laws would be of little or no use . For all political Laws are the good Daughter of a bad Mother , as being preventionally or occasionally the Off-spring of ill Manners ; but without them there is no Living in any Comfort or Security : hence all civilized Nations have ever gloried in their Laws , as their Honour and Safety , and heretofore none more than the English , and perhaps none with greater reason ; for it may be a difficult Task for a well-read Historian to find out a Kingdom under the Cope of Heaven , where the Lives , Liberties , and Properties of Subjects are more cautiously and critically secured ; but especially in case of Life ( the Foundation of all humane Blessings ) wherein no Conjectures or Presumptions are allowed , but the Law requires at least two credible and positive Witnesses , and if any thing be doubtful or controverted , always judgeth in favorem vite , and makes even the Judg himself of Councel to the Prisoner , that he may by no means miscarry through any Error , Ignorance , Passion , or Inadvertency . But after all , the Law is a dead Letter , and cannot execute it self ; and when it so happens , that the Laws , which were made against Offences , are seized by the Offenders , and turned against those whom they were designed to protect , the Sins of any Nation can scarce draw upon them a more heavy Curse and Judgment : For then the Sheep are daily dragg'd to tryal before the Wolf , and nothing but Villany is maintain'd , encouraged , and promoted ; and an honest Man had a thousand times better fall into the hands of a Confederacy of High-way-men , who will rob and dispatch him with some kind of Generosity , than under the clutches of a corrupt Minister of Law , who after a swinging mortification in a nasty Prison , shall at length in a great deal of state , with mighty formality , and tedious ceremony , proudly doom him to death , and all under colour and pretence of those Laws , which , if they could speak for themselves , would acquit the Prisoner and hang the Judge ; and whether the following case be not a fresh and lamentable Instance of something too like this , I shall leave wholly to the Readers Judgment , after an impartial Perusal . Mr. William Anderton knowing himself to be mortally , though caulesly hated , by some Persons , had absconded of late for a considerable time , as it has been the hard fortune of divers great and good Men to do in these difficult times ; but being by a parcel of false Villains betrayed to Mr. Robert Stephens , Messenger of the Press , and his sworn Enemy , he was apprehended on the second of May this present 1693. and Stephens ( whose Malice much out-weighs his Brains ) not content with his Person , plainly plundered the House , carrying away Goods to a considerable Value , which there was no colour of Law for him or any Man else to seize ; and this I suppose might be one great motive , to make him swear so desperately at the Tryal , that he might take away a Man's Life , who otherwise might come upon him for Robbing him of his Goods ; the Booty secured , away he goes , in triumph with his Prisoner , to my Lord Chief Justice Holt , where he railed against him in a very indecent manner ; the Judge was very calm , and said very little to the matter , but , upon the accusation , committed Mr. Anderton to Newgate , not for High Treason as is falsely alledged , by that Lying Pamphleteer , licensed according to Order , who published that malicious Account of his Conversation , Behaviour and Execution which was cryed about Streets immediately after his death ; That Judge knew the Law better , and I believe is not in himself so very forward to overstrain it . Whilst he thus stood committed for Misdemeanour , he was bailable ; and accordingly very sufficient Bail was offered for him ; but Aaron Smith , who wisely weighs what advantage is to be made of every Prisoner , and considers not only the Person himself , but the Interest he is engaged in , and the Friends he may be supposed to have , thought too few Guineas were offered ; and therefore still kept off the Bail endeavouring to make a better Market ; but while things hung thus between the Bail and the Bail-master , on a suddain the Controversy was ended by the coming of a fresh Warrant upon the former , which committed the Prisoner for High Treason . This way of Proceeding being somewhat unusual gave occasion to divers Censures ; some said , it was only a Trick to prevent his being bayled : others said , that the Fact , though never so fully proved , could not amount to High Treason , and that they could not touch his Life ; and that they had hereby done him a Kindness , because upon his Tryal he would be discharged without any further Imprisonment or Corporal Punishment : But these , I suppose , were more conversant among the Lawyers than the Politicians , and could better tell what ought to be done , than what some Men were contriving to do . Others judg'd this fresh Commitment to be the result of new Councels , and a plain Evidence , that they had taken new Measures ; and therefore did hence conclude , that he was thought a Person not only dangerous , but fit to make an Example , and that therefore it was resolved he should be hanged right or wrong : And the Event proved these to be in the right . Now such illegal Proceedings and bloody Councels very ill becomes those who complained of smaller Failings in others , and have turned all things upside down under a pretence to mend Matters and reform Abuses ; but there is nothing more sanguinary , than a pretending State-Reformer ; nothing more cruel and savage , than a Moderation-Man got into Power . But these doings being naturally so odious to English men , I hope they will consider , that the difference is not great , whether they be hanged with Popish or Protestant Halters ; and will see at last , that they have a very ill security for their Lives , Liberties , and Properties , when those who take upon them to guard them from Popery , become more Lawless and Cruel than Papists . There were indeed some even in the Councel who did dislike these Proceedings : but others prevailed ; and it would not be forgotten , that there is a certain sly plump Divine , who perhaps is as good at Hocus Pocus Tricks , as any Man in Europe ; he can cut a Man's Throat so neatly , that he shall never know who hurt him ; he will put at his pleasure all into confusion and hurry , make Men so mad that they know not where they are , nor care what Mischief they do ; and all the while , as if he had Gyges's Ring , shall walk invisible , and shall not be so much as suspected to have had any hand in the matter : To this Crafts-Master Robin Stephens made haste over the Water to set forth his great Services , and to receive ample Praises , if not a Reward . But his Expectation was sadly baulk'd ; for the Oracle fell foul upon him , telling him , that now he was threatened to be turn'd out of his Place he could find these Men , and that it might justly be thought that he had been confederate with them all this while , and false to the Government ; and that if he did not give better Testimony of his good affection to the Government , and that he was an Enemy to such kind of Men , he might lose his Place for all this . Now all this is only an Use of Instruction to a Messenger who was malicious enough of himself ; for the plain English of it is this ; 'T is true you have taken a Printer , but what of that ? For unless you go through with your Work , and swear him out of his Life , you do the Government no Service , and had as good have done nothing at all : Guilt is ever merciless and bloody , a Man is got into the head of a Schism , has seiz'd on N●bath's Vineyard , and there wanted not much but they had kill'd to secure the Possession ; for had not Fuller's Plot miscarried we had had a Jezebel's Fast , and Sons of Belial had been set up to testify , that the poor old innocent Gentleman did blasphemy God 〈◊〉 the King ; now the Prisoner was of a Trade that told Tales , and the wicked Mufty strongly presum'd that this was the Man , who had not only often refresh'd his Memory with the mention of his Guilt , but did give him some disturbance in the possession of his ill-gotten Goods , and therefore he was unpardonable , such a Man he could not endure should live . But though he knows not how to forgive , yet I heartily wish he may repent , that God may forgive him , lest he find Hell a more difficult place to get out of than of late he imagin'd . I shall pass by several Circumstances , which perhaps some would think material , that I may avoid Tediousness and come to the Tryal itself , which was begun on Thursday June 1 , but respited till Saturday following , that this bloody Scene might be acted with the greater Solemnity . The Court being set , several appeared on the Bench , but his real and effectual Judg was Treby , one of the old Republican strain , and as fit a Person as could have been pickt out for such a murderous Design ; this Man being Recorder of the City of London , when the Lord Russel was condemned for High Treason , and by his place being to pass Sentence upon him did declare himself exceedingly troubled in mind and mightily dissatisfy'd because there was only one positive Witness , and other circumstantial Evidence against his Lordship , and not two positive Evidences to the same fact , as he said the Law required : But see how mens Consciences can face about , when their Malice is to be gratified ; he could now brow-beat , revile , and in effect force a Jury to bring in a Verdict of High Treason , when there was not one positive Evidence to any matter of fact , nor indeed any Evidence at all , that could directly affect the Prisoner as to the matter in his Indictment . The Lord deliver me and all honest Men from Trebyan Justice . Herodotus relates of Cambyses , that he took an unjust Judge and caused his Skin to be slead off , and tann'd , and therewith the Seat of Justice to be lined , and then put his Son in the place , who sitting upon his Father's hide , could not want a Monitor to make him careful to pronounce righteous Judgment ; and for my part I cannot give a reason why Christians should not be as sollicitous to have Justice duly administred as Heathens . Mr. Anderton made it his Request , that he might have a Copy of his Indictment , but it would not be granted ; and indeed so great Care was taken , and so strict a Charge given , that neither before nor after his Tryal could any Copy be obtained , so long as he lived ; whether it may be had now I know not . The Crime laid to his Charge was the Composing , Printing and Publishing two Malicious Treasonable Libels : The first intituled , Remarks upon the present Confederacy , and late Revolution in England ; The second , a French Conquest neither desirable nor practicable . As to the later of these it is now certainly known , that he had no hand in it , and that it was Printed at a Press which he never saw , and by Persons with whom for a long time he had no Communication : and it must be allowed to be a reasonable Supposal , that his Judge knew this at the time of his Tryal . For the Government had at that time in their custody those Persons , who knew when and where it was Printed ( and as it was said ) had made a Discovery of all ▪ perhaps of more than they knew : The Papers of that sort taken upon the Prisoner were sent to him the day before he was seized ; and some have a vehement suspicion , that it being resolved he should be taken the next day , those Pamphlets were sent before hand that something might certainly be found upon him : But his Innocence in that Matter hath since been made evident to all the World by an irrefragable Testimony ; for this September Sessions at the Old Baily , Price in open Court made Oath , that he and the Prisoners then at the Bar , Newbolt and Butler , Printed the French Conquest . This was both a Surprise and a Choak-pear to some there , and a murmuring noise ran through the Court , whilst some whisper'd , And was Anderton then hanged for that which othes have done ? And the Attorney General , a Man who need not be taught to speak , was struck dumb and look'd blank , I suppose in anger and indignation that he should be impos'd upon to accuse a Man of a thing for which he lost his Life ; and the same Man in the same Court proved innocent . For this I do think of him that he would not knowingly prosecute a false Accusation against an innocent Man , tho this is more than I would say of the Judge . Upon the Tryal the principal Evidence against the Prisoner was Robin Stephens the Messenger : Now all Courts of Judicature use to have a particular regard to the Credibility of the Witnesses , and not to throw away any mans Life upon the Testimony of infamous malicious Persons ; and such as care not what they swear . Now the Man is yet living to bear witness of it against whom Robin Stephens in Malice made Oath before a Justice of the Peace , that he was a busie , troublesome Dissenter , came not to his Parish-Church , nor had received the Sacrament there , for the space of Twelve Months then last past , and the Gentleman being brought before the Justice of Peace to satisfy the Law in that case , he gave such convincing Evidence to the said Justice that he was a constant Churchman , and for Eleven of the said Twelve Months had received the Sacrament at his own Parish-Church , that the Justice gave him his Warrant to take up Stephens for making a false Oath ; and the Warrant he lately had to produce , and I believe hath still . But what a rare Fellow this is for honest Mens Lives to depend on , you shall farther perceive by the Testimony he gave upon the Tryal . One thing whereof Mr. Stephens made Oath was , that at the time of Mr. Anderton's Apprehension , he did in Words disown the Government , and call'd K. W. Hook nose , not submitting himself . Now as to the Words this is absolutely false ; for some scuffle there was but not a Word spoken . Mr. Anderton in the time of his Health and Liberty was a Man of Integrity , and so far from being given to Lying , that he particularly hated a Lyar , and such a Person no one can think would persist in a needless Lye at his Death ; and to the very last he denyed the speaking any such Words ; but for a further Evidence he told to several Persons the very reason of his Silence . For he said he knew Robin Stephens to be short-sighted , but withal that he knew his Voice , and that while he did not discover himself by speaking , he was in some hope to give him the slip . But if Robin Stephens be pleased a little better to recollect himself , he may then perhaps remember that another Person about three days before that time had said such Words to him ; but he ought to have a care how he transfers Matters from one Man to another ; for that is the way not only to condemn the innocent , but to acquit the guilty : But after all , suppose it true , that he had spoken that unhandsome Word ; a disrespectful Term it might be , but Treason it was not , neither was it any thing to his Indictment ; and why then should a Judge make such a bustle about it , and exercise his Wit thence to prove the Prisoner disaffected to the Government ? What hath a Judge to do with a Man's Affections ? If a Jury will be prevail'd on to find a man guilty of High Treason for saying a Man has a Hook-nose , who really has a Hook-nose , they will hang a Man for speaking truth ; and that is an ill Country for an honest Man to live in . Another part of Mr. Stephens's Evidence was , that he there took an old Trunk fill'd with Papers and Pamphlets , and that he had seen the said Trunk formerly , and knew it to be Mr. Anderton's , and lest the poor old Trunk should not be sufficiently taken notice of , it is put into the Ordinary's Paper , and also into that which was cry'd about on the day of his Execution . Now the Reason of Swearing to the Knowledge of the Trunk was , because it was not found in any of the Rooms that could be proved to belong to Mr. Anderton : But if Robin Stephens had never seen that Trunk before , then he must make a false Oath in swearing that he had seen it before , and that he knew it to belong to Mr. Anderton : and indeed he had never seen that Trunk before , nor did it belong to Mr. Anderton . For I can name the Gentlewoman to whom the Trunk did belong ; and in whose constant use it hath been for these Ten years last past and upwards , in whose house Robin Stephens never was that she can tell , nor doth she so much as know him ; and some Weeks before Mr. Anderton's Apprehension she innocently lent the said Trunk to a Person who said she had occasion for such a thing for a little time , and did expect it to have been returned but now she must lose her Trunk , and dare not own it , lest she should bring herself into a great deal of Trouble for doing a common neighbourly Kindness . But the Evidence which was principally relyed on , and which seemed most strongly to affect the Prisoner , was the matter of the Desk , as to which Robert Stephens made Oath , that he took out of the said Desk 40 or 50 of a sort of the Remarks and French Conquests . Now herein lay the great Master-piece of Robin Stephens's Villany , for he had seen the Desk formerly , and might well remember and swear to the knowledge of it , and moreover the Desk was taken in a room , which was owned to belong to Mr. Anderton ; but all this comes short ; for it is no Treason to have a Desk , yea even a notoriously known Desk ; and therefore to do the Feat it was requisite , that some Books should be found in that Desk , and then it would be reasonably supposed , that the Books did belong to the Owner of it ; though this is no infallible Reasoning . For Mens Books , Moneys , and other Commodities , are often laid up in other Mens Desks ; every thing is not a Man 's own , which he has in Possession . But the truth is , there was not so much as one of the Remarks or French Conquests in the said Desk ; and if after Mr. Anderton was apprehended , Robin Stephens or any of his Gang did steal the said Desk , and put such treasonable Papers into it , I would ask of any indifferent Person , Whether he , or they , or Mr. Anderton ought to be hanged for it ? I could name the Person who hath more than once told me , that when-ever he could appear with safety , he would be ready to make Oath , That about an hour before Mr. Anderton was seized he had occasion to look for something in the said Desk ; and that at that time there was nothing in it , but two Quires of clean white Paper , and some bound Books ( i.e. such as the Bible , Common Prayer-Book , Whole Duty of Man , and Books commonly used in Families ) and not any stitcht Books , and that he was with Mr. Anderton to the very minute that he was taken , and is as sure , as it is possible for Man to be , that neither he nor any other did put any such Books into the said Desk from the time he had occasion to search it , to the time of Mr. Anderton's apprehension , for which he gives many convincing matters in evidence , too long to be here inserted . He had no occasion to speak of this till after the Tryal ; for he could not foresee such a malitious Contrivance , nor know before-hand what Stephens would swear ; or if he had , he durst not appear to give Evidence , lest he himself should fall under the same sate ; but it is well known , that the Prisoner peremptorily denied any such Books to have been there , though he own'd the Desk ; and he used an Argument to convince the Bench of the truth of what he said , drawn from the very Evidence given against him , viz. That the Desk was small and not able to contain half so many Books , as were sworn to be taken out of it ; and for proof hereof desired that the Desk might be brought into the Court for the Juries , and all others Satisfaction : But his righteous Judge would not allow it , but shuffled off the matter , saying , That the Number of Books was only matter of supposal . But then is Blood with him so cheap , and can he be satisfied in Conscience to hang a Man for a Supposal , and that Supposal false ; and such a Supposal , that he himself durst not suffer to be examined , lest it should have made it apparent , that their grand Evidence was a perjured Rogue ? This was the only piece of Evidence that did in the least seem to affect the Prisoner ; and therefore ought to have been fairly and fully canvassed , and not so lightly huddled and sham'd over ; all the other Evidence was nothing to the purpose ; and if even this had been true , it could not have cast him . For the having Books in a Desk is neither Compossing , Printing , nor Publishing , which is the Crime charged in the Indictment . The substance of the aforesaid Testimony concerning the Books being taken out of the Desk was seconded by the Evidence of Hooper Beadle of the Hall , and the Constable and his Beadle . Now though the Falshood of the thing is already made manifest , yet I shall retain some Charity for these Persons , till I find cause to the contrary ; because it is very probable , that they might be deceived . For if Stephens , or any Agent of his , in the time of the huddle , and removal of things , did put such Books into the Desk , and afterwards examine it before the said Constable and Beadles , they might ignorantly swear to his Contrivance ; and they might truly say such Books were taken out of the Desk , and not know that Stephens and not Mr. Anderton put them in . But there is one thing , which shews them to be too loose and heedless in the matter of an Oath , in that they alledged so many of the French Conquests to be there , when it is certain there was not the fourth part of so many in the house , which ( as I have already told you ) were sent him the day before , and which the Government it self now ( if it did not then ) well knows were not Printed by him . And yet after all this multitude they were content to fall to one of each , that they might be particularly sworn to ; and when Mr. Constable was asked , how he knew those to be the Books , and was desired by the Prisoner to read the Titles of those Books whereof he accused him , truly it appeared , that the learned Gentleman had been bred to no such dangerous things as Writing or Reading . Now could a more unquestionable Witness have been produced to printed Books , and their Titles , than a Man that cannot read ? But for a help at a dead lift , it was said that he had made his private Mark on the said Books ; but then it ought to be considered . That his private Mark was made to the two Books at the Lord Chief Justice Holt's Chamber , which Robin Stephens produced out of his Pocket , when the Prisoner was brought to be examined . Now what did his Mark set on two Books at the Lord Chief Justice's Chamber , which were all the while before in another Man's Custody , signify to prove that those were the Books , which were about four hours before taken out of a Desk in S. James's ? Robin Stephens might have produced what Books he pleased , and in all likelihood this Man would have set his private Mark on them ; but if he would have been sure , he ought to have set his private Mark at the time of their being taken out of the Desk ; but if there were not villanous Treachery in the case , there was no such Book to be marked . Would any Judge , who had either a Grain of Sense or Conscience , hang a Man upon such Evidence as this ? I suppose it is for a blind , that Stephens swore , that coming to the Door ( i. e. Scudamore's ) and asking what Lodgers they had , turning his head aside , he saw the Prisoner's Mother in the Yard , who crying out Murther , the Prisoner came out of the House , and fell upon him . For I cannot imagine what should make him swear such a needless Lye , unless it were to cover the Treachery , whereby the Prisoner was betray'd , and to bear the World in hand , that he accidentally discovered him by espying his Mother . For his Mother was not in the Yard , but in the common Room , which they used for their Kitchen ; and Stephens came into the Yard , and directly to the Door , which by chance at that time was bolted ; and when he could not by force get in ( for the Prisoner's Wife and Mother spying him out at the Window would not open the Door ) he took down a pane of Glass , and was striving to come in that way , whereupon they opened the Door , and at the out-cry of his Mother and Wife in that Room , the Prisoner Mr. Anderton came upon him , who had escaped the Buzzard , had it not been for the strong Guard he had set . This piece of Evidence also admirably well agrees with another , That he saw him shoving up a Bed , which ran upon Wheels . Now the Bed stood in a Room , from which you must come thorough two Doors into the Yard . In short , Mr. Anderton did not shove up the Bed , nor was he first seen to Stephens at this time of his apprehension , either in that Room , or in the Yard , but in their Kitchen or common Room lying between both . And indeed as to this matter the Prisoner convinced him of the Falshood of it in the open Court ; but however it was taken no notice of . The Witness must not be disparaged or discouraged , though some Men will be apt to wonder at his Wit , how he could contrive to forswear himself in so many particulars . Besides Stephens , the Constable and the Beadles , there were also two Printers sworn , viz. Roberts and Snowden , the Substance of whose Evidence was , That they had seen the Characters in the Hall , together with the &c. and that they did believe it was the Letter that Printed that Book , ( i. e. the Book then shewed in Court ) as also that the two Books were Printed with one and the same Letter or Character . Now if this Evidence be true , it ought to have acquitted him ; if it be false , it ought not to have hurt him . For the Government well knows where and by whom one of the Books was printed , and that it was not Printed by Mr. Anderton , nor had he any manner of hand in it , or any communication at that time with those Printers ; and if both the Books were printed with the same Letter or Character , then I think it is a pretty fair and clear Inference , That he printed neither of the said Books , and consequently ought upon this Evidence to have been discharged . But be the matter true or false , what signifies believing in this case ? Is one Man to be hanged for anothers believing ? Malice is put to its shifts , when without any colour of Legal Evidence it is forced to believe a Man out of his Life . But if such Evidence as this shall be looked on as good and satisfactory in matter of Life , I think the whole Society of Printers are deeply concerned in it , and that they are all in very dangerous Circumstances ; for I am assured by a very understanding Printer , that there is not a Printing-house in Town , but hath of the same sort of Letter or Character , so that upon such an Oath as this , any or all the Printers of the Town might have been taken , and whom they thought fit hanged . For there is none of them but had Characters as suitable to the Book , as that which was sworn to ; and if it had been seized , and thus sworn to , they were as lyable to be hanged as Anderton . At this rate the Government need not give themselves the charge of a Messenger of the Press , nor the trouble of such frequent Searches ; but as soon as any Seditious or Treasonable Pamphlet comes abroad , it is but going to the next Printers and seizing his Letter , and having found some of the same sort of Character , to get a couple of Rattle-headed Fellows to swear to it , and hang him ; and thus they may pick and chuse what Printers they please to hang. Was ever such a wise Oath made by two Printers ? but Snowden was made choise of , for his notoriously known Malice against the Prisoner , and no doubt but his Fellow was endued with some excellent Quality or other . There was brought in another Witness , who made Oath , that about three Quarters of a year before , he had sold the Prisoner Paper by the Name of Williamson . Now what is the Crime of buying Paper ? The Stationers would have an ill Trade , if every Man should make himself a Traytor , who becomes a Customer to any of them . Whatever they conjectured , no body offered to prove , that he made any ill use of his Paper ; and then if he had bought half the Paper in the Town , I know not what harm had been in it , provided that he had honestly paid for it . What need was there to have troubled such a Witness as this ? There can scarce be thought any other Reason , but that they were resolved to run a Man down with noise and number , against whom they wanted sufficient Evidence . Thus I have examined the Witnesses , and I do not know that I have omitted any thing material spoken by them ; their business was to fix the Press , Letter , and Pamphlets upon the Prisoner , to prove he worked there , but particularly , that he printed the two Books laid in the Indictment ; which if their Evidence did not amount to , it signified nothing . Now if a Man carefully consider the whole Evidence in relation hereto , he will plainly perceive , that it was either false , inconsistent , or impertinent , and after all nothing to the purpose . For he stood indicted for Composing , Printing , and Publishing two particular Pamphlets , viz. the Remarks and ●●●●●h Conquest . I suppose they themselves did not think him the Composer , that word was put in for Formality's sake ; but however if they did , there was no offer in the least to prove it ; nor was there any proof , that he printed both , or either of the Books laid in the Indictment , or any other Book , or that he printed at all ; nor was it proved , that he published the said Books , or any other Books ; nay , there was not the least thing , that looked like an Evidence towards any one of these things ; so that there was not one tittle of his Indictment proved . Let us now see what art this reverend Judg could use to condemn him ? For any Man who had known the Laws of England would have thought he had been safe enough . The Prisoner with a great deal of calmness and clearness had all along made appear the insufficiency of the Evidence ; but the Judg , he as much crys it up , strains all his Rhetorick to set glosses upon it , over-rules all , and though for Fashion-sake he leave it to the Jury , yet he perswades them , that they could not but see in it , what no body else could : and now like a Knavish Disputant , who begs the the Question , he takes for granted , that the matter of Fact was proved , though the contrary was as clear as Noon-day . But then from this false Supposition of the proof of matter of Fact , there arose matter of Law , viz. Whether Printing were Treason ? And in consequence hereof , Whether it were within the purview of the Statute of the 25 Edw. 3 ? As to this , the Prisoner desired he might have the benefit of Councel , and pleaded his Right to it , urging not only the Privilege of every English-man , but that it was the Practice of all our Courts of Justice , and that no Man was denied Councel where any matter of Law arose , and instanced in the case of Sydney and others , to whom the Judges freely and readily assigned Councel as to matter of Law , and own'd it to be their Right . But the business of our tender Judge was by any means whatsoever to cast the Prisoner , and to make several new Presidents in this one Man , nor durst he trust so plain a case with the meanest Lawyer : or that had been to expose their own Malice and Weakness , an 〈…〉 and whole Court would easily have seen through the Business ; but as for the Prisoner himself they thought he might easily be dealt with , and the matter veiled ; for either by the advantage of their skill in Law , or the awe of their Authority , such a Person might be easily quelled , and therefore they peremptorily deny to him , what was ( as the Learned in the Law tell me ) never denied to any Man before , Councel as to matter of Law. Being thus shamelesly over-ruled , he was constrained to be his own Councel . A hard case , and a very discouraging part to plead Law against a Judg of Law , who improved his Art and Authority , against him to the utmost , and appeared resolutely bent to have his Blood right or wrong . Nevertheless not to be wanting to himself , he undertook that part , and made such a Plea as stunn'd his Jury , and gave satisfaction to the whole Court , except such as came thither with a resolution to Murther him . The things which he principally insisted on , as to matter of Law , were three . 1. That Printing ( though even that was not proved ) was not Treason . 2. That the Crime laid to his charge came not within the purview of the 25 Edw. 3. 3. That if it did , yet by the said Statute he ought to be discharged ; because there was not such Witness against him as that Statute requires , and without which it condemns no Man. And these he proved fully and clearly by several cases in Law , by several Authorities from that great Oracle of Law the Lork Coke , and from our plain Laws and Statutes themselves , he argued from the Statute whereon he was indicted , that whereas that made two things Treason ; Conspiring the Death of the King , and Levying War. The Printer , who worked for hire , could not be guilty of this what-ever the Author might ; and further that the Books contained nothing of such matter , but the contrary , of which he produced an Instance full and plain ; he also urged , that that Statute allows no conjectural Presumptions , Inferences , or strains of Wit , but direct and manifest proof by , at least , two Witnesses , whereas there was not one against him , that spoke to the purpose , or any thing like it ; he pressed and explain'd the Statue 1 mo Marie , even to a demonstration of his case . For whereas that Statute saith , no Act , Deed or Offence , shall be adjudged Treason , but such as are declared and expressed to be such by the 25 of Edw. 3. It is absolutely impossible , that Printing should be any ways declared or expressed in that Act , it not being known in England till eight Kings Reigns after , and not long invented , before it travail'd hither . Any Man that had but a grain of Sense , Reason , or Conscience , would have thought this should have struck the matter dead ; but he still urged further an Act of their own ; and where Men will not so much as stand to their own Acts , happy are they who have nothing to do with such . In the Reign of King Charles the Second , an Act was made to prevent abuses in Printing , &c. by which the Printer upon the first Offence is disabled to follow his Trade for three years , and upon the second disabled for ever with Fine , Imprisonment , or other corporal Punishment not extending to Life or Limb ; this is pretty severe , and yet a great way off Treason ; but this being in favour of that King was made only for his Life , and consequently expired with him ; but no longer since then the last Sessions of Parliament was this very Act revived , and the present Government obtain'd it not without great Strugling : But to what purpose ? Or I would fain know what favour was done it , if there were more effectual Remedies before ? And I think it may be worth while for the Parliament when they sit next to consider for what reason they revived that Law , or whither it be to any purpose for them to make that or any other Law , if even whilst they are fresh made , and in all Mens view and knowledge , a Judg shall dare openly not only to set them aside , but to violate them , and judge contrary to them . But I shall trouble the Reader no further with his Plea , which had been here inserted , but that some thought it would be too tedious , and not so proper for all sorts of Persons , as being fraught with much Latin and French , which he was necessitated to use as to the matters he cited . In short , he acquitted himself so well , that all indifferent Persons were abundantly satisfied , and yet it proved to no more purpose than a Wall-lecture . The reason is , the Tryal was only a piece of Pageantry , and the Man was condemned long before ; but to over-rule this without more ado , had been a down-right Affront both to Law and Reason , and therefore Mr. Judge must needs make a Flourish ; and now a Man would expect , that he should have gon through all the Cases , Statutes , and Arguments used by the Prisoner , and fairly and fully confuted him ; but I thank you , no such matter ; if the Man had but little Honesty , yet he had more Wit ; he warily leaves it all in the Lurch , and to put a blind upon the matter , makes a Bluster with two or three old musty impertinent Presidents , which had not seen the Sun for many Ages , the chief of which was that of Sir John Oldcastle Lord Cobham , and he might as well have urged the Case of the Man in the Moon . For what was my Lord Cobham's Case to Printing ? That famous Wicklevite lived in the Reign of Richard the Second , some scores of years before Printing was thought on , which came not into England till the Reign of Henry the Seventh ; and the Prisoner had very well observed , That what is not expressed in the Statute 25 Edw. 3. ( and it is impossible Printing should be expressed there ) is barr'd from being any ways adjudged or interpreted Treason , by the Statute 1 mo Marie . In short , in summing up the Evidence to the Jury , the Judg acted not the part of a Judg , but rather of a keen malitious Councel or Accuser , and mustered up all his Arts to insnare and impose upon the Jury ; he aggravated to the utmost every little Punctilio , which he thought might be any thing servicable to beget in the Jury an hard Opinion of the Prisoner ; he could not let the Bed with Wheels alone , but whipt it up and down like a Top ; he could not forbear brushing the poor Man's Night-gown ; he rambled from St. James's to Hoxton , and fetcht in every little Trifle with all the witty Malice imaginable ; nay , if you will believe him , he lookt into the very Soul of the Man , and told the Jury what was within him ; he was an ill-minded Man , a disaffected Person , he was no Lover of the Government ; and in my Conscience I cannot tell how he should , the Government had not used him to well , that he should be passionately fond of it ; but above all he took mighty Pains to beat it into their heads , That Printing was an Overt Act : But on the other hand , of there being two Witnesses to the proving the Fact ( alas , he knew there was not one ) or of any thing the Prisoner had pleaded though plain and substantial Law , or of any thing that did make for the Prisoner , not a Word did he speak ; and when he had thus disguised the business with all the skill he had , The Jury were sent out to consider of their Verdict . Whilst the Jury were withdrawn all sorts of People were big with Expectation , what would be the Issue of the business ; many , who who were very well affected to the Government , thought he could not be found guilty , and do not stick to say still , that he had very hard measure ; nay , even Robin Stephens , who thirsted for his Blood , was fearful he would escape ; for as he was passing along the Streets coming up to three Gentlemen , one of whom asked what they thought would become of Mr. Anderton , Stephen's laying his hand on Mr. M — sh 's Shoulder said thus , The Rogue pleaded bravely , and I believes hopes he hath Friends among the Jury to get off ; but if such as he are acquitted , the Government must give us Orders to stob them whereever we find them . I think this is a faithful Servant of the Government indeed , a Man who will go through stitch with his work ; but then , my Dear Country-men ! what would become of the Laws , if every Rogue should have a License to murther whom he pleaseth ? After two hours debate the greater part of the Jury became very well inclined to have found Not Guilty ; but there was a true Trojan amongst them , one who loved Mischief and the Government in his Soul ; and he was for hanging Men for being Jacobites , not for being Guilty : and being since told of the severity of their Verdict , he readily acknowledged , that the Evidence did not amount to the proof of the Fact , but , saith he , what of that ? I believed he was guilty , and I will hang a hundred of them for half so much Evidence . A very useful Man , and certainly deserves a Pention , if he have not one already . When the Jury appeared , the Question was asked , Whether they were agreed of their Verdict ? A zealous Man answered , No. Whereat the Court fround , and shew'd themselves much displeased , when the Fore-man of the Jury ( who is a Man well affected to the Government , but withall a sensible Man , not malicious , and desirous that all Men may have fair play for their Lives ) put this Question to the Bench , Whether the having those things by him , without making any further use of them , did affect the Prisoner as to Life ? Now this Question was very pertinent . For all that was proved against the Prisoner , was that such things were found there , and it ought to be taken notice of , that though the thing was call'd in Question , yet it was not proved , that the Room , where the things were found , did belong to him ; and there was a Person present in Court , and brought thither by means of Robin Stephens , who offered to make Oath , that the Room was hired by one Williams , and that the said Williams had paid the last Quarters Rent for it ; whereupon Stephens and others gave her very ill Names , and with great Threatnings drave her out of the Court , and both she and her Husband have been somewhat scurvily used since . The Question , though very proper , was nothing pleasing ; but after some frowning and pouting , Treby arose and answered , No. In which answer he plainly acknowledged , that all that was offered in proof against the Prisoner , did not affect him ; but then he further said , That was not their Business , they were to find it Printing , and that was a sufficient Overt-Act . But then is Printing Treason ? If so , then we have a Trade that is Treason , at which Men work every day , and are allowed by Law , which is not more severe against any thing , than Treason . But perhaps he will say , he meant the Printing these Books ; but with his good leave , there was no such thing proved , nay , not so much , as that he printed at all . And must a Jury find a matter of which no manner of Evidence at all is given ? He might as well have bid them find it Conjuring , for any proof that was offered of it . But if the thing were supposed , yet I believe his Lordship is the first , that ever declared Printing as such , to be an Overt-Act of Treason ; and I shall leave it to the Learned in the Law to declare , when they shall think fit , what Crime that is , and how to be punished , when a Judg takes away a Man's Life by declaring that to be an Overt-Act of Treason , which the Law doth not so account . But I cannot omit it , as seeming to me a thing of sad and dangerous Consideration , that when some of the Jury-men , as by way of complaint , said thus . My lord , our Fore-man is of Opinion , this Fact is not proved . He presently replied , Whether it be proved or no , you ought not to determine ; the bare finding the Books in his Custody would not be Treason ; but the case is , Gentlemen , here is a Man that has a Printing-Press , to which no Man has admission but himself ; and this Man is found with Errata and &c. ( not a tittle of all this proved ) so that he must needs print the Treason . To this a pert Jury-man answered , 'T is a very strong Presumption , my Lord ! And then Baron Powel clenched the Nail with this grave saying . A violent Presumption is as much as if a Man had been there and done it himself . What blessed times are these ? Would not a Man think , that Astrea were come down from Heaven again , and sat in Court ? For was ever such brave Justice known ? The Jury are sworn to proceed according to their Evidence , but the Judg tells them , they are not to determine whether the thing be proved or no. i. e. They are brought thither to be forsworn , and to hang Men contrary to their Oath upon the bare Say-so of a Lying corrupt Judg. The Law says there shall be positive Evidence in case of Life , but a great Lawyer says , a violent Presumption is the same thing . In plain terms , ( Country-men ) this is not to murther a single Man , but to murther the Laws ; and the most innocent English-man breathing has no security of his Life against a presuming Judg. These Answers , or rather Shams , being returned to the Questions , after some other ill Words , and ill Looks , the Jury were sent back again , where almost three hours more were spent in debating the matter before they could come to a Conclusion , and then part complied , rather tired and frighted than convinced ; The last , who came in , was the Foreman ; and it is besitting the times , for the head to follow the tail ; nor were they Arguments , but Terrours , which shock'd his Judgment , and brought him off at the last ; some of his fellow Jury-men used him rudely , gave him very ill Language , and threatned him high with the Government , and thus all being awed into a Compliance , away they come with their wicked , but to the Court welcome , Verdict , and bring in the Prisoner Guilty . And now the Judg , to shew how acceptable it was to him , falls a stroaking the Jury ; and endeavours to make them some amends for the hard words he had given them before , telling them , That they had done like honest and good Men , and had brought in a Verdict agreable to their Evidence . The most impudent Lye that ever was spoke from a Bench ; for there was not one tittle of Evidence either as to his Composing , Printing , or Publishing , which was the Crime laid to his Charge in the Indictment . But the Foreman , when he came to have the liberty of his thoughts , was not pleased with what was done ; and that he might prevent the mischief , what in him lay , he did declare his dissatisfaction , and that also was made known , and at another time , had been enough to have staid Judgment : But they had gained their wicked Point , and would not depart from it ; Sentence according to course was put off to the last day of the Sessions , in the mean time the Prisoner , that he might either save his Life , or leave those who sought his Blood without excuse , had a Petition drawn and delivered , which is as followeth . To the Right Honourable Sir John Fleet , Lord Mayor of the City of London , and the rest of the Commissioners for the Goal delivery of Newgate . The humble Petition of William Anderton a convicted Prisoner in Newgate . Sheweth , THat whereas your Petitioner has been by the Jury found Guilty of Printing the Books laid in the Indictment , and thereby is concluded from Questioning the Legal Evidence they had for it , though your Petitioner humbly appeals to your Lordships Observations and Consciences , whether all that was sworn came up to more , than bare circumstantial Evidence , of his bare Printing them ; which in Cases of Treason , as your Petitioner is informed , has never been allowed . And whereas your Petitioner was advised , That bare Printing these Books ( admitting the same proved ) could not by the Laws be construed as an Overt-Act of Treason in the bare Printer ; And your Petitioner requested the Court again and again , That this matter might be argued by his Counsel , which the Court were pleased not to permit . Your Petitioner yet notwithstanding , not doubting of your Lordships Inclinations , not only to do him all Justice , but to shew him all the Mercy and Favour you can that may consist with your Lordships Justice ; and humbly conceiving , That this Court , by further considering your Petitioner's Case , may , even yet , be capable of Relieving your Petitioner , especially , if upon hearing what your Petitioner can say , your Lordships shall be satisfied , That your Petitioner hapned to be Convicted through any Errour or Mistake , ( as no Man was ever exempt from Errour , and the best of Men are always readiest to confess it ) Your Petitioner therefore humbly beseecheth your Lordship's Patience seriously to read and consider some few ( of many ) Reasons which your Petitioner hath heard from others , which he herein has set down as briefly as he can as followeth . ) First , They lay down , That the Treason laid in the Indictment , being that Of the intent of the heart , ( expressed in the Statute by Compassing and Imagining the King's Death ) requires by Law Two Proofs , The one of the Fact , the other of the Inference , and that both these must be plain ; That of Fact called the Overt-Act ) must be proved by direct and positive Evidence , by Two Witnesses at least , and not by Circumstantials only ( as this of Printing was against your Petitioner , there being no positive Proof at all , not so much as by One Witness given of his Printing either of the Books laid in the Indictment . ) And then , that of Fact being thus proved , must by necessity of Inference as evidently and certainly prove , That the Party in doing such Overt-Act could intend or imagine thereby nothing less than the King's Death ; And if either of these Proofs fall short of such necessary Certainty such Indictment must fail , the Law , for great Reasons , regarding only such plain and direct Proofs in these great Charges . Now can a Printer , Quatenus only the Printer of these Books , be thereby inferred to Assent to and Approve of the matters and things contain'd in these Books , and that necessarily too , Quatenus the Printer ? By the same Legal Logick every Printer may be proved to have in his heart and approve of all the Opinions , Notions and Imaginations contained in all the Books he ever Printed : For , a Quatenus ad omne valet Consequentia . 'T is true ( say They ) Writing and Speaking have , in some Instances , been accounted as Overt-Acts , and there might be good Reason for it , as a Man expressing his own Mind by his own Writing , and by his own Words , which , according to the manner of his Writing or Speaking , may evidently appear to come from his Own heart ; And your Petitioner doth not doubt but that the Writing a Book , as in Cardinal Pool's Case , and the Signing the Warrant for the Execution of King Charles the First , as in the Case of the Regicides , which Cases were urged by some of the Court against your Petitioner , were sufficient Overt-Acts , to prove the Compassing and Imagining the King's Death . But can these Instances be any thing to the Case of a Printer ? whose business it is , as a Printer only , to print the Thoughts of Others , being accounted in Law only as a meer Mechanick , and whose end thereby is to get Money for his Work. And for further reason in this matter , they observe , That as it doth not appear that bare Printing was ever pretended to be an Overt-Act within Stat. 25 Edw. 3. so when the Parliament of 13 Car. 2. carried up Treason to the highest , for the Preservation of the King's Person during his Life , and ( among other things ) particularly therein took notice of Printing , yet would they not thereby lay so great a Penalty upon the Printers , as , no doubt , considering the unreasonableness of Comprising such Tools and Mechanicks within an Act intended for Persons of higher Designs : But this Parliament kept the Printers in their Remembrance , as intending to consider them by themselves in another Act , as they very soon after did ; for the very same Parliament in 13 and 14 Car. 2. make an Act which they stile , An Act for preventing Abuses in Printing Seditious , Treasonable , and Unlicensed Books and Pamphlets , and for regulating Printing and Presses ; and therein , as they fix them their Rules and Bounds , so they allot them their Punishment : Which , for the first Offence , is Disability for three years ; and for the second , perpetual Disability , Fine , Imprisonment , or other corporal Punishment at Discretion . Wherefore , the Premises throughly weighed and considered , your Petitioner humbly implores your Lordships , That , in favour of Life , in a new and extraordinary Case , and That too , of Treason , your Lordships would be pleased to extend so much Mercy to your Petitioner as to suspend your Judgment and pronouncing Sentence upon on him untill your Lorships shall have heard what can be further Offered by Counsel on his behalf . And your Petitioner shall ever pray , &c. Here is no need of a Comment ; this Petition speaks for it self , and doubtless will continue to speak to their everlasting Shame , who answered it only with Neglect and Scorn . When the last day of the Sessions came , and the Prisoner was asked in course what he had to say , why Sentence should not be passed upon him ? He desired that his Petition might be read ; but the Court not being willing to take notice of the knowledge of any such Petition , thereby to elude his Request , he foreseeing it , had provided one ready , and offered it to be read , but no Man daring to take and read it , he took the freedom to read it himself , and then offered these things further in Arrest of Judgment , which he drew up by way of Queries . 1. Whether if a Jury not being competent Judges of the matter of Fact whereof they are to judge , and bring in their Verdict against the Defendent contrary to Law ; I say , whether Judgment ought to pass upon the Defendent because of that Verdict ? 2. Whether if a Judg , ( who is Counsel for the Defendent , and therefore indispensibly bound to take particular Cognizance of what the Defendent urgeth in his own behalf , as well as what is alledged against him ) in summing up the Evidence , doth omit ( out of forgetfulness or otherwise ) the only material Point upon which the whole Indictment is founded , and which the Defendent so much urged in his own behalf ; and also which inevitably led the Jury into this Mistake of their Verdict ; whether , I say , this be not sufficient to stay Judgment ? 3. Whether any Judg , &c. can construe Printing to be a sufficient Overt-Act , till it be so declared by Parliament ? 4. Whether the Stat. of 13 Car. 2. does not plainly intimate the contrary ? And likewise the 13 and 14 Car. 2. lately revived . These Queries , and this Petition , will some time or other be thought considerable ; and the rather for that the Prisoner did make it his humble and last Request , That these things being matter of Law , he might be allowed Counsel to plead them , or any other matter of Law in his Case . And he backt his Request with this modest Reason ; That being matter of Law , he thought the satisfaction of the Judg's Conscience concerned in it , as well as his Life ; but if his Counsel could be satisfied or fairly over-ruled in it , he would acquiesce without more ado . The matter now lay wholly before the City Recorder Salathiel Lovel ; and some Persons perhaps will wonder how the soppish Tool could so easily get over these matters ; but he is mounted into a Station above himself , and now thinks himself above all Sense , Reason or Law : Thus much he knew , that his business was to doom the Man to die , not to expose the matter by disputing the Case , and therefore after a flourish or two of Empty Rhetorick , he in a bravery proceeds to pronounce that dreadful Sentence , which the Law allots to Treason ; which is not barely death , but to have the heart and bowels torn out and burnt , and the body dismemb'red , and the Quarters set up or disposed as Authority orders . Thus Innocence falls before the Guilty ; and it is the Triumph of a hardned Sinner to wash his hands in blood . Whilst Mr. Anderton was preparing for his Death , his Friends were struggling for his Life : he had many Friends upon the account of his known ability , industry , and integrity ; others were taken with his manly behaviour , and clear pleading upon his Tryal ; and others were more forward to move in his Case in pity or indignation at his Lawless usage . Those who were concern'd in it , might have observed the activity and zeal of charitable and pitiful Christians , the fair and open dealing of some generous Noble Persons , the pretty Fetches and Tricks of little Courtiers to hook in a prize , but above all the Artifices of a Council in declining what was before-hand resolved should not be granted . The Queen ( as still upon occasion it was answered ) could do nothing without the Council , nor the Council without the Queen ; if the Council was met , the Queen was not there , or if she was there , there wanted such and such of the Council , without whom nothing could be done ; and thus things at every turn were shuffled off : but where the danger is imminent , and time short , Persons are willing to watch hard and look out sharp ; taking this course his disconsolate Wise had at last so fairly set the Council , that it was thought they could not avoid giving her a direct Answer ; for though they were resolved he should not live , yet ( the matter being so warmly debated amongst all sorts of Persons ) they were not willing to say peremptorily he should die : To put her by now , this Artifice served effectually ; a number of Waiters attending about the Council Chamber fell foul upon the poor Woman , in no very courtly Language , reproaching and reviling her , That she did not bring her Husband to Confession : In short , they so teazed and plagued her , that they drove her away , and an old Hag followed her , persecuting her , and all that came near her as Friends , with such vehement and bitter Language , that they were forced to quit the place . But of these things there is a worthy pious Gentlewoman , who never spares any pains to promote a work of Charity or Mercy , can give a better account than I ; and they being too long to be inserted here , with her , and to her careful Observation , I leave them . It did at last plainly appear , that the reason of Caiaphas prevailed , It was expedient one should die . ( Pardon the Expression , for the very Words were used , ) and therefore no matter whether the Law was strained , or not ; they had caught a Man whom they thought fit should die , if not for his Crimes , yet for Example : And thus we have bravely secured our Lives , Liberties and Estates , when men are hanged for Reasons of State , not for Offences against Law. I now draw near to his last Exit , only I crave leave to premise a very short account of his Life . Mr. Will. Anderton was born at Wakefield in Yorkshire , Sept. 29. 1663. his Father's Name was also William Anderton , an eminent Clothier in that Town , his Mothers Elizabeth , the Daughter of Mr. Maximilian Topham , she is yet living , a Woman of a Masculine Spirit , yet as pious as couragious : for though in this Man she lost the Son both of her love and support , ( for she is fallen into poverty ) and would readily have given her own life in exchange to have saved his , yet she bore it with such a Christian Magnanimity , that she did not stick to say , That she thanked God , that he had singled out one of her Children to dye in so good a Cause . He was brought up in the Grammar-School there , till he was fit for the University , for which he was designed by his Father , whose desire was to have made him a Clergy-man ; but he , considering with himself , that since his Father's death , by many Losses and Crosses , the Estate had been very much impaired , and that there were others beside himself to be brought up , and disposed of in the World , so that a tolerable University-maintenance could not be allowed him without crushing his Mother , and Brother and Sisters , he resolved to betake himself to a Trade . When his School-master heard of this , he was extreamly troubled ; for he looked on him as a Boy of as great hopes as any he had taught ; and to divert him from his Resolution , did promise and undertake , that amongst his Friends and Acquaintance he would procure him a Maintenance , but the Boy being unwilling to depend on such Uncertainties made haste away up to London , in the year 1679. where he was unfortunately bound Apprentice to one Thomas Snowden a Printer , and withal a furious Bigotted Fanatick ; who using to pray ( after his fashion ) every Night in his Family , never failed in one part of his Prayer to blother out most malitious Invectives and venomous Imprecations against the Church of England , and its Members , especially the Clergy . His new Apprentice , who had been bred by his Loyal Parents in the Doctrine and Practice of the Church of England , could not endure this ; but when his Master fell to praying backwards , would get up on his Feet , and manifestly shew his dislike . At first his Master reproved him , and thought to have perswaded him with Argument , but at that weapon the Apprentice was too hard for him , which made his angry Master have recourse to the Argumentum bacillinum , thinking he would at least be able to cudgel his young Man into Fanaticism : But still as often as the Master came to the malicious part of his Prayers , so often the Apprentice arose , though he was as often beaten for it ; till in the end his Master perceived his immoveable Resolution , and knowing that he could not justifie his own Proceedings , gave him leave to pray his own way , and to go to Church : but withall bore him such an eternal grudge for it , that he laid hold on all Advantages imaginable to use him ill ; and by the silly Oath he made against him at the Tryal , any man would think , it stuck by him still . Such doings made the Apprentice so very uneasie , that about half of his Time being served , after complaint made to the Chamberlain , he was turned over to one Miles Fletcher , with whom he lived very comfortably the rest of his time , he respecting and faithfully serving his Master , and his Master entirely loving his Apprentice . It is a Trade wherein some excel in one part , and some in another ; but Mr. Anderton had attained to that perfection in it , that several skilful Persons now give him the Character , that take him for all parts of his Trade together , he hath scarce left his Fellow behind him in England . When this unnatural Revolution was brought about , wherein Men in the face of Heaven forsoook and renounced those Principles which before they had valued themselves upon , against and above all the World ; our Sufferer chose the better , not the stronger side , adhereing to the Orthodox not the Apostate Church of England , and being for True not Sham-Loyalty , which became the occasion of his glorious though untimely end . From the time of his Commitment to the very moment of his Death he was of a very even and sweet behaviour , being modestly couragious , chearful without Lightness , and devout without Ostentation . He made it his particular Request , that some Minister or Ministers would be with him every Morning and Evening to read the Prayers of the Church , and perform such other Offices as in such case as his did belong to that Function , which except one day in the Week was duly observed , and sometimes oftner ; for when any Clergy came accidentally to visit him , if they did neglect to offer , he commonly requested them to pray with him . He gave little or no entertainment to any hopes of Life , as being sensible that it was rather Malice than Matter against him ; and that a Crime may be pardoned , but Malice is not to be satisfied without the destruction of its Enemy , if he once come in its Power . He often express'd a great Satisfaction in the Cause for which he suffered ; saying , that it ministred to him both Comfort and Courage , and that he doubted not but that God would acquit whom the Court had condemned . As to the Ordinary , he indeed in point of Conscience refused to communicate with him , yet mildly and modestly telling him that he was desirous to give him no Trouble , and requested of him that he would not any ways concern himself with him or about him ; at which Mr. Smith fell into such an unseemly intemperate fit of Rage , that he reviled the Prisoner with bitter Words , and very generously damned both him and all the Ministers that came at him to Hell : but he took it patiently , and returned not the least Word that might seem to sound harshly . As his Wife once laid her hand on his Fetters and wept ; he intreated her to forbear , saying , he was less than a Man that could not bear that , but that her Tears were more grievous to him than his Fetters : Another time as he was hanging a Link on the Chair thereby to ease himself somewhat from the weight of his Fetters , and perceiving his Wife to look very heavily at it , he said chearfully to her , My Dear , these are my Arms alluding to the Arms of their Family , being Sable , two single Shack-bolts , and one-double Argent , which if the Criticks will give me leave ) I take to be very honourable bearing , as being originally given to such , who having behaved themselves valiantly in the Holy Wars , yet had the Misfortune to be for some time made Prisoners by the Infidels ; or to such who did either by their Prowess fetch off , or by their Charity redeem such Prisoners . But it would be endless to insist on these small Matters , I will therefore hasten to the great and last Act of this sad Tragedy . When Tucker told him that the Dead Warrant was come , and that he was in it ; he gave him thanks for giving him notice of it , that he might be sure he had now nothing else to do , but to prepare to dye ; saying further , The Lord's Will be done . He received the holy Sacrament twice during his Imprisonment ; but whether it be customary , or that they had particular Order , the Keeepers all ( except Walker , who was all along not only civil , but even compassionate towards the Prisoner ) the Evening and Morning before he suffered became exceeding rugged and harsh not only to him , but to all that came to him ; insomuch that his Mother and Brother coming that Morning to receive the Communion with him could neither beg nor buy admission ; and the poor old Woman was forced to depart without joyning in the last Act of Christian Communion with him , or so much as taking her intended last Farewel of him ; which looks as if some Persons took a pride in Baseness and Cruelty , and studiously set themselves to add to the sorrows of the afflicted . Other very unbecoming Actions towards him I could mention , which I shall forbear , being unwilling to set forth that Barbarity which some delight to act . When he was brought down to go to the place of Execution , he entred into the Sledge , and rode along in it with that calm Behaviour and decent Courage , as stroke the Beholders with remorse and amazement , and made his Enemies gnash their Teeth with Indignation , to see him triumph over their Malice even in his Death . In his Passage all the way the People rather seem'd sorrowful , than inclinable to offer any Abuse , except near S. Giles's Church , where a rude fellow treated him with very spiteful Language , to which he made no return , but lifting up his eyes to Heaven , said , O sweet Jesus ! how much more hast thou suffered for me and for Mankind ? and shall not I learn of thee patiently to bear the undeserv'd Reproaches of this inconsiderate Man ? As he was coming up to the Place of Execution , a Clergy-man , got up into the Cart to be ready to receive him ; at which the Ordinary seemed to be much incensed ; for he gave him very ill Words , bidding him get him down , and saying , he ought not be there , nor should he be suffered ; The Minister replyed little , but stayed still , till ( see how one ill Nature helps another ) Major Richardson came up , and with Threatnings and his Cane lifted up forced him to come down , who immediately thereupon applied himself to the Sheriffs ( for by this time they were come up ) when some ill Person suggested that he was a Papist , to which the Prisoner presently answered , Mr. Sheriff , upon the Words of a dying Man he is not , but a Minister of the Church of England . I mention this purposely that People may take notice what ill use is made of the Words Papist and Popery ; and how necessary it is that they were better understood : for to be called a Papist is dangerous , but to be one or to teach the worst of Popish Doctrines is advantageous ; heretofore the Power of Deposing Kings and Equivocation , either as to Oaths , Promises , or any Transactings were accounted Popish Doctrines , and those who owned them were universally condemned ; but now you have those very Doctrines in every Pulpit in the Town , and the Persons by all applauded . What preposterous Doings are these , to hate the Name and love the Thing ? to knock an honest Man o' th' head , for being maliciously and falsely called a Papist , and to admire him for a Saint who really acts upon Popish Principles , whilst he raiseth these Scandals , and rails against Popery ? whether may not People be led , who will suffer themselves to be thus deluded ? I pray God open their eyes , that they may see the things that belong to their Peace , before they be hid from their eyes . Due to return to our Business , the Ordinary made all the opposition he could ; but the Sheriff granted the Prisoner's Request , bidding the Ordinary hold his Peace , and saying it was a thing never deny'd to a dying Man. Being in the Cart , and also the Prisoner's Brother , he used an Office which seemed to be collected out of several Offices in the Common-Prayer Book , with such small Alterations as might serve to adapt them to the present Occasion ; being since asked the Reason , he said that he did it both for the Authority of the thing , and also to avoid any Cavils that might be made at , or any Snares that might be laid for , any of his own Conceptions . But But when he came to mention the Creed he put these particular Questions to the Prisoner . Do you believe these Articles which you are now about to rehearse with me , to contain that Faith which hath all along been received by the Church of Christ ? and particularly by the Church of England ? and is this the Faith wherein you die , and wherein you hope for Salvation ? The Prisoner making Answer , I do so believe , and am now ready to die in that Faith , and in that Faith hope for Salvation . Then said the Minister , if so , say after me : Then they repeated the Creed , raising their Voices somewhat higher than ordinary ; after that the Minister asked him several Questions concerning his Repentance , his Charity , his endeavours o● Restitution for any Wrongs by him done his forgiving of others any Wrongs done to him , and the like . And then , at the earnest Request of the dying Man he denounced the Absolution , then proceeding to divers other Prayers they concluded with that Sentence in the Office for the Burial of the Dead : O holy and merciful Saviour , thou must worthy Judge eternal , suffer me not at my hast hour for any pains of Death to fall from thee . This being over , the Minister ( whether that he could not endure to see the Man die , or that he would not communicate with the Ordinary , or for some other Reason best known to himself , ) after he had particularly embraced Mr. Anderton , fervently recommended his Soul to God , and taken his last Farewel of him , went down out of the Cart : The Sheriffs civilly commanded a way to be made , and were readily obeyed , he passing through the Crowd , not only with ease but respect . During the time the Prisoner was at his private Devotions , an Order came to remit the Quartering of his Body , which being by some thought a Reprieve , it was handed to him , and having read it , and finding it no more , he returned it , saying , I thank you Mr. Sheriff , the Will of the Lord be done . Having leave from the Sheriffs to speak his mind if he had any thing to say to the People ; he began to speak , but being troublesomely interrupted by the Ordinary , and also finding he could not be heard , he desired a Speech he had prepared might be taken out of his Pocket and given to the Sheriffs , to be by them Printed , or Disposed as they thought fit , which hath been since Printed , and is as followeth : To my Countrymen , Liberty and Property hath for some years made an hideous Cry in these Kingdoms , and nothing more than the Rights and Privileges of the Subject is the Pretence of our present Deliverers ; and doubtless it was for the sake of these that so many of my insatuated and blind Countrymen rebell'd against their Lawful and Injur'd Monarch , whilst Religion ( Rebellions Umbrage ) was made the Covert of the hidden Designs of those who have now demonstratively shewn , that they sought nothing less than our Ruin : And that these were only Pretences to gain their ends , the very blind , although they cannot see , yet must certainly feel it . Under the like Pretences do our Deliverers still continue to deliver us even from what they please , that they think will but in the least help to effect what they came for : Under the Notion of the necessity of a War , they deliver us from our Mony , and from our Traffick and Commerce , by which so great a part of the Kingdom is sustained : Under the Notion of carrying it on , they kidnap our young Men , the Flower of our Kingdom , and directly contrary to Law transport them ; and to save their own Foreigners put them in them first Onsets of their Battles , as the Heathens did the Christians of old , that their Enemies Swords might be blunted with killing them , before they came to encounter them : They exhaust all our Stores both for Sea and Land , and carry away all our Artillery ; and if any Man seem but to disapprove of these their Proceedings under the Notion of Law they murther him : Nay , if they do but so much as suppose him not to be on their side , he must be a Traitor , and no matter what the Law says , they say he shall die . Can any thing be more plain to demonstrate this than my present Case ? My supposed Crime was Printing , and all that the Witnesses could personally say against me , was , That I was a Man against the Government , and had called the Prince of Orange Hook-nose , though I protest I never did ; not one of them could say , nor did they offer to say , that I ever printed the Books of which they accuse me , or procured them to be printed , or published any of them , or that the Materials were mine , or that I hired the Room where they were found ; but I was an ill Man , and that was sufficient : By which 't is plain , that they were resolved right or wrong to have my Life . That they designed not to Try but to Convict me is as plain ; for they refused positively to allow me Counsel to such Matters of Law , as was never refused to any before ; and though I caused several Statutes to be read , some to prove that there must be two Witnesses at least to the Fact ; others , that though there had been two , as there was not one , yet positively declared that it was not Treason : Nay , the very last Session of Parliament was it enacted , That the Printer of Seditious and Treasonable Books should for the first Offence be punished no otherwise than not to follow his Trade for three years , and for the second Offence never to follow it more , and such farther Punishment as seemed fit to the Court , not extending to Life or Limb. Now though mine ( had it been proved ) had but been the first , yet you see contrary and in direct opposition to the Law , they make it High Treason : And when the Jury could not agree to find me Guilty , and came down to ask the Court , Whether the finding these Things there , and supposing them to be mine , since it could not be prov'd that I printed these Books , or had made any use of them , could affect my Life ? I say , when the Jury asked this Question , and the Lord Chief Justice Treby told them positively , No , it did not ; yet withal he told them , That that was not their Business , their Business was to find me Guilty of Printing : And while they stayed , the Court frown'd upon them to that degree , that the Foreman told them , he was not to be frighted ; upon which they publickly reviled them , calling them , ill Men , ill Subjects , and a Pack of Knaves ; and so terrified them into a Compliance . That this is true , those who were near know too well , although the partial Writer of the Tryals hath most perfidiously published not only an unfair , imperfect , and lame Account , but hath also stuff'd it with down-right Untruths and Falshoods , and left out whatsoever made for me ; not so much as mentioning the Contradictions of the Witnesses in what they did swear , their swearing to some things that made for me , and when I took hold of them they denied them , nor hath he in the least told the World of the Judg's over-ruling whatsoever I offered , without giving any other Answer than that it should be so because they would have it so ; with many other such things , which the conscientious Auditors can testify . And now I pray consider where is this Liberty and Property ? where the Rights and Privileges of the Subject ? Nay , where the very Laws themselves ? And consequently where is the Security of any Man ? Why , even in the Deliverers Pockets , where your Money is , and where also without all doubt , if you look not well to your selves , your Estates e're long will be likewise . What are the Proceedings but Arbitrary in a superlative Manner , and such as no Reign ever produced before ? These were they you were heretofore only afraid of , being jealous without just Cause ; but now you see them actually come upon you . I hope you your selves will put a stop to them , by laying these Proceedings before the Parliament , for had it been Sitting at this present these Proceedings durst not have been practised ; and I pray God to put so speedy an end to them , that as I am the first , so I may be the last that may suffer by them . I have hitherto lived a Member of the Orthodox Church of England as by Law established , and I declare I now die in the Unity of the same : Therefore , according to its Discipline , I hold my self obliged to ask Pardon of the whole World , of every particular Person whom I have any ways offended ; and I do freely and sincerely forgive every one that has offended me , particularly my most false and perjured Witnesses , and among them more particularly ROBIN STEPHENS , my most unjust and unrighteous Judges , and my repenting Jury ; and I pray God may not lay this their Sin of wilful Murther to their Charge at the General Bar , where they shall appear as Criminals , and not Judges . May the Almighty bless , preserve , prosper and restore our Sovereign Lord King James , to the just Possession of his indubitable Lawful Crowns ; strengthen him that he may vanquish and overcome all his Enemies here on Earth , and crown him with eternal Glory hereafter : And that he may never want Heirs to inherit his Crown , bless I beseech thee , O God , his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales , and give him such a numerable Issue , that there may never want one of his Loins to sway the Scepters of these Kingdoms so long as Sun or Moon endure . Amen . Amen . William Anderton . June 15. 1693. Several sorts of Men have their several Objections against this poor Man's Speech , which he wrote the day before he dyed , between the hours of Eight and One , being fourteen times interrupted in the Writing of it , and forced to convey a Copy of it through a Key-hole to a Friend , least it should be taken from him . Some complain , That he did not pray for the Queen ; but these surely forget what Man they have to do with . Formerly in such cases Men used to pray for their King ; and when they were acquitteed used to say , God bless the King , without any further Notice of other Persons , unless there were particular Reason for it : But since a joint Regency hath been set up , it hath followed in course that they pray'd for the King and Queen ; but he was a Man who would not countenance this , or take any Notice of it , and therefore used the old form and way , not caring who excepted against it . But if any Honourers of their Queen by mistake except these , they may know , that he honoured her as much as they ; and doubtless she will believe no less of him , who prayed so heartily for the Prince of Wales , the Son of her Womb , his Majesties care , and all their good Subjects hopes . Others alledge , that it hath too much Levity in it for the Speech of a dying Man , and for that reason quarrel with the word Kidnapping in it , and that is the very term now by all used , and by which all Men express and understand the Fact signified by it ; and he that would speak to be understood by all , should speak in the Language used by all : when Words are new and fresh , they carry along with them somewhat of the lightness , quaintness , or other particular Humour or Quality of the first Deviser , but when they are once appropriated and naturalized by use , that Humour is lost , and they become in some measure necessary ; and he that will find fault with a Man for speaking as other Men do , perhaps will find in the End , that more will find fault with him . On the quite contrary , there are others who are as much displeased with the Sharpness and Severity of it ; so difficult a matter it is to please all Palats . But this is only in that part of his Speech , where his subject matter plainly engaged him to speak somewhat after that manner ; and therefore the Objectors ought to consider , that there are some things in their own Nature so harsh and ungrateful , that a Man cannot mention them without seeming to grate or bite ; but then how Evil and Severe are those things themselves ? And if a Man must necessarily speak of such Matters , they ought to lay the blame on the things , which extort from a Man such severity of Language , not on the Man , who speaks properly and according to the nature of the things , which was always esteemed a Virtue and Commendation . Some Persons can find fault with the Excellencies of a Man , as I remember it was one Objection against Mr. Ashton's Paper , that he reasoned too logically : the same Crime I am apt to think will never be objected to him , who pick'd the quarrel . Were any of these smooth Men to suffer in the same manner with such kind of Justice as Mr. Anderton had , perhaps it might set their Tongues and Pens on edge to speak and write as severe Truth as he did . There are others , who employ time , which might be better spent in seeking or making Exceptions against this brave Man ; But I will leave them with Trinculo to mutiny by themselves ; I wish all of them had seen him and conversed with him in the time of his Confinement ; they then would rather have admired him , than disparaged him ; a Man upon whom the Terrours of Death made no Impression ; no Man that came to him could ever discover any the least sign of fear , or perturbation of Mind in him , but found him always in the same sweet even temper , excepting only in his Devotions and Exercises of Religion , wherein he was very fervent and vehement , as powring out all his Soul to his God. To carp and cavil is no hard matter , but to die is not so very easie ; and I hope I shall be thought to make no ill Wish , if I wish that those who are so ready to censure , may be able to make as brave and as Christian an End , as this poor Man did , who is persecuted both living and dead . During the time that the Ordinary busied himself , he was observed not to mind him , but to imploy himself in his private Devotions , and after the Delivery of his Speech to the Sheriffs , his Cap pulled over his Eyes ready for Execution , he prayed thus ; Most great and most merciful Lord God! do thou look down upon me thy poor unworthy Servant in this hour of my great extremity , and have Mercy upon me . Sweet Jesus , receive my Soul into thine everlasting Kingdom , for into thy hands do I commend my Spirit , because thou hast redeemed it , O Lord God of Truth ! Come Lord Jesus , and receive my pretious Soul , Father of Mercy have mercy upon me ; O God the Son , Redeemer of the World , have mercy upon me ; Lord , comfort and support my Soul in these my last Minutes , come sweet Jesus , come quickly , and save me sweet Jesus by thy most pretious Blood , by thy Agony and bloody Sweat , and by the coming of the Holy Ghost , O Lord , do thou deliver me . Here the Ordinary put in saying , you must give a sign when you are ready ; whereupon the Sheriffs charged him not to interrupt them ; and as he was proceeding his Sister desired to speak to him , which was granted ; who kissing him and weeping over him said , be of good comfort though there is no Pardon for you here yet there is above . So when they had taken a Christian leave of each other , he returned to his Devotions , when after a short pathetical Prayer constantly calling upon his Saviour the Cart drove away . His Body was conveyed to a House near , till the dusk of the Evening , and then brought to Town , both for quietness sake and to prevent giving Offence ; but as privately as it was done , that Blood-hound Stephens pursu'd him dead , and was observed to walk several times by the House , and to give notice to the Mob ; so that he who was designed to have been stollen to his Grave by a few Friends late in the night , was follow'd by a very numerous Train , but without any manner of Incivility , and now lies interr'd in little S. Bartholomew's Church-yard , expecting a joyful Resurrection , and the coming of the righteous Judge , before whom William and Mary , Anderton and Treby shall appear without any other difference or respect , than what their Sins or their Virtues shall make ; and from whom they shall receive according to what they have done in the flesh , be it good or evil . FINIS . 


c0: A46125
c1: Berkeley, John, Sir, d. 1678.
c3: 1672
c5: council; eebo; english; tcp; text
c6: 1460
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c2:
  Whereas by the antient laws and statutes of this realm, great and heady penalties are inflicted upon all such as shall be found to be spreaders of false news, or promoters of any malicious slanders and calumnies in their ordinary and common discourses ... by the Lord Lieutenant and Council, Jo. Berkeley.

c4:
  Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A46125) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 104836)

c11:
   Whereas by the antient laws and statutes of this realm, great and heady penalties are inflicted upon all such as shall be found to be spreaders of false news, or promoters of any malicious slanders and calumnies in their ordinary and common discourses ... by the Lord Lieutenant and Council, Jo. Berkeley. Ireland. Lord Lieutenant (1670-1672 : Berkeley) 1672 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A46125 Wing I755 ESTC R36852 16143548 ocm 16143548 104836 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A46125) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 104836) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1595:18) Whereas by the antient laws and statutes of this realm, great and heady penalties are inflicted upon all such as shall be found to be spreaders of false news, or promoters of any malicious slanders and calumnies in their ordinary and common discourses ... by the Lord Lieutenant and Council, Jo. Berkeley. Ireland. Lord Lieutenant (1670-1672 : Berkeley) Berkeley, John, Sir, d. 1678. [2] leaves. Printed by Benjamin Tooke ... and are to be sold by Joseph Wilde ..., Dublin : 1672. Title from first 6 lines of text. Statement of responsibility transposed from head of title. Imprint from colophon. "Given at the Council chamber in Dublin the 9th day of July 1672"--leaf [2] Broadside in [2] leaves. Reproduction of original in the Society of Antiquaries Library, London. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Sedition -- Ireland. Freedom of speech -- Ireland. Ireland -- History -- 1649-1775. Ireland -- Politics and government -- 17th century. 2004-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2005-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion blazon or coat of arms DIEV ET MON DROIT BY THE LORD LIEUTENANT AND COUNCIL . JO : BERKELEY . WHEREAS by the antient Laws and Statutes of this Realm , great and heavy penalties are Inflicted upon all such as shall be found to be spreaders of false News , or Promoters of any Malicious Slanders and Calumnies in their ordinary and common Discourses . Notwithstanding all which Laws and Statutes , there have been of late more bold and Licentious Discourses then formerly ; and men have assumed to themselves a Liberty , not onely in Coffee-houses , but in other Places and Meetings , both publick and private , to censure and defame the Proceedings of State , by speaking evil of things they understand not ; and endeavouring to create and nourish an universal jealousie and Dissatisfaction in the minds of all His Majesties good Subjects : We the Lord Lieutenant and Council considering that Offences of this nature , cannot proceed from want or Ignorance of Laws to Restrain and Punnish them , but must of necessity proceed from the r●●tless malice of some , whose Seditious ends and aims are already too well known , or from the careless demeanour of others who presume too much upon His Majesties accustomed Clemency and Goodness , have thought fit by this Our Proclamation to forewarn , and straitly command all His Majesties Subjects , of what state or condition soever they be , from the highest to the lowest , that they presume not henceforth by writing or speaking , to Utter or publish any false News or Reports , or to intermeddle with the Affairs of State and Government or with the persons of any His Majesties Councellors or Ministers , in their common and ordinary discourses , as they will answer the contrary at their utmost perils . And because all bold and irreverent Speeches touching matters of this high nature are Punnishable , not only in the speakers , but in the hearers also , unless they do speedily reveal the same unto some of His Majesties Privy Council , or some other His Majesties Judges or Justices of the Peace , therefore that all men may be left without excuse , who shall not hereafter contain themselves within that modest and dutiful regard which becomes them We do further declare , that we will proceed with all severity against all manner of persons who shall use any bold or unlawful speeches of this nature , or be present at any Coffee-house , or other publick or Private meeting where such speeches are used without revealing the same in due time , we being resolved to suppress this unlawful and undutiful kind of discourse by a most strict and exemplary punishment of all such offenders as shall be hereafter discovered . Given at the Council Chamber in Dublin the 9th day of July 1672. Ja : Armachanus . Mich Dublin Canc. O : Bryen . Art. Forbese . Ro : Booth . J : Temple . Paul Davys . H : Ingoldsby Char : Meredyth . God Save the King. Dublin , Printed by Benjamin Tooke Printer to the Kings Most Excellent Majesty , and are to be sold by Joseph Wilde Book-seller in Castle-street , 1672. 


c0: A46340
c1: England and Wales. Court of Star Chamber.
c3: 1679
c5: act; eebo; english; king; tcp; text
c6: 1915
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c9: A46340.xml
c10: A46340.txt
c2:
  The Judges opinions concerning petitions to the king in publick matters with a clause of a late act of Parliament concerning the same subject.

c4:
  In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Sollicite , labour or procure the getting of hands , or other consent of any persons above the number of 20 , or more , to any Petition , Complaint , Remonstrance , Declaration , or other Address to the King , or both , or either Houses of Parliament , for alteration of Matters established by Law in Church or State , unless the matter thereof have been first consented unto , and ordered by threé or more Iustices of that County , or by the Major part of the Grand Iury of the County , or Division of the County , where the same matter shall arise at their publike Assize● , or General Quarter Sessions , or if arising in London , by the Lord Major , Aldermen , and Commons , in Common Councel assembled ; And that no person or persons whatsoever shall repair to his Majesty , or both or either of the Houses of Parliament , upon pretence of presenting or delivering any Petition , Complaint , Remonstrance , or Declaration , or other Addresses accompained with excessive number of people , not at any onetime with above the number of ten persons , group in of incurring a penalty , not exceeding the sum of 100 pounds in money , and three Moneths Imprisonment without Bail or Mainprize for every offence , which offence to be prosecuted , &c. See the Act at Large .

c11:
   The Judges opinions concerning petitions to the king in publick matters with a clause of a late act of Parliament concerning the same subject. 1679 Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A46340 Wing J1169 ESTC R32370 12648287 ocm 12648287 65223 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A46340) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 65223) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1528:28) The Judges opinions concerning petitions to the king in publick matters with a clause of a late act of Parliament concerning the same subject. England and Wales. Court of Star Chamber. 1 broadside. Printed for Thomas Burrell ..., London : 1679. "See Moores Reports, Page 755; Crooks Reports, Page 37 : 2 Jacobi." Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng England and Wales. -- Parliament. Sedition -- England. Great Britain -- History -- Charles II, 1660-1685. 2007-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Pip Willcox Sampled and proofread 2008-08 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-10 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-10 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE JUDGES OPINIONS CONCERNING PETITION to the KING IN PVBLICK MATTERS See Moores Reports , Page 755 2 Jacobi . Crooks Reports , Page 37 2 Jacobi . With a Clause of A late ACT of PARLIAMENT concerning the same Subject . FEB . 13. 2. Jac. In the Star-Chamber all the Justices of England were assembled with many of the Nobility , viz. The Lord Ellesmore , Lord Chancellor the Earl of Dorset , Lord Treasurer ; the Lord Viscount Cranborn , Principal Secretary ; The Earl of Nottingham , Lord Admiral ; The Earls of Northumberland , Worcester , Devon , and Northampton ; The Lords Zouch , Burleigh and Knolls ; The Chancellor of the Dutchy . The Arch-bishop of Canterbury , The Bishop of London , Popham Chief Justice , Bruce Master of the Rolls , Anderson , Gawdy , Walmesly , Fenner , Kingsmi● , Warberton , Savile , Daniel Y●●ver●o● , and Snig . And there the Chancellor of England by the Kings Command , after he had made a long Speech concerning the Justices of Peace , and an exhortation to the Justices of Assize , and a discourse of Papists and Puritans , declaring that they were both disturbers of the State , and that the King intended to suppress them , and to have the Laws put in execution against them , demanded of the Judges their resolution of three things . Whereof one was . If it were an offence punishable , and what punishment is due by the Law , to those who frame Petitions and Collect multitudes of hands thereto to prefer to the King in publick Causes , as the Puritans have done , with intimation to the King , that if he denies their Suit , that many thousands of his Subjects would be discontented ? To which all the Justices answered , that this was an offence finable by discretion , and very near to Treason and Felony in desert of punishment ; For this tends to raise Sedition , Rebellion , and Discontent , among the People . To which Resolution all the Lords agreed . And then many of the Lords declared , that some of the Puritans had raised a false rumour of the King , that he intended to grant a Toleration to Papists , the which offense seemed to the Justices grievously finable by the Rules of Common Law , in the Kings Bench , or by the King and his Council , or now since the Statute of 3 H. 7. in the Star-Chamber . And the Lords each by themselves publickly declared , that the King was Discontented with this false Rumour ; And the day before had made a Protestation unto them , that he never intended it ; and that he would loose the last drop of Blood in his Body before he would do it . And that he Prayed to God , that before his Issue should maintain any other Religion then this that himself maintains , that he would take them out of the World. Anno XIII . Caroli II. Regis . In an Act Entituled , An Act against Tumults and disorders , upon pretence of preparing or presenting publick Petitions , or other Addresses , to His Majesty , or the Parliament . There is this Preamble and Clause , WHereas it hath been found by sad experience , that Tumultuous , and other disorderly solliciting , and procuring of hands by private persons to Petitions , Complaints , Remonstrances and Declarations , and other Addresses to the King , or to both , or either Houses of Parliament , for Alteration of matters established by Law , redress of pretended grievances in Church or State , or other publike Concernments , have been made use of to serve the ends of factious and Seditious persons gotten into power , to the violation of the publick peace , and have been a great means of the late unhappy warrs , Confusions , and Calamities in this Nation ; for preventing the like mischief for the future ; Be it Enacted , &c. That no person or persons whatsoever , shall from and after the first of August , 1661. Sollicite , labour or procure the getting of hands , or other consent of any persons above the number of 20 , or more , to any Petition , Complaint , Remonstrance , Declaration , or other Address to the King , or both , or either Houses of Parliament , for alteration of Matters established by Law in Church or State , unless the matter thereof have been first consented unto , and ordered by threé or more Iustices of that County , or by the Major part of the Grand Iury of the County , or Division of the County , where the same matter shall arise at their publike Assize● , or General Quarter Sessions , or if arising in London , by the Lord Major , Aldermen , and Commons , in Common Councel assembled ; And that no person or persons whatsoever shall repair to his Majesty , or both or either of the Houses of Parliament , upon pretence of presenting or delivering any Petition , Complaint , Remonstrance , or Declaration , or other Addresses accompained with excessive number of people , not at any onetime with above the number of ten persons , group in of incurring a penalty , not exceeding the sum of 100 pounds in money , and three Moneths Imprisonment without Bail or Mainprize for every offence , which offence to be prosecuted , &c. See the Act at Large . Anno XIII . Caroli II. In an Act Entituled , An Act for safety and Preservation of His Majesties Person and Government , against Treasonable and Seditious Practices and Attempts . There is this Clause , Be it enacted &c. That if any person or persons whatsoever after the 24 day of June 1661 , during his Majesties Life , shall malitiously , and advisedly publish or affirme the King to be an Heretique or a Papist , or that he endeavours to introduce Popery ; or shall malitiously and advisedly , by writing , Printing , Preaching or other speaking express , publish , utter or delcare any words , sentences , or other thing or things , to incite or stir up the people to hatred or dislike of the Person of his Majesty , or the established Government , then every such person and persons being thereof legally convicted , shall be disabled to have or enjoy , and is hereby disabled , and made incapable of having , holding , enjoying , or exercizing any place , office , or promotion Ecclesiastical , Civil , or Military , or any other imployment in Church or State , other then that of his Peerage , and shall likewise be lyable to such further and other punishments as by the Common Laws or Statutes of this Realm may be inflicted in such cases , &c. See the Statute at Large . London , Printed for Thomas Burrell in Fleet-Street , 1679. 


c0: A47883
c1: L'Estrange, Roger, Sir, 1616-1704.
c3: 1662
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c9: A47883.xml
c10: A47883.txt
c2:
  A memento, directed to all those that truly reverence the memory of King Charles the martyr and as passionately wish the honour, safety, and happinesse of his royall successour, our most gratious sovereign Charles the II : the first part / by Roger L'Estrange.

c4:
  The Influence of This Fo●ce went not far , nor , in Truth , the Royalty of their fi●st Race of Kings , much farther : whos 's either L●nity or Averser●sse to Business of State , gave their Great Counsellours the means to Usurp , and Transferr Their Authority , What are the Benefits of it Rather ? Is it either safe to any Purpose , or Useful to the common and pretended end of it , even under a Lawful and Hereditary Monarch ? It 's true ; a Prince may deal with his Dominions , as the Gentleman did with his Estate , that turn'd an Inheritance into an Annuity , because he would rather have it L●●ge , then Long , and That 's the Fairest of a Forc'd Government ; Suppose he save himself for his own time ; what will become then of his Successour ?

c5:
  army; authority; cause; church; city; conscience; counsell; court; danger; design; english; faction; fear; general; god; good; government; hand; honour; house; ill; interest; king; law; look; lord; majesty; man; matter; means; monarch; mony; multitude; nation; nay; officers; order; parliament; party; people; person; power; prince; publique; reason; rebellion; religion; right; seditions; self; sir; sovereign; standing; state; subject; time; want; warr; way; work; ● ●

c11:
   A memento, directed to all those that truly reverence the memory of King Charles the martyr and as passionately wish the honour, safety, and happinesse of his royall successour, our most gratious sovereign Charles the II : the first part / by Roger L'Estrange. L'Estrange, Roger, Sir, 1616-1704. 1662 Approx. 497 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 134 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A47883 Wing L1270 ESTC R19958 11766906 ocm 11766906 48779 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A47883) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 48779) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 540:5) A memento, directed to all those that truly reverence the memory of King Charles the martyr and as passionately wish the honour, safety, and happinesse of his royall successour, our most gratious sovereign Charles the II : the first part / by Roger L'Estrange. L'Estrange, Roger, Sir, 1616-1704. [8], 251, [5] p. Printed for Henry Brome ..., London : 1662. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649. Sedition. Great Britain -- History -- Puritan Revolution, 1642-1660. 2003-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-01 Rina Kor Sampled and proofread 2004-01 Rina Kor Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A MEMENTO : DIRECTED To all Those that Truly Reverence the Memory of KING CHARLES the MARTYR ; And as Passionately wish the Honour , Safety , and Happinesse of his Royall Successour , Our most Gratious Sovereign Charles the II. THE FIRST PART . By ROGER L'ESTRANGE . Sic Canibus Catulos similes — Virg. LONDON : Printed for Henry Brome at the Gun in Ivy-lane , Aprill the 11. 1662. TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE The EARL of CLARENDEN Lord High CHANCELLOR OF ENGLAND . My LORD , HE that Owes more then he is Worth , and Payes as far as he is Able , is an Honest Man ; and That 's My Case more wayes then One. Nor is it possible for Mee to Think of my Debts and not of your Lordships Bounties , at the same time : Under whose Roofe I have formerly receiv'd so many , many Benefits . In the Establishment of That Felicity , I reckon'd my self as sure , as in the Possession of it : I did , ( my Lord ) and I must do so still , or do a harder , and a worse Thing , in Thinking Otherwise . For I am the same I was , and to suppose your Lordships good opinion , either Begun , or Ended without Reason , were to subject your Wisdome , or Stability to a Question . Since so it is , ( My Lord ) that I cannot suspect your Kindnesse , without an injury to your Honour , nor let your Obligations sleep without some Testimony of my Thankfulnesse : Vouchsafe to know , ( my Lord ) that after more then Twenty Years spent in serving the Royall Interest : Near Six of them , in Gaoles ; and almost Four , under a Sentence of Death , in Newgate ; Fortune has been so kind , as to leave me yet a Bottle of Inke , and a Heap of Paper ; out of which pittiful Remain , I make your Lordship a Present of a Book . This Book I humbly offer , ( not to your Reading , or Thought , but ) barely to your Countenance : Let it ( my Lord ) but wear the Credit of Your Patronage . Which I the rather wish , because of a Late Pamphlet that I find Dedicated to your Lordship , by a Mournevall of Presbyterians , wherein my Name is not well us'd : and truly ( if I am not Mistaken ) his Majesties Justice and Authority much worse ; about the Imprisonment of Mr. Crofton . I must Proceed now to acquaint your Lordship , that beside the Honour of your Protection , I have great need of your Interest , and Favour : which yet I dare not Beg , for fear of Offending your Readinesse to do me all reasonable Justice without it . In Truth ; it is not for a man either of my Nature , or Condition , to Thrive by Begging ; for he that is both Poor and Honest , carries a Double Clogg : Especially in This Age , ( my Lord ) when ( Heaven and Hell apart ) 't is a greater Scandal and Misfortune to be Indigent , then Treacherous . But there are ( my Lord ) that do not stick to say , I 'm Both : and I forgive with all my Soul , the Worst that ever was said of Mee , with good Intention to the King. It is not long since I troubled your Lordship with a Paper upon This Subject ; to which ( with Leave ) I shall add a word or two . Some will needs have it , that I do not sufficiently Deny the Six hundred Pound . My Lord ; I do so far deny it , that I wish That Peny , or Penyes-worth , which ( to the best of my Knowledge ) I ever receiv'd from any Creature of the Rebels Party , or by any Order from Them , or any of Them , may rise against Me at the Day of Judgment . There is a further Rumour , as if Captain Whitlock should have sent me word that he would justifie it : whereas I never heard a Syllable from him to That Purpose ; nor can the World shew the least Colour for the Truth of That Report . Let me be Pardon'd ( my Lord ) if I conoeive This Addresse not altogether Impertinent ; for if it did belong to you to Condemne me , while you but Thought me Guilty ; your Lordship is certainly Oblig'd in Honour , to Acquit me when you Know me Innocent . In This Particular , ( my Lord ) I think you are Bound to do me Right ; but in what Follows , I totally Depend upon your Favour . There is a Pitifull creature , One Bagshaw ▪ ( a Chaplain to the Earl of Anglesie , and the Authour of the Animadversions upon the Bishop of Worsters Letter ) This Fellow , when his hand was In , against the Bishop , lends Mee a Lash too , for my Practices with Cromwell . Your Lordship would do me a Peculiar Honour , to Procure that he might be called before the Counsell , to make good his Charge : where , if I prove not Him That Villein , which he Pretends , I am , let Mee suffer for it . My LORD , I am , Your Lordships Most Obedient Servant , Roger L'estrange . April 11. 1662. The Preface . THE Subject I have here undertaken leads mee into several unlucky Characters , which if they were like no-body , would be good for Nothing , as holding no Proportion with Nature , and Truth . If any man Imagine that he sees himself Here , let him keep his own Counsel , and Consider , that a Coat may be fit for him that was never made for him . His Answer was not amisse , that being Compleyn'd of to the Late Eminent Earl of Strafford , for having written a Libel : My Lord ( sayes he ) : The Case is but This ▪ I throw down a Fools Cap ; This Gentleman takes it up , and has a Phansie that it fits Him. In short ; Let not an Ill man find fault with a Vitious Character ; For 't is much worse to Practice Wickednesse than to Peint it . The scope of This First Part which I here expose , is by Laying open the Workings and Series of the Last Rebellion , to disappoint the Purposes of another . The Second Part I reserve for more Particular Duties , both Christian , and Political ; which shall follow sooner , or Later , according to the Enterteynment which the World affords to This. The Author's Faults , are enow , without the Printers . Of Each sort there are Many , and I leave it to the Judicious Reader to Distinguish them . A MEMENTO . PART . I. CAP. I. The Matter and Causes of Seditions . THE Matter of Seditions ( according to Sir Francis Bacon ; whose words and Authority I shall often make use of in this little Treatise ) is of two kinds ; Much Poverty , and much Discontentment . The Causes and Motives of Seditions he reckons to be These . Innovation in Religion ; Taxes ; Alteration of Lawes , and Customs ; Breaking of Privileges ; General Oppression ; Advancement of unworthy Persons ; Strangers ; Dearths ; Disbanded Souldiers ; Factions grown desperate . And whatsoever in offending People , joyneth and knitteth them in a common Cause . These Inconveniences , either seasonably discover'd , colourably pretended , or secretly promoted , are sufficient to the foundation of a Civil Warr. In which Negative and dividing Politiques , none better understood themselves than the Contrivers of our late Troubles : not only improving and fomenting Discontentments , where they found them , and creating violent Iealousies , where there was but any place to imagine them ; but They Themselves were the greatest gainers even by those Grievances against which they complained : Reaping a double Benefit , first from the Occasion of the Difference , and then from the Issue of it . When a seditious bumor is once mov'd , the best Remedy is to cut off the Spring that feeds it : by pleasing all sorts of People , so far as Possible , and by Disobliging none , but upon Necessity . Which Publique Tendernesse must be so menaged , that the Majesty of the Prince be not lost in the Goodnesse of the Person : for nothing can be more Dangerous to a Monarch , then so to over-court the Love of his People , as to lose their Respect , or to suffer them to impute that to his Easinesse which ought to be ascrib'd purely to his Generosity . Offences of That Daring , and Unthankfull Quality , can scarce be pardon'd , without some hazard to the Authority that remits them : Secret Contempts being much more fatal to Kings , then Publick and Audacious Malice : the latter commonly spending it self in a particular and fruitlesse Malignity toward the Person , ( and that with Terror too , as being secur'd under a Thousand Guards of Majesty and Power ) whereas the Other privily teints the whole Masse of the People , with a Mutinous Leaven , giving Boldnesse to contrive , Courage to execute ; and , if the Plot miscarryes , there 's the hope of Mercy to Ballance the peril of the Undertaking . For a Conclusion of this Point , He that but Thinks Irroverently of his Prince , deposes him . Concerning the Materials of Sedition , viz. Poverty and Discontentment : it would be endless to dissolve these General Heads into Particular●●le● ●●le● : the best advice in This Case must be General too ; that is , to endeavour to remove whatever Causes them , referring the Particulars to Counsell , and Occasion . 'T is very well observ'd by the Lord St. Albans touching Poverty : [ So many overthrown Estates , so many Votes for Troubles ; and if this Poverty , and Broken Estate in the Better sort , be joyn'd with a Want and Necessity , in the mean People , the Danger is Great and Imminent : ] which to prevent , [ Above all things ( sayes the same Author ) good Policy is to be used , that the Treasure and Moneys , in a State , be not gathered into few Hands . For otherwise a State may have a great Stock , and yet starve : And Money is like Muck , not good except it be spread . ] And again [ A numerous Nobility , causeth Poverty , and Inconvenience in a State , for it is a Surcharge of Expence . As to the Seeds of Discontentments , they are as various as the Humours they encounter : dependent many times upon Opinion ; and inconsiderable in Themselves , however Notorious in their Effects . Touching the Discontentments Themselves , it is the Advice of the Lord Verulam , [ That no Prince , measure the danger of them by This ; Whether they be Iust or Unjust ? for that were to imagine People to be too Reasonable ; Nor yet by This , whether the griefs whereupon they rise , be in Fact , great or small : For They are the most Dangerous , where the Fear is greater then the Feeling . Such were those furious , and implacable Iealousies , that started the late Warr , which doubtless may more properly be accompted among the Dotages of a Disease , or the Illusions of a dark Melancholy ; then the Deliberate Operations of a Sober Reason . Proceed we now from the Matter , and more remote Causes of Seditions , to the Approches and Prognosticks of them . CAP. II. The Tokens and Prognostiques of Seditions . IT is in many Cases with Bodies Politique , as it is with Natural Bodies ; Both perish , by Delaying till the Distemper be grown too strong for the Medicine : Whereas by watching over , and applying to the first Indispositions of the Patient , how easie is the Remedy of a Disease , which in one day more perhaps becomes Incurable ? Some take it for a poynt of Bravery , not to own any Danger at a Distance , lest they should seem to fear it . Others are too short-sighted to discern it : So that betwixt the Rash and the Stupid , ( a large Proportion in the Division of the World ) we are past the help of Physick , before we can perswade our selves we need it . Dangers ( sayes the Incomparable Bacon ) are 〈◊〉 more light , if they once seem light : and more danger have deceived Men , than forced them . Nay it wer● better , to meet some Dangers half way , though they come nothing near , than to keep too long a watch upon their Approches , for if a man watch too long , it is odds he will fall asleep . Neither let any man measure the Quality of the Danger , by That of the Offender : for again , [ 't is the Matter , not the Person , that is to be consider'd ▪ Treason is contagious , and a Raskal may bring the Plague into the City , as well as a Great man. ] I do the rather press This Caution , because Security was the fault of those to whom I direct it . But what avails it to wary of Dangers , without the skill and providence . to foresee and prevent them ? Or what hinders us from the fore-knowledge of Those Effects , to which we are led by a most evident , and certain train of Causes ? States have their Maladies as well as Persons ; and Those Ill habits have their peculiar Aecidents , and Affections ; their proper Issues , and Prognostiques : upon the true Iudgement of which Circumstances depends the Life and Safety of the Publique . Not to play the fool with an Allegory ; Be it our care to observe the Gathering of the Clouds , before they are wrought into a Storm . Among the Presages of foul weather , the Lord St. Albans reckons Libels and Licentious Discourses against the Government , when they are frequent and open : and in like sort , false newes often running up and down , and hastily embraced , to the disadvantage of the State. We need not run beyond our Memories to Agree This Point ; it being within the Ken of our own Notice , that Libells were not only the Forerunners , but , in a high Degree , the Causes of our late Troubles : and what were the frequent , open , and Licentious Discourses of 〈◊〉 in Pulpets , but the ill-boding Play of 〈◊〉 before a Tempest ▪ We may remember also the false Newes of Plotts against the Religion , and Liber●ies of the Nation , and how the King was charg'd , as an Abettor of the Design . We may remember likewise , how the Irish Bloud was cast upon the accompt of his late Sacred Majesty , even by Those men whose guilty Souls are to Reckon with Divine Justice for every Drop of it . Neither have we forgotten with what Care and Diligence These Falshoods were dispers'd ; with what Greedinesse , they were swallow'd ; nor what ensu'd upon it . If we look well about us , we may finde This Kingdom , at this Instant labouring under the same Distempers : the ●●esse as Busie , and as Bold ; Sermons as factious ; Pamphlets as seditious ; the Government defam'd , and the Defamers of it ( if Presbyteriane scape better then their Accusers . The Lectures of the Faction are throng'd with Pretended Converts , and Seandalous Reports against the King , and State are as current now as they were twenty years agoe . These were ill Tokens Then , and do they signifie just nothing Now ? What means all This but the new Christening of the Old Cause ? the doing over again of the Prologue to the last Tragedy ? Sir Francis Bacon proceeds , that [ Disputing , Excusing , Cavilling upon Mandates and Directions , is a kind of shaking of the Yoak , and Assay of disobedience ; Especially , if in those disputings , they which are for the direction , speak Fearfully , and tenderly ; and those that are against it , Audaciously . Herein is Judiciously expressed the Motion , or Gradation , from Duty to Disobedience . The first stepp , is to Dispute ; as who should say , I will if I may . The very Doubt of obeying , subjects the Authority to a Question , and gives a dangerous hint to the People , that Kings are accomptable to their Subjects . To Excuse , is a degree worse ; for That 's no other , then a Refusal of Obedience , in a tacit Regard either of an Unjust Command , or of an Unlawfull Power . To Cavil at the Mandates of a Prince , is an express Affront to his Dignity , and within one Remove of Violence . Through these Degrees , and slidings from Bad to Worse , from one Wickednesse to Another , our late Reformers travail'd the whole Scale of Treason ; as the Scene chang'd , shifting their Habits , till at last , quitting the Disguise of the Kings Loyal Subjects , they became his Murtherers . What 's more familiar at this Day , than Disputing his Majesties Orders ; disobeying his Proclamations , and viligying Acts of Parliament ? Whereof there are so many , and so Audacious Instances , it shall suffice to have made this General mention of them . Another Observation is , that , When Discords and Quarrels ; and Factions , are carried openly and audaciously , it is a sign the Reverence of Government is lost . This was the temper of that Juncture , when the Schismatieal Part of the two Houses , and the Tumultuary Rabble joyn'd their Interests against Bishops , and the Earl of Strafford ; which Insolence was but a Prelude to the succeeding Rebellion . And are not Factions carryed Openly and Audaciously now ? when the Promoters , and Iustifiers of the Murther of the late King , are still continued publique Preachers , without the least Pretence to a Retraction ▪ Dictating still , by Gestures , Shruggs , and Signs , That Treason to their Auditory which they dare not Utter ? What are their Sermons , but Declamations against Bishops : Their Covenant-keeping Exhortations , but the contempt of an establish'd Law ? How it comes to pass , Heaven knowes ; but These Honest Fellowes can come off for Printing and Publishing down-right Treason , when I have much adoe to scape for Telling of it . Whither these Liberties tend , let any man look over his shoulder , and satisfie himself . When any of the Four Pillars of Government , are mainly shaken , or weakened , ( which are Religion , Iustice , Counsell , and Treasure , ) men had need to pray for fair weather . To speak only of the last , The want of Treasure was the Ruine of the late King ; Through which defect , his Officers were expos'd to be Corrupted , his Counsells to be Betray'd , his Armies to be ill Pay'd , and consequently not well Disciplin'd . Briefly , where a Prince is Poor , and a Faction Rich , the Purse is in the wrong Pocket . Multis utile Bellum , is an assured and infallible Sign , of a State disposed to Seditions and Troubles , and it must needs be , that where War seems the Interest of a People , it should be likewise the Inclination of them . Touching the General Matter , Motives , and Prognostiques , of Sedition , enough is said ; Wee 'l now enquire into the special cause of the late Rebellion . CAP. III. The True Cause of the late Warr , was AMBITION . THE true Cause of the late Warr , was Ambition : which being lodg'd in a confederate Cabale of Scotch , and English , drew the corrupted Interests of both Kingdoms into the Conspiracy : to wit , the factious , covetous Malecontents , Criminals , Debters ; and finally , all sorts of men , whose crimes , necessities , or Passions , might be secur'd , reliev'd , or gratifi'd by a change of Government . To these , were joyn'd , the credulous , weak Multitude ; the clamour being Religion , Law , and Liberty : And here 's the sum of the Design , Pretence , and Party . This League we may presume was perfected in 1637. First from the corespondent Practices in both Nations , appearing Manifestly about that time : Next , 't is remarkable , that the English Pardon has a Retrospect to the beginning of the Scotch Tumults ; ( Ian. 1. 1637. Three years before the meeting of the Long Parliament ) which Provision seems to intimate That Conspiracy . And now the Poyson begins to work . Upon the 23 of Iuly in the same year , ( according to a Publique Warning given the Sunday before ) the Dean of Edinburgh began to read the Service-Book in the Church of St. Giles : whereupon ensued so horrid a Tumult , that the Bishop was like to have been Murther'd in the Pulpit ; and after Sermon scaped narrowly with his life to his Lodgings . The particular recital of their following Insolencies upon the Bishop of Galloway , the Earls of Traquair and Wigton ; the besieging of the Councel-House , and contempts of the Councell , their Audacious Petitions against the Service-book , and Canons , I shall pass over , as not belonging to my purpose . Upon the 19 of Febr. following , a Proclamation was publish'd against their Seditious Meetings , which they encounter with an Antiprotest , and presently erect their Publique Tables of Advice and Counsell for Ordering the Affairs of the Kingdom . The Method whereof was This. Four principal Tables they had . One of the Nobility ; a Second of the Gentry ; a Third of the Burroughs ; a Fourth of Ministers . And These Four were to prepare Matters for the General Table ; which consisted of Commissioners chosen out of the Rest. The first Act of this General Table was their Solemn Covenant ; a Contrivance principally promoted by persons formerly engaged in a Conspiracy against the King , and , among others , by the Lord Balmerino , a Pardon'd Traytor , and the Son of One. His Father had been a Favorite , and principal Secretary to King Iames , and rais'd by him out of Nothing , to his Estate , and Dignity . Yet was this thankless Wretch Arraign'd for , and Attainted of high Treason , and after Sentence to be Hang'd , Drawn , and Quarter'd , he was by the Kings Mercy Pardon'd , and Restor'd . Another eminent Covenanter was the Earl of Arguile , of whom Walker gives this Accompt . He brought his Father to a Pension ; outed his Brother of his Estate Kintyre ; ruin'd his Sisters by cheating them of their Portions , and so enforcing them into Cloysters . It must needs be a Conscientious Design with such Saints as These in the Head of it . This Covenant was effectually no other then a Rebellious Vow to oppose the Kings Authority , and Iustifie Themselves in the exercise of the Soveraign Power , which they assum'd , to a degree even beyond the claim of Majesty it self , pleading the Obligation of the Covenant , to all their Usurpations . They Levyed Men and Moneys ; Seiz'd the Kings Magazines , and Strong Holds ; Rais'd Forts ; Begirt his Castles ; Affronted his Majesties Proclamations ; Summon'd Assemblies ; Proclaim'd Fasts ; Deprived , and Excommunicated Bishops ; Abolish'd Episcopacy ; Issued out Warrants to choose Parliament-Commissioners ; Renounced the Kings Supreme Authority ; Trampled upon Acts of Parliament ; pressing their Covenant upon the Privy Councell . They gave the last Appeal to the generality of the People ; discharging Counsellors , and Iudges of their Allegiance , and threatning them with Excommunication , in case they disobeyed the Assembly . All this they did , according to the Covenant ; and whether This was Religion or Ambition , let the World judge . These Affronts drew the King down with an Army to the Borders ; and with two miles of Barwick , the two Bodies had an Enterview ; March 28. 1639. But the Scots craving a Treaty , his Majesty most graciously accorded it ; Commissioners were appointed ; Articles agreed upon ; and a Pacification Concluded , Iune 17. Not one Article of this Agreement was observ'd on the Covenanters part ; but immediately upon the Discharge of his Majesties Forces , the Scots brake forth into fresh Insolencies , and Encroachments upon the Prerogative : addressing to the French King for assistance against their Native Soveraign : And yet the Quarrel was , as they pretended , for the Protestant Religion , and against Popery . In August 1640. they entred England , and upon a Treaty at Rippon soon after , a cessation is agreed upon , referring the decision of all differences to a more General Treaty at London . In November began the Long Parliament ; and now the Scene is London : Where with great License and Security , Parties are made , and Insolences against the Government committed and Authorised under protection of the Scotch Army , and the City-Tumults . By degrees , matters being prepar'd and ripened , they found it opportune , soon after , to make something a more direct attempt upon the Soveraignty , but by request first ; and resolving if that way fail , to try to force it . In Ian , they Petition for the Militia : In February , they secure the Tower ; and in March , Petition again for 't : but so that they Protest , if his Majesty persist to deny it , they are Resolv'd to take it : And the next day it is Resolv'd upon the Question , That the Kingdom be forthwith put into a Posture of defence , by Authority of both Houses of Parliament . In April 1642. the Earl of Warwick seizes the Navy , and Sir Iohn Hotham , Hull ; Refusing the King entrance , which was Iustified by an Ensuing Vote ; and his Majesties Proclayming him Traytor for it , was Voted , a Breach of Privilege . In May ; the pretended Governour of Hull sends out Warrants to raise the Trayned Bands , and the King ( then at York ) forbids them ; moving the Country for a Regiment of the Trayned Foot , and a Troop of Horse , for the Guard of his Royal Person ; whereupon it was Voted , That the King , seduced by wicked Counsell , intended to make a Warr against his Parliament , and that whosoever should assist him , were Traytors . They proceed then to corrupt and displace divers of his Servants , forbidding others to go to him . They stop and seize his Majesties Revenue , and declare , that whatsoever they should Vote , is not by Law to be Questioned , either by the King , or Subjects ; No Precedent can limit or bound their proceedings . A Parliament may dispose of any thing wherein the King or People have any right . The Sovereign Power resides in Both Houses of Parliament . The King hath no Negative Voyce . The levying of Warr against the Personal commands of the King , though accompanied with his presence , is not a levying of Warr against the King : but a levying Warr against his Laws and Authority ( which they have power to declare ) is levying Warr against the King. Treason cannot be committed against his Person otherwise then as he was Intrusted . They have Power to judge whether he discharge his Trust or not , that if they should follow the highest precedents of other Parliaments Patterns , there would be no cause to complain of want of Modesty or Duty in them ; and that it belonged only to them to Judge of the Law. Having stated and extended their Powers , by an Absurd , Illegal , and Impious severing of the Kings Person from his Office , their next work is to put Those Powers in Execution ; And to subject the sacred Authority of a Lawfull Monarch , to the Ridiculous , and Monstrous Pageantry of a Headlesse Parliament : and That 's the Business of the 19. Propositions demanding , That the great affairs of the Kingdom , and Militia , may be menaged by consent and Apprebation of Parliament ; all the great affairs of State , Privy Councell , Ambassadours , and Ministers of State , and Judges , be chosen by Them ; that the Government , Education and Marriage of the Kings Children , be by Their consent , and approbation ; and all the Forts and Castles of the Kingdom , put under the Command and Custody of such as They should approve of , and that no Peers to be made hereafter , should sit and Vote in Parliament . They desire further , that his Majesty would discharge his Guards ; Eject the Popish Lords out of the House of Peers , and put the Penal Lawes against them , strictly in Execution ; and finally , that the Nation may be govern'd either by the Major part of the Two Houses , or in the Intervals of Parliament , by the Major part of the Councell ; and that no Act of State may be esteemed of any validity , as proceeding from the Royal Authority without Them. Upon These terms they insisted , and Rais'd a Warr to Extort them ; So that 't is clear , they both design'd and fought , to Dethrone his Majesty , and exercise the Soveraign Power , Themselves : which was to suit their Liberty of Acting to That of Sitting , and to make themselves an Almighty , as well as an Everlasting Parliament . CAP. IV. The Instruments , and Means , which the Conspirators imployed to make a Party . THat Their Design was to Usurp the Government , is Manifest : Now to the Instruments and Sleights they us'd to compass it . The Grand Projectors knew very well that the strength of their Cause depended upon the favour of the Ignorant and Licencius Multitude ; which made them court all people of That Mixture , to their Party , ( for men of Brain and Conscience would never have agreed to a Conspiracy , against so clear a Light , so just an Interest ) ; and Those they found their fast Friends , whom neither the Horrour of Sin , nor the brightest evidence of Reason was able to work upon . To fit and dispose Both Humours to their purpose ; the first scruple they Started was Religion : which taken as they used it , in the external form , and j●ngle of it , is beyond doubt , the best Cloke for a Knave , and the best Rattle for a Fool in Nature . Under This Countenance , the Murther of the King pass'd for a Sacrifice of Expiation , and those Brute-Animals , that scarce knew the Bible from the Alcoran , were made the Arbitratours of the Difference . The fear of Popery , was the Leading Iealousie , which Fear was much promoted , by Pamphlets , Lectures , and Conventicles . Still coupling Popery , and Prelacy ; Ceremonies , and the Abominations of the Whore : by these resemblances of the Church of England , to That of Rome , tacitly instilling , and bespeaking , the same Disaffection to the one , which the people had to the other . Their Zeal was first employ'd upon the Names of Priests , and Altar , the Service-book , Church-habits , and Ceremonies : From Thence , they stept to the Demolishing of Church-Windows , Images , Crosses : the Persons of the Bishops went to 't next , and Then the Office. Thus far the Rabble Carry'd it , the Leaders at last sharing the Revenues ; and here 's the Reformation of the Hierarchy complete . When by these Scandalous Impostures , the Duties of a Christian and a Subject ; Conscience and Loyalty , seem once to enterfere , what can be looked for , but Rebellion , from a Loose Multitude that think themselves discharged of their Allegeance ? All Governments are lyable to Abuses , and so was Ours , among the Rest ; where Personal Faylings , and Excesses , were emprov'd into the Fame of an Universal Prophanenesse , or Apostacy . Nor did they reckon it enough to Expose , and Aggravate Particular miscarriages , and Humane Fraylties ; but the most horrid Crimes Imaginable , were without either Proof , or Ground , or Colour , laid to the Charge of the Episcopal and Royal Party ; Both which were ruin'd by the same Methode of Calumny , and Sedition . The main Encouragement to their Attempt , was that , The Presbyterians had a strong Party in the Kings Councel ; ( and this His Majesty himself takes notice of , in his Large Declaration of 1639. Pag. 124. ) by which means , the Kings Counsels were both Distracted and Betray'd : and the Conspiratours Secure ( at Worst ) of Mediatours for a Commodious Peace , in case they Fayl'd of a Successful Warr. Nor did this Confidence deceive them , in the following Enterview of the Armies near Barwick , where the Covenanters had been almost as easily Beaten as look'd upon , had not the Quarrel been taken up by an Importune , and dear-bought Peace ; for that expedition cost more Mony , only to face the Scotch Rebels , then would afterward have serv'd His Majesty to have Reduced the English. Throughout the Menage of their Affairs , it may be Observed that they had these Three regards , still in their eye , and Care. 1. To Reproche his Majesties Government . 2. To Animate , and Reward his Enemies : And 3. To Persecute his Friends : And still as any thing Stuck , a Tumult ready at a dead lift to help it forward : For they were not Ignorant , that the King was to be Defam'd before he could be Disarm'd ; Disarm'd , before Depos'd ; Deprived of his Friends , before Despoyl'd of his Rights and Privileges : and That being their Designe , This was Rationally to be their Methode . Their first Uproar about the Service-book , was but a wild tryall how far the Multitude would Engage , and the Magistrate Endure ; which appeared in This , that the City-Magistrates did at first , Earnestly , and Publiquely Protest , not only against the Outrage ; but for the Liturgy : not daring to do Otherwise ; till a while after , Encouraged by the Boldness and Importunity of the Offenders , and the Patience of some in Authority ; those very Persons did in their Pulpits , and Discourses , magnifie that Beastly Crew for the Worthies of the Age , whom just before they had decry'd for Rogues and Villeius . The Truth is , they were Then about to play the Rogues , Themselves ; and when Persons of Quality turn Rascals , Then do Rascals become Persons of Quality . At the beginning of the Broyle , half a dozen broken Heads had saved Three Kingdoms . Who would have own'd That Rabble , had they been Worsted ? or , What Resistance could they have made to any Legal Opposition ? But they were Flatter'd to be Quiet , and That advanc'd this Tumult to a Party ; the Faction growing every day , more and more Formidable . As their Strength encreased , so did their Pretenses , both in Number , and Weight ; and nothing less would content them , then to strip the King as bare , as they had done the Bishops . The Particulars of their Insolencies are too many for a Treatise , and , in Truth , too foul for a Story ; but in grosse , nothing was wanting to the perfection of the Wickednesse , which either Hypocrisie , Perjury , Treason , Sacrilege , Rapine , Oppression , Forgery , Scandal , Breach of Faith , Malice , Murther , or Ingratitude could Contribute . All which , in every Poynt shall be made good by several Instances , if any man require it . We 'll now look homeward , where we shall find the English Rebellion wrought , to a Thridd , according to the Trace of the Scotish Pattern . The Presse and Pulpit were already at the Devotion of the Reforming Party , the Covenanters had an Army on Foot , and the Schismatiques were prepar'd for a General Rising ; at which time , his Majesty summon'd a Parliament , to assemble in November following . In This Convention , those of the Confederacy , made it their first work to engage the People , by ripping up of Common Grievances , Breach of Laws , and Priviledges ; and by contending to assert their Rights , Liberties , and Religion , against the Encroachments of Prerogative , and Popery . Being Secure of their Party , they propose next , the Manner of accomplishing their Purpose ; which must be Effected by Craft , and Terrour . In Order whereunto , they first attaqu'd two of his Majesties prime Counsellours and Confidents , the Earl of Strafford , and the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury ▪ ( Two Persons worthy of the Kings Trust , and Kindnesse , however Worried by the Multitude ) . To weaken the Lords House , they nulled the Bishops Votes , and Committed 12 of them for Treason : Five of the Iudges were Committed likewise : and to dispose the Lower House , nothing was wanting which either Force , Flattery , Corruption , or foul-play in Elections could Procure them . So far as the King Granted , all went well ; but if his Majesty deny'd them any thing , the Fault was Laid upon his Evill Consellours : under which Notion all his Friends were comprehended . So that his Choyce was This ; either to give away his Crown , or to have it wrested from him . In May , the Faction of the Two Houses Publish'd a Protestation , ( which was but a Gentle slip into the Prerogative Royal to try their Interest , and by degrees to inure the People to their intended , and succeeding Usurpations . Some Four or Five dayes after , were signed those Two Fatal Bills , for the Death of the Earl of Strafford , and the Perpetuity of the Parliament : and having now gain'd leave to sit as long as they please , they have little further to ask , but that they may likewise do what they list . Where Loyalty was made a Crime , 't was fit Rebellion should pass for a Virtue . Upon which suitable equity , The Scots were Justified , and Voted , our Dear Brethren ; 300000 l. in Iune 1641. and Sixscore Thousand more in August following ; and so we Parted . In this Perplexity of Affairs , the King takes a journey into Scotland , if Possible , to secure an Interest There ; but the Conspiracy was gone too far to be composed by Gentleness . Upon his Majesties Departure , the Houses adjourn , and during the Recesse , appoint a standing Committee , and They forsooth must have a Guard , for fear of their own Shadows . In which Interval of the Kings Absence , the Usurpers lost no time , as appear'd by their readiness to Entertein him at his Return : When the first Present they made his Majesty , was the Petition , and Remonstrance of December 15. which I cannot think upon , but That Text comes into my mind of Mark 15. 18. [ Haile King of the Iews , and they smote him on the head with a Reed , and spat upon him , and bowed the Head , and did him Reverence . ] This Impious Libell was seconded with an Audacious Tumult , even at the Gates of the Kings Palace , and it was now high time for his Majesty to enquire into the Contrivers and Abettours of these and other the like Indignities ; and Proclamation was accordingly made for the Apprehending of them ; which very Proclamation was Declared to be a Paper False , Scandalous , and Illegal . After This Language , what had they more to do , but by Armed Violence to invade the Sovereignty , and to emprove a loose , and Popular Sedition , into a Regular Rebellion ? Which was a little hastened too , ( even beside the Termes of Ordinary Prudence ) to emplunge their Complices beyond Retreat , before they should discern that hideous Gulfe into which their Sin , and Folly was about to lead them . To keep their Zeal , and Fury waking ; the Faction had a singular Faculty at Inventing of Plots ; Counterfeiting Letters ; Intercepting Messages ; over-hearing Conspiracies ; which Artificial Delusions ( especially asserted by the pretended Authority of a Parliament , and a Pulpit ) could not but work strong Effects of Scruple , and Iealousie , upon a prejudging and distemper'd People . These were the means and steps by which they gain'd That Power , which afterward they Employ'd in Opposition to those very Ends for which they sware they Rays'd it ; leaving us neither Church , nor King , nor Law , nor Parliaments , nor Properties , nor Freedoms . Behold ; the Blessed Reformation ! Wee 'll slipp the Warr , and see in the next place what Government they Gave us in Exchange for That they had Subverted . CAP. V. A short View of the Breaches and Confusions betwixt the Two Factions , from 1648. to 1654. IT cannot be expected that a Power , acquir'd by Bloud and Treason ; maintain'd by Tyranny ; the Object of a General Curse ; and Horrour both of God , and Nature ; only United against Iustice , and at Perpetual Variance with it self ; — I say , it cannot be expected , that such a Power as This , should be Immortal . Yet is it not enough barely to argue the Fatality of Wickedness , from the Certainty of Divine Vengeance ; and There to stopp : — Usurpers are not Rays'd by Miracle , nor cast down by Thunder ; but by our Crimes , or Follyes they are Exalted , and Then , by the Fatu●ty of their own Counsels , down they Tumble . Wherefore let us Enquire into the Springs , and Reasons of their Fortunes , and Falls ; as well as Gaze upon the Issues of them ; A timely search into the Grounds of one Rebellion , may prevent another . How the Religious Opposers of the late King advanced themselves against his Sacred Authority , we have already shew'd ; be it our business here , to Observe their workings , one upon the other . To begin with Them that began with Us : The Presbyterians , having first asserted the Peoples Cause against the Prerogative , and attempting afterward to Establish Themselves , by using Prerogative-Arguments against the People ; found it a harder matter to Erect on Aristocracy upon a Popular Foundation , then to subvert a Monarchy upon a Popular Pretense ; or to dispose the Multitude ( whom they themselves had Declar'd to be the Supreme Power ) to lay down their Authority at the Feet of their Servants . In fine , they had great Difficulties to struggle with , and more then they could overcome : ( I mean , great Difficulties in point of Interest , and Conduct ; for those of Honour and Conscience , they had subdu'd long since ) They strove however , till , opprest by a General Hatred , and the Rebouud of their own Reasonings , they Quitted to the Independents . Thus departed the Formal Bauble , Presbytery ; succeeded , for the next Four years , by the Phanaticisme of a Free-State . The better half of which time , being successfully Employ'd in the subjecting of Scotland , and Ireland to their Power , and Model , and to complete their Tyranny over the Kings Best Subjects , and their Usurpations over his Royal Dominions ; their next work was to make themselves Considerable Abroad , and 't was the Fortune of the Dutch to feel the First proof of That Resolution . Betwivt these Rivall States pass'd Six Encounters in 1652. most of them Fierce and Bloudy , the Last especially , a Tearing one . Upon the whole , the Dutch Lost more , but the English got little , beside the Honour of the Victory ; in which particular , the Kingdom pay'd dear for the Reputation of the Common-wealth . This Success rays'd the Pride and Vanity of the English , so that at next Bout , nothing less would serve them than an Absolute Conquest . But while they are Providing for it , and in the Huff of all their Glory ; behold the Dissolution of the Long-Parliament ; which whether it Began or Ended , more to the Satisfaction of the People , is a Point not yet decided . Dissolved however it is , and Rebuk'd for Corruptions , and Delayes , by Cromwell ; who with his Officers , a while after , Summon a new Representative ; and Constitute a new Counsell of State , compos'd of Persons entirely disaffected to the Common-wealth . This Little , Ridiculous Convention , thought to have done mighty Matters , but the Plot Vented , and Vanish'd . Some of their Memorable Fopperies are These ; The Famous Act concerning Mariages , was Theirs ; they pass'd likewise an Act for an Assessement of 120000 l. per Mensem ; they Voted down the Chancery and Tythes ; they Voted also a total Alteration of the Laws . All of a mind they were not , and for Distinction sake , the company was divided into the Honest Party , and the Godly Party . Of the Former , were Cromwell's Creatures , and of the Other , Barebones ; or rather , Harrisons ; ( the Person they had design'd for General , if they could perswade Cromwell to quit his Security for some additional Title of Dignity . ) These Zealous Patriots Commonly brought their Bibles into the House with them ; and as I am Enform'd , diverse of them were seeking the Lord with Vavasor Powell , when This following trick was put upon them . An Hour or two sooner in the morning then usuall , Decemb. 12. he that they call'd their Speaker took the Chayre ; and it was presently Mov'd and Carry'd , ( for several Reasons ) to re-assign their Power to him from whom they had it ; which was immediately persu'd , and so they made Cromwell a Prince , for making Them a Parliament . This gratious Resignation produc'd that blessed Instrument of Government , by which the Hypocrite was made Protector ; and now forsooth the style is chang'd from The Keepers of the Liberry of England by Authority of Parliament , into Oliver Lord Protector of the Common-wealth of England , Scotland , and Ireland , &c. who was Installed and Sworn , Decemb. 16. 1653. To his Assistance was Appointed a Counsell of 21. the Quorum , 13. By whom immediately upon the Death of the Present Protector , should be chosen one to succeed him , ( alwayes excepted the Right Line from the choice ) 'T is suppos'd , that Lambert had an eye upon himself in the reach of That Article , and a Particular influence upon the drawing of it , being at That time Popular enough with the Army to hope for any thing . A while after the Establishment of this Traytour , comes forth an Ordinance , Declaring Treasons ; and now his Highness thinks himself in the saddle ; especially having Beaten the Dutch into One Peace , and Treated the Swede into Another , which were Proclaim'd soon after . Having run through the Narrative of those Considerable Changes , and Confusions , of Power , which intervened betwixt the Murther of a most Gracious Prince , and the appearing Settlement of an Usurping Tyrant , wee 'll make a little stand here , and look behind us . The two Main Engines that made Cromwell Master of the Army , were first , The Self-denying Ordinance by which he worm'd out the Presbyterians , and skrew'd in his own Party : The Second , was The Vote of March 19. 1646. for the Disbanding of so many Regiments , and sending Others for Ireland . This Vote was privily procur'd by himself and Ireton : which he foresaw must necessarily enflame the Army : and so it did , never to be reconcil'd . This Breach was the setting up of Cromwell : and the Foundation of his succeeding Greatnesse . It was the Impression of That Vote that Buffled , and Purg'd the House in 47. Forced it , in 48. and Dissolv'd it , in 53. after which he call'd Another , that Dy'd Felo de se , and Bequeathed to his Excellency the Government . Had the Devill himself Destroy'd that Faction , the Nation would have Thank'd him for 't ; so t is no wonder if his Advance was smooth , and Prosperous : but now Hee 's Upp , how to maintein his Power , against a Generall Odium , and Interest ; how to get himself forc'd to exchange That Temporary Title of Protector , for the more Stable , Legall , and desirable Name of King , without discovering his Insatiate Longing for it : This is a Point of Mastery , and Cunning ; and Possibly the Thing that brake his Heart , was his Despaire to Accomplish it . The Faction has already trod the Round of Government ; The Lords and Commons , outed the King ; the Commons , the Lords ; the Multitude , the Commons ; ( and with the Fate of all Rebellious Courses ; seeking Rest , but finding None ) At last , up goes the Pageantry of a Monarch , Cromwell ; whose Temper , Streights , and Politiques , shall be the Subject of the ensuing Chapter . CAP. VI. The Temper , Streights , and Politiques , of Cromwel , during his Protectorship . THe Character of Th●● glorious Rebell , is no further my purpose , then as i● leads to a right Iudgement of his 〈…〉 the Confusion of his Adorers . Of strong Natural Parts , I persw●●e my self he was , tho' some think otherwise , ●●puting all his Advantages to Corruption , or Fortune , ( which will not be deny'd however to have concurr'd powerfully to his Greatnesse ) . Nor do I pretend to collect his Abilities from his Word , any more then the World could his Meaning , save that the more entangled his Discourses were , I reckon them the more Iudicious , because the fitter for his Businesse . His Interest obliging him to a Reserve , for he durst neither clearly Own his Thoughts , nor Totally Disclaime them ; the One way endangering his Design , and the Other , his Person . So that the skill of his Part lay in This ; neither to be mistaken by his Friends , nor understood by his Enemies . By this middle Course he gain'd Time , to remove Obstacles , and ripen Occasions ; which to emprove and follew , was the peculiar Talent of that Monster . To these enablements to Mischief , he had a Will so prostitute , and prone , that to express him , I must say , He was made up of Craft and Wickednesse ; and all his Faculties , nay all his Passions , were Slaves to his Ambition . In fine , he knew no Other measure of Good and Bad , but as things stood in This or That Relation to his Ends ; which I the less admire , when I consider that he was brought up in a Presbyterian Schoole : where Honour , Faith , and Conscience , weigh nothing , further then as they subserve to Interest . But enough of This. In the foregoing Chapter we have Plac'd the Protector in the Chaire , but not the King in the Throne ; the Power he has already , but wants the Title ; and , which is worse , he dares not offer at it , being equally affray'd to own his Longing , or to misse it . In This Distraction of Thought , his Ielousie joyns with his Ambition ; Sollicitous on the One hand for his Family , and on the Other for his Safety . For his Family , in point of Grandeur , and for his Safety Thus. After his Death , according to the Instrument , the Counsell is to chuse a Successour , and whoever gapes to be the One , is supposed to wish for the Other ; which probably they had rather hasten , then wait for : So that This Miserable creature being peyned , betwixt the Hazard either of enlarging his Power or having it thus dependent , and the disdein of seeing it limited , enters into a restlesse suspicion of his Counsell , and no way to be quieted but by depressing Those that Rays'd him . So much for the first Difficulty , a Second follows . His Design had These Three Grand Enemies . The Royallists , The Presbyterians , and the Common-wealths-Men : the Last of which compos'd the Grosse of his Army ; whom he had so inured to the Gust of Popularity , and Freedom , and so enflam'd against the Tyranny of King-ship , that the bare Change of the word Common-weath , to Kingdom , had been enough to have cast all into a Revolt . These were the main Impediments of his Majesty that would be ; and now wee 'll touch upon the Shifts and Tricks his Highness us'd to Remove them . Cromwell having squander'd away his Mony , and taking occasion from the Salisbury Rising in 1654. to Squeeze the Cavaliers for more ; Kills two Birds with one Stone , by Commissioning some of those Persons which he most apprehended in his Counsell , to do his work : whom under the Name of Major-Generals , and with a Power at Liberty , ( doubtless foreseeing how they would abuse it ) he places as Governours over the Several Counties . These he employes to Levy his barbarous Decimation , which when they had done , and by a Thousand Insolencies enraged the People , he layes them aside ; being now become , of the most Popular of the Party , the most Abominated Creatures of the Nation . Touching the Royallists , no good for him was to be hop'd for There , but by Gaols , Exile , Selling them for Slaves , Famishings , or Murther : all which was abundantly provided for , by Sequestrations , Pretended Plots , High-Courts of Iustice , Spyes , Decoyes , &c. Nay ( for the very Dispatch sake ) when they should resolve upon the Massacre , ( which beyond doubt they meant us ) No Cavalier must be allow'd so much as the least piece of Defensive Arms , by an Order of Nov. 24. 1655. No Person suffer'd to keep in his house as Chaplain or School-Master , any Sequestred or Ejected Minister , Fellow of a Colledge , or School-Master , nor suffer his Children to be taught by such . Nor any Person of that Quality must be permitted to Teach a Schoole , either Publique , or Private ; Nor Preach , but in his Own Family , nor Administer the Sacraments , nor Marry , nor use the Common-Prayer book , &c. This was the only Party the Rebels fear'd and R●in'd ; but for the Presbyterians they knew they 'd never Ioyn to help the King ; and single they were inconsiderable . The Common-wealths Men finally contented themselves with the Name of a Common-wealth , under the Exercise of a Single Person ; so that by This Method of Engaging one Party , conniving at another , and crushing the Third : This Tyrant gave himself the Means and Leisure to fortifie his Interests some other way . He had already try'd a Parliament of his own Call ; that met , Septemb. 3. 1654. Five or Six dayes are spent in dangerous Debates about the Government , and the Authority by which they are Convened . This , Oliver did not like , and sent them an Appointment to meet him ( on the 12. ) in the ●ainted Chamber : where discoursing the Reciprocal tyes betwixt Him and his Parliament ; The Fundamentals of the Government , as to a Single Person ; the Succession of Parliaments ; their mutual Interest in the Militia ; and Liberty of Conscience ; and that These Particulars they were Entrusted to maintain ; concluded , that finding a Design among them to overthrow That Settlement , he was necessitated to appoint a Recognition , for every Man to sign , before he could be re-admitted into the House ; which Recognition was as follows . I A. B. do hereby Promise and Engage my self to be true and faithful to the Lord Protector , and the Common-Wealth of England , Scotland , and Ireland : and that according to the Tenure of the Indenture , whereby I am returned to serve in This Present Parliament ; I will not propose , or give my consent to alter the Government , as it is setled in one Single Person and a Parliament . This was no Conventicle for Cromwells Turn ; so that after Five Months sitting , This Puppet of a Prince did formally dissolve it , in hope the next might use him better . His Credit though but small at Home , had better lack abroad ; The Dutch , the Swede , and then the French , entred a League with him , and the effect of this Conjunction hasten'd his Ruine . I must not overslip that One Condition with the French , was the Extrusion of our Gracious Sovereign , with his Adhaerents , out of the French Kings Dominions . Flush'd with Successe , and Vanity , nothing lesse serves us now , then the Spaniards part of the West-Indies . By whose advice , it matters not ; but in Decemb. 1654. a Considerable Fleet sets Sail from Ports-Mouth , and about mid - April , 1655. arrives at St. Domingo ; Briefly , the Voyage was disastrous , and those that Scap'd the Fate of That Attempt , dispos'd their After-game for Iamaica . To Ballance This disgrace , Blake made amends at Tunis , firing Nine Frigates in the Port Ferino , and came off fair at last . Olivers next design was to intercept the Plate-Fleet ; and within four Leagues of the Bay of Cadiz , the English engaged eight Galcons , whereof only One Scap'd , Two were Taken , and the Rest Sunk , Burnt , or Stranded : This disappointment to the Spaniard was a bitter one , and the Success as seasonable to the English ; Yeelding them both a Prodigious Booty , and a Dreadful Reputation . But these Successes were to Cromwell , as a good hand or Two to a Young Gamester ; only Temptations to a Course will ruine him . While These Exploits were driving on , Abroad , Others were in the Forge at Home . Here , to gain Love ; There , Awe , and Credit , with as much Mony toward the Purchase as the Fates pleas'd . Upon the Royallists , his Flatteries wrought little , as being a Party mov'd neither by Security , nor Profit , ( where the Kings Interest was the Question ) Both which , they freely Sacrificed in their first Dutifull engagement with him : and to the last , stood firme , through the whole course of Olivers most furious Extremities . But other Instruments there were , of a more tractable , and complying Temper ; and These , forsooth , ( Ten , Twenty perhaps , in a County ) worshipp'd the Golden Calfe , and in the Name of the People of England , Addressed , Congratulated , [ engaged themselves to stand by and assist him to the Uttermost , in the discharge of the Trust which so remarquably was devolved upon him . ] This is the Style of that from Bucks . To These Appearances of a General good-liking , were added the Conjoynt-endeavours of his Dependents , and Allies ; which being Numerous in Truth , and Considerable by Employment , gave no small Succour and Support , to his Ambitious Project , and Tottering Greatness . As by the Influence they had upon the Iuncto , in Sep. 1656. more eminently appear'd : consisting of near 100 Military Officers , 40 or 50 of his Allies , Domestiques , and Particular Creatures ; ( I speak the Least ) beside their Seconds : A mixture there was likewise of certain Persons truly Honourable , but divers being excluded , and the Rest over-voted , Their Interest came to Nothing . These were no strangers to their Masters Pleasure , and what That was , may be collected from the Votes they Passed to please him . The Main were These . 1. An Act for Renouncing and Annulling the Title of Charles Stuart to the Three Kingdomes . 2. For the Securing of the Protectours Person , and Preserving the Peace of the Nation . 3. The Humble Petition and Advice . ] Wherein was plentifully provided whatever might conduce to his Establishment , the most Material Points being These following . ( Only Protectour should have been King , if he had pleas'd . ) 1. That under the Name and Stile of Lord Protectour , &c. He should in his Life time Declare his Successour , and Govern according to the Petition and Advice , in matters therein express'd , and in other things according to the Law of the Land. 2. That he would call Parliaments for the Future , Consisting of Two Houses , &c. — and Triennial at least : 3. That the Quorum of the Other House be One and Twenty , and the Number not above Seventy , Nominated by his Highness , and Approved by That House . 4. That the Quorum of his Privy Counsell , be Seaven , and the Number not exceeding One and Twenty : and that sitting the Parliament , the Standing Forces of This Common-wealth be disposed of by the chief Magistrate , with the Consent of Both Houses ; and in the Intervals , by advice of his Counsell . 5. That a Constant yearly Revenue of Thirteen-Hundred-Thousand Pounds be forthwith Setled , and no Part thereof to be Rays'd by a Land-Taxe : a Million of This Mony , for the Navy and Army ; the Rest , for the Support of the Government : Other Temporary Supplies being left to the Iudgement of the House of Commons . 6. That all That ever serv'd the King Loyally , and Constantly , be made Incapable for ever of any Office or Place of Trust in any of the Three Nations . The Rest is Formality . To these Propositions , his Highness AMEN , is not to be doubted , and in Form , May 25. 1657. The LORD PROTECTOR doth CONSENT . Here 's in the First , his Family Secur'd . In the Second , his Interest ; ( One House consisting of his own Creatures ) . In the Fourth , the Standing-Army is his own ; ( that is , in the Intervals of Parliaments , which he can Dissolve at Pleasure ) . In the Fifth , a Revenue proposed ; and Lastly , his Enemies cast at his Feet . On the Day following ( Iune 26. ) was presented an Additional and Explanatory Petition and Advice : Desiring , That Forty and One Commissioners be appointed by Act of Parliament , who , or any Five of them , shall be Authorized to examine the Capacities of Members to be chosen into Future Parliaments , and every unqualify'd Member to forfeit a Thousand Pounds , and suffer Imprisonment till he Pay it . ] The Forms of Several Oathes are likewise offered ; to be taken by the Protector , his Counsell , and Members of Parliament ; and , his Highness is further desired to Issue forth his Summons in due form of Law to such as he should think fit to Call to his Other House . To all which — The LORD PROTECTOR doth CONSENT . Diverse Bills his Highness pass'd , that his People scarce Thank'd him for ; Mony-Bills very many , and so the Thing was adjourn'd till the Twentieth of Ian. next . But we must not forget the Solemn Investitute of the Protector , by Authority of Parliament , ( forsooth ) and yet we must not make the Bauble Proud neither , by saying too Much on 't . The Foolery was perform'd in Westminster Hall , where his Highness was Presented with a Coat : to wit , a Robe of Purple Velvet , Lin'd with Ermins : A Bible , Guilt , and Bossed : A Sword : and Lastly , a Scepter of Massive Gold. When he was Girt , and Vested , he lift up his eyes to Heaven , and took an Oath , ( not the first he had broken by many a Thousand ) which being dispatch'd , Mr. Manton consecrated the Independent Foppery with a Presbyterian Blessing ; after which his Highness being Publish'd , and Proclaim'd , the Comedy concluded . Put Comedy and Mr. Manton will Scarce agree in the same Period : and why ? Let us Expostulate . Does not a Counterfeit , or a Mimique better become a Stage , then a Pulpit ? or is it not as Lawfull to see Honest Lacy play a siniveling Schismatique , as a Perfidious , bloudy Traytour to sustein the Person of a Gratious Prince ? Yet Here his Holyness Acts his Part himself ; ( or in the Gibbrish of the Brethren ) performes the Duty of the Day : Pronuncing a Blessing upon the horrid , and Ridiculous Spectacle . Say Mr. Manton : did not you know that Cromwell was an Imp●stour ; and that the Purple Robe he ware , belong'd not to his Shoulders ? How as a Minister of the Gospell then , could you Officiate to such a piece of Pageantry ? It minds me of Mazarins Kinsman , that upon a Good-Friday in Derision Crucified a Frog . You knew moreover , that he was a Murtherer , and an Usurper , and that the Gawdy Bible then before him , was but to him the Book he Conjur'd by . How as a Christian could you own the Augury ? You 'd scarce have ventur'd to Baptize the Infant of an Unbeliever , that were so Prodigal of your Charity toward This Monster . Further ; You knew Whose Bloud he had Spilt , Whose Rights he Usurp'd ; and that the Murther'd Father , and his injur'd Successour , were Both YOUR SOVEREIGNS : The Ceremonial Sword and Scepter likewise You knew the meaning of . How as a Subject then could you submit to Countenance so Undutiful an Undertaking ? Lastly ; You knew that the Design was ( in Truth u●terly Atheistique , but in shew ) Independent . How as a Presbyterian could you Agree to 't ? For All This now may you Thank your self Sir. 'T is True , you did Exceeding well , on the late Fast , to reckon Drunkenness , and Prophaneness among Those Crying Sins that draw God's Iudgements upon a People , and Earnestly to presse a Reformation . Nay more , I do here publiquely confess my self not absolutely Free from those Distempers , which ( not to cast either upon Good-Nature or Complexion ) I am both Sorry for , and Asham'd of . But , I beseech you , how come Playes into the Rang of these Provoking Sins ? Or , what does Histriomastix in the Pulpit ? [ The Theaters ( it seems ) are so Throng'd with Coaches , your Greatness can scarce pass the Streets : Those Temples of Satan , &c. ] Good Sir ! and what would you now have the world believe of Those that Frequent Them ? But your pleasure is known . Is not This , Lashing of a Party , under the disguise of taxing a Vice ? or Certainly , 't is a Strange Conscience , that adores Catiline in a State , and Scruples him upon a Stage . Would not a Whip on the Other hand do well sometimes ? I would go Five Miles barefoot to hear you Preach , that the first War in 1642. Rays'd by the LORDS , and COMMONS was a REBELLION . Let me Entreat you , if you Think so , Say so ; and so adieu . It must not be supposed that the first Tender of the Petition and Advice under the R●gall Stile , was without Cromwels Privity , and Liking ; and beyond doubt , the Title was a Bait he Lick'd his Lips at : but the Old Fox durst not Bite ; and he had Reason to be shy , finding how great a Flame the first Bruit of the Proposition had Rays'd among the Sectaries : That very Ninth of Aprill , when a Committee was appointed , to treat his Highness Scruples into a Satisfaction , being design'd for a Tumultuary Attempt upon his Government ; and divers of the Plotters apprehended . 'T was This , that put the Gentleman to his Hums and Haws ; that makes him Sick to day , Late to morrow , Busie the next ; and when he speaks , Chewe false , or utter Oracles ▪ all these put-offs , tending only to gain Time , to find how the Tide serves , and Taste how the Proposall Relishes . At Last , the Crafty Sir , fearing the distance too wide for a single Step , resolves rather to make Two on 't ; and to content himself at present to be Install'd Protector , with such Additional Powers as were then offer'd leaving the Complement of his Regality to the next meeting . During the Prorogation , Cromwell patch'd up his Other House , who took their seats ( the Term of the Adjournment being expir'd ) in the Lords House . Such Peers they were , as in good Truth the Commons were not only asham'd of , but gall'd to see the Affront they had done Themselves , by their own Follies in permitting them . Some few there were of Quality , and Moderation , Whose Names were only mix'd to Grace the Rabble . And now forsooth the Mushrome-Fops begin to talk of Dignities and Privileges . Prodigious Impudence and Folly ! — Two of These Fellows , Pride , and Berkstead quarrell'd upon the Bench at Hicks his Hall , about the meaning of [ the PREAMBLE that went AFTER . ] The Commons ( though a little late ) resented the Indigni●y of Truckling under such Cattell , and not enduring an Upper-House so like a Bear-Garden , they presently took in their formerly Secluded Fellowes , and fell to work upon the Authority of That New Creation , not sparing His that Plac'd them there . This course would soon have bred ill bloud ; and Cromwell , after 15 Dayes tryall of their Humour , did Prudently Dissolve them . From that Degree of Confidence , to Fall beyond Ressource , and from That point of Power , to become Ridiculous ; did but demonstrate to him the Vanity of his Ambitious Hopes , and that he aym'd at Things Impossible . Of all the Cross-Encounters of his life , This sank the Deepest , and the Impression of That Anguish , went with him to his Grave ; as may be fairly Gather'd from the wild disproportion of his following Actions : which , well consider'd , will appear rather the Products of Revenge , Rage , and Despair , then the form'd , Regular Polittiques of his wonted Reason . Yet that he might not seem to abandon the persuit , and utterly despond ; some Five weeks after the breaking up of the late Assembly , The Maior of London and his Brethren were summon'd to White Hall , and there ( March 2. 1658. ) the Citts are told a Formal Tale of the King of Scots ; 8000 Men in Readiness , and 22 Vessels to Transport them . A General Plot , The City to be fired , and twenty Terrible Things , to start and Settle a New Militia , which in some Six weeks time was perfected . And Now from all Parts are to be procur'd Addresses : which are no other then Leagues Offensive , and Defensive Betwixt the Faction , and the Usurper . Sweet London leads the way ; Then , Michell's , Ashfields , Cobbetts Regiments : The Officers of the English Army ; and the Commission-Officers in Flanders . All these in March. In April the Officers of Biscoes Regiment : and the Commission Officers of the Militia in Suffolk , Leicester , Sussex , and my Country-men of Norwich . After These , follow the Souldiery of South-Wales , and Daniels Regiment . The Well-affected of Notingham , &c. These Numerous and Pretending Applications , were but False Glosses upon his Power ; and Cromwell was too wise to think them Other : Gain'd by Contrivement , Force , or at least , Importunity . Half a Score pitiful wretches call themse●ves the People of such or such a County , and here 's the Totall of the Reckoning . 'T is Rumour'd that his Daughter Cleypoole , in the Agonies of her Death-Sickness rang him a Peal that troubled him . Whether 't were so , or no , 't is past Dispute , his Grand Distress was for the Losse of That which while he hop'd to gain , made the most horrid of his helpful Sins , seem Solaces and Pleasures . While by the Artifice of These Addresses , his broken Interest is pieced as Fair as well it may , his Care is Divided between the engaging of One Party , and the Destroying of Another . And under the Masque of a pressing and Pious Necessity , he breaks out into such Enormous Cruelties , such Wanton , and Conceited Butcheries , that , had not his Brain been Crackt , as well as his Conscience Sear'd , he would not have gone so Phantastical a way to the Devill . Some of the Martyrs Hearts were quick and Springing in the Fire , ( as I had it from several Ey-Witnesses ) . Ashton did but desire to be Beheaded , and it was seemingly Granted , but the Order kept till 't was too late , and Then tendered with a Ieere . London was made the Altar for These Burnt-Offrings : God grant That City be not at last purg'd by Fire , ( I mean , before the General Conflagration ) for Those Polluting Flames . The Crime was Loyalty , and made out against them , more by the doubling Artifice of Mercenary Tongues , than any Pregnancy of Proofes . What could This Furious and Inhumane Rigour avail That miserable Politician , further then as it Gratifi'd his Malice , and Revenge , for his Lost Hopes , and Fortunes ! Without a Parliament , or somewhat like one , he Perishes for want of Mony ; and an Assembly to his mind throughout , he utterly despayres of : so that no Remedy remains , but by extremities of Violence and Bloud to do his Business . And to That end , he faintly labours the new Modelling of his Army , a way , which he had found by Long Experience , made Enemies , as well as Friends : Those certain , and Implacable ; These , prone to change their Interest , and without Mony , True to None . In fine , his Fate was Irresistible . and his Tormented Soul Inconsolable . He Sinks , Sickens , and Dies : Upon the Day of his grand Anniversary , for Dunbar , and Worcester , ( Sept. 3. ) The Night before his Death , arose a Tempest , that seem'd to signifie the Prince of the Ayre had some great work in hand : and 't is Remarquable , that during his Usurpation , scarce any Eminent Action pass'd without a furious Storm . I have drawn This Chapter to a length beyond my intention , and should be too too Tedious to run through all his Wiles , which were No other then an Habituall Craft , diffused throughout the entire Course of his Tyranny . But certain General rules he impos'd upon himself , which must not be omitted . One was , to Buy Intelligence at any Rate , by That means making every Plot bear it 's own Charges . 2. Never to Engage Two Parties at once ; but to Flatter , and Formalize with the One , till he Ruin'd the Other : Which was the Reason that he durst never make the Presbyterians Desperate , for fear of Necessitating them to side with the King. 3. To extirpate the Royallists by all possible means , as Poverty , Bondage , Executions , Transplantations ; and a Device he had to dispose of several Levies , out of That Party , Some to serve the Spaniard , Others the French , that they might be sure to meet in Opposition , and cut One the Others Throats . 4. He ever made his Army his own Particular Care. 5. To keep the Nation in a perpetual Hatred , and Iealousie of the Kings Party ; which he promoted either by forging of Plots , or Procuring Them. So much for Olivers Temper , Streights , and Politiques . CAP. VII . A short Account from the Death of the Tyrant Oliver , to the Return of Charles the Second , ( whom God Preserve from his Fathers Enemies . ) THe Heart of the Cause was broken long since , and now the Soul of it is gone ; though the Protectorate be formally devolv'd to Richard , as the Declar'd Successour to his Father . Whether Declar'd , or not , was ( I remember ) at That time a Question . But whether Thus or So , it Matters not . Oliver's Dead , his Son Proclaym'd , and at night Bon-fires , with all the Clamor , Bustle , and Confusion that commonly attends ●hose Vulgar Jollities . The Souldiours took the Alarm , and in my hearing threatned divers for daring to express their Joy so unseasonably : but they came off with telling them that they were glad they had got a New Protector , not that they had lost the Old. In Truth , the New Protector was look'd upon as a Person more Inclinable to do Good , than Capable to do Mischief , and the Exchange welcome , to all that Lov'd his Majesty . By the Court-Interest ( as they call'd it , ) Addresses thick and threefold were brought in , to Condole , and Gratulate ; but Those Complements had no Sap in them : The Dutch , the Swede , and the French , sent their Embassadours on the same Errand . And now the Funerals come on ; A Solemn , and Expensive Pageantry ; yet , in my Conscience , the Chief-Mourners were his Highness Drapers . These Ceremonies over , to keep the Wheel in Motion , a Supply was Resolv'd upon for the King of Swede , and little further of Moment , before Ian. 27. When ( in the Language of the Time ) met Richards Parliament . The First , and Last of his Reign . It cost These people some time to agree the Powers of the Chief-Magistrate , and the New Peerage , which came to this result , that Richard should be Recognized ; but with l●mitations , consistent with the Rights of Parliament , and People : and that for quiet sake [ they would transact with the Persons then sitting in the Other House , as an House of Parliament during that Session . ] The House proceeded by Degrees to make dangerous Inspections into the Militia , the Revenue ; to look into the Exorbicances of Major Generals , to threaten the Excise ; and finally , by all Popular pretenses , to engage the Multitude ; Effectually against both Protector and Army , enduring the Government neither of the One , nor of the Other . Whereupon , the Officers set up a Counsel at Wallingford-House , the Protector advises at White-hall , and Aprill 6. 1659. comes a Paper to Richard from the Generall Counsell of Officers , Entituled , A Representation and Petition , &c. importing , [ the great danger of Good Old Cause is in , from Enemies of all sorts , the Poverty of the Souldiery ; the Persecution of Tender consciences , &c. which Particulars they Petition his Highnesse to represent to the Parliament , with their Desire of Speedy Supply , and Certainty of Pay for the future : Declaring likewise their Resolution , with their Lives and Fortunes to stand by , and assist his Highness and Parliament , in the plucking the Wicked out of their places wheresoever they may be discovered , &c. ] The Paper boded a Purge , at least , Sign'd it was by 230 Officers , presented by Fleetwood ; Publish'd throughout the Army , and followed soon after with a Day of Humiliation : ( the never-failing Sign of Mischief at hand . ) In this Juncture , Each of the Three Parties was Enemy to the Other Two , saving where Either Two were united to Maintein themselves against the Third : and All Three of Them Enemies to the Good of the Nation . The House being Biass'd for a Common-wealth , and not yet enabled to go Through with it , Dreaded the Army on the one hand , and Hated the Single-Person on the Other . Richard , finding his Power limited by the Members , and Envy'd by the Officers , willing to please Both , and Resolv'd to Hazzard nothing , becomes a Common Property to the House and Army ; a Friend to Both by Turns ; Theirs to day , T' others to Morrow , and in all Tryals Meekly submitting to the Dispensation . The Army on the other side had their Protector 's Measure to a Hair ; and behind him they Stalk'd to Ruffle That Faction in the House , that was now grown so Bold with the Military Interest : and it behov'd them to be quick , with ( as the Case stood Then ) so Popular an Enemy . The Members kept their Ground , and April 18. pass'd These following Votes . First , That , during the sitting of the Parliament , there should be no General Counsell , or meeting of the Officers of the Army without Direction , Leave , and Authority of his Highnesse the Lord Protector , and Both Houses of Parliament . Secondly , That no Person shall Have and Continue any Command , or Trust in any of the Armies , or Navies of England , Scotland , or Ireland , or any of the Dominions and Territories thereto belonging , who shall refuse to Subscribe , That he will not disturb or interrupt the free meeting in Parliament , of any the Members of either House of Parliament , or their freedom in their Debates and Counsels . Upon These Peremptory Votes , Richard Faces about , joyning his small Authority , to forbid their Meetings ; and great Assurances are Enterchang'd , to stand the Shock of any Opposition . Two or three dayes they stood upon their Guards , continuing in that sharling Posture , till April 22. when Richard at the suit ( or rather menace ) of Disborough and his Fellows , signes a Commission to Dissolve his Parliament ; which to prevent , the Members Adjourn for Three dayes ; and to avoid the shame of falling by an Enemy , th● Catoe's kill themselves . For at the Three dayes end , they finde the Dore shut ▪ and a Guard upon the Passage , to tell them , They must Sit no more ; Their Dissolution being also Published by Proclamation . His Highness steps aside next ; and now the Army undertakes the Government . They Modell , Cast about , Contrive , and , after some Ten Dayes fooling with the Politiques , they found it was much a harder matter to Compose a Government , than to Disorder it , and at This Plunge , besought the Lord [ after their Wandrings and Back slidings , to shew them where they turned out of the Way , and where the Good Spirit left the Good Old Cause , that through Mercy they might Return and give the Lord the Glory . At last , they call to mind , that the Long Parliament sitting from 1648. to 1653. were eminent Assert●urs of that Cause , and had a Speciall Presence of God with them : Wherefore they Earnestly desire Those Members to Return to the Exercise , of their Trust , &c. — ] This is the Tenor of that Canting Declaration , which the Army-Officers presented Lenthall ( the Good-Old-Speaker ) with , at the Rolls , May 6. in the Evening ; where a Resolve was taken by several of the Members , to meet next morning in the Painted Chamber , and There to advise about their Sitting . They met accordingly , and made a shift , by Raking of Goals , to get together a Quorum , and so they sneak'd into the House of Commons , and There Declar'd for a Common-wealth , passing a Vote expresly against the Admission of the Members , Secluded in 1648. This Device was far-fetch'd , and not long-liv'd , but These were Old Stagers , and no ill Menagers of their Time. To make short ; they Erect a Counsel of State , Place , and Displace ; mould their Faction ; settle the Godly , appoint their Committees , and so soon as ever they are Warm in their Gears , begin , where they left in 1653 ; Fleecing the Nation , and Flaying the Cavaliers , as briskly , as if 't were but the Good-Morrow to a Six-Years Nap. But the sad Wretches were filthily mistaken , to think Themselves brought in again to do their own Business ; for the Army makes bold to Cut them out their work in a Petition of May 12. containing 15. Proposals , desiring , First ; a Free-state . ] 2. R●gulation of Law and Courts . ] 3. An Act of Oblivion , since April 19. 1653. ] 4. All Lawes , &c. since 1653. to stand good untill particularly Repeal'd . ] 5. Publique Debts since 1653. to be Paid . ] 6. Liberty of Worship , &c. not extending to Popery or Prelacy . ] 7. A Preaching Ministry . ] 8. The Reformation of Schools , and Universities . ] 9. the Exclusion of Cavaliers , and loose Persons from Places of Power , or Trust. ] 10. The Employment of the Godly in such Places . ] 11. To provide for a Succession of the Legislative Authority . ] 12. That Charles Fleetwood be Commander in Chief at Land. ] 13. That the Legislative Power be in a Representative of the People ; and of a Select Senate , Coordinate in Power . ] 14. That the Executive-Power , be in a Counsell of State. ] 15. That the Debts of his Late Highness , and his Father , contracted since Decemb. 15. 1653. may be satisfi'd , and Twenty Thousand Pounds per Annum setled upon him , half for Life , and half to him and his Heirs for ever . The Principal point was Fleetwoods Command , which they agreed to ; only reserving the Supreme Power to Themselves , and constituting the Speaker , Generalisimo ; in the Name of the Parliament : which waryness shewed that they understood one-another . For a while , the Iuncto treated the Army like Apes , with a Bit and a Knock , Flattering some and Removing others , as they saw expedient : Particularly the Two Sonnes of the Late Usurper , were fairly laid aside , Submitting and Resigning in Excellent Form , and without making two words on 't . The High and Mighty did not , all this time , forget , that the Key of the Work , was Money ; nor in Truth did they well consider , that they were call'd back by the Army only to Raise it . But On they went through Thick and Thin , and such Ignoble , sordid Courses they took to Levy it , that , in Effect , to Stop the Souldiers Mouths , they brake their own Necks ; the Nation not enduring any Longer that such a pilfering Covy of Pick-Pockets should call Themselves a sarliament . This Universal Hatred , and Disdeign of Their Proceedings , provok'd a General ●eizure of Men , Horse , and Armes : and in Effect , the Plot was General ; but what by Treachery ; Delayes ; Babbling ; Disappointments ; and Scruples of taking in the Royal Party , ( by those that never meant His Majesty , or his Friends should be the better for 't ) the whole was Dash'd . I well remember one Particular , in That Transaction , that pass'd my Understanding , and Methought smelt of Treason . It was extremely labour'd , that the King might be perswaded to come Over ; and That too , before any Port was Secured , or Men Embody'd , on the bare hopes of the Design , to engage his Sacred Person . After the Cheshire-Rout , Lambert Retires to his House at Craven , and there ( 't is thought ) centrives the Ruine of the Rump . Which unforeseeing Creature , ( dreaming of nothing Less ) flies higher now then ever , Imposing upon the House , and the Militia , an Oath of Abjuration , not only Renouncing the Title of Charles Stuart , but the whole Line of the Late King Iames. And then besides Excise , Customs , Forfeitures , and Confiscations , out comes an Assessement of 100000 l. per Mensem . They dis-incorporate the City of Chester , &c. — In the Carier of their head-strong , and unbridled Fury , the first Check they receiv'd , was from a Petition and Proposals then on foot in Lamberts Army . Whereupon they Order Ashfield , Cobbet , and Duckenfield , ( Three of the Principal Abettours of it ) to bring in the Original Paper , which was accordingly done , and Caus'd this Vote , That to have any more General Officers in the Army , than are already setled by Parliament , is needless , chargeable and dangerous to the Common-wealth . Upon this Vote , the Officers appear'd to acquiesce ; but Octob. the 5. Matters were re-enforced , Disborough presenting the House with a Representation , and Petition , from the General Counsell of the Army . For which , from the Teeth outwards , the Officers had Thanks . The Conventicle and the Army began now to speak English , and the Members seeing their Dissolution at hand , however cast This Block in the Armies way ; Enacting , That it should be adjudg'd High-Treason for any Person or Persons after the Eleventh of Octob. 1659. to Raise Monies without the Peoples Consent in Parliament . This being passed ; They Uncommission'd Nine of the Army-Officers ; to wit , Lambert , Disborough , Berry , Kelley , Ashfield , Cobbett , Creed , Packer , and Barrow . They voyded Fleetwoods Commission also , Investing the Command of the Army in Seven Persons , himself being one , and any Three to be a Quorum . Hereupon the House adjourns , and Hazelrigg , Morly and Walton ( Three of the Seaven ) repair to the Speakers Chamber , forthwith dispatching Orders to Draw their Troupes together . The Army-Party do the like , and March to the Palace-Yard at Westminster , ( their Appointed Rendezvouz ) where The Two Parties for That Night and part of the next day made Faces at One-another ; and finally , the Souldiery dismiss'd the Senate . Now was the Government once again in the Army ; who after Thirteen dayes deliberation how to bestow it , Octob. 26. Disposed of it to a Committee of Safety , consisting of 23 Persons : Empower'd at Large ; to advise upon Occasion with the Principal Officers of the Army ; and within Six-weeks time , to bring in a Form of Government . Their Reign was short , and Troublesome ; as 't is reported , Feak told Sir Harry Vane upon his Unction , that his was like to be . They make Fleetwood their Commander in Chiefe , and constitute a New Militia . Scarce were these Worthies warm in their Seats , but the News comes that Scotland's in Disorder , and Barwick in a wrong hand . Whereupon Lambert marches Northward ; soon after which , comes on a Treaty , that gave General Monk ( now Duke of Albemarle ) leisure to purge his Army , and to put Scotland in a Posture of Security . By These Delayes , and want of Monys , Lambert's Army Moulders away ; and briefly London is left so Thinn , that Sir Vane's Privy List of Congregationals was the danger they most Apprehended . The first step toward their Deliverance , was a Petition desiring the Assistance of the Common-Counsell for the Procurement of a Free-Parliament : Promoted by the Honest-Part of the City , and Cross'd by some Factious Magistrates of the Wallingford Leaven . This Battle did but more Incense the Petitioners , and upon Monday , Decemb. 5. Horse and Foot were Commanded into the City to hinder the prosecution of it . Where , by surprize , Hewson the Cobler knocks Two or Three Citizens on the head , barbarously wounding and Affronting Others , till at last , Multitudes being drawn together , and ready to fall in among them ( where not a Red-Cote could have scap'd without a Miracle ) the Quarrel , forsooth , was taken up by some of the Formalities , and then excus'd , to the Committee of Safety , as if the fault had been the Cities . The Army had at This time their Guards in Pauls , and Gresham-College . During These Broyles , Hazelrigg , Morly , and Walton , possess themselves of Portsmouth , and the Forces employ'd to reduce it , joyn with them . The Fleet drives the same Interest likewise : only the Troupes in London were at a stand , and fair for any Purchaser , but the Opportunity was slipp'd . Upon the 26. of Decemb. the Rump sits once again , and Empowers Seaven Commissioners , or any Three of them , to Command the Army ; Here , the Secluded Members of 1648. put in for their Right of Sitting ; whereupon a Vote is pass'd for taking the Case of Absent Members into Consideration , upon the fifth of Ianuary next ; and upon the Day appointed , they Resolve , That the Members Discharg'd from Voting , or Sitting in 1648. and 49. do stand duly Discharg'd by Iudgement of Parliament , and that Writs do Issue forth for New in their Places . And now They think their Game Cocksure , having already Voted the Disbanding of Lambert's Army ; Setled their Counsell of One-and Thirty ; and Offer'd Grace to the Revolted Officers , ( Lambert himself , by Name ) that would lay down before the Ninth of Ianuary ; whereupon , Lamberts Forces disperse , He himself submits , and the General receives an Invitation to London . In Conclusion , after Many Indignities cast upon the Honest Part of the Nation , for desiring a Free-Parliament , by That wretched Conventicle , that intended only to Perpetuate it self ; The General arrives at London , Feb. 3. and upon the 7. comes out the 100000 l. Tax , which produced a Common-Counsell the day following to advise upon it : where it was Resolv'd , To adhere to a former Vote of the Court in the Negative . This Refusall puzzled the Counsell of State , who without being Masters of the City , and of Mony , were able to do little ; so that they forthwith Order'd the Reducing of the City , by Emprisoning half a Score of their Citizens ; and , upon another Denyall , to take away their Posts , and Chains , and destroy their Gates and Portcullisses ; which was accordingly Executed , but with such Regret , that thereupon they lodg'd the Government of the Army in Five Commissioners , ( the General being One ) with Evident Design to wipe him of his Employment . But Their Ingratitude wrought little with him , whose Actions were only steer'd by the Compass of Loyalty and Prudence . So that having humour'd the People at Westminster , till they had made themselves sufficiently Odious , and abundantly try'd the Affections of the City to his Design in hand : Upon the 11 of Feb. he gave the House to understand the Necessity of their timely Dissolution , in order to the right of Successive Parliaments ; the very hopes of which Release gave the People a Joy , to the Degree of Madness . Upon the 21. were re-admitted the Secluded Members of 1648. by whom were Writs Issued out for a Representative , to meet upon the 25. of April 1660. and March 16. 1659. they formally Dissolve themselves , Committing the Government in that Interval , to a Counsell of State. Upon the day Appointed , the Convention meets , but not altogether so Leaven'd as by the Qualifications was intended ; Excluding Father and Son of such as had serv'd the King , from the Election . In fine , the Major Part of that ▪ Assembly , according to their Duty , gave the King his own again , without Those shackles , and conditions which the Qualifyers would have impos'd upon his Majesty : Upon whose Legal and Imperial freedom , depends the safety and well-being of his People . CAP. VIII . The Usurper Oliver was principally distress'd by the Warr with Spain , and his Standing Army . WE have now brought Rebellion from the Cradle to the Grave ; we have seen it Triumphant , and now we see it in the Dust , subjected at the Feet of our Most Gratious Sovereign , to accompt for the Bloud of his Royal Father . Be it our Business next to enquire , What hinder'd Oliver from Establishing himself ? Upon what Reason of State , Cause , Errour , or Necessity , That prosperous Usurper fayl'd . But some will not allow he fail'd ; as if the sole Fatality of the Cause was his Decease ; and the Design only miscarryed through the ill menage of a Weak Successour . For granted ; by good order , it might have been Caudled up , and kept above ground a little longer : but still it seems to Me , that before Oliver Dy'd , the Cause was Bed-rid , and Hectique past Recovery . Opinion is Free ; Any Man 's as Mine , and Mine as Any Mans : so that submitting my Reasons to the Wise , and Recommending my Weakness to the Charitable , I Proceed . Cromwell did wisely to take his Rise to the Sovereignty upon the Necks of those Usurpers whom he cast out in 1653. For in the same Action , he Oblig'd the People , Master'd his Enemies ; and Fill'd his Pockets . Yet were not Those Means that advanc'd the Tyrant , sufficient to Establish him . One Obstacle was the Inconsistence of his Doctrine with his Design : for the same Arguments that Rays'd him , Ruin'd him . The People were instructed to Destroy Kings , not to set them up : and beside , he that had so many Sharers in the Hazzards of the Rebellion , could not fail of some Competitors for the Benefit of it . Further , he had no considerable Party sure to his Interest ; and all , but his Meer Creatures and Allies , were utter Enemies to it . The City Hated him for their Losse of Trade ; the Countrey , for their Taxes ; the Royallists , for his Rebellion , and Cruelty ; the Presbyterians , for his Breach of Covenant , ( That is , for not destroying the King after Their Way ) ; The Levellers , for his Ambition ; and , in fine , all the hope he had , was to New-Modell an Army to his purpose ; that fayl'd him too at last , for want of Mony , and Credit to maintein it . Which Want was chiefly hasten'd , and procur'd , by his precipitate Breach with Spain , together with the Necessity of keeping up a Standing Army . The Former of These was doubtless his Mistake ; ( or rather a Temerity scarce advised upon . ) For having brought the Hollander to his Knees , ( the only Stranger he had then to fear ) and after That , shak'd hands with him ; his next Course should have been by Thrift and Popularity to Ingratiate himself at Home , and not by a Rambling , Needlesse , and Expensive Warr , to squander away the life-bloud of the Nation , and in That Indigent Extremity of the State , to make Ducks and Drakes with the Publique Treasure . Nor was the Consequence lesse Fatall to him , than was the Enterprize ( to a common Eye ) Imprudent : the hopes of carrying his Design , in no wise Countervailing the risque he ran of losing all he had Got ▪ in case he missed it . I might Instance in a Thousand wayes of profusion , and Oppression Common to all Usurpers , ) both practised by Him , and exposing him to great Necessities , but I shall rather bestow the rest I have to say , upon the Fatality of that Tyrant's Condition ; Which forc'd him to make use of for his Safety , the greatest of all Dangers , to wit , A Standing Army . For Order sake , Wee 'll first Consider , Upon what Pretense , and to what end 't was Rays'd . In the Next Place ; Wee 'll see what it produc'd , and weigh the Benefits with the Inconveniences . Lastly ; Wee 'll look into the probable Effects , and Influence of it ; as related to the English Temper , Custome , and Government . To the first ; what I here call a Standing Army , was but the Emprovements of a Slight Temporary force , rays'd , ( in pretense at first ) as an Expedient against Plots , ( being indeed it self the Greatest ) but Encreas'd , Continued , and Carried on , by Policy , and Power . This Project came from the Cabale in 1641. Couch'd under the Notion of A Guard for the House of Commons : [ Who conceiv'd that they could not with the Safety of their Persons , ( upon which the Safety and Peace of the whole Kingdom did then depend ) sit any longer Unarmed , and Unguarded ▪ ] — so great were their [ Apprehensions , and just Fears of mischievous Designs , to ruine and destroy them ] This was the Popular Colour for that Guard ; Plots , and the Safety of the Publique . Where the Plot was , in Truth ; and where the Reall Danger ; may be gather'd from the Practises of Those Armies , whereof The Guard aforesaid was but the Rise and Foundation . ( And That 's the point we handle next . ) The setting of This little Force a-foot , was a fair Step toward the Militia ; One Guard begetting Another ; and the same Reason standing good , for the Augmenting , and Upholding of Those Troupes , which was employ'd for the first Raysing of them . The Parliament was first in Danger ; the City , Next ; and Then the Nation : and as their Ielousies Encreas'd , so must Their Forces , till by Degrees they grow to an Army . The King , and his Adherents , they call the Common-Enemy ; whom they Invade and Vanquish . Here 's their work done in short ; what have they now to fear ? Only New-Modelling , or Disbanding . A blessed Translation of the Government , from the Rule of the Law , to the Power of the Sword ! and There to abide , till One Army be remov'd by Another : That is ; the Tyranny abides ; no matter tho' under several Formes , and Tyrants . Our LEGIONS of the Reformation , were Rays'd by certain Rebellious Lords , and Commons ; and Seconded by the City of London . Wee 'll see now , how they behav'd themselves towards their Masters and Friends , In 1647. the Army Reformes , and Purges the House ; Presses their Dissolution . Seizes their General Pointz in the North ; Squeezes and Menaces the City of London ; Marches up to it , and in Triumph through it . Takes Possession of the Tower ; Charges the Maior with divers Aldermen and Citizens , of High-Treason . Alters their Militia's , and Common-Counsel ; and finally , gives the Law to the House , and That to the Nation . In Decemb. 1648. the Army gives the House another Purge ; and the year following , Cromwel himself had like to have been out-trick'd by the Levellers about Banbury . In 1653. The Army Casts off the Ol● Conventicle , and up goes Oliver , who calls Another ; only to get a Taxe , and a Title : and when They had done the One half , and made way to the Other ; off goes That too . The Next was call'd in 1654. another after That in 1656. and Both were serv'd with the same Sauce . If Cromwell could as easily have moulded the Army , as That did the House , his businesse had been done with half the Ceremony ; but Mony was Their business , and Kingship His , so that they help'd him in the One , and Cross'd him in the Other . In Septemb. 1658. Oliver Dies ; and Then ; they are Richard's Army ; whose puisne Highness must have His Parliament too . They meet ; and notwithstanding a huge Pack of Officers and Lawyers , the Vote prov'd utterly Republican , and Friend , neither to Single-Person , nor Army . Now , Richard takes his turn : but first , down goes his Parliament : and for a while , the Army-Officers , undertake the Government . Some Ten dayes after , up with the Rump again , and then they 're Lenthall's Army : which , in Octob. 1659. throws out the Rump , and now they 're Fleetwood's Army . Enter the Rump once more , in Decemb. and once more the Army comes about again . The Rump's next Exit , is for ever , March the 16. 1660. Behold the Thorough-Reformation ; and every Change Seal'd with a Sacrament , to have been an Act of Conscience , and guided by a Divine Impulse . Behold the Staff of the Rebellion ; both the Support and Punishment of it ; a Standing Army . While Plots could either be Procured , or credibly suggested , the Innocent were their Prey , and when That entertainment fayl'd them , they worryed one-another : — never at Peace ; betwixt the Stri●e , first to Subject the Nation , and Then to Govern it . So long as the Royal Interest was in Vigour ; it was the Faction's Policy to engage all sorts of People , whom they could possibly Unite against That Interest ; however Disagreeing among Themselves , their first work being only to Destroy the King ) and This was the Composition of the first Army . From Killing they Proceed to take Possession ; and here Ensues a greater Difficulty . A Force is Necessary still , but the State of the Dispute being Chang'd , the Former Mixture is not for their present purpose : the Conspiratours that agreed to overthrow the Government , being now Divided who shall Enjoy it . Hereupon , they fall to Sorting and Purging of Parties ; the Independent at last carrying it , and Oliver in the Head of them . After this Decision of the Contest betwixt the Two Factions , the Army it self divides ; and Cromwell is now more puzzled with the Private Contrivements of his own Officers , then he was before with the open Power of his profess'd Enimie , for they are cleerly for his Ruling with them , but not over them ; so that unless ●e can both Uphold them for his Security , and Modell them for his Design , he does nothing : In Both He labour'd , and beyond Question , Di'd in the Despaire of perfecting Either , finding upon Experience , that his Ambition was as Intolerable to his Party , as the Charge of Continuing his Army was to the Publique ; and what the Latter was , wee 'll read in own words , deliver'd at a Conference , April 21. 1657. The present Charge ( sayes he ) of the Forces both by Sea and Land , including the Government , will be 2426989 l. The whole present Revenue in England , Scotland , and Ireland , is about 1900000 l. I think this was Reckoned at the Most , as now the Revenue stands : Why now towards This , you settle by your Instrument 1300000 l. for the Government , and upon That Accompt to maintain the Force by Sea and Land , and This without Land●Taxe I think , and this is short of the Revenue , that now may be Raised by the Government , 600000 l. because you see the Present Government is 1900000 l. and the whole Summe which may now be Raised , comes of the Present Charge 542689. And although an End should be put to the Spanish : Warr , yet there will be a Necessity of the Preservation of the Peace of the Three Nations , to keep up the Present Established Army in England , Scotland , and Ireland ; and also a considerable Fleet , for some good Time ; untill it shall please God , to Quiet , and Compose Mens Minds , and bring the Nation to some better Consistency : so that Considering the Pay of the Army , coming to upwards 1100000 l. per annum , and the Government 300000 l. it will be necessary , that for some convenient Time , seeing you find things as you do , and it is not good to think a Wound healed before it be ; that there should be Raised over and above 1300000 l. the Summo of 600000 l. per annum , which makes up the Summe of 1900000 l. That likewise the Parliament declare how far they will carry on the Spanish War ; and for what Time , and what farther Summe they will raise for the carrying on the same , and for what Time , and if these Things be not Assertained , as one saith , Money is the Cause certainly , what ever the Cause is ; if Money be Wanting , the business will fall to the ground , and all our Labour will be Lost , and therefore I hope you will have a care of our Vndertakings . How many Souls , Lives , Millions ; and Noble Families ; How well a Temper'd Government ; How Gracious a Prince , and happy a People , were by This Cursed Army Destroy'd ; will need no more then their own Consciences to determine , when Divine Vengeance shall call them to a Reckoning . It brought forth ( briefly ) the worst of Crimes , and Mischiefs , without the least Tincture of a Comfort , or shadow of a Benefit . Nor was it likely to do other , if we consider either the People , Place , Custome , or Government , they were to work upon . Concerning the People ( first ) [ Populi ferè omnes ad Aquilonem positi , Libertatem quandam spirant ] 'T is Rodin's observation , that your Northern Nations are Generally keen Assertours of Freedom ; ( which for their Parts , the English made too true ) How could it be Expected then , that a People , which Oppos'd their Lawfull Prince for the fear of Slavery , should ever finally Submit to a Rebellious Usurper under the Actual and Shameful Extremity of it ? This Reluctancy of Humour in the Generality , joyn'd with the Particular Vigilance , Loyalty , and Enterprisings of the Royallists ; render'd those Courses Necessary at present , to the Usurper , which must certainly sink him in the End. Nor was it more against the Genius of the People , than against the Interest and Reason of the Place . The Place , we are to consider as an Island ; no Forreign Danger then in view , to Palliate the Oppression of an Army ; nor any Subject whereupon to turn the Influence of it . No Stranger in the Case concern'd ; only at Variance with our selves ; we breed and nourish in our proper bowels , the Evill that Devours , or , at the best , Consumes us . The Army fear'd the Plots , but 't was the Nation felt them , and the Result of all was only a Dispute betwixt the Civill and the Military Power ; Law , and Necessity : so that Effectually ( the two Parties of this Division thus Enterwatching and Counter-Plotting one another ) we were rather in a State of Warr than a Posture of Security , the People being at this Election , either to Resist , or Starve ▪ and the Army , as much oblig'd , to make good their undertaking , or fall to nothing . What could be Rationally the Issue of these Provocations , and Animosities , but either the Destruction of the Army by the People ; or of the People by the Army , in Order to a General Quiet ? Neither of them being safe , but by the Ruine , and Subjection of the Other . If the People refuse to Pay , they are Presently Dis-affected ; if the Souldiery be their own Carvers , they are look'd upon as Tyrannical , and Insolent ; and here 's Matter furnish'd for a Civill Warr. Now That which makes the Case Worse , is ( as I said ) that being Islanders , and wanting the Colour of Arming against Dangerous Neighbours , we are forc'd to spend That humour in Mutiny among our selves , which might Otherwise be Diverted by , and Employ'd upon , a Publique Quarrell . A Digression to the State of FRANCE . Upon the Continent 't is Otherwise ; as in France , ( for the Purpose ) where though the King Enterteins a Standing Army of 12000. and about Fourscore Regiments more , in Flanders , Italy , Catalogne , and Luxemburgh ; ( besides Strangers ) There 's yet the Countenance of an Interest , and a Prudentiall Ground for 't : to Ballance the Power , or at least Check the Progress of his Ambitious Neighbour Spain . For , ( sayes the Duke of Rohan in his Interest of France ) Il faut opposer La Force à la Force . Car ni les persuasions , ni la Iustice des armes , ne fera la loi à celui qui sera armè , tellement que la France doit se retrencher de toute autre despense moins utile , & estre tousiours puissamment armè . [ Force must meet Force , for 't is the Sword that gives the Law to Equity , and Reason ; wherefore let France rather be sparing in any other way , then in the Constant Entertainment of a Puissant Army . ] It may be Argu'd too , that the Exercise of Armes , is the Profession of the French Nobility , and in Effect , 't is only Warr abroad keeps them in Peace at home . Yet even in France it self , where the Necessity of a Standing-Army is bolster'd up with so many fair Appearances , the Effects are Dismall , how plausible soever the first Occasion seem'd . Where it began , or what it was , not a rush matter , but , that by Gradual encrochments , from small , and Temporary Pretenses , 't is now grown to a Constant , and unlimited Excess , he that knows any thing of France , cannot be Ignorant . They that fetch it from Guntran King of Orleans , 587. look too far back methinks , and entitle the Tyranny to too fair a President . His Case being This. Guntran was the Surviver of Four Brothers ; Sons of Clotaire the First ; the other Three , being Cherebert , Chilperic , and Sigibert . The Eldest of These , Died Childlesse , and the Other Two were Murther'd by the Practises of Fredegonde , ( first the Mistresse , and afterward the Wife of Chilperic . ) Sigibert , supinely indulging himself in the height of his Conquests , and Pleasures , was Stabb'd in his own Palace by a Couple of Souldiours , employ'd by Fredegonde , who did as much at last for her Husband Chilperic ; having first Caused him to Murther his Son Clouis ; to Divorce one ▪ Wife , and Strangle another . The Story is Short , and a little Curious . Fredegonde had a Gallant , called Landry de la Tour , by Her , Preferr'd to be Duke of France and Maire of the Palace ) The King comes one Morning in his Hunting-Dress into the Queens Chamber , as she was busie about her Head , with her Hair over her Eyes ; and ( without a word speaking ) tickles her on the Neck with the Twigg-end of his Riding-wand . Ah Landry ( sayes she ) That 's not Cavalier like , to come Behind . The King was as much surpriz'd with the Discovery , as Fredegonde with the Mistake ; and went his way with the Thought of it in his Countenance . Landry is presently sent for by the Queen , They discourse the Accident , Debate the Consequences , and in the End , Complot to have Chilperic Murthered as he returns from the Chase ; which was Executed , with much Ease and Security , the King being only attended with a Single Page , who Dy'd with his Master , and the Murth●rers escap'd . This Chilperic had , by Fredegonde , Clotaire the Second , ( but Four Moneths old at the Death of his Father ) and the Regency of King and Kingdom was Committed to Guntran . ( the young Kings Uncle by the Fathers side ) The Regent , warn'd by the Miscarriage of his Brothers , and being enform'd that the same Hand by which They fell , sought His Life also ; Establishes a Considerable Guard , Constantly to attend his Person : which was both suitable to his Wisdom , and Dignity ; as a Security , against not only the stroke of Violence , but the very Thought of it , and a fit Circumstance of Majesty . The Influence of This Fo●ce went not far , nor , in Truth , the Royalty of their fi●st Race of Kings , much farther : whos 's either L●nity or Averser●sse to Business of State , gave their Great Counsellours the means to Usurp , and Transferr Their Authority , which Confidence they abused to the Supplanting of their Masters . Compleints , Suits , References , Addresses , must be made , forsooth , to the Majors , not to the Kings : They undertake the Disposition of Monies , and Offices ; the Menage of Treaties and Alliances : They Grant , Revoke at Pleasure : Briefly , from 632. to 750. France was rather under a Majoralty , then a Monarchy : and Then , ( Pope Zachary , having first Absolv'd the French of their Oath of Obedience ) the Race of Childeric is Laid By ; Himself ( the Fourth of that Name ) formally Degraded , and Cast into a Monastery , by Decree of Parliament ; and Pepin Install'd in his Stead . Thus did the Son of the Last Great Subject make himself the First of the Second Race of Kings : of which , in requital for too much said upon the First , I shall say nothing at all . Nor much more upon This Subject ; save only that Charles the VII . and his Successour Lewis the XI . Laid the first firm Foundation of the Military Power ; to which , Charles the VIII . Francis the I. &c. have since furnish'd their Additionals , and Superstructures , to make the Tyranny complete . 'T is Truth ; the Splendor , and Profusion of the Court and Camp , is Dazling , and Prodigious ; they swim in Pleasures and Plenty : but he that turns his Eye toward those Miserable Animals , the Peasants , that with their Bloud , and Sweat , Feed and Support that Luxe , and Vanity ( with hardly bread for their own Mouths ) , will find it much a different Prospect ; the great Enhansers of the Charge clayming Exemption from the burthen of it . He that would see the Glory of the One Part , and the ●lavery of the Other , needs only read L'ESTAT dela FRANCE , of 1661. Treating of the Officers of the Crown , Honours , Governments , Taxes , Gabelles , &c. He shall there find the Venality of Office●s , and Their Rates ; the Privileges of the Nobility , and Their Enc●rochments ; Who are Exempt from Payments ; or rather , that the Country-man Payes for All. To make an end , let him also observe the Power , and Partiality of their Supereminent Parliament of Paris . The Book I mention , is of undeniable Authority , wherein Accompt is given of , at the least , Eight Millions ( English ) arising from Three Taxes only ; and for the sole behoof and Enterteinment of the Souldiery ( their Tailles , Taillon , and Subsistance ) Beside their Aydes ; ( an Imposition upon all sorts of Marchandise , Salt excepted ) which must needs be a Vast Income : and their Gabell●s upon Salt ; that brings in near Two Millions more . Not to Insist upon Casualties , and infinite other Inventions for squeezing , which they Practise ; The Plough mainteins the Army . Give them their Due , their Noblesse are brave and Accomplish'd men and the Brunt of all Hazzards lies totally upon Them ; but scarce in Nature is there a more abject Commonalty : and to conclude ; such is their Condition , that without Warr , th●y cannot Live : if not Abroad , they are sure to have i● at Home . Let it be Noted too ; the Taxes follow'd their Army , not their Army the Taxes ; for 't is One thing to Levy Mony to Raise Guards , and Another thing to Levy Guards to Raise Mony : the One appearing to be done by Consent , the Other by Force . ( I use Guards and Army promiscuously , as only taking a Guard for a Small Army , and an A●my for a Stronger Guard. ) IF a Standing Army subjects France to so many Inconveniences , ( whereof History is full ) where the Strength lies in the Nobility ; How much more Hazzardous was it to England , where the welfare of the whole , depended upon the Affections and Interest of the Middle-rated People : Especially under an Usurper , that was driven to uphold himself upon the daily consumption of the Nation : ( and a Body , that becomes every day Weaker then Other , must not expect to be long-liv'd . ) So much for the Inconvenience of Cromwell's Standing Army , as to the Situation of England , together with a View of the Effects of it in France . Wee 'll now consider what Welcome it was like to find upon the Point of Experience , or Custome . Alteration of Customes , is a work of Hazzard , even in Bad Customes ; but to Change Customs under which a Nation has been happy , for Innovations , which upon Experience they have found Fatal to them , is matter of great Perill to the Undertaker . But I look upon Oliver's Case , as I do upon a Proposition , of such or such a Mate at Chesse : where there are several wayes to come within One on 't , and None to Hit it . The Devil and Fortune had a mind to Puzzle him . He Prefers his Pawnes ; Transposes , Shifts his Officers , but all will not do ; he still wants either Men , or Mony ; if he Disbands , he has too few of the One ; if he holds up , he has too little of the Other . Such in Truth , was This Tyrants Exigence , that he was forc'd to That , which the Lawful ●ossessours of the English Crown would never venture upon . No nor the Usurpers neither , before Our Blessed Reformers of 1641. But — Where will Those People Stay , That thorough God , and Majesty , make way ? Our Saxon Kings contented themselves with a Law , What Armes every man of Estate should find , and a mul●t upon such as did Detractare Militiae . Edmond Ironside after his Duell with Camillus the Dane ; and a Composition , to divide the English , and Danish Kingdoms betwixt them and their Heirs , kept no Army on Foot to Guard the Agreement ; Neither did The Danes ( who after His Death , Treacherously Seiz'd the Kingdom ) to maintein their Conquest . William the Conquerour , that subdu'd both English and Danes , thought himself safe enough in Creating Tenures by Knights Service , and permitting Proprieties ; though at That time under such Jealousies , that he took divers of his English Prisoners into Normandy with him , for fear of a Commotion in his Absence . William Rufus , and , after Him , his Brother Henry the First , ( tho' the Usurpers of the Senior Right of their Elder Brother Robert ) set up his Rest upon the same Termes : And so did Henry the II. after a Long Contest with King Stephen , and notwithstanding the unruliness of most of his Sonnes . Henry III. and then Edward I. after the Barons Warrs , Employ'd no Standing Army to secure themselves : neither did Edward or Richard the Second ; notwithstanding a Potent Faction of the Nobility bandying against the Latter of them . Neither did the Henries IV. V. & VI. in the Grand Schism of York and Lancaster , ever approve of it . Nor Henry VII . ( as Wise and Iealous as any of his Predecessours . ) If any thing could have warranted the Adventure , methinks the T●epsie-turvy and Brouillery which Henry the VIII . introduc'd , might have perswaded , or Provok'd it . But neither There , nor in the following Tosse and Tumble of Religion , from Edward VI. to Queen Mary , and then back again to Queen Elizabeth , was it put in Practice . King Iames had no temptation to it . King Charles the Martyr , was indeed charg'd with the Intention of it , and so he was with being Popishly affected ; ( In Truth , with what not ? ) and the One as True as the Other . But who were They that laid This to His Charge ? Even Those very Persons , ( some of them that advised Oliver to keep a Standing Army , of 10000 Horse , and 20000 Foot , to Aw , and Scourge the Nation . A Course unknown to our Forefathers ; and by the Best , and Worst of Former Princes equally disallow'd ; the Bad not judging it Safe , nor the Good , Expedient . But other more Convenient , and as Effectual , means they had , either to Prevent Dangers , or Suppress them , as Their Custome of Friborghes or Frank-Pledges , Enques●s , Oathes , and ●●nalties , Tenures by Kn●ghts-Service , Commissions of Array , &c. which being of approv'd Benefit , and Equality , were much more suitable to the G●nius and Interest of the People , than a Standing A●my , which to allow , had been no other then to deliver up the Strength of the Nation , into the hands of a Faction . Nor was it lesse against the Government , than against the Humour of the Nation . Put a Parliament over the Nation , and an Army over the Parliament . Who Governs ? But all Oliver's Geese were Swans ; and his Souldiers Saints . Did they not Take what they would ; Give what they would ; Raise and Pluck-down at Pleasure ? Nay ; Effectually , did ever any Standing-Army Other , if they had nothing Else to do ? Had they not already got the Trick of Calling the People together , to Get Mony of them ▪ and then sending them away like Buzzards , when they had gotten it ? of Packing , and Qualifying ; Engrossing of Powers and Offices ; Cantonizing the Nation ? Was it to be expected they should restore the Right Line again , when they had set up the Wrong ? The King , when they had erected a General ; The Law , when they had Master'd it by the Sword ? They did not Tug so hard , for that they meant to part with Easily . What they got by Rebellion , was to be mainteyn'd by Tyranny ; and Necessity was sure at Last to do the work of Conscience . I Think , more need not be said to Oliver's Standing-Army . His Mony could not last alwayes , and when he wanted That once ; he was certain to find his Army as Dangerous an Enemy , as it had been a Faithfull Friend to him in his Prosperity . Nay truly , ' bate his Usurpation ; his want of Faith and Honour , — But rather then Prophane the Sacred Character of God's Vicegerent by joyning Majesty and Cromwell in the same Supposition ; let us Imagine rather a Wise and Lawfull Prince in the place of that Usurper : and yet it may be a Question , How far a Standing Army would have Consisted with the Interest , even of a Rightfull Monarch . First ; As the Nation was Poor , and in no Condition for the Charge of it . Next ; as it was Impoverished by an Army ; and therefore ill-persuaded of That Expedient . Thirdly ; the Prince himself must have been Poor ; ( in Olivers Place ) and what should a Poor Prince have done with a Standing Army , over a Poor and Discontented People ? The Interest of This world is Mony. Subjects Rebell ; Armies Divide ; and Kingdoms fall to nothing , for want of it : That which Fools call Fortune , being ( to men of clearer sight ) only the Favourable Influence of Treasure . 'T is That , which Carries Townes , Causes , and Armies ; puts Knaves in Honest mens places ; Corrupts Counsels , and Supplants Governments : the People wear their hearts at their purse-strings ; and a General Oppression , is ever accompanied with a General desire to Remove it . I speak of what they do , not what they ought to do ; for all men are not of a Constitution to hang , and Sterve for Conscience . In fine , where the State is Necessitous , and a Faction Wealthy , That Prince ( as is already hinted ) that erects a Standing Force , in that condition , does but provide an Army for his Enemies . Not to insist upon the hazzards , arising either from the People , if the Principal Officers have too little Power ; or from the Officers Themselves , if they have too much ; by which , not only the Publique Peace , but the Monarchy it self , is Endanger'd : the King● Crown depending upon the Revolt of a Province . What can be more perillous then This Conjuncture ; where there is so great a Temptation , on the one hand , and so great a Provocation on the Other ; where the Multitude wait only for a Head , and the Ambitious for a Party ? But why do I discourse the Mischiefs of a Standing Army ? They are too many , great and Obvious , to admit a Question . What are the Benefits of it Rather ? Is it either safe to any Purpose , or Useful to the common and pretended end of it , even under a Lawful and Hereditary Monarch ? It 's true ; a Prince may deal with his Dominions , as the Gentleman did with his Estate , that turn'd an Inheritance into an Annuity , because he would rather have it L●●ge , then Long , and That 's the Fairest of a Forc'd Government ; Suppose he save himself for his own time ; what will become then of his Successour ? But that wee 'll waive too ; and Consider , what 's the Fruit of it to himself ? Is he the Richer for 't ? Alas , the Contrary : the Nation bears a Double Burthen , and the Army Sucks the better half of the Advantage . Is he the Safer ? Neither : for a Mutiny in his Army , is both more likely , and more dangerous , then a Tumult among his People . In fine ; A Standing Army may promote a Faction , but 't is the Law preserves the Publique , and consequently the King. That Monarch that Secures himself from Private Practices by a Choice , Full , and Honourable Guard , well Paid , and Disciplin'd , about his Royall Person ; as to the Rest shall find the Strict and timely Execution of Good Lawes the best Publique Security against Sedition . 'T is a Cheap Remedy , and therefore Acceptable to the Generality : A Legall one ; so that the Delinquents Themselves cannot Complein of it ; and Lastly , 't is a Sure one : which if it be , what can be more advisable for any Prince and People ? In Truth ; so Sure it is , that I 'm to seek ( ' bate only Matter of Claim ) where ever any Setled Government was Embroyl'd , but either by the Interest of a Standing Force ; or the Remisseness of Authority , in the Execution of Establish'd Lawes . The Necessity of a Royall Guard is Evident ▪ the Number must be suited to the differing Exigences of Times and Places : but with This General Regard : That it be not only sufficient to the Safety of a Prince ; but Honorary likewise , and Accommodate to his Dignity ; and Demonstrative rather of his Power then of his Danger . But be the Body Great or Small ; Nay , wee 'll suppose it equal , to a Standing Army ( but not Distributed ( as That is ) into County-Troops , and Provincial Governments ) Call it a Guard still , for the very Name of the Other sounds like a Grievance . The One , supposing only the Peoples Care of their Sovereign ; the Other intimating the Sovereigns Iealousie of his People . Let me not be understood as in allowance of This Over-proportion : for such a Guard is but an Army in Disguise . There may be Temporary Occasions indeed , for Temporary , and Extraordinary Levies , but the word Temporary , is commonly attended with such a Train of Reasons for Perpetuity ; that if the Occasion be not very Manifest , the World is apt to doubt of the Necessity . Not that the Generality have any Right to judge of , or Debate the Grounds of a Change ; but I suppose that Their Opinions , and After-feelings will not be deny'd to have some Influence upon the Event of it . To Conclude ; That Prince is Great , Safe , and Happy , that Commands by his Armes , Abroad , and Governs by his Laws at Home . The Apprehension of Conspiracies and Plots , in my opinion , weighs not much ; or if there be any danger ; the failing is rather in the Constitution or Administration , then in the want of Power to keep the Peop●e quiet : Good Lawes , and Good Officers , will do the Business , without an Army ; and if the Instruments be bad , The Hazzard's Ten time● greater with it . It will be needful here , for the Clearing of the Question , to make a Particular Enquiry concerning Seditions ; and That 's the Point wee 'll handle in the Next Chapter ; which , for Order sake , we shall divide into Seaven Sections , with their Subdivisions as occasion shall require . CAP. IX . Of Seditions in Particular ; and shewing in what maner they arise from These Seaven Interests . The Church ; the Bench ; the Court ; the Camp ; the City ; the Countrey ; and the Body Representative . IN the first Chapter of this Tract , we have touch'd upon the Matter and Causes of Seditions in General : We must be now a little more Particular . The Scene 's Utopia ; and wee 'll Divide it , into Seaven Interests . The Church ; the Bench ; the Court ; the Camp ; the City ; the Countrey ; and the Body Representative : the least considerable of which , being in any great disorder , hazzards the whole , and That , either by engaging in some Actual Violence , against the Government ; or by some Irregularity of Proceeding that may Provoke or Cause it . Of These in their Course , and first of the Church . Sect. 1. Seditions Arising from the CHURCH . THose Troubles in the State which derive from Distempers in the Church , proceed either from Faction , Ignorance , or Scandal . The Strongest Tie upon Reasonable Nature , is Conscience ; and the Stubbornest Consciences , are Those that do they know not What , they know not Why. In Truth , what is Conscience without Understanding , but a well-meaning Madnesse ? And ▪ That 's the Fairest Sense my Charity can Afford to the Blind Zeal of a Transported Multitude . If Conscience bids them Kill the King ; R●b the Church ; and Tear up the Foundations of Both Governments ; They 'll do it : Nay More , This has been done , and Providence it self Proclaim'd for the Doer of it . Great Heed should then be taken , what Persons are Entrusted with the Care of Souls , since the Consequence of a Factious Preacher , and a Mistaken Conscience , proves many times the Ruine both of Prince and People . Under the Note of Faction , I comprize all Opinions delivered Publiquely , and with Design ; against the Doctrine , Practice , or Authority of the Church . Reduce it , in Short , to Haresie , and Schism● . The former whereof , reflecting only upon Matters of Faith , concerns rather Religion , then Government : and lyes beyond the Line of my Purpose ; but in This Place ; the Latter is the Question , and , briefly as we may , wee 'll take a view of the Rise , the Methode , the Design , and the Effects of it . It is with Church-men as with other Mortals ▪ There are of all Sorts , Good , Bad , and Indifferent . Some we have known , whom neither the Losse of Dignity , Fortune , Freedome , no , nor the Losse of Life it self , could ever move from the strict Rule of Conscience , Magnanimity , and Duty . Others we have seen to Exercise these Cruelties , ( though Ecclesiastiques themselves ) upon the Nobler Sort of their own Function . And some again , we have Observ'd to shift with every Turn , and Steer by Interest ▪ Still putting on the Livery of the Prevayling Party : Squaring the Rule , and Will of Heaven to tho Appetites and Passions of Humanity : so that upon the whole , 't is evident ; some Clergy-men are Quiet , because they have Preferments , and Others Troublesome , because they want them . The Principal Ingredients into Schisme are These ; Ambition , Avarice , Popularity , and Envy ; The Scope of it is to destroy Authority , and advance a Faction . Now how to accomplish This , is the great work ; for a Rent in the Church signifies nothing without a Sedition in the State : and in This manner they Proceed . First , in a Stile of Holy Tendernesse they slily disaffect the People against the Rites of the Church , as in themselves unlawful ; and utterly Destructive of Christian Liberty . To strengthen , and advance the Imposture , what do they next , but rip up all the Faylings , and shew the Nakednesse of their Superiours ? still aggravating what they find , and Creating Scandalous Matter where they want it . When the Multitude are once mov'd in Conscience against the Impositions , and in Passion against the Imposers , their next attempt is upon the Authority , and Then they divide into Separate Assemblies , which under colour of so many Conscientious Dissenters from the Ceremonies of the Church , are infallibly so many contrivers against the Peace of the Kingdom . For here comes in the Civill Power to prohibit their Seditious meetings , and Then , the Saints ( they cry ) are Persecuted : The Cause is God's ; and they are ty'd in Conscience , to bind their Kings in Chains ; and through all Extremities to persue a Reformation : This is the Fruit of Tolerating a Faction under a Countenance of Conscience . Nor is it any wonder to see Those wretches draw their Swords against Their Sovereign in the Field , whose Souls are turn'd against him in the Pulpit . But 't is Objected , that some Ministers do really make a Conscience , of Conformity . Truly , the better for Them , if they forbear upon That Accompt ; but 't is the same Thing to the Publique , upon what-accompt-soever ; for they Prescribe , what they Practise , and by the President of Sticking upon a Doubt of Conscience , they open a Dore to Disobedience upon any Pretence of it , breaking the Bond of Unity in favour of a Particular nicety of Opinion . Very Notable is The Determination of the Lord St. Albans , in This Case [ In Points Fundamental , he that is not with us is against us . In Points not Fundamental , he that is not against us , is with us . ] Let this suffice to shew the Political Inconvenience of Enterteining Schismatical Preachers . It may be now a Question , How far a Christian Magistrate may justifie the sufferance of any man to exercise the Ministery , within his Dominions , that 's a profess'd Enemy to Episcopacy : Which I Offer , with the fit Modesty of a Proposal , and with Reverence to the better-enform'd . But if ▪ as the Danger of such a Mixture is Evident , so the Lawfulness of it shall appear doubtful , their own Argument is then turn'd against Themselves , and we have both Scripture and Experience on our side , over and above . The Three Questions , wherewith King Charles the Martyr Choak'd the Presbyterian Ministers in the Isle of Wight , Remain still Unresolv'd , and they are These . First , Is there any Certain Form of Church-Government at all prescrib'd in the Word ? Secondly , If there be any Prescript Form , Whether or no may the Civil Power Change the same , as they see Cause ? Thirdly , If any Prescript Form there be , and That unchangeable ; If it were not Episcopal , what was it ? In Fact , the Constant Exercise of Church-Prelacy is so manifest , that the whole stream of Story , and Tradition Runs Episcopal : which to Oppose , were to deny the only Means of knowing whether it were so , or not . Is it the Right they Question ? Take then the learned Bishop Sanderson's Deduction of it . Leaving other men to the liberty of their own Iudgments , my opinion is , that EPISCOPAL GOVERNMENT is not to be derived meerly from Apostolical Practice or Institution : but that it is originally founded in the Person and Office of the Messias , our Blessed Lord JESUS CHRIST . Who being sent by his Heavenly Father to be the great Apostle [ HEB. III. 1. ] Bishop and Pastor , [ 1 PET. 11. 25. ] of his Church , and anointed to that Office immediately after his Baptism by JOHN , with power and the Holy Ghost [ ACT. X. 37 — 8. ] descending then upon him in a bodily shape [ LUK. III. 22. ] did afterwards , before his Ascension into Heaven , send and impower his holy Apostles , ( giving them the Holy Ghost likewise as his Father had given him ) in like manner as his Father had before sent him [ JOH . XX. 21. ] to execute the same Apostolical , Episcopal , and Pastoral Office for the ordering and governing of his Church untill his coming again : and so the same Office to continue in them , and their Successours , unto the end of the world . [ MAT. XXVIII . 18 — 20. Thus far the Reverend Bishop . Some will Pretend , that This only proves the Authoritative Power they receiv'd by their Mission , but no Succession to the Office. For That ; Observe the Mandate , [ Go , Teach ALL Nations . ] Personally , and Actually they could not do it ; but in Effect , and Virtually , 't is out of doubt , they did it : and How , but by their Delegates ? For otherwise ; our Saviour Commanded them a Thing Impossible . Briefly ; if the Gospel was to be Preach'd to All Nations , ( which no Christian will deny ) and if ( according to the Literal direction of the Order ) the Gospel could not be Preach'd to all Nations , by so few Persons as were Then Commission'd ; what follows , but the Evident Necessity of a Substitution : which Delegation being granted , clears the Dispute : for 't is Indubitable that What Authority-soever our Saviour vested the Apostles with , the same likewise was from Them transmitted to their Successours ; Who ( in the words of his late Sacred Majesty ) succeed into the same Apostolical Power , and Function , which the Apostles , as Ordinary Pastors , had . Qui in Dominium alterius succedit , Iure eju● uti debet . He that succeeds to the Government of another , succeeds also to his Rights of Governing . And Marque This further ; that the Apostles Powers , and Commissions , were granted before the Descent of the Holy Ghost : and relating only to matters of Ordinary use , and perpetual Establishment in the Church : the extraordinary Guifts of the Apostles not at all proving them extraordinary Officers . Now how far a Prince may safely either Act , or Suffer the violation of a Church-Government of This Authority , I am not yet instructed . In fine ; it is most certain , that a Divided Clergy makes a Divided Nation ; and by how much Religion is the fairest of all Pretenses ; Conscience the deepest of all Impressions ; Preaching and Praying the most Popular and Publique of all Operations : by so much are Dis-affected Church-men the most Pernitious and Intolerable of all Disloyall Instruments . No Calumny being so Plausible , as That which drops from the Lips of Persons famous for an External form of Piety : No Hypocrites so abominable , as Those that Tithe Mint , and Cummin , and yet neglect Mercy and Iudgement : that under colour of long Prayers devour Widows houses , &c. And no sting so Deadly , as That from a Snake in a mans own bosome . We have now done with the Schismatique ; the Active and Industrious Promoter of Seditions . The Matter he works upon , is Scandal ; either Suppos'd , or Real ; and That comes next . In all Invectives against the Church , the Scandalous , Negligent , and Insufficient , March hand in hand : to which are opposed a Party that stile themselves a Godly , Peinful , and Able Ministery . Thus with the Boasting , and Censorious Pharisee , does the Proud Schismatique advance himself above his Brethren , calling Good Evill , and Evill Good ; imposing equally upon the People , by an uncharitable Iudgement , and Report , on the One side , and a fictitious Holiness , on the Other . Not to excuse all Clergymen , nor to extenuate the Crimes of any of them . Iudas his Treason was the Fouler because of his Profession : and yet the Eleven were never the worse , because of Iudas his Treason . Wee 'll Grant , that for a Minister to spend one Hour of the week , in a Pulpis , and the rest in a Tavern ; to Undo a good Sermon by an Ill Example , and to discredit a Strict Doctrine by a Loose Life ; is to extinguish the Reverence that is due to the Function ; and to make Preaching look only like a Politique Ordinance to keep the People in Order . Not that the Doctrine is ever the worse for the Person , nor the Priesthood the lesse Venerable for the abuse of it ; but it ministers matter of Scandal , and Exception ; and with the Simple it passes for an Argument against the Government . But as the Habit of Drunkenness , and Prophaneness , in a Churchman is most unsufferable ; so is it on the other hand a Practice Diabolical , to put all their Actions upon the Tent , and Skrew up every allowable , and social Freedom to the construction of a Scandal . As if there were no Medium to be admitted , betwixt the Angel and the Brute . Are they not Men ; and equally subjected to Infirmities , with other Men ? 'T is true ; their Calling is Divine , but their Persons are Humane ; and as much is required , in regard of Their Ministry : so somewhat also is to be born with in respect of their Humanity . Remember , there were those that call'd our Saviour himself a Wine-bibber . Alas ; For a Minister to Drink a Glass of Wine in a Tavern , is made a mighty bus'ness : Nay , to be only Pleasant , and well-humour'd , is by some , cast in their dish as an Ayre too Light for the Severity of their Profession : as if the Messengers of Ioy , the bearers of good-tidings to the world , were only to be sad Themselves , and look , as if either They suspected the Truth of their Brrand , or their Title to the Benefit of it . However , since there are Those that will make use of small Occasions to do great Mischiefs ; It is a Point of Pious Prudence , fairly to shun appearances of Scandal ; but 't is indeed of high , and absolute Necessity , to Punish , or Remove the Scandal it self : as That which both provokes a Judgment from Heaven , and stirrs up the People to execute it . Yet let us put some difference betwixt Sins of Appetite , and Sense ; and Sins of Malevolence : in the Former , a man playes the Beast ; but in the Latter , he playes the Devill . I look upon Ignorance also , as a Species of Scandal ; even although in a Good Man ; for every Good Man makes not a Good Minister ; nor do I know which is more tolerable ; Habitual Prophaneness , and Sensuality in a Divine , or Ignorance in a Teacher : the hazzard of False Doctrine , or the Influence of an Ill Example . Touching the Body of the Clergy , enough is said , to shew the dangerous Effects of Schism , and Scandal ; the one tending Directly to Sedition , the other , Consequentially . There remains another stumbling-block , and That concerns the Governours of the Church ; who are commonly charged with Innovations , Rigour , Pride , or Avarice . They are capable of All This , as they are Men ; but never the more blameable for a Clamour Levell'd at them as they are Bishops : There being great Difference , betwixt Personal Reproof , and a Factious Confederacy : betwixt the seasonable Freedom of Counsell , or Reprehension , duly Circumstanc'd ; and the contumacious Insolence of Subjects toward their Superiours . In fine , a likely Tale does Their feat as well as a certain Truth ; only they accommodate all their Stories to the Design of over-turning the Government , and to the Gust of the Multitude . The Sound of Innovations , and of Popery , in some places , goes a great way with the Common-people toward a Sedition . They Fear , they Wish ; they Love , they Hate , they know not what : and yet against This Terrible Nothing , shall they engage their Lives and Fortunes , as Zealously , as if their Souls lay at Stake ; and as Ridiculously , as if they Phansy'd These same Innovations to be an Army of Flying Dragons , and the Pope leading them on upon a Hobby-horse . With This Device , the Multitude is first startled , and then every Bush is a Thief ; Church-Habits are the Trumpery of Rome ; Decency is Superstitious ; Kneeling , direct Idolatry , and finally , to Impose all This , is interpreted a violence upon the Consciences of the Godly : Thus from the very Methode of Agreement , is rays'd an Argument for Separation ; and Christian Liberty is render'd Destructive of Humane Authority . Another General Objection , among the Prouder Brethren , is the Pride of Bishops , their Lording it over Gods Heritage : which through the Person . Wounds the Office , Incensing the Multitude against the Power it self , under pretext of blaming the unlawful Exercise of it . Suitable to the Dignity of Bishops , and Correspondent to the Duty of them , ought to be the Revenue : ( that is , sufficient both for Honour and Hospitality ) in which Particular , the Ecclesiastical Patrimony , is by some People thought as much too Large , as the Iurisdiction ; and from a false , and envious Calculation of Bishops Rents , occasion is taken to inveigh against their Avarice ; exposing them at once , both as a Grievance , and a Booty . Thus , like the Devill , the Schismatique advances his Kingdom by Slander , and thrives by the sins of the People . We have dwelt long upon this Subject of the Church ; but , with the next , the Bench we shall be quicker . Sect. II. The BENCH . THE Two main Springs that Move , and Govern the Affections of reclaim'd Nature , are Conscience , and Law. By the Former , we are obliged , in relation to our Immortal Beeing ; and by the Other , as Men Link'd in Society . Our Priests and Iudges , are the Oracles we depend upon , for Counsell , and Instruction , in both these grand Concerns ; and if They deceive us , what greater Misery can befal a Nation , then to have Iuglers , and Impostours , take up the Bench and Pulpit ? Cousening the Vulgar with False Weights , and Measures , of Truth and Reason ; and uttering their Licentious Prevarications , for Law , and Gospel ? In which Case , the greater the Modesty , and Virtue of the Common-people , the greater is the Peril of the Delusion : it being their Duty to submit , to the Reason of the One , and to Believe the Doctrine of the Other , without disputing either , unless in matters most Notoriously Repugnant to the Elements of Polity , and Religion . And he 's not his Crafts-master , that cannot give , even to the fonlest Purpose , a colour fair enough to cheat a Multitude . What Wickedness is there , for which a corrupt Divine shall not produce a Text ; and a shifting Lawyer , a President ? But enough is said of the Former , and too much in Preface to the Latter . Those Faults , among the Professours of the Law , which frequently cause Seditions ( although not in Themselves Seditious ) are , Corruption ; Partiality ; Oppression ; Chargeable Delayes ; or , in a word , the Non-administration of speedy Iustice. Whereupon must necessarily ensue Poverty , Factions , Animosities , &c. The Consequences are Dangerous likewise , of overstreyning the Prerogative ; and so of Depressing it : both which may be done ; either out of Zeal , or with Design . But , be the Intention of the Doer what it will , the Effects of the Thing done are Mischievous ; for it injects Fea●s and Iealousies of Tyranny , on the one side ; and begets False , and bold Opinions , and Attempts of Liberty on the Other : engaging all Humours against the Government , whom either the Hopes and Gust of Freedom , or the Dread of Oppression can work upon . But Personal Vices , and Mistakes , we may put upon the Roll of Slow Poysons , that do the Deed , though it be long first . There are another sort of Lawyers , whose Malice is of a Quicker , and Stronger Operation ; under whose Lips , is the Poyson of Aspes : or rather , whose Tongues are Daggers , turning the Point of Law , upon the Law it self ; wounding the Eagle with a Feather from his own wing , and Stabbing the Persons of Princes with their own Authority . These are the Execrable Regicides ; and the Tumultuary Rabble are but the Ministers of their vile Purposes . Alas ! in Matter of Law ; by whom should the simple Multitude be directed , if not by Lawyers ? ( as by Divines , in points of Conscience ) Whether is the greater offender then ; that Ignorant Wretch that Draws his Sword against his Sovereign , on the behalf of Law , and Religion : ( as he supposes ) Or , Those Abominable Seducers , that by wrested Scriptures , pretended Inspirations ; by misconstruction of Laws ; misapplying of Presidents ; Torturing or Embezelling of Records , inveigles the Poor Creature into a Good Opinion of so foul an Enterprize ? What signifies the event of a Popular Action , compared with the deliberate Contrivance , Allowance , and Direction of it ; more then the effect of some dull Passive Instrument , employed by such or such an Agent ? Or , if a Prince be Murther'd ; whether's the more to blame , the Axe , or the Executioner ; the Bullet , or the Marks-man ? So much for the Bench , now to the Court. Sect. III. The COURT . BY the Court-Interest , is meant That Party , which more Immediately depends upon the Grace and Favour of the Prince : and here ( as elsewhere ) Seditions are either Plotted or Occasion'd . Touching the Plotters of Seditions ; Some out of Avarice , with Iudas , Betray their Masters . Others , are spurred on by Ambition , with Absalom to Supplant Them. One man is puft up by Popularity ; a Second , stung with Envy ; a Third , with Iealousie ; a Fourth , Transports himself with Revenge , or some other Personal Animosity . In fine , These various Humours , make but One Party ; and the Covetous , Ambitious , &c. — agree in the same Conspiracy . Of the Contrivers of Sedition , some strike directly at the Governour ; Others , at the Government : and a Third Sort , by crafty Circumstances , and Windings , chuse rather to Mine the Regal Authority , then Batter it ; and to work out a Prince by a skrew , rather then force him by an Army . The first sort of Contrivers here Specify'd , are such as Clayming to the Crown , Themselves , Challenge the Prince that wears it , as an Usurper : And These , by making a fair Title to the People , joyn'd with a little Popular skill of Humouring the Multitude , may with great ease engage a Party , in favour of a Person whom they Love , against a Right which they cannot understand . Concerning such as directly oppose the Form of Monarchy , upon a Principle of Iudgment ; much needs not be said , because they are neither many , nor considerable : for , to maintein That Paradox , they must overthrow all Story , Sacred , and Prophane ; the Practice of all Ages , and the Reason of all Governments . A Third sort of Contrivers , are Those who under fair appearances of Loyalty , and Publiquenesse of Spirit , Masque their Seditious Intents , and Drive on a Particular Interest . From which kind of evill Instruments , even the Cabinets , and Private Counsels of Princes are not absolutely Free ; and ( acco●ding to Sir Francis Bacon ) the hazzard arises , either from an Over-greatnesse in one Counsellour ; or , an Over-strict Combination in Divers ; which are ( says he ) things soon found and holpen . For Perspicuity sake , wee 'll treat of this Division in Subsections . Subsection I. Over-greatnesse in one Counsellour . THis Over-greatnesse in one Counsellour , is to be understood Principally , in Respect of his Credit with his Master ; and partly , in Regard of those great Offices , and Riches which are commonly heapt upon great Favourites , giving them the means of over-awing the Honesty of their Inferiours , and of ingratiating themselves with the People ; at least with so many of them as will be drawn to their Party , either by Fear , or Promotion . Where it happens that a Prince his Heart is touch'd with the Magique of so much Kindness for a Subject , as to make him dangerously Over-great : it is not either Wisdom , or Virtue , that can properly deliver him from That Charme , but it must be rather Time , and Experience , that shall Dis-enchant him . Nor is it a Fault in a Prince , to comply with a Natural Inclination ; but it is a Barbarous Ingratitude in a Subject to abuse it , by Endeavouring , ( Comparatively ) to Darken the Sun , with the sparklings of a Refracted light , shot from his own Glory . In This Case , the Happiness of a Nation depends not absolutely upon the Prudence of the Governour ; but , in some Degree , upon the Honesty of the Favourite : not altogether upon Counsell , but much also upon Enformation : nor upon That neither , so much concerning the State and Quality of Affairs , as touching the Fitnesse of Instruments to menage them , and the Faith , and Abilities of Persons . [ In vain is it , ( says the Profound St. Albans ) for Princes to take Counsell concerning Matters , if they take no Counsell likewise concerning Persons . ] Is a Kingdom in Danger of Invasion , or Sedition ? To Obviate That Danger by a Force , is a Rational Expedient . But he that Armes his Enemies in stead of his Friends , Encreases the Danger . It were neither safe , nor Royall , for a Prince to Walk , or Sleep without a Watch about him . But were he not better be Alone , then take Assassins into his Guard , or Bed-chamber ? In fine ; Great is the Hazzard of Mistaking Person ; Great is the Crime of the Industrious Authors of such Mistakes ; and Great the Infelicity of a Monarch so Mistaking . Nay , which is worst of all in This Particular , the Noblest Dispositions are the most lyable to be Deceiv'd , and only Omniscience , or Ill-Nature can totally Secure a Prince from the Delusion . Imagine a Servant receiv'd into the Armes of his Master , Crowned with Honour and Bounty ; and in This State of Favour , giving advice concerning Persons that are meer strangers to the Monarch : Who fit , or unfit , for such or such Employment ; who false , or Loyall , &c. How should a Prince suspect a Subject under so many obligations to Fidelity ? Although Abuses of This Kind are in Themselves sufficiently Mischievous , yet are they the more so , by reason of the Difficulty , and Perill to Rectifie them ; for , in many Cases , ( as Sir Francis Bacon ) the Truth is hard to know , and not fit to utter . He that would duly Execute This Office , must first , Resolve to feel the weight of a Potent Adversary ; and Sacrifice his Hopes , his Fortunes , his Freedom , ( nay , and perhaps , in Consequence , his Life ) to his Duty . He must be wary too , that not a Syllable pass from his Lips , Or Pen , which by the utmost force of Misconstruction , may seem to glance upon the Monarch : wherein , his Loyalty is not lesse concern'd , then his Discretion ; for 't is a fouler Crime Publiquely to Defame a Prince , then Privately to mis-persuade him . Let him but keep himself to the Fact , ( as whether This or That be True , or False , not medling with the Equity , and Reason of the matter ) he may with as much Honour , and good-manners , advertise his Prince of a Mistake , as believe that he is no God. The Application of This Over-greatness is exceeding various , nor is the Grace it self lesse Beneficial to the Publique , when Nobly Lodg'd , then it is the Contrary , when so large a Bounty is pour'd into a Thirsty and Narrow soul. But we are Ty'd in This Place to discourse the Irregularities of Power , not the blessed Emprovements of it . We might reckon the Art of Flattery , among the main Conducements to a Court-Design : but , That 's one of the Knacks we Learn without a Teacher . So Common it is , that he that cannot shift his Face , and Humour , 't is odds , can hardly shift his Linnen : ( he is so Poor , I mean ) In This Particular , the Confidents of Princes , being generally of their Masters Age and Inclination , or thereabout ; have great Advantages , both for the Freedom of Accesse , and Privacy : the Timing of Affairs ; and the more Cleer Discovery of their Natures . How The aforesaid Inconveniences may be holpen , shall be the Subject of the next Chapter ; but to Discern them in the Intention , falls properly under Consideration in This. To give the better Guesse at the Design of This Over-great-One , see how he stands Affected , first to the Religion of the place he Lives in . 'T is possible , the Conscience of a Catholique Good , may over-rule him , to the Hazzard of a Good which he conceives lesse Universal : and some Light , may be taken toward This Discovery , from the Observation of his Familiars ; but much more from his Natural Temper , and from the Tenor of his Life . ( i.e. if he be Naturally Melancholique , and Scrupulous ) he may be suspected to be Conscientiously Seditions . Is it Ambition moves him ? Ye shall then find him scattering his Donatives among the Souldiours . The Town has not Poor enow for him to Relieve , nor Rich enow for him to Oblige . He Caries his Hat in One Hand , and his Heart in the Other . Here he Lends a Smile , There he Drops a Nod : with These Popular Incantations betwitching the Multitude . Is the Good of the Subject the Question ? Who but He to Ease the People in Publique , of the Grievances which himself had Procured in Private ; and in fine , no man so fit to be made a Iudge in Israel . To All This ; he must be Daring in his Person , Close in his Purpose , Firm to his Dependencies , and rather stooping to the Ordinary People , then mixing with them , hee 'll do no good on 't else . To Proceed ; let him be Watch'd , how he Employes his Power , and Favour , whether ( with Machiavel ) more to the Advantage of his Master ; Or , to his own particular Benefit : and Then , whether ( according to the Lord St. Albans ) he applies himself more to his Master's Business , or to his Nature ; and rather to Advise him , then to feed his Humour . If he be found to study his Masters Passions , more then his Honour , and to Preferr his Private Interest , to his Duty , 't is an Ill sign . And 't is no good one , if the Favourite grows Rich , and the Prince Poor : ( especially if the Former be the Cause of the Latter ) but it is much a worse , if he Presume to graspe Authority , as well as Treasure . It looks as if the Suppos'd Equality of Friendship , had Drown'd the Order of Subjection . Take Notice next , of the Proportion betwixt the means he uses , and his suspected ends . Does he Engross the Disposition of all Charges , and Preferments ? See in what hands he Places Them. Does he endeavour to Obstruct all Grants of Grace . and Benefit , that passe not through his own fingers ? That 's Dangerous : for ( says Sir Francis Bacon ) [ When the Authority of Princes , is made but an Accessary to a Cause , and that there be other Bands that Tie faster , then the Band of Sovereignty , Kings begin to be put almost out of Possession . Marque then again what Kind of Persons he Promotes , and for what likely Reasons , whether for Mony , or Merit ; Honesty , or Faction ? Observe likewise the Temper , and Quality of his Complicates , and Creatures ; and whether his Favours be Bounties , or Purchases . If the Former , Judge of his Design , by his Choyce . If the Latter , 't is but a Mony-Businesse ; which Avarice meeting with an overweening vanity of mind , is many times mistaken for Ambition . In fine ; what Ambition does at hand , Corruption does at Length ; nor is the Power of the One , more Dangerous , then the Consequence of the Other . Subsection II. The Combination of Divers Counsellours . PRoceed we now , from the Greatness of One Counsellour , to the Combination of Divers : which ( to vary the Phrase ) is no other then a form'd Confederacy in the Counsel against the Monarch . Wherein we shall Briefly lay down , first , the Advantages of the Faction ; the Methode , next ; and lastly , the marques of it . Their Advantages are great , and many ; in Regard both of their Privileges , exempting them from Question ; of their Power , to Offend their Enemies , and Protect their Friends ; and in Consideration of their Opportunities to look into Both hands , and play their Cards accordingly . In their Methode of proceeding , This is their Master-piece ; not only to do all the hurt they can , under a colour of Good ; but to Engage Persons of more Honesty , then Understanding , in Offices , seemingly Serviceable , but Effectually Pernicious to the Publique : by which Artifice , those that are Friends to the Government , do unwarily serve the Crafty Enemies of it ; secretly undermining the Honour of the Prince , under Pretext of advancing his Profit ; Lessening his Power at Home , under the Disguise of making him more formidable Abroad : and where they cannot persuade an Interest , if it be Considerable , they will not stick to Purchase it . As to the Rest , the Methode , is rather tacitly to Invite and Countenance a Sedition , then openly to Head it ; and to Engage rather for it , then with it , till the hazzard of the first onset be over . In Truth , the first Essay of a Tumult is but a Tryall how the Ice will bear ; and the Popular Faction in the Counsell , is more concern'd , in case of a Disaster , how to bring their Friends off , then to Venture the leading them On ; — for Fear of One. Whence it comes to passe , that by the Obligation of Encouraging , and Preserving their Party , they are Cast upon a Scurvy Necessity of Discovering Themselves . Their Marques are many ; for They are known by their Haunts ; by their Cabales ; by their Debates ; by their Domestiques ; by their Favorites ; and by their maner of Conversation , and Behaviour . If there be any Schismatical Teacher that 's Craftier , and Slyer then the Rest , you may be sure of my Lord's Coach at His Preachment : It gives a Reputation to the Conventicle , besides the Gracious Looks at Parting , that passe betwixt his Honour and the Brethren : which Enterchange , is but a secret way of Sealing and Delivering a Conspiracy . Look into their Cabales , and ye shall , find them all of a Tribe , and Leaven ; Close ; Sedulous ; and United : Their Dayly Meetings relishing of a Design , as being Compos'd rather for Counsel , then Enterteinment . In their Debates , you 'll know them by their Pleas ; Shiftings ; Delayes ; Extenuations ; Distinctions ; their Frequent , and Industrious Obstructions of Dispatch in favour of the Faction . By their Zealous Intercessions for the Enemies of the Prince , and their Coldnesse for his Friends ; by their watchfulnesse to Seize all Opportunities of helping the Guilty , and of Surprizing the Innocent : by their Injecting of Snares , and Scruples , to Amuse , and Distract those that are for the Government , in Order to the Benefit of such as are against it ; wherein , it is worth a Note , that they all Vote the same way , and , without Question , to the same Purpose : for they shall sooner destroy a Loyal Subject upon a Calumny , then punish a Traytour Convict ; and prosecute one man for Writing , or Saying , that it is possible for a Prince to have a Judas in his Counsel , when another shall scape unquestion'd , or perhaps be justify'd , that calls his Sovereign a Tyrant ; and defends the Murther of Kings . They may be guess'd at likewise in some measure , by their Domestiques : Especially , by those of near Relation to Trust , Privacy , and Businesse ; as Chaplains , Secretaries , &c. Nor is it enough to have it , like Master like man , unless it be , like Lady like woman too ; for the pure strein must run quite Thorough , for fear of Tales out of Schole , and Discovering the Secrets of the Family . But This Rule is not Universal . From their Favorites , much may be gather'd ; first , from their Principles , and Abilities . And Then from the Frequency , Privacy , and Particularity of their Enterteining them . The True Composition of a Confident fit for such a Statesman as we here speak of , is This. He must be One that knows the Right , and Opposes it ; for there is then lesse Danger of his Conversion , and Consequently , of Discovering his Patron . Let him be likewise a man of Sobriety , in his outward appearances ; of Reputation . with his Party ; and well-grounded in the Niceties of the Controversie : he must be also a Master of his Passions , Peremptory in his mistakes ; and ( right or wrong ) never without a Text at hand for his Opinions . When a Person of This Character , repairs often to a Counsellour of State , a man may without a Scandalum Magnatum , take the Boldnesse to suspect his businesse . But if to Frequency , be added Privacy , it makes the Matter worse ; and These Instruments are commonly taken in by Owl-light , or at the Backdore . Nor is the Particularity they shew to this kind of Cattell lesse Remarquable . Ye shall see a Factious Libeller , or Schismatique , taken into my Lords Closet , when a Person of Honour , and Integrity cools his heels in the Hall. One Lawyer admitted , that has Got just as much by Betraying his Country , as Another , ( that is Rejected ) has Lost by Serving it . Briefly ; look through the Offices they dispose of , both Civil , and Military , and in the Persons you may see the Cause they Favour . Another way of Detecting them , is from their Conversation , and Behaviour . They take up other , Looks , Phrase , Accent , Habit , Motion , Gesture , then their Neighbours . All which Together , are but a Certain Idiome , or Propriety , of the Faction . Further ; ye shall see a States-man , on the sodain , grow more Devout in Publique , then many an honest man is in Private ; and Start from his Politiques , into Cases of Conscience . This Affords matter of Wonder , if not of Question : but observe him ; and if he be more Scrupulous of Obeying the Law in some Cases , then he is of opposing it in Others , Pronunce him a Iugler . So much for the Contrivers of Seditions . Another sort there are of Honester Ill Subjects , a People , I mean , that Hate the Sedition it self , although they Love the Occasion of it . Then These , none make a Greater Conscience of Speaking Reverently of their Sovereign ; yet none in shew more Carelesse what they make Others Think of him . Fiercer declaymers against Rebellion , there are not in the world ; but do they Imagine that it is no sinne to Cause , what is so horrid an Impiety to Commit ? They 'll say per●hance , They do not Cause it ; Yes , yes , there are that do That is ; there are Insatiable Beggers , that such like Leeches , till they Burst ; Asking the very Bread out of the Mouths of Famishing Thousands ; only to add unto their Private Superfluities , or furnish . Ornament for Luxe , and Vanity . Are not these Persons in a high Degree Accomptable for the Effects of That Oppression ? If Those that follow Courts , would but Consider , how many Snares beset the Thrones of Princes ; what Envy waits upon their Trayn ; how many Spyes upon the Actions of their Servants ; They would tread warily . This is not yet to Blame all Courts , but where they are Vitious , or Corrupt , to shew the Desperate Events of those Disorders : whereof a General Poverty is not the least Considerable ; and That inevitably begets a General Discontentment . But what 's all This to a Sedition ? Shall People Rebell because they are Poor ? No no , they should not ; but what if they will do , what they ought not to do ? [ Let no Prince ( sayes the Lord St. Albans ) measure the Danger of Discontentments , by This ; whether they be Just , or Unjust : for That were to Imagine People to be too Reasonable ] . So that the Question is not , whether the Cause can warrant a Commotion ; but whether probably it may Provoke one ? And whether the Multitude will not rather Tumult , then Sterve . It is not Here , Delirant Reges , Plectuntur Achivi — but on the Contrary ; Delirant Achivi , Plectuntur Reges ; The Faults of Servants are Reveng'd upon the Heads of their Masters . But to Reason the Matter orderly , and by Degrees , take it Thus. All men do naturally Covet Power ; Partly for their Security ; and in Part , for Glory : not considering , that what Each Individual desires , All cannot enjoy ; but finding Themselves Plac'd by Nature in a State of Equality , they are apt to Believe , that One man has as good a Title to Dominion as Another , and from this Levelling opinions proceeds that Envy which we find Generally in the Common-People against their Governours . Upon the same Grounds , they Contend for Liberty , and since they cannot Rule , they would at least be Free from the Restreint of Laws and Impositions . But this must not be , neither . Why Then , let them but know the Bounds of their Subjection , the Law , by which they are to be Govern'd ▪ Yes , That they may , and when they are once enur'd , and wonted to the soft yoak of Political Order , and Authority ; their further Care is chiefly Profit , or Pleasure ; and to provide Themselves of such Conveniences , as to man's Life are either Necessary or Delightful , and Here they Rest. This is the summe of the Vulgar Politiques : Allow the People These Private Conveniences , and keep but the Priests , and Lawyers , from Prating to them of Christian Liberty , and Fundamentals ; the Generality shall never trouble the State with Seditions : but he that strips them of their little Lively-hood , rifles a Neast of Hornets . From whence ensues This double Mischief : A Great deal of Mony is drawn into a few hands ; and a Great number of People are left without any at all : Two Hazzards that might pose a wise Prince which rather to submit to . As a General Poverty yields the most desperate matter for Sedition , so are the disorders of a Court the most likely means to produce a General Poverty : and it is done , by Corruption , Begging , or Non-Payment of Debts . Corruption is a great Dreyner ; for he that Gives must Take ; he that Buyes , will Sell. But the influence which Corruption has , upon the Constitution and Morals of a Court , is more Notorious ; especially , if it begin Above ; and in a place where the Honester Part is the Poorer . First , it facilitates the Introducing of a Faction ; for he that designes to make a Party , shall be sure to out bid him that only offers at an Office. Beside that it makes men knaves in their own Defence ; after a dear Bargain , to lick themselves whole again : and quenches the most Generous Inclinations , by frustrating the bravest Actions ; and conferring Those Dignities , and Preferments upon unsuitable Persons for Mony , which are the Proper Rewards of Virtue , and Honour . In all these Transactions , the Prince is sold into the hands of his Enemies . In short ; Corruption does more Immediately expose a Monarch , and Embroyle a Court ; but Inordinate Begging does more Empoverish and distress a People : particularly , if the Request be preter-Legall , and pinching , either upon Trade , or Tillage : in which cases the Benefit of a single Person enters into Competition with the Quiet , and Security of a Nation . There is an Evill yet behind , which of all Evils , so trivial in appearance , is ( possibly ) of the most fatall , and malitious consequence : and That is , the Non-payment of Debts : which not only draws upon a Court the most Violent of all Passions ; ( Envy , and Hatred ) but upon Monarchy it self , a Popular Prejudice . 'T is Dangerous , in regard both of the Quality , and Number of their Creditours ; They are ( for the most part ) Citizens ; Poor , and Many . They lie together in a Body ; meet dayly ; conferring , and dispersing their Compleints , and Clamours : they Break at last , and Then they Tumult . How many Thousand Persons are there in England , that Live , from Hand to Mouth , only upon the Trades of Cloth , and Ribands ? and 't is the same , in Utopia . To Conclude ; Pay strikes deep , and takes off , in great measure , That Odium , and Envy which usually attends the Splendor , Pomp , and Luxury of Courts . A word now to the Camp. Sect. IV. The CAMP . THe Two Grand Interests of the Souldiery , are Pay , and Honour ; that is such Honour as belongs to them as Sword-men . As for Instance ; 't is their Profession not to put up Affronts : They do not love to have their Under-Officers rais'd over their heads , New-Modelling , or Disbanding is a Thing they do not like ; and a Publique disgrace is never to be forgiven . By Ill Order in These Two Particulars , are commonly occasion'd Mutinies , and Revolts : which become then most perillous when a disobliged General has a Purse to Engage a Discontented Army . We speak here , of an Army Employ'd by a Prince as a Security against his own Subjects , which is quite another Case then against a Foreign Enemy ; for the same Popular and Ambitious Humour , that in a Commander Abroad , is most Proper , and Necessary , is on the Contrary , as Dangerous at home . The safety of the State depending only upon the Insuperable Virtue , and Fidelity of such a Person . Some Armies we have known to Prove Troublesome , and to Divide , upon Pretenses of Religion ; but , a Holy War is a Contradiction ; and a Story only fit to passe upon Women and Children . Upon the whole , it seems that an Army , within it self , and without any Separate Interest , may be troublesome upon These Three Accompts : Either Want of Pay ; which causes a General Mutiny : or Disgrace ; which ( more Peculiarly reflecting upon such or such Officers , Troupes , or Parties ) provokes Animosities , Factions , and Revolts : or Ambition ; which more directly attempts upon the Sovereignty . It may be also Hazzardous , by reason of some Errour in the Constitution of it . That is ; if it be composed of Persons Ill-affected to the Government , it cannot rationally be expected , that it should labour to Preserve , what it wishes to Destroy . But we are treating of Distempers acquir'd ; and rather proceeding from the ill menage of an Army , then from the first Mis-choyce , or founded in the Iudgment of it . Concerning a Standing-Army , enough is said in the foregoing Chapter : a word wee 'll add ; It is in This Regard , an Affair of a Peevish Quality ; that either a General has too little Power to do his Master's businesse , or enough to do his own . As it is not safe for a Monarch , at any time , to entrust the Chief Officer of an Army , with so much Power , for fear of a Sedition , as may enable him to move a Rebellion : so is it a work of great Skill , and Difficulty , so dexterously to Resume , or Ballance that over-grown Power , as to bring in under Command , without discovering such a Jealousie , as may Provoke him to abuse it . Let This suffice , as to the Disorders of an Army within it self . Another Hazzard is , lest it be Corrupted into a Dependence , upon some other Interest , into which Defection , it may be partly Driven by the Neglect , or Unkindnesse of the Prince , and partly Drawn by the Allurements of Profit , and Reward . Having spoken of the Mischief a Seditious Army may Doe ; very Briefly let us behold what mischiefes a Vitious , and undisciplin'd Army may Cause . There never fails to be an Opposition betwixt the Civill , and the Military Power ; and in like maner betwixt the People , and the Souldiery . Whom nothing else can Reconcile but downright Force , and Necessity . So that the fairest State of a Nation over-aw'd by an Army of their own Countrymen , is an extorted Patience , accompany'd with a Readinesse to embrace any opportunity of working their Deliverance . If at the best , the bare appearance of a Force be so Generally distastful ; what Havock will not the Licentious abuse of it Cause in a Kingdom ? Especially in Populous Towns where One Affront Exasperates a Million , and 't is not two hours work to destroy an Army . A. Royall Guard is of another Quality ; and such it ought to before Choice and Number as both suitable to the Charge they undertake , for the Safety of That Sacred Person , and sufficient to the Execution of it . Sect. V. The CITY . BY the City , we intend the Metropolis of a Kingdom ; which in many Respects , challenges a Place and Consideration in This Chapter of Seditions ; Particularly , in Regard of Inclination and Power . There is not ( Generally speaking ) so fair an Intelligence betwixt the Court , and City , as for the Common Good of Both were to be wish'd : and This proceeds Chiefly from a Pride of Bloud , on the One side , and of Wealth , on the Other ; breeding a mutual Envy between them . This Envy , by degrees , boyles up to an Animosity , and Then , Tales are Carryed to the Monarch , of the insolence of the Citizens ; and Stories , on the other side , to the People , of the Height , and Excesses of the Court : and Here 's the Embryo of a Sedition . From Hence , each Party enters into a Crosse Contrivement . These , how to tame the Boldness of the One ; and Those , how to supplant the Greatnesse of the Other : Both equally unmindful of their Inseparable Concerns : the Citizen , that he holds his Charter of the Bounty of his Prince ; and the Courtier , that it is a flourishing Trade that makes a Flourishing Empire . By These Heats , is a City-Humour against the Court , emprov'd into a Popular Distemper against the King : and here 's the Inclination of a Disorder'd City . As to their Power ; they have Men , Money , and Armes , at an houre 's warning ; the very Readynesse of which Provision makes it worth double the Proportion . Their Correspondencies are Commonly strong , and Firme ; and their dependencies Numerous : for the Pretense , being Trade , and Liberty , books in all Places of the same Interest , to the same Faction : Beside That General device , ( seeming Religion ) that stamps the Cause , and Prints a GOD WITH US upon it . In fine ; a Potent , and a Peevish City is a shrew'd Enemy . Now to the Maner of Actuting Those Seditious Inclinations , and Emproving These Abilities to do Mischief . Their first work is to Possesse the Vulgar with This Notion , that in some Cases the Monarch is limited , and the Subject free : intending , that the Prince is bounded by the Law , and that the People are at Liberty , where the Law is silent ; and so likewise in points of Conscience . ( by which Argument , the People Govern , where there is no expresse Law , and the King only where there is . ) Taking it once for Granted , that the Prince is Limited by the Law ; ( which Conscientiously he is ; for in observing the Law , he does but keep his own word ) They presently Conclude , that if the King transgresse the Rule of his Power , he forfeits the Right of it : and that for such a Violation , he is accomptable to the People , for whose Behoofe the Law was made . This is a Specious , but a Poysonous Inference , and rather adapted to a Mutinous Interest , then to a Peaceable , and candid Reason . Let a Transgression be supposed ; are there any Laws Paenal upon the Monarch ? But there are none that warrant Tyranny . Right ; but there are some yet that forbid Rebellion ; and ( without questioning the Cause ) that declare all Violences whatsoever , upon the Person , or Authority of the King , to be Crimina Laesae Majestatis , or Treason . Are there any Laws now on the Other side , that depose Kings for Male-administration ? If none , the Law being Peremptorily against the One , and only not for the Other : what does it , but constitute the Subject , in all cases , accomptable for his Resistance , to the Sovereign ; and Leave the Supreme Magistrate , in all cases , to answer for his Mis-government to Almighty God ? But let the Controversie passe , for we are not here so much to enter into the True State Matters , as to deliver their Appearances . And now is the time to bring the Faylings , and Mis-fortunes of the Prince upon the Stage ; and by exposing him Naked before the Multitude , to make his Person Cheap , and his Government Odious to his People . Which they Effect , by certain Oblique Discourses from the Presse , and Pulpit ; by Lamentable Petitions , craving Deliverance from such and such Distresses of Estate , or Conscience : and These they Print , and Publish ; converting their ( pretended ) supplications for Relief , into bitter Remonstrances of the Cruelty and Injustice of their Rulers . By These wiles , are the Vulgar drawn to a dislike of Monarchy ; and That 's the Quëue to a discourse of the Advantages of a Popular Government . ( the next step to the Design of introducing it ) There 's none of This or That they cry ) at Amsterdam : — and in short ; from these Grudgings of Mutiny ; These Grumblings against Authority , they slide Insensibly into direct , and open Practices against it . Alas ! what are These Motions , but the sparkling of a Popular Disposition , now in the Act of Kindling ; which only wants a little Blowing of the Cole , to Puff up all into a Flame ? From the Leading , and Preparatory Motives to Sedition , now to the more Immediate and Enflaming Causes of it : which are reducible either to Religion , Oppression , Privileges , or Poverty . Subsection I. Seditions which concern Religion . THose Seditions which concern Religion , referr either to Doctrine , or Discipline : Haeresie , or Schism . The Former , is a Strife ( as they say ) for a better , or a worse : a Contest betwixt the Persuasion of the People , and the Religion of the Government , in matter of Faith ; and tending either to Overthrow the One , or to Establish the Other . In This Case , the People , may be in the Right , as to the Opinion , but never so as to justifie the Practice ▪ for Christianity does not dissolve the Order of Society . To Obey God , rather then Man , is Well , Let us obey him then ; in not Resisting Those Powers to which his Ordinance hath Subjected us . Touching This , ( with the Brethren's Leave ) I take it to be the more Venial-Mortal Sin of the Two. That is ; the Rebellion of Haeresie , is lesse unpardonable , than That of Schism : in regard first , that the Subject of the Difference is a matter of greater Import : Secondly , 't is not Impossible , but the Mispersuasion may be founded upon Invincible Ignorance — . I do not say that I had rather be an Arrian , then a Calvinist ; but I averr , that he is the foulest Rebell , that for the Slightest Cause , upon the Least Provocation , and against the Clearest-Light , Murthers his Sovereign . Those Seditions , which are mov'd upon accompt of Schisme , are commonly a combination of Many against One ; of Errour against Truth : and a Design , that strikes as well at the Civill Power , as the Ecclesiastick . This being a Subject which both in the first Section of This Chapter , and Else-where , is sufficiently discours'd upon ; we shall rather addresse our selves to the Means ( Peculiar to a City ) of Comforting , and ayding these unquiet agitations , as more properly the Businesse of our present Argument . Great Towns have first the Advantage of great Numbers of People , within a Small Compasse of Place ; where , with much Ease , and Privacy ; Those of the Faction may hold their full , and frequent Meetings ; Debate , Contrive , nay , and Execute , with all Convenience . For when the Plot is Laid ; the Maner , and the Time , Appointed : ther 's no more trouble for the Rendezvons ; the Party 's Lodg'd already , the Town it self being the most Commodious Quarter . 'T is in respect of These favourable concurrences , that men of Turbulent , and Factious Spirits , rather make choyce of Populous Cities to Practise in . Another Hazzard may arise from the Temper of the Inhabitants , as well , as from the Condition of the Place ; and from the very Humour , and application of the Women , in a notion distinct from That of the Men. From the Temper of the Inhabitants ; first , as partaking usually of the Leaven of their Correspondents ; whom we find very often , both Famous for Trade , and Notorious for Schisme . ( But Men are Generally so good-Natur'd , as to think well of any Religion they Thrive under . ) Further ; their Employment being Traffique , or Negotiating for Benefit ; and their Profession being to Buy as Cheap as they can , and to Sell , as Dear : without any measure between the Risque , or Disbursment ; and the Profit : they are commonly better Accomptants , then Casuists ; and will rather stretch their Religion to their Interest , then shrink their Interest to their Religion . They have again , so superstitious a Veneration for the Iustice of Paying Mony upon the Precise Hour ; that they can very hardly believe any man to be of the right Religion , that Breaks his Day . And observe it , let a Prince run himself deep in Debt , to his Imperial City , they shall not so much Glamour at him for an ill Pay-Master , as upon a Fit of Holinesse , suspect him for an Haretique , or Idolater : Proposing a Tumult , as the ready way to Pay themselves ; and That I reckon as the first step into a Rebellion . Now , how The Women come to be concern'd , That first : and Then ; why the City-Dames more then Other ? It is the Policy of all Cunning Innovatours , when they would put a Trick upon the world in matter of Religion , which they desire may be Receiv'd with Passion , recommended with Zeal , and Dispersed with Diligence , to begin ( with the stronger Sex , though the Weaker Vessell ) that excellent Creature ▪ Woman . And This Course they take , out of These Considerations . First , as That Sex is Naturally scrupulous , and Addicted to Devotion ; and so , more susceptible of delusive Impressions , that bear a face of Piety . Secondly , as it is too Innocent , to suspect a Deceipt , and too Oredulous , to Examine it ; so is it probably not crafty enough to Discover it . Thirdly , Women are supposed , not only to Entertein what they Like , with more Earnestnesse of Affection , but also to impart what they know , with a Greater Freedom of Communication : which proceeds from a Particulr propensity in That Gratious Sex , to enter into a strict Intelligence , concerning Matters Curious , and Novell . Fourthly , They are as well the Best Advocates , as the Freest Publishers . Get them but once engaged , and at next word all their Children are to be taught Short-hand , and new Catechisms ; the Table shall be bl●●t in a Tune ; not the Heel of a Lark ; no , not so much as a Prune in the White-Broth , shall scape without a Particular Benediction . And Then , the Wrought Cushion ; the Damask Napkin ; the Best Room , and the First Cut at the Table , are reserved for the Adored Genius of the Family . The Good Man of the House , shall not presume to Close his Eyes , without an Opiate , ( to make it English ) according to the Directory ; and when he opens them again , next day , 't is odds , he finds his wakefull Bedfellow Shifting her Linnen , and Preparing for a Mornings Exercise . This Reverend Wight has commonly some Skill in Physique too ; enough to Comfort a Professing Sister , that Keeps her Bed , ( for grief no doubt ) because her Lord ( perhaps ) is call'd aside by State , or Business . Nor does The Pious Matron Confine her Bounteous Dispensations within the Circle of her Private Family ; but with an Over-flowing Charity , reaches a helping hand to all the Members of the Distressed Brother-hood ; and ( like a Christian to the very Letter ) Layes every thing in Common . These are the Early and Late Advocates ; the warm Sollicitresses ; What Husband would not Glory to see his Wife , and Fortune so dispos'd of ? Let not some few Mistakes persuade the world yet , that Woman is [ not , ] of all Creatures , the most accomplish'd , and the best dispos'd to the End she was made for . That Women are ( in General ) the fittest Agents of all Others , for a Religious Errour , to me seems past a Question : Now ; why a City-Dame , is for That Purpose , the fittest Instrument even of all Sorts of Women ? First , her Employment's Little ; she keeps much at Home ; and her dead Leisures , are , beyond doubt , not absolutely Thoughtless . Is not her Mixture Sociable , as That of other Mortals ? Phansy her Solitary Enterteynment now . Does not she wish to see , and to be seen , as well as other Women ? Nay , does she not Contrive too , how to Compass it ? Playes there are none perhaps , at hand ; Festivals come but seldome . While shee 's Thus casting , How and How ; in Steps the Tempter ; dreams out an Hour or Two in Prologue , and at last , happily hits her Humour ; asks her , what Church she goes to ? and invites her to a Lecture . Away she goes ; enters her self a Member of his Congregation ; never to be Reclaimed , and so Farewell she . Look to your Wives , my Masters ; and Remember BAGSHAW . After all This , let me profess , I take the better sort of Citizens , for an Intelligent , Frank , and Sober People ; nor do I find more Prudence , Modesty , Virtue , then under That Denomination . Yet is it not to be Expected , that so Vast a Multitude should be without some Loose Examples ? and I divide the Blame , even There too , betwixt an Idle Course of Life , and the Alluring Artifice of their Seducers . But this I stick to : A Schismatical Clergy infects the Women ; They , the City ; and a Schismatical City destroyes a Kingdom . Subsection II. Oppression . OPpression provokes Sedition , many wayes ; and many wayes it is Procur'd , even by the most Seditious Themselves ; with Express end , that it may provoke Sedition . The Haughty , and Imperious Rudeness of a Churlish Officer , that without either Proof , or Hearing , Law , or Reason , hand over head Condemnes and Punishes : ( only perchance to Vaunt his Power , ) This is a Boldness , that Reflects upon the Safety and the Honour of his Master ; rendring both the Minister hated , and the Prince suspected . Unlimitted Protections , Irregular and Heavy Taxes , Billetting and Free-quartering of Souldiours ; The Denyall of Equal Right , &c. — Stir up Seditious Humours in a City . But These are downright Provocations . There are that go a cleanlyer way to work , that squeeze the People , under Colour of serving the King ; winding up the Pin of Authority , till they Crack the very strings , by which That , and Subjection are tack'd together . They undo all , by Over-doing , and under an humble shew of holding the Stirrup , till the Prince seats himself , they draw so hard they turn the Saddle : or if he needs a Lift to help him Up , they 'll give him one , but such a One , shall cast him Over . In fine ; what ever may be Plausible for the present ; fatall in the Consequence ; wherein the Promoters may either seem Innocent , or not appear at all ; and a Publique Obloquy rest upon the Sovereign ; This is a Device to do Their Business . Is there any Colourable fear of a Sedition ? Their Counsell will be then , to raise such a Force , as in all likely-hood will cause a Rebellion . Are the Prince his Coffers full ? Occasions will be sought to Empty Them ; by Breaking with One Interest , wedding Another . A Thousand Remedies there are for That Sur-charge of Treasure . When they have drawn the Monarch dry , they know he must be re-supply'd ; and they known what a Peevish task it is , to six Regality upon a new Bottome . As their first Aime was to Provoke Expence , that he might Want ; it will be now Their work , in such maner to sollicite his Supply , that he shall suffer more by the ill Methode of it , then Gain by the Recruit . Briefly , if they can Effect , that what Themselves call a Supply , the Generality may understand to be an Oppression ( and so They wish it Understood ) The City Clamours first ; and Popular Tumults , are but the Forlorn to a Rebellion . Not that either Force , or Cruelty , can ever discharge a Subject of his Allegeance : Nay , should his Prince command one of his Armes for Dogs-meat ; he were a Traytour , should he yet refuse to serve his Master with the other . Subsection III. Privileges . A Third Particular of no small Force upon the Genius of a City , is what concerns their Privileges ; whereof they Principally are Tender . First , in points of Trade , and Commerce : Secondly , in Affairs of Order , and Custome , relating to the Counsell , and Government of the City : Thirdly , in Matters of Personal Freedom , and Advantage . Any Empeachment in the Point of Trade , they take heynously ; as Disappointing at once , the very Purpose of their Incorporations , the Hopes of their Well-being ; and the main Businesse of their Lives . In This Respect , they are many times so Delicate , as not to distinguish between Benefits of Grace , and Rights of Privileges clayming a Title to Those Advantages which they hold only by Favour . They are likewise Subject to forget , that even their clearest Immunities are but Dependent , and Precarious : and they had need be minded , that to believe them Other , is to Forfeit them . For it implyes a Disacknowledgment of the Sovereign Power ; which Mistake being once set afoot , obliges the Prince to Resume , for the Safety of the whole , such Indulgences as were only Granted for the behoof of a Part. To This he is Ty'd by evident Reason of State , and by Political Equity ; both as a Wise Prince , and as a Pater Patriae , a Father of his Country . Wherefore away with These Dividing Niceties , since neither Prince , nor Peapli● can be Secure , but by Agreement . What can a Single Monarch do without the Obedience , Love , and Service of his People ? Or what becomes of a Distracted Multitude , without a Head to Govern Their Confussions ? But This ( in the words of a most Ingenious Person ) is a Text upon which the Wise part of the world has used in vain to Preach to the Fools . Since so it is , that the Vulgar will neither be Taught by Experience , nor persuaded by Renson , we are to take for Granted , that some Grievances lead to Seditions , almost as Orderly , as Natural Causes to their Effects , the Multitude ever siding with Interest , against Virtue . The Liberty of Exporting Native Commodities raw , and unwrought ; and of Importing ( possibly ) the same Materials in Manufacture , is a Matter of Evill Relish , and of Dangerous Consequence . So likewise is the Employment of Strangers , where the Natives want Work ; and the advancing of Foreign Trade , to the Sterving of it at home . Concerning the Other Two Particulars , before mentioned , the One Relating to the Frame of a City-Government , the Other , to their Personal Privileges ; it shall suffice to Note , that an Encroachment upon either of them , Endangers a Sedition . Subsection IV. Poverty . THe Last , and the most Irresistible incentive to Sedition in a City , is Poverty . That is , a Poverty proceeding from Misgovernment . Not but that Want , upon what accompt soever is bad enough : Whether from Dearth , Losses by Fire , or Storme ; Piracies , Banquerupts ; the Ravages of Warr , &c. — Yet Here , there 's something in the Fate , the Accident , or Maner , of the Calamity , to allay the Anguish of it . Men Quarrel not with Providence for ill Seasons ; nor with the Winds , the Waves , or Flames , because of Wracks , or Conflagrations . To suffer by Pirates , or Banquerupts , is but the Chance of Traffique , and the Extremities of Warr are Common Injuries . But where a Pinching Poverty Seizes a Populous City , and from a Cause too that 's within the Reach of Malice , or Revenge ; That State 's concern'd betimes to look to the Disorder . The Immediate Cause of This Necessity among the Common sort is want of Work , which proceeds from the decay of Trade , arising chiefly from a General Scarcity of Mony ; which may be Imputed to One or more , of These Ensuing Reasons . First , The Insatiate Corruption of Rapacious , and Great Officers ; in whose Coffers , as in the Grave , Monyes are rather Buried , then laid up . Nay , as in Hell it self ( I might have said ) for they are as Bottomlesse ; and of the Treasure that lies There Condemn'd , the Doom's almost as Irreversible . 'T is as the Fox Observ'd to the * Aegroting Lion — Me Vestigia terrent , Omnia te Adversum spectantia , Nulla Retrorsum . I can Trace Many , Forward , but None Back . These Private Hoards cannot chuse but produce a Publique Penury , when That Wealth , which would suffice to Employ , and Relieve Thousands , that either Beg for want of Work , or Sterve for want of Bread ; is drawn into so narrow a Compasse . And yet in This suppos'd Extremity of Affaires , I make a Doubt , whether is more Miserable , the Needy , or the Oppressour ? Can any Composition more certainly destroy a Nation , then a Concurrence of Power , Pride , Avarice , and Injustice , in the same Persons ? But Then again , when the Storme comes ; These are the Ionasses , that by the Rabble will be first cast Over-bord , to save the Vess●ll . And This they cannot but forethink , and Tremble at ; at least , if ever they get Leisure for a Sober Thought . And let them Look which way they Please ; Backward , Forward , Round about , Upward , Downward , Inward , they are beset with Objects of Terrour , and self-affrighted , from the Glasse of their own Consciences . Behind them , they see dreadful Presidents of Corrupt Ministers , thrown from their Slippery , and ill-menaged State of Greatnesse : Torne by their Enemies ; scarce Pitty'd by their Friends ; the Mirth of their own Creatures , and the meer Mockery of Those that Rays'd them . Forward , they find Themselves upon a Precipice , and in great hazzard to encrease the Number of those sad Presidents . If they look Round about them , they are Encompass'd with the Cryes of Widows , and of Orphans ; whose Husbands , or whose Fathers , lost their Lives , in the Defence ( perhaps ) of their Prince , and Country . With These , are Mingled the Faint Gr●ans of Sterving Wretches in their Last Ag●nies , whose Modesty chose rather to Die silent , then Compleining ; and to abide the worst Effects o● Want , rather then tell the more Intolerable Story of it . But This to Them , is not so much , as to perceive Themselves at Bay amids a Snarling Multitude . In short ; Above them , there 's an All-seeing Eye , an Unchangeable Decree , and an Incorruptible Iudg , that Over-looks , and Threatens Them. Below them , Hell : ( or rather 't is Within Them ; an Accusing Conscience ) If This be their Prospect , how Deplorable is their Condition ! Are not Their Pillows stuff'd with Thornes ? Or when they Venture at a Nap , do they not Dream of Robberies , and Seditions ? Whom , or What do they not fear ? Where is 't they think Themselves Secure ? Is not Their Table Spread with Snares ? Does not Every Bribe look like a Bait ; Every Servant , like a Spy ; Every Strange Face , like somewhat that 's worse ? And what are their Near Friends , but either Conscious Partakers , or Dangerous , and Suspected Witnesses ? They find Themselves Arraign'd by the Preacher ; Condemn'd by the Iudg ; and Strangled by the Executioner : For being Guilty of the Crime , and Worthy of the Punishment , They cannot but Apply the Processe to Themselves , and in Imagination , bear the Malefactour Company , even from the Pulpit , to the Gibbet . Add to all This , the Sting of an Incessant , Restlesse Iealousie . Not a Look , Whisper , Hint , or Action , but they suspect Themselves the Subject of it . The Holy Text it self , where it Reproves Their Sins , Sounds like a Libell to Them. Nay , were This silly Innocent Description of them , but in a Tongue which any man Concern'd could understand ; some of Their Ears would Tingle at it . A General Scarcity of Mony , may , in the Second Place , arise from Taxes , and That either Immediately , in Respect of the Burthen ; or Consequentially , in respect of the Occasion ; the Inequality ; the Maner of Imposing , or Levying Them ; or the Subject Matter it self of the Tax . Touching the Burthen , and Occasion ; It Properly belongs to Those in Power to Judg of it , as well how much , as to what end ? So in the Rest , The People are likewise to Subject Themselves to such Determinations as their Superiours hold Convenient . Only in case of an Undue Authority Imposing , or some Illegal Course of Levying Taxes , there may be some Allowances ; which to proportion to their Various Instances , is neither for This Place , nor for my Meaning . That Subjects are to Obey Lawful Commands , without disputing the Reasons of Them , is beyond Question . Yet is 't not in the Power of Humane Nature , to keep men from Surmising , and from Guessing at them . Wee 'll Grant ye too , that in some Cases , some People , will in some Sort , do some Things as they ought to do . Yet we are where we were ; that is , they will be Guessing still . If Taxes follow quicker , and run higher then Ordinary ; and This too , when a Nation 's Poor already ; that 't is the way to make it Poorer , I think 's no Secret : for sure , the More men part with , the Lesse they have Remaining . At first ; Good God! they cry : so much ? and the next Question 's , Why ? ( 'T is true , they should not Aske , but who can hinder them ? ) Is it for the Honor or Safety of the Prince ? 'T is Consequently for the Publique Good ; and he deserves to be expell'd Humane Society , that narrowly prefers his Little dirty Interest , before so Sacred , and so great a Benefit . But are These Levies to be so Employ'd ? Who Gathers ? Who Receives ? or , Who Disposes of them ? Are they not Shar'd , or at least so Reduc'd by Private hands ; that not a Twenty'th Penny goes to the Publique ? Are they not for some other Purpose ? ( no matter what . ) All This is Nothing to the Subjects Right , either of Enquiry , or Refusal . Yet These Miscariages of the Common Treasure make People wary , and provide betimes for fear of Troubles . Some Call In Their Monyes ; Others will Let none out : a Third sort , ( that dare not stand the Change they fear ) dispose of Theirs Abroad : and This may passe for another Cause of a General Scarcity of Mony. A Third , is the Inequality of Taxes ; the Over-pressing of any One Party . As if the Burthen lies heavyer upon the City , then Country ; upon the Gentry , then Yeomanry , &c. — If upon the City , they call it Spite ; if upon the Country , Oppression . And in fine ; fall the Disproportion where it fall can , it breeds ill bloud : for That Weight breaks the Back of any One Interest , which evenly dispos'd , would seem no heavy Load , upon the Shoulders of All. Ferre quam sortem patiuntur Omnes , Nemo recusat . The Consequence of This Inequality , is a Generall Ruine , but piece-meal , and One Part after Another . Touching the Maner of Imposing , or Levying , we waive That ; and passe to the Subject Matter of the Tax . ( A point ( how little soever regarded ) scarce lesse Considerable then the Totall Amount of it . ) If the Device be Novell ; the People shy and ticklish : if there be Factions Stirring , and the Prince not absolutely Master , better raise Thrice the Value in the Rode of Levyes , then hazzard the Experiment of a By-way . 'T is Machiavell's advice concerning Sanguinary Cruelties ; where Cruelty is Necessary , do it at once ; or at least , seldome as possible . But then be sure to follow it with Frequent Acts of Clemency ; by which Means , you shall be fear'd for your Resolution , and belov'd for your Good-Nature : whereas a Little , and Often , Terrifies Lesse , and Disquiets people much more , imprinting Jealousies of further Inconveniences ; so that they know not what to Trust to . Most Certain it is , that as Many petty Injuries deface the Impression of One Great Benefit ; so in like maner do Many slight Benefits deface the Impression of One Great Injury ; the Last Act sinking deepest . For 't is from Thence , Men Measure their expectation of the Future ; and as they look for Good , or Bad , they are Pea●eable or Troublesome . Wherefore , as it is Duty to do Well alwayes , so 't is Wisdom to do Well Last ; and where a Pressure cannot be avoided , not to leave standing ( so near as may be ) any Memorial of it : Least ●When your Children shall ask their Father in time to come , saying , What mean you by these Stones ? &c. — The wayes of Supplying Princes are Various , according to their Several Interests , Practices , Powers , and Constitutions . Not to lose my self in Particulars , One General shall serve for all . It behoves a State to be very wary , how they Relieve a Present need upon the Foundation of a Lasting Inconvenience for though in some Extremities , there is no Choyce ; yet it very rarely happens , that a Prince is the Better for the Mony , where he is the worse for the President . Sir Thomas Rowe in a Speech at the Counsell-Table , 1640. ( directed to the dashing of a Project , tending to the Enfeebling of the Quoyne ( as he Phrases it ) Cites the Lord Treasurer Burleigh , and Sir Thomas Smith , giving Their Opinion to Queen Elizabeth ; in These words : That it was not the short end of Wits , nor starting holes of Devises , that can susteyn the expence of a Monarchy , but sound and solid courses . H●race his [ Rem facias , Rem , — Si possis , Rectè , si non , quocunque modo Rem ] will not serve the turn . 'T is sharply said of Sir Francis Bacon ; [ That the Wisdom of all These Latter Times in Princes Affaires , is rather fine Deliveries , and Shifting of Dangers and Mischiefs , when they are near ; than solid and grounded Courses to keep them aloof ] ( but sayes he again ) [ It is the Solaecism of Power , to think to Command the End , and yet not to endure the Mean. ] These are the Sleights , the Ill-husbandry of Government : through which mistakes , insensibly , a Great Revenue moulders away , and yet the State never out of Debt . Excessive Building is another Cause of Generall Scarcity ; for it leaves the Country too Thin , and over-peoples the City : Enhansing the Rate , and consuming the Meanes of Living . It wasts the Nobility and Gentry ; It Empoverishes also , and Disobliges the Populacy : ( All that is got in the Country , being spent in the City ) beside the Hazzardous disproportion , betwixt the Head and the Body . One Reason of This Scarcity , may be from some Defect in the Law it self : as where sufficient Provision is not made for strict , and Peremptory payment upon Bond. Men will not part freely with their Mony , where they may be put off by Shifts and Delayes , and driven to a Vexatious S●it to get it In again . Another great Inconvenience proceeds from a General Grasping a● more Trade then they can Master : which causes many Faylings one upon the Neck of another . To what 's already said , ( not to be endless ) wee 'll only add Two Causes more . The One , is the deceipt , and Knavery of Artizans , and Trades-men ; who for a Private Gain betray the Interest of the Publique ; and invert the Ballance of Trade , by such Abusive Manufactures , as are neither Saleable abroad , nor Serviceable at Home , which both Necessitates the Importation of Forreign Commodities , and hinders the Issue of Native : beside the Treble Charge ; their Dearnesse , and their little-Usefulnesse consider'd . We shall Conclude with Pride : which were 't in nothing else but what 's expended upon Guildings , Gold and Silver Lace , and Forreign Curiosities of Needle-work , would not be inconsiderable . But where 't is General , and extends both to all sorts of Superfluities , and all Degrees of Persons ; That City goes by the Post to Ruine : for Pride , is not only the Fore-runner of Destruction , and the Cause of it ; but the Loud , and Crying Provoker of it . Sect. VI. The COUNTRY . THat Interest which contributes the Least to a Sedition , and suffers the most by it , is That of the Country : which is properly comprised under Tillage , and Pasture . For I reckon all Populou● Places , ( whether Towns or Villages ) that subsist by steady Traffique , or Handy-crafts , to be no other then Dependencies upon the Metropolis ; which is usually , That in Proportion to the Kingdom , which the Principal City , of every Province , is to the Other Parts of it . This Interest seldome or never leads a Sedition upon it's own Accompt ; and when it does engage , under Protection possibly of the next strong Hold , or in favour of some neighbouring , and Seditious Market-Town , we do not find much hurt the Country-man does , so long as the Sword , and Plough are menaged by the same Hand . If they forsake their Husbandry , and turn Souldiours ; they fall under another Notion . But in short ; let the Cause be what it will , and the event of a Warr what it can ; They are sure to be undone by 't : wherefore They may well be Friends to Peace , to whom Warr is so great an Enemy . Is there a Warr commenced ? Their Cariages must waite upon the Army , Their Provisions feed them : Their Persons attend them , yes , and Their Contribution Pay Them. Their Teams must serve the State ; Their Wives , and Girles , the Souldiery : They must be Mounting Dragoons , when they should be Plowing . Lugging their Beanes and Bacon to the Head-Quarter , when they should be Sowing : and at last , scarce a Lame Iade to get in that little Harvest , which the wild Troupes have left them : Their Cattle are Driven away by one Party to day , Their Corn taken by another to Morrow , and when they are Throughly Plunder'd , because they had something ; they must afterward expect to be Beaten too , because they have Nothing . Are not These faire Encouragements to make Husbandmen Seditious ? And ye● , This Interest is severall wayes made use of to Promote Sedition . Particularly , by Three sorts of People ; The Discontented Nobleman ; the Rich Churle ; the Stiff , and Contentious Free-born-Subject . A Great Person may become Weary of the Court , and withdraw into the Country , out of divers unquiet Considerations : Out of Ambition , Pride , or Revenge . If his Trouble be Ambition , his Course is to strengthen himself by Popularity , and make a Party , by spending his Revenue in a Bountifull , and Open Hospitality upon the People : which is the most Winning and the most spreading of all Obligations . His Iades , his Kites , his Currs , are free to all comers : his Family is the whole World ; and his Companions are the Wits , and the best of Good-fellowes . If his Retirement be out of Pride as chusing rather to be the first Person in the Country , then the Second or Third at Court : His businesse is Popularity too , though perhaps not Ayming so high ( for there are a sort of People , insufferably haughty in their Looks , Garbe , and Language ; that have not Courage enough to be Ambitious ) This Man 's attended by the best Parasites that are to be had for Mony. The Third Distemper is Revenge ; and That 's the worst of the Three : In Ambition , there 's somewhat that 's Noble . Pride indeed , is a Base , and Abject Vice , ( that is ; a Cowardly ● Pride : Nay 't is at best , but a Simple Sin ) But Revenge is Black , and Diabolical . Let it proceed whence it will. Whether from some Affront , Repulse , Neglect ; Nay , a Wry Look , or a Mistaken Hint raises this Devill . This is a Humour now of another Complexion : Morose , Unpleasant , and rather watchful to Emprove an Opportunity of Mischief , then Laborious to prepare it . In the House of a Person haunted with ●his Fury , you shall find Throngs of Silenc'd Ministers ▪ Discharged Officers ; Crop-eard Schismatiques ; Broken Citizens , &c. These are the Dangerous Malecontents , whose Differing Inclinations of Temper are no hinderance to their Unity of Design , where the Safety of the Prince and Government is the Question . Next to This Discontented Nobleman , Follows the Rich Churle : which is a Creature , that opposing Wealth to Dignity , becomes the Head of the People , for his Saucinesse of bearing up against the ●●wer , and Nobility of the Court. It is scarce to be Imagined , The Interest of This Chuff in a Popular Scuffle ; especially , if he has gotten his Estate by a Rustical , and ●lodding Industry : for Then the Vulgar Reckon him as One of their own Rank , and support him , as the Grac● , and Dignity of their Order . We come now to the Stiff , and Contentious Free-born Subject : the Queintest , and the Sharpest Youth of the Three . Hee 'll tell ye to a hair , upon what Point , Prerogative becomes Tyranny : How far a Subject may promote a Rebellion , and yet be honest himself , and Cleave the very Atome , that divides the Rights of King and Subject . Does any Minister of State , or Iustice passe his Commission , but the tenth part of a Scruple ? he cryes , 'T is Arbitrary , Illegal , and an Encroachment upon the Birth-right of a Free-born P●ople . Let him be Question'd , and the Matter Scann'd , here 's his Dilemma . Either by Carrying the Cause , he Iustifies , and Puffs up the People ; or by Suffering for it , he Enrages them : but still Obliging them both wayes ; the One way as their Champion , and the Other , as their Martyr . Upon the Summe of the Matter , That Government must be Carryed very even , which These Instruments , in Combination , shall not be able to discompose . Touching the Common Sort ; it is so little it their Power to Embroyle a Kingdome , and so much lesse their Interest to do it , that This Little is enough said concerning Them ; setting aside the Influence they have upon the Subject we are now entring upon . Sect. VII . The Body Representative . THe Seaventh and Last Interest we are to Treat of , is the Body Representative , which is but One Grand Interest made up of all the Rest ; and as the Whole stands well , or ill-affected to the Government , so commonly does That . Yet it falls out sometime , that the Diligence , and Stickling of a Faction gets the Start of a General Inclination . It would aske an Age , to reckon up all the Inconveniences which may arrive from the Evill Composition of This Assembly : but so strict an Accompt will not be Necessary , in regard that the Prince may , at his Pleasure , Remedy all , by Dissolving them . One great Defect , is that in many places they have no Stated Rule how far their Cognisance extends ; No Measure of their Privileges : through which Default , more Time is spent , and too too oft , more Passion Stirr'd , about the bounds of Their Authority , then the main Businesse of their Meeting . Beside the desperate Influence of This Mysterious Incertainty , upon the Prince , and Publique : ●nder which Colour , nothing so Seditious , but it may both be Introduc'd and Protected . Suppose a Motion in the Assembly directly against the Crown : The Prince takes Notice of it ; and demands Reason for it . Is 't not a fine Reply , that to deny Liberty of Speech ; to take Notice of any Thing in Debate ; to Question any One Member without the Leave of the Rest , is a Breach of Privilege . The Representative we here speak of , answers the nearest of any ) to the House of Commons in England ; which Resemblance will much facilitate the task we are now upon , having only to look back into the History of Charles the Martyr , to find the Greatest Mischiefs , and the Foulest Crimes which such a Convention in disorder may be capable of : not medling with the Names of Persons , but contenting our selves to discover the Arts , Grounds , and Occasions of Seditions , without reproaching the Authors of them . The Dangerous Mixture of a Representative , we m●y divide into These Three Parties . The Designers of Mischief ; tho Permitters of it ; and the Incompetent Iudges of it : whose faylings , are either of Commission , Omission , or Ignorance . To begin with the First . The Designers are either the Ambitious Heads of the Faction , that ayme at Power , as well as Profit , in the Subversion of the Government ; or such Dependencyes , as they can Engage by Menace , Flattery , faire Pretences ; Mony , or Preferment . These in their Severall Places , promote the same Seditious Interest , and every man knowes his Station . They have their Contrivers , their Speakers , their Sticklers , their Divi●ers , their Moderators , and their Blancks : ( their I-and - NO-men ) by which Method , and Intelligence , all Debates are Menaged to the Advantage of the Party , and Occasion . They know when to Move , when to Presse , when to Quit , Divert , Put off , &c. and they are as Skilfull in the Manner of Moulding their Businesse , as they are Watchfull for the Season of Timing it . Add to this Agreement , and Confederacy of Designe , their Zeal , and Earnestness of Intention ; and what will not an Indefatigable Industry , joyned to these Emprovements of Order , and Counsell , be able to accomplish ? [ The Lower ▪ and Weaker Faction , is the firmer in Conjunction ( says Sir F. Bacon ) and it is often seen , that a few , that are Stiffe , doe tire out a Greater Number , that are more Moderate : ] Yet to the Miracles that are wrought by Forecast , and Assiduity , there is still requisite a Matter predispos'd , and fit to work upon : and That 's the Dresse , or Cleanly Couching of the Project . 'T is not at first dash to attempt the Person of the King , but the Multitude must by Degrees , he made sensible of the Faults of his Ministers ; and Instructed to clamour against Oppression and Prophaneness . Why should a Free-borne Subject be Press'd with Taxes , and Obedience , or a Christian Libertine be ty'd to worship by a Set-forme ? Is it not against the Fundamentals of a Mix'd Monarchy , ( That ridiculous supposition ) for the Supream Magistrate to impose upon his Coordinate Subjects ? Or , where is it Commanded in the Bible , for people to Kneele at the Communion , or to stand up at Gloria Patri ? These are sore Grievances indeed , and now the Humour ' s ripe for Petitions to the Senate ; which being both Procur'd and Fram'd by a Cabale of the Senatours Themselves , cannot fayle of being acceptable to the Faction : who , by this Artifice , get the Credit of being taken for the proper Arbitratours of all Differences betwixt King , and People , through which mistake , the Popular Representative becomes both Party and Iudge , and it is Then no hard matter to Guess what will become of the Prerogative . By making the most of all Compleints , and the Worst of all Abuses ; they bespeak a Compassion for the One side , and they provoke an Odium toward the Other : which Amplification renders exceedingly Necessary the Remedy of a Thorough-Reformation . The Subject is to be Free in One Point , and the Monarch Limited in Another . These Courts are to be Abolish'd , Those Counsellours to be remov'd , &c. — And in fine , when the Prince has yielded , till they want matter for Compleint ; Their Fears are not lesse Clamorous , and Importune , then were their Compleinings . Of which undutiful , and unlimited Distemper , This is the certain Issue ; from one desire they proceed to another , till the Prince to secure Their Jealousy , has parted with all possibility of Preserving Himselfe . This is their Course , where they find the Government allready in Disorder ; but how to Introduce That Disorder , is quite another point of Cunning. They are here onely to procure Those Grievances , for which they are afterward to provide Remedies , and to cast the State into a Disease ▪ that with better Pretense they may give it Physick ; Siding with the Prerogative against the People , in the first place , and with the People against the Prerogative , in the next . In a word ; Their Services are snares ; they give a little , that they may take all , and by a Plausible Oppression , provoke a Barbarous Rebellion . Another sort of ill Ministers in a Representative , are the Permitters of these Abuses : Such as being Chosen and Entrusted for the Publique Weale , Abandon their Stations , and Deliver up their Country . Betwixt whom , and the Conspiratours Themselves , there is but This Difference . The One Quits the Breach , and the Other , Enters : These , Throw down their Armes , and Those Take the Town ; what the One Party carries by Treason , the Other loses by Cowardice . Of These Deserters , some are taken Off by Profit , Pleasure , Vanity , Sloth , Neglect , or Partiality : Others , are led by their Passions ; as Fear , Anger , &c. In all which Cases , whoever preferrs a Private Interest to a Publique , Betrayes his Trust. Some Peoples Mouths are Stopp'd , with Offices , Rewards , Fair Promises , Hopes of Preferment , &c. And These , upon the very Crisis of a Debate , find Twenty Shifs , to waive the pinch of the Dispute , and let the Question fall ; even though the Crown it self depend upon the Issue of it . This is done , either by coming too late , or perhaps , not at all ; by Going away too soon , or saying Nothing when they are There : by which Discouragements , the Cause is lost , only for want of Their Arguments , and Voices to Turn the Scale . Others are Drawn from Their Duties by Pleasure : perhaps a Party at Tennis , Bowles ; Chards ; a Pack of Dogs , a Cock fight , or a Horse-match , a Comedy , a Good-fellow , or a Mistresse : And while They are Thus Employ'd , the Vigilant Faction steals a Vote That 's worth a Kingdom . Some again are so Transported with the Vanity of Dresse , and Language , that rather then serve the Publique with one hair amisse , or in one Broken Periode , they 'll let the Publique Perish . Mallent Rem-Publicam turbari , quàm Capillos . These , while their Country lies at Stake , are ordering of their Heads , and Polishing the Phrase , Shaping the Parts of a Set-Speech , till 't is too late to use it . Nothing methinks does lesse beseem a Grave Assembly , then This same Facultatula loquendi : this same Rhetoricall Twittle-twattle ; it spins out so much Time in Tedious Circumstance , that it makes a man e'en sick of a Good Cause , and for the very Form , prejudg the Reason of it . Sloth , and Neglect , are yet more dangerous in a Senatour ; nor onely in Regard of Surprises from the Faction , but of Discontentments likewise from the People . These think a Wet Day , or a Cold Morning , a Sufficient Discharge of their Attendance : and while they are taking t'other Napp , or t'ther Bottle , the Monarch perhaps has lost his Crown , or the Subject his Liberty . Come to Particular Cases , how many Families are lost by Disappointments ; by Relying upon promises ; Delayes from Time to Time ! How many Iust and Sad Petitions are thrown aside , unregarded ; as serving onely for waste Paper ! and so far from Reliefe , they cannot obteyn so much as a bare Reading . Distinguishing of Persons in Matters of Equity , is furthermore a great Abuse ; where a Friend , an Acquaintance , or some By-Respect shall interrupt the Speedy , and Direct Course of Iustice. ( I do not say Divert ; though to forbear helping the Right , or not to hinder the Wrong , because of such or such an Interest , is but a Negative Oppression . ) Those that are mov'd by Passions , from their Duties , are not lesse Culpable than the Rest. For a Good Patriot Fears Nothing , but to be Dishonest ; Hates Nothing , but Iniquity ; and knows no other Friend then Iustice. Is any Thing propos'd , which to my Reason appears of Dangerous Consequence ; Unlawful to my Conscience ; Dishonorable to my Prince , or Country ? Do I Discharge my Soul to God , and to the World , in not opposing it ? because forsooth 't is my Lords Interest , or Project . Where 't is my Office to withstand a Publique Injury , 't is my Act , if I suffer it : Nor will it serve the turn to say , Alas ! I 'm but one Man , what should I struggle for ? A Noble Tru●h , and Equity , though Single , ought to be Maintein'd against the World. But very rarely is That the Case ; for Those Particulars , that under Colour of This Singlenesse , relinquish and withdraw , would in Conjunction cast the Ballance . The Question is but This. Whether shall I rather venture , the losse of an Office , or the losse of my Country ? Whether shall I rather disoblige a Powerfull Subject , or Betray my Lawfull Prince ? Whether in fine , shall I rather chuse , Modestly to Oppose a Faction , or Tamely to desert my Conscience . Some we find Prepossest with Personall Animosities ; and These Particular Piques , are many Times , the Bane of Publique Designes . They do not so much heed the Matter , as the Man that Promotes it ; They are resolv'd to like Nothing from That Hand ; and while they are Cavilling about Niceties , and Nothings ; the adverse Party runs away with the Sum of the Contest . Another Infelicity is where Elections are Carried by Recommendation , Fortune , or Affection ; without any Regard to the Abilities of Persons . These are a Dangerous Party , and a fit Subject to work upon : for being more addicted to follow the Appearances , then Capable of Comprehending the Reasons of Things ; They are not only Liable to fall into Mistakes , but Obstinate Maintainers of Them ; and in all Cases Determinable by Plurality of Voyces , the Greater Number of Fooles weighes down the more Prudentiall Counsells of Fewer wise Men Nay , which is most Ridiculous and Miserable ; ( but that in Popular Suffrages it must be so ) His Vote many Times Casts a Kingdome , that has not Brain enough to Rule his Private Family ; Deciding the Question , without understanding the Debate . We have Prosecuted This Theme of Miscariages ; far enough . From the Discovery , our next advance is to the Remedies of them : The harder undertaking ; for Faults are more easily found , then mended . CAP. X. How to prevent the Beginnings , and hinder the Growth of Seditions in General ; together with Certain Particular Remedies , apply'd to the Distempers of Those Seven Interests , mentioned in the foregoing Chapter . THe Two main Pillars that support Majesty , are Love and Reverence : To which are oppos'd , ( as the Foundation of a Prince his Ruine ) Contempt and Hatred . What are Disloyall Actions , but the Issue of Disloyall Thoughts ? Or what are Generall Tumults , but the Rationall Effects of Generall Discontents ? ( The Violent part being no other , then the Manifestation of a Treason allready Form'd and Perfected in the Affections ) So that to set the Heart Right , is the Prime Duty of a Good subject , and Then to observe the Law , for Love of the Authority . Kings are first Render'd Odious , or Despis'd ; and in Persuance of Those Passions they come at last , to be Dethron'd , or Murther'd . That is ; to be dethron'd , or Murther'd Actually ; ( for even the first Malicious Motion was Murther in the Heart , and betwixt God and our own Souls every Seditious Thought is a Rebellion ) Although no Prince can be Mighty , without the Love of his People , or Secure under their Hatred ; ( the One being Necessary to his Greatnesse , and the Other Sufficient to his Undoing ) yet must we not suppose the Subjects Love more Needfull to their Prince , then His to ●hem : since upon His Protection depends ▪ Their Wellfare ; no lesse then , upon Their Support , His Power . Because the Hazzard of disuniting is mutuall , it must not be suppos'd that it is therefore Equall ; nor that the Crime is so , where Tumult , and Oppression are the Question . They are Both ill , but with exceeding odds of worse betwixt them : The One does but affront the Mode of Government ; the Other strikes at Government it selfe : the very Ends , and Reason of it ; — Peace , Order , and Society . A Prince , without the Hearts of his Subjects , is in a bad Condition ; but Hee that falls from Hatred , to Contempt , His Case is Desperate . For when they neither Love his Person , nor Fear his Power ; They are both Provok'd to Contrive mischief , and Embolden'd to Execute it . These are the Generall , and Enstaming Grounds of Seditions ; which may be easily prevented , and Cut off in their next Immediate Causes . The Difficulty is , for a Prince to be Popular , without making himself Cheap ; to Gratify his People , without Derogating from his Authority ; and so to Comply with the Interest of his Subjects , as not to be wanting to the Necessities of his Crown . In the Due Temperation of which Mixture , Consists , in a Great measure , the skill of Governing ; and thereupon depends the Peace , and Safety of the Government . In all well-ordered Monarchies , there are certain Metes and Boundaries , that Part the Rights of King , and People ; and These , are either Laws , or Customs ; providing for the Common Good , and Safety , both of the Subject in his Obedience , and of the Sovereign in his Authority . Let a Prince therefore stick to his antient Laws , and he may be sure his People will stick to him ; and more he needs not ask , being by Those Laws arm'd with Power sufficient to the Intent of Government : or , at the worst , if any Defect there be , the Fault is imputed to the Constitution , and not to the Person . There may indeed occurr such Cases , and Emergencies of Imminent , and Publique Danger , as ( being un-foreseen by the Wisdom of former Times ) are left without a Rule . Of These , beyond Dispute , The only Supreme Governour is the only Supreme Iudge ; and under so strict a Necessity , He not only may , but ought to dispense with Common Formalities , in Order both to the Discharge of his Duty , and the Wellfare of his People ▪ His Oath of Protection , Implying him Vested with a Power of Protecting ; ●nd his Conscience , as a Governour , obliging him to be careful of his Charge . The Objection is Frivolous , that This Supposition opens a Dore to Tyranny ; because that at This Rate , a Prince has no more , but to pretend a Danger , and Then to do what he Pleases . 'T is very right a Prince may Tyrannize under This Colour ; but 't is as certain , that a People cannot Scruple This Inconvenience , without incurring a Greater : for 't is an Opinion Destructive of Government it self ; all Subjects being equally expos'd to the same Hazzard , under all Governments ; and it is inevitable , that either the King must have it in his Power to Oppresse his People , or the People have it in Theirs to Destroy their Sovereign . ( and betwixt the Ills of Tyran●y and Rebellion , all the world knows the Disproportion ) Wherefore let Subjects hope and believe the Best of their Prince his Will , and Inclination ; without medling with his Power ; for it is not lesse His Interest to be well Obey'd , and Belov'd ; then it is Theirs , to be well Govern'd . Yet when a Prince , by Exigencies of State , finds himself forc'd to waive the Ordinary Path , and Course of Law ; the Lesse He swerves , the Better : and the more unwilling He appears to Burthen his People , the more willing shall he find Them to serve Him. Especially , he should be Cautelous , where men's Estates , or Freedoms , are the Question ; to make the Necessity as Manifest as is possible , and the Pressure as Light , and as Equall , as Consists with his Honour , and Convenience : Mixing however with This General Indulgence , such a Particular Severity , where his Authority is Disputed , that the Obedient may have Reason to Love his Goodnesse , and the Refractary , as much , to Fear his Displeasure . By These Means , may a Prince preserve himself from the Hatred of his People , without exposing himself to their Contempt , and in Order to the avoiding of That too , wee 'll take up This Observation by the way : That Subjects do Generally Love , or Hate , for Their own Sakes ; but when they despise a Prince , it is for some Personal Weaknesse , or Indignity in Himself . Nothing makes a Monarch Cheaper in the Eyes of his People , then That which begets an ill opinion , either of his Prudence , or Courage ; and if they find once that he will either be Over-reach'd , or Over-aw'd , they have his measure . By Courage here , we do not intend a Resolution only against Visible and Pressing Dangers ; but an Assurance likewise , and Firmness of mind against Audacious , and Threatning Counsels . The Prudence we intend , is of a more extensive Notion ; and from the most Mysterious Affaires of Royalty , descends to the most Private , and Particular Actions of a Princes Life . It enters into his Cabinet-Counsels , and Resolves ▪ his Publique Acts of State ; his very Forms of Language , and Behaviour ; his Exercises , and Familiar Entertainments . In fine ; It is scarce lesse Dangerous for a Sovereign to separate the Prince , from the Person , even in his dayly ●ractices , and Conversations ; then to permit Others to Divide Them in their Arguments : And in a word ; to secure himself from Contempt , it behoves a Monarch to Consider as his most Deadly Enemies , such as Brave his Authority ; and by no means to allow , even in his most Acceptable Servants , and most Familiar Humours , too great a Freedom toward his Person . Not but that a Sovereign may in many Cases Familiarize with his Subjects , and , by so doing , win the Reputation , of a Wise and Gracious Prince : Provided that the sweetnesse of his Nature , cause him not to forget the Severity of his Office ; and that his Stooping to his People ▪ prove not an Emboldening of Them to come up to Him. This is a Course to Prevent Sedition , in the First Cause , and check it in the Bud. But if it come once to shew it self and spread ; there is first Requisite , ( upon a Cleare and Open Proofe ) a Speedy Execution of Lawes to the Utmost Rigour . I say , [ upon a Cleare and Open Proof ] for in such cases , 't is of great Advantage to a State , to make the Crime as evident as the Punishment , that the People may at once Detest the Fact and Approve the Iustice. I say Likewise [ a speedy execution ] for Delay brings many Inconveniences . It gives a Faction Time to Contrive , and Unite ; and Boldnesse to Attempt : for it looks as if They that sit at the Helme were either more sensible of The Danger , or lesse mindfull of their Duty then becomes them . Lastly ; whereas it is added , [ to the Utmost Rigour : ] My meaning is not to extend the Severity to a Multitude of Offenders , but to Deterre the Generality by making some few , and Dreadfull Examples . Nay my Advice should be , to Pick These Few too . They should not be Fools , Madmen , or Beggers ; but the Boldest , the Wisest , the most Circumspect and Wealthy of the Party : the Leaders , and first Starters of the Quarrell : to shew that neither their Confidence should Protect them ; nor their Shifts , and Politiques avayle them . But above All ; let not their Mony save Them , for That 's no other then Setting of a Price upon the Head of the Sovereign . Another Expedient to Stop a spreading mischief , is for a Prince to keep a watchfull eye over Great Assemblyes ; which are either Irregular and Lawlesse ; or Regular and Constant ; or Arbitrary and Occasionall . Concerning the First ; it is seldome seen : where the Maner of a Meeting is ●umultuary , that the Businesse of it is not so too ; and where Many Concurr● in One Unlawfull Act 't is no hard matter , to persuade them to agree in Another . So that to frustrate the Ends , and Prevent the Consequences of such Meetings , the surest way , is for the Soveraign to employ his Authority , Timely ; and strictly , to Prohibit them . If That does no Good ; He has no more to doe , but Instantly to Scatter them by force , and single out the Heads of the Riot , for Exemplary Punishment . Touching Conventions which are Regular , and Steady ; It concernes the Chief Magistrate not to be without his Creatures , and Discoverers , in Those Assemblies ; and to see that they be well Influenc'd as to the Government . For Instance ; when the People Meet to Chuse Officers ; when Those Officers meet to advise upon Businesse , 't is worth the while for a Prince to learn how the Pulse Beats ; and Principally , to Over-watch Churches , and Courts of Iudicature : Both in regard of the hazzard of Errours in matters of Law , and Religion ; and of the Multitude , being ever in readiness , and Humour to Entertein them . As to Meetings Arbitrary , and Occasionall , heed must be taken to the Persons assembling , the Occasion which brings them Together , and the Matter whereupon they Treat ; which we shall handle in their proper places , and so passe from Generalls to Particulars , beginning with the CHURCH . Sect. I. By what means , Haeresies , and Schismes , may be kept out of the CHURCH ; Their Encrease hinder'd , and the Seditious Consequences of Them Prevented : with the Remedies of other Mischiefs arising from Disorders in the CHURCH . SInce so it is , that Divisions in the Church have no further Interest in This place , then as they Lead to Seditions in the State : the shortest Cu●t I know ; will be to reduce all of That Tendency to Sr Francis Bacon ' s Notable Comprizall of Them , under Two Properties [ If a New ●ct have not Two Propertyes fear it not , for ( says he ) it will not spread . The One is , the Supplanting or the Opposing , of Authority established : For Nothing is more Popular than That . The Other is , the Giving Licence to Pleasures , and a Voluptuous Life . For as for speculative Heresyes ( such as were in Antient Times the Arrians , and now the Arminians ) though they work mightily upon Mens Wits , yet they do not produce any great Alterations in States ; except it be by the Help of Civill Occasions . ] Now when a Prince meets with a Faction Thus Marq'd , let him Look to himself : for there are against him , the best Counterfeit of a Friend , and the most Deadly Composition of an Enemy ; the Strongest of all Allurements ; the most Popular of all Designs ; and the most Rationall Meanes to Accomplish it . But the Question will be , How to Prevent , what is not as yet Discover'd . To which , we answer that the Sect here spoken of , is New , either Absolutely , or Comparatively . If Absolutely ; Observe what Carnall Interest they drive : If Comparatively , marque what Copy they follow ; and Measure the Disciple by his Master . One Safe , and Certain Remedy , ( be the Novelty what it will , ) is not to suffer any Innovation whatsoever , without a warrantable Authority : no , not so much as a Publick Dispute against an Establish'd Order , from a Private Person . Nay more ; let the Dissent be Right , or Wrong , 't is the same thing as to the Reason of Government , though not so to the Conscience of the Dissenter . Suppose the Subject of an Idolatrous Prince , within his Masters Dominions , and Contrary to his Expresse Order , Preaches against the Religion there Establish'd : he does well , to Discharge his Conscience , but let him have a Care of the Consequence ; for if in Order to the making of Good Christians , he makes Bad Subjects , his Zeal will hardly acquit him of Sedition : God does not allow of Proposing Good Ends , by Ill Means ; and of Reforming Religion , by Rebellion . Let him have a Care likewise , if he comes to suffer for well-doing , how he behaves himself ; for if he but open his Mouth against the Civill Magistrate , as a Persecutour , he betrayes himself to be an Hypocrite . There are Two Sects , whom I dare say , This Doctrine will not please , i.e. the Pontifical Presbyterians , and the Rigid Iesuites . The Latter of which , have , for Convenience sake , been True to One King : The Former , ( give the Devill his Due ) since Presbyterians had a Being , were never True to Any : or if they ever were , let him that Loves Them best , or knows them better , shew me but when , where , how ; and with a Noverint universi , I do here declare , I 'll make a Publique Recantation . Till Then , wee 'll take the Presbyterian for the Cock-Schismatique , and ( if Sir Bacon's Note holds Good ) the Dangerous New Sect : against Whom , no Caution can be too early , no Importunity too Earnest , no Restriction too Severe . These are They that ( according to the Lord St. Albans ) Propagate Religion by Warrs ; Force Consciences ; Nourish Seditions ; Authorise Conspiracies and Rebellions . That put the Sword into the Peoples hand , and Dash the first Table , against the Second . In short ; all Those Popular , and Supplanting Politiques , which we find only here and there ; Scatter'd , and Thin , in Other Sects , are by These People drawn into a Practicable Methode ; a Set-form of Sedition . They Govern Their Looks , their Words , their Actions ; Nay , their very Dresse , Garbe , and Accent , by a Rule : They are Instructed , when to Beseech , and when to Expostulate ; when to Flatter , and when to Threaten ; when to Offer , and when to deny ; when to Presse Swearing , and when to Declaim against it ; when to Save , and when to Kill . In the first Scene , ye have the Schismatique upon his Knees , begging his Prince into a Dispensation , for Scrupulous Consciences , that perhaps stick at such and such Ceremonies ; the Crosse , the Surplice , or the like . Let but the Sovereign Comply Thus far , and what 's the Fruit of This Indulgence ? Within a Day or Two , they come for more , and by Degrees , more still , till at the Last , they find the Government of the Church as Troublesome , as they did the Rites of it ; and Bishops as great a Grievance , as Ceremonies . Where the King Stops , They Cavill , and now , from Petitioners for Freedome to Themselves , they are Grown to be most Insolent denyers of it to Others . Their Art is next , to Tune the People ; which is best done by the Pulpit , where One half of their Businesse is Invective against Prelacy , and the Other is spent in Well-Acted Supplications , that God would turn the Kings Heart ; Accompting His yielding to all They Aske , as a Divine Assurance that their Prayers are heard . But if the Monarch still holds out ; what Pitty 't is ( they Cry ) so sweet a Prince should be Misled ? and Then they fall upon his Evill Counsellours ; still Taking all he Gives , and Strugling for the Rest , till having first Disrob'd him of his Rights , Depriv'd him of his Friends ; Step after Step , they attempt his Sacred Person , and at last take away his Life . Here 's their Glorious King ; the End of all their Vwues , and Covenants , Their Prayers , and Fastings ; or , in a word , the summe of their Religion . It was great Blasphemy , ( says Sir F. B. ) when the Devill said ; I will Ascend and be like the Highest ; But it is greater Blasphemy , to Personate God , and bring him in saying ; I will Descend , and be like the Prince of Darknesse , and what is it better to make the Cause of Religion , to descend , to the Cruell , and Execrable Actions , of Murthering Princes , Butchery of People , and Subversion of States , and Governments ? He that stands firm against ( not the Wit , or Bravery , but ) the Fawning , and Treacherous Insinuations of This Faction , may make himself sport with all Other Practices , and Combinations whatever : and That Prescription , which helps This Evill , serves for all other Publique , and Intestine Maladies . I think we may be Positive , that there neither is , nor ever was in Nature , any Society of Men , without a Vitious Mixture , under what - Government , or Governour-soever . I think we may be as Positive likewise , that Those Ambitious , and Unsatisfy'd Particulars , with which all Constitutions are infested , are only Deterr'd from troubling all Governments , by the want of Opportunities to Plot and Contrive ; and by the Hazzards they meet with , in putting Those Plots in Execution . Wherefore it ought to be a Prince his first Care , to Choak These Seeds of Discord : which may be Effected , by a Provision of Orthodox Ministers ; ( to the utter Exclusion of the Contrary ) by Prohibiting Private Meetings , or Conventicles ; and by taking heed to the Presse . A Watchfulnesse in These Three Points Secures the Church from Schismes , and Consequently the State from Conscientious Seditions . ( at least , if I am not Mistaken in my Presumption , that there is not any fourth way of Dangerous Communication ) Touching the Licentious abuse of the Presse , and the Freedome of Riotous Assemblies ; the Distemper is not as yet grown Bold enough , to avow Those Liberties : But from the Non-Conforming Ministers , we must expect hard Pleading . What ? [ shall the Faithfull Guides be ejected , upon the accompt of Forms , or Ceremonies ? because they dare not do that which they Iudge to be so great a Sin against the Lord ? ] May not a Dissenting Brother be an Honest man ? Our Reply shall be short , and Charitable . If the People take them for Guides , they will be the apter to follow them ; so that the fairer their Credit is , the worse is their Argument . Nor are they laid aside , as if the Difference it self were so Criminal , but for the evill Consequences of Reteining Them. First , it advances the Reputation of the Dissenting Party to have the matter Look as if either the Power , or Reason were on Their side . Next , it Subjects the Prince to be Thought Diffident , either of his Authority to Command , or of the Iustice of the Thing● Commanded . Thirdly ; a Dissenting Minister makes a Dissenting Congregation . Fourthly ; it makes Conscience a Cloak for Sedition , and under Colour of Dividing from the Church , it Ministers Occasion for People to unite against the State. Fifthly ; it not only leads to Novell Opinions , whereof the Vulgar are both Greedy , and Curious ; but it Possesses the Multitude with These Two Desperate , and Insociable Persuasions . First , That the People are Iudges of the Law ; and Next , That because God alone has Power over Their Souls , the Sovereign has none over their Bodies . As to the Honesty of a Dissenting Brother ; his Honesty is only to himself , but his Dissent is to the Publique : and the Better the Man is , the Worse is the President . Upon These hazzards , depends the Royalty of That Sovereign , that dispenses with the Law , to Indulge This Faction : and , which is the great Pitty of all , the better he deserves , the worse they use him . So that the only way for a Prince to deal Safely with These People , is first to lay aside That Dangerous , and Fatal Goodnesse , and Steer his Resolutions by the Compass of a Severe , and Inexorable Reason . Not that Kings are Gods , in any Respect , more then in their Power , and Mercy ; but there are certain Cases , and Instances , wherein That Power , and Mercy may be Restreyn'd ; and wherein 't is possible that what is Excellent in Nature , may be a slip in Government . 'T is One Thing for a Party to ask Pardon for a Fault already Committed , and another thing to beg a Dispensation beforehand , to Commit it . And there 's This Difference also in the Issue of the Grants . The Prince has the Faction at His Mercy , the One way ; and the Faction has got the Prince at Theirs , the Other . But to the Point . Will the Monarch's Yielding to this , or That , Content them ? They 'll say 't is all they aime at ; and truly I 'd believe them : would they but shew mee out of their whole Tribe , any one Instance of This Moderation to save the Credit of my Charity ; Any Presbyterian Interest in Nature that is not Rays'd upon the Ruines of a Prince , and Cimented with Broken Vowes , and Promises . If it be Thus ; Nothing lesse then a Miracle can secure That Monarch that makes This Faction Master of the Pulpit : and This King Charls the Martyr prov'd by sad Experience : For not a Soul that by the Instigation of Schismaticall Lecturers deserted the Church , but became an Enemy to the State. So that Effectually a Gracious Toleration in some Cases , is by Some people understood no otherwise , then as a Tacit Commission from the Person of the King to Levy a Warr against his Office. And it is very rarely that such an Indulgence is better Employ'd . In which Opinion we are not a little Confirm'd , by the Reflections of That Blessed Prince above mentioned . [ I wish ( says he ) I had not suffered My own Iudgment to have been overborne in some Things , more by others Importunities , then their Arguments ; My Confidence had lesse betrayed My self , and My Kingdoms , to Those advantages , which some men sought for , who wanted nothing but Power , and Occasion , to do Mischief . ] And after the utmost Tryall of Bounty and Remis●nesse to That Faction ; These are his words to his Royall Successour [ I cannot yet Learn That Lesson , nor I h●pe never will you , That it is safe for a King to gratifie any Faction , with the perturbation of the Laws , in which is wrapt up the Publique Interest , and the Good of the Community . ] Finally ; Those Perfidious Creatures which at first Petition'd their Sovereign , afterwards fought against Him , and Imprison'd Him : Refusing him in his Distresse the Comfort of his own Chaplains , in Requitall for having Granted them the Liberty of their Consciences . Who strook the Fatall Blow , it matters not : If He had not been Disarm'd , he had not been Kill'd . Subjects do not Hunt Kings for Sport ; only to Catch Them , and let them go again . To Conclude ; He was persecuted with Propositions worse then Death ; as by his Choyce appear'd : for he Preferr'd rather to Die , then Sign Them. But to Signalize the Honour of his Memory , and the Glory of his Martyrdome , take his Last Resolution , and Profession . I look upon it with infinite more content and quiet of Soul , to have been worsted in my Enforced contestation for , and vindication of , the Laws of the Land , the Freedome and Honour of Parliaments , the Rights of my Crown , the Iust Liberty of my Subjects , and the true Christian Religion in its Doctrine , Government , and due Encouragements , then if I had with the greatest Advantages of Successe , over-born them all , as some men have now Evidently done , whatever Designs they at first pretended . From a Supposition of the first Inclination to Schism , Proposing also how to strangle it in the Birth : we are now to Consider it in some Degree of Growth , and Progression ; and to enquire after the best means to prevent such Mischieves , as may arise from the further Encrease , and spreading of it . That is ; the Mischieves of Conspiracy , which may be Promoted , either by Speech , or Writing . The first great Hazzard is when Popular Persons , are put in Popular Employments , and in Populous Places . A Cunning , and a Factious Minister , is a Dangerous Instrument in a City ; and the more Dangerous , if Tolerated ; for Then he Stirs up Tumults by Authority : and who shall blame the Flock for Following the Shepheard ? The Liberties of Conventicles , and Pamphlets , are likewise of Desperate Influence upon the People ; but These ( as is already said ) are easily Suppress'd by the Seasonable Execution of Laws . But There 's no Dallying with the Combination . If through the fault of Negligent Officers , tho Distemper be gone too far , and the Confederacy grown Strong and Bold enough to struggle with the Law. Then , Other Arts must be found out , either to amuse , Ensnare , or Disunite the Faction . The Last Resort is violence , which must be Timely too before the Reverence of Authority is quite Lost. And let the King Himself appear ; not only to Ask , but Take the Heads of the Sedition ; before the Quarrell is Transferr'd from his Ministers , to his Person : if he but Stoops , he Falls . How horrible a Mutiny was That which Caesar Quieted at Placentia ? Single , Unarm'd and with One wretched word . ( QUIRITES ) — Nec dum desaeviat Ira , Expectat ; Medios properat tentare Furores . Nor Waites he till the Hot Fit should asswage , But at the Maddest , Scorns , and Braves their Rage . As the Resolve was Great , and the Successe Good , so doubtlesse was the Reason of This Action ; For by the Sodainnesse , he Prevented their Agreement ; and by the Generous Contempt of Danger , he was almost Certain to Divide the Revolt : making the Nobler Part of the Mutiniers to Adore him , and the Baser , to Fear h●m . If the bare Presence of a General , could have This Power upon a Disciplin'd , In●●ns'd , and Daring Army ; what should a Lawful Monarch apprehend , from an Unpractic'd , and Loose Multitude ? But the Dispute is not yet Brought to This Extremity ; our Purpose in This Place , being rather to Frustrate , and Disappoint the Malice in the Contrivance , then Crush it in the Execution . To which end are Requisite , great Diligence , Secrecy , Watchfulnesse , Moderation ; and ( at-what-rate-soever ) a strict and General Intelligence : All which together , make up a Necessary , and Befitting Prudence . Sir Bacon's Counsell is , to Begin , with Reforming Abuses : a worke seldom out of Season , but never more needfull ; then upon the very first Murmurings , and Motions toward Troubles . Most especially , let Great Towns be Supply'd with Good Ministers , and the Earlier the Better , least the Multitude think it Extorted ; and the Guilty become too Strong for the Innocent . In ought to be Impartiall too ; too ; for a Toleration on the One hand , will make Iustice it selfe look like a Persecution on the other . Beside That it takes away the Subject of the Cla●●ur and exalts the Reputation of the Monarch , in making him appear the Common Father of his People . By these meanes , may the Church be Purg'd of Schism● , without much hazzard of Sedition . If the Plot be allready Mode●●'d and the Multitude Leaven'd , The Sovereign is to look for Petitions , on the Behalfe of Ejected Ministers ; in the Names of Thousands ; and Accompanied with the Rudeness rather of a Riot , then a Request . The Petitioners may be Put off , Threatned , or Punished &c. — according to the Merit of their Behaviour : out let a watch be set upon the Leaders of Those Troupes : their Haunts , and Correspondents . Let it be Marqu'd , who Interceedes , who Mitigates on Their behalfe . Let the Motions of the Disaffected Clergy be likewise Observ'd ; which of the Nobility They Frequent : and in fiue , Spyes Employ'd upon all their Considerable Privacyes : for , Let the Cry be what it will , the Cause of these Disorders is Ambition . Of which in another Place , and with One Word more wee 'll Conclude This Poynt . That may be Conscience in the People , which is Sedition in the Minister ; wherefore , in all Schismaticall Ruptures , I could wish all possible Favour to the Common sort of the Laity , and as much Severity to the Offending Clergy . Sect. II. How to prevent Seditions arising from the Disorders of the BENCH . WE have begun with the Church ; and the Bench properly followes : which is but to give Them the Same Place in the Order of This Discourse , which they have in the Argument of it . Was there ever any Considerable Rebellion ( I do not say Revolt ) That was not usher'd in by Corrupt Divines , or Lawyers , or Both of Them ? And 't is no wonder ; since upon These Two Interests depends the Grand Concern , both of our Souls , and Bodyes . One Reason of their Forwardnesse may be This ; that they may doe more Harme , upon Safe , and Easie Termes , then other People : Bolt a Rebellion out of a Text ; Dethrone a King with a Moot-Point , and Execute a Bishop at a Reading . All which is done with a Wet Finger , for when a People are Discontented , 't is but Picking a Scripture , or a Statute , for the Time and Purpose ; and commit the Rest to Application . These two Interests hold so Good Intelligence , it is almost Pitty to part Them : and Compar'd with the Rest , ( Supposing all in Disorder ) They mind me of a Combination I have observ'd betwixt a Beagle , and a Grey-hound : the One Starts the Hare , and Yelps , the Other Catches it , but by Consent , they part the Quarry . As I Reckon These Men of the Robe to be the very Pests of Humane Nature , when they Degenerate from the Prime End of their Institution ; So take them ( on the Other side ) in the Due Exercise of their Callings , they are the Blessings and the Pillars of Society . A word now to the Lawyer apart . The Common Crime of Vitious Lawyers , is Av●rice ; and Those Inducements to Sedition , which ( in the Chapter next fore-going This ) we have divided into Corruption , Partiality , Oppression , Chargeable Delayes , &c. are but as Severall Branches from That Root of Covetousnesse . Nay , take their more Pernicious , and Vile Practices ; Their Misconstruction of Laws ; Misapplying of Presidents ; Torturing or Embezelling of Record , &c. What is All This , but Corruption in another Dresse ? A Project to Embroyle the Government , that They may get Mony by Setling it again ? Or if they can procure a Change ; They make the best Market they can of their Country ; and Betray it to That Faction that will Give Most for it . Nay , when That 's done , ( and that Matters will come right again , in spight of them ) They shall Betray it Back again to the Right owner : at once Lamenting , and adoring their Past , and Profitable Transgressions . These are the miserable fruits of Corruption . Others there are that Erre through want of Iudgment . And That 's a sad Case too ; for Mistakes coming from the Lipps of a Iudg , passe for Oracles . Others , there are again , that understand the Right , but in some Cases , dare not own it . And These deliver up the People to day , for fear of the King ; and the Prerogative to morrow , for fear of the Subject . From hence , it seems to me that a Prince his Chiefest Care in This Particular of the Law , lies in a Narrow Compasse : That is , in securing , and preserving his Courts of Iudicature from Corruption ; and in Supplying them with men of Eminent Abilities , and Courage , These are the Instruments to make a Prince , and People Happy ; nor does any Thing more Conduce to it , then the Carying of an Even , and Impartiall Hand upon the Ballance of Government , and Obedience . We come now to the Choyce of Persons , and There the Difficulty lies . Some Deceive the World , by appearing Hon●●ter then they are . Others Deceive Themselves , and are Honest only for want of Temptation . Some there are , that are Proof against Mony , but not against Danger . In short ; Where it so much Imports a Prince not to Repent too late , it may be worth his while to Consider of his Choyce to Time. Concerning the Abilities of Persons for the Offices to which he Designs them ; Common F●me , with a Little Particular Enquiry , will be sufficient : but their Integrity requires a Stricter Scrutiny . What 's such a mans Humour ? his Behaviour ? his Temper ? are not Unnecessary Questions . And upon the Whole ; if he has ever Betray'd any Friend , Trust , or Interest , either for Fear , or Profit ; Away with him . But if upon Tryals , either Private , or Hublique , it appears , that rather then do small Injuries , he has Refus'd Great Benefits ; that he has Preferr'd his Faith , and Honour , before his Life , and Fortune ; This Evidence may serve for a Morall Assurance of an Honest Man. Whereas without This Personal and Particular Examination , not only the Futi●●e Safety , but the Present Quiet of a Kingdome may come to be endanger'd by a Mischoyce of Ministers . To Reason upon This Hazzard ; does no● at all empeach the Sovereign's absolute Freedom to Elect whom He pleases ; nor does it one 〈◊〉 iustifie the Subject , that shall presume to Scan and Iudg the Actions of his Prince . But in Regard that Discontentments breed Seditions ; and that Mistakings of This Quality may beget Discontentments , we Offer This Expedient as to That Consequence . And in Truth it seems to be a Kind of Prophanation of the Seat of Iustice , when Hee sits upon the Bench , that deserves to hold up his hand at the Barr. To Conclude ; when a Monarch comes to Discover the Inconvenience of such Ministers , he may Kill Two Birds with One Stone ; and Consider who Recommended them . ( but they may be better Kept out , then Driven out . ) Next to the Choyce of Good Persons , Succeeds the Care of Good Order , when they are Chosen : Which may be Provided for , first ; by Mainteining an Intelligence concerning the Generall Bias , and Complexion of their Proceedings , as to the Publique , ( i. e. whether or no they do equall Iustice betwixt King , and People ) Secondly , by overwatching them in Cases of more Private and Particular Concern . Let not This Strictnesse appear either too much for a Prince his Businesse , or below his Dignity . Kingdomes are Lost for want of These early Providences ; these Little Circumspections ; but it costs more to Recover them . Nor ( in effect ) is the Trouble at all considerable ; for 't is here , as 't was with the Tyrant , that durst not Sleep for fear of having his Throte Cut. A Mathematician comes to him , and tells him ; that for so many Talents hee de secure him ; and shew him such a Secret , that it should be impossible for any man so much as to design upon him without Discovery . The Tyrant was content ; provided that he might be satisfy'd of the Secret , before he parted with his Mony , and so takes the Cunning-man into his Cabinet . What was the Secret ? but that he should give the Fellow so much Mony , and pretend that he had Taught it him . This Story comes up to Us. The bare Opinion of a Prince his Vigilance , saves him the Need , and Trouble of it : And Three or Four Discoveries in his whole Reign , shall gain him That Opinion . Touching Those Abuses which Immediately direct to the Publique ; ( as concerning the misconstruction of Lawyers , &c. ) they are usually couch'd under the Salvo of an Ambiguity . To prevent which Inconvenience , all Those Distinctions which in Seditious times have been made use of for the Authorising , or Countenancing of Treason : might be summ'd up and Declar'd Treasonous Themselves . Such I mean , as the Coordinate Power of King , Lords , and Commons . The Literal and Equitable Construction of Laws . The Person , and Authority of Princes . Singulis Major , Universis Minor , &c. For sure it is not Reasonable , that the Cleer , and Sacred Rights of Kings , should depend upon the dubious , and Prophane Comments of the People . Concerning Grievances of a more Particular Quality ; the Principal of them are Injustice , and Delay : The Former whereof , is purely the Fault of the Iudge ; the Other , may in some measure , and in some Constitutions , be imputed to a Defect in the Law. In This Case , the best way to prevent further Mischief , and Satisfie for what is done already , is an Impartial Severity upon all Offenders as they are Detected : Especially , where Compleints are General , and the Injustice Notorious ; for nothing lesse then a Publique Example , can amount to a Publique Satisfaction . Sect. III. How to Prevent , or Remedy Seditions arising from the Disorders of the COURT . WE have in the Last Chapter , Pag. 99. ( concerning Seditions which may possibly arise from a Disorder'd Court ) stated what we intend by the Court-Interest . We have likewise Divided the Evill-Instruments , into such as either Plot Mischief , or Occasion it . We have again Subdivided the Plotters into Three Parties . The One whereof opposes the Title of the Governour ; The Other , ( as Directly ) the Form of the Government : And there is a Third Party , that bring their Ends about , by Supplications , Vowes , Fasting and Prayer ; by Forms of Piery , and Reverence : and finally ; that with a Hail Master and a Kisse , Betray their Sovereign . Concerning the Two Former ; More needs not be said , then that Force is to be Repell'd by Force ● and That , the Monarch is suppos'd to have alwayes in Readiness , for the Safety of the Government . The Other , is a Serpentine , and Winding Party ; that Steals , and Glides into the very Bosome of a Prince , and Then it Clipps , and Strangles him . This is a Faction that Answers to our Iesuited Puritan . Yet while I separate These Three , for Perspicuity of Methode ; let me not be understood , as if they would not mingle in Complication of Interest : For nothing is more Notorious , then that in all Commotions upon pretext of Conscience , the Religious Division is still the Receptacle of all other Disaffected Humours whatsoever . He that 's an Atheist to Day , becomes an Enthusi●st to Morrow ; where a Crown is the Prize . Only I must confesse , the Presbyterian playes the Fast and Loose of the Device , the best in the whole World. Let as many Help him as will , 't is Liberty of Conscience forsooth ; but have a Care of the Purity of the Gospell ; when they come to share with him . They may , if they please , ( nay they shall be Invited to 't ) run the hazzards of the Course with him ; Venture Neck , and Body ; over Hedg and Ditoh ; through Thick and Thin — but yet at last , the Devill a bit of the Quarry . In fine ; the Plausible Contrivers of Sedition ( under what - Masque-soever are the People we aime at ; and These are either In the Counsell , or Out of it . Sir Francis Bacon Divides the Dangers from Within the Great Counsell , into an Over-greatnesse in One Counsellour , or an over-strict Combination in Diverse . The Rest , we only look upon as Their Dependencies . Pag. 110. We proceed from the Direct Contrivance of Seditions , to the more Remote Occasions of them . As Corruption , Monopolizing ; Non-payment of Debts , &c. — This being the Order into which we have dispos'd the Causes of Seditions ; it will be suitable , that some Degree of Methode be observ'd in the Remedies . But first , a word of Introduction . We are to take for granted , that Sedition is a kind of Clockwork , and that the Main Spring of all Rebellions is Ambition . We may be again as Confident , that never any One Monarchy was destray'd , but with design to set up Another . ( The Talk of This or That Form of Government ; or of This or That Shape of Religion , being no more then a Ball toss'd among the People , for the Knaves to keep the Fools in play with ) It 's Truth , that a Sinking Monarchy lapses into an Aristocracy ; and That again into a Popular State. But what 's the Reason of all This ? Does any man Imagine that the Conspir●ours work for One-another , or for Themselves ? They Ioyn in the Necessity of a Common Assistance , but they Divide in the Proposition of a several Interest . Who is He in the Senate , that had not rather Rule Alone , then in Company , if he could help it ? To be short ; where more then One Govern , 't is because what Every man Wishes ; no Particular can effect . ( that is , to Master the Rest. ( Understand me only of Medlers to overthrow a Government . ) The next Slid●e from an Aristocracy , downward ; comes a little clearer yet . Some of the Craftyest of Those that help'd the Peers to Cast off the King , are now as Busie with the People to Throw off the Nobility : and Then , they are within one Easie step , of Confusion ; from whence , the next Change brings him that can carry it from the Rest , to the Sovereignty . As arrant a Mockery , is Religion , in the Mouth of a Conspiratour . Indeed it makes me smile sometime , to hear how Soberly Men will talk of the Religion of This or That Faction : as if a Traytour , or an Hypocrite were of Any . And Then they cry , — This is against the Principles of the Presbyterians ; and That against the Principles of the Independents : when ( Truly , and Shortly ) they are but Thus Distinguish'd ; Those would subvert the Government , One Way ; These , another : And He that would rightly Understand them , must Read , for Presbytery , ARISTOCRACY ; and DEMOCRACY , for Independency . ( I speak of the next Consequence , if they Prevail ; not of the Ultimate Design of the Chief Leaders ; for That 's Monarchy ) Wee 'll drop ye a Little Story here . An Officer of the Reformation advises with an Ingenious Surgeon of my Acquaintance , about a Grief , ( as he protended ) caught with a Streyn . After diverse Questions ; how and how ? The Surgeon tells his Patient , that ( by his leave ) the Trouble he compleyns of , can be no other , then ( to Phrase it Modestly ) a Ladies Favour . The good man blesses himself ; and still it must be a Streyn . Why then a Streyn let it be : but This I 'll tell you Sir ; The thing that Cures That Streyn , will Cure the Pox. In fine ; the Officer submits , and the Surgeon does his work . This is the Case of the Two Factions , They Cry out , of their Consciences ; but their Disease lyes somewhere else : and Schism is Cur'd , just as they Cure Sedition . Nay ; does it not behove a Prince , with the same strictnesse to require Submission to a Ceremony , as to a Taxe ? Or why may not a Iustice as well refuse to Sweare Obedience , to the Civill Government , as a Minister to the Ecclesiastique ? What can be more reasonable , then for a Master either to Punish , or dismisse an undutiful Servant ? Briefly , That Momarch that would be Safe , must resolve to be Deaf to These Religious Clamours . Alas ! let but the Ministers Begin ; the People Bawle in Course : not that they are Troubled ; but they 'll do 't in Rudenesse , or Imitation . They are as arrantly Taught to do 't , as a Friend of mine Taught his Beagles . Let Him Gape first , and the whole Kennell falls to Howling : Let Him give off , They 're Quiet too : and just Thus stands the Case betwixt the Schismatical Clergy , and the Multitude . But ( it will be said ) what 's all This to the Court ? O● to Seditions , Thence proceeding ? Oh very much . These Out-cryes of the Vulgar ▪ are but False Alarmes : The Dint is nearer hand , They have their Demagogues , and their Patron ; ( as the late Glorious King , and Martyr calls them ) and if a Prince look well about him , in such a juncture as is here mention'd ; 't is odds , he finds some of their Principalls , even at his Eare , or Elbow . So that his first Concern is to Inspect , and Purge ( where he sees Cause ) his Royall Palace , Beginning with his Counsell . Where ( as Sir Francis Bacon ) The Danger is either , the Over-greatness of One ; or the Combination of Diverse : Which Dangers we shall Obviate with their Remedies , in Order . Subsection I. The Remedies of certain hazzards arising from the OVERGREATNESS Of One COUNSELLOUR . ONe over-great Counsellour may be Dangerous , First ; in respect of His Particular Temper , and Inclination : Secondly ; in Regard of His Credit with his Master : and Lastly ; in Consideration of the Influence of That Power , and Inclination upon the People . The Over-great Counsellour we here treat of , is as the Malus Genius of a Nation : and in Two Words , behold the Ground , and Summe of the whole Mischief . 'T is either Vice , or Weaknesse ; apply'd to the Dishonour , or Damage , of a Prince , and People . Now to the Application of That Vice , or Weaknesse . And first , what ill use may be made of the One , and what ill effects may proceed from the Other , by virtue of his Credit with his Master . If he be Ambitious ; Hee 's plac'd upon the very Point , for Popularity . Whom can he not Oblige ; by Hopes , Rewards , Preferments ? Whose Tongue cannot He Charme , either to Speech , or Silence ? Whose Reputation ; Suit ; Fortune ; nay in some Cases ; Whose very Life it self , and Liberty , are not dependent upon his Favour ? If This Aspiring Humour be accompanied with a Sharpnesse of Iudging ; a Felicity of Contriving ; and an Impulse of Enterprizing : The Master of such a Servant should do well to Look about him . It may be Reply'd , that doubtlesse so he would , if he saw any Reason to apprehend his Abuse of That Power ; But the Knowledge of the Person , does sufficiently warrant the Reason of the Dispensation . To which , we Answer ; that though Sovereign Princes are not a comptable to Others , yet they are to Themselves ; both for the Expedience , and Equity of their Actions : And enring into their own Souls , it is very possible , that they may discover some Incongruities betwixt their Affections , and their Convenience . Some Incongruities I say ; and such , as may induce the wisest Prince , and the most Indulgent Master ; even toward the most Loyall , and Moriting Servant , to limit the Graces of his Inclination , to the Rules and Respects of his Office ; and to be wary , least while he Divide his Heart with his Friend , he share also his Authority with his Subject : Therein , both Endangering Himself , and Grieving his People . To Conclude ; it is Great Prudence , in Publique Affairs to commit Little to Hazzard : and it is no small Hazzard , to expose a Favourite to strong Temptations . Where there are Servants that will employ their Masters Bounty against Himself , ( and of such only , we speak ) if the Design be to supplant the Sovereign , many Remedies may be found out , to frustrate That Ambition . Nay , ( as I have already hinted ) whether there be such a Design , or not ; 't is good to provide against the very Possibility of it . For , it is fitter , that the Publique should be indebted for it's well-being , to the Care of the Prince , then to the Honesty of the Favourite . Ambitious Natures do better in the Field , then in the Court ; and better yet Abroad , then at Home . If they will advance , they grow Dangerous for their Power ; if they receive a Check , they become so for their Malice : whence it comes to pass , that we see Few Seditions without a Malcontent of This Quality , in the Head of them . These are a sort of People , of whom a Prince cannot be too wary . But we are here to provide against the Ambition of a Person Rais'd by Favour , not Aspiring : and from such a one , the Perill is greater , by reason of the means he has , both to Compasse his Ends , and to Disguise them . Sir Francis Bacon proposes the Mating of One Ambitious Person with Another ; and in extremities , the Puzzling of him , with an Enterchange of Favours , and Disgraces , that he may not know what to Expect . Courses , no doubt , advisable , to put an Insolent Favourite to a stand ; if it may be as Safe to Disoblige him , without Disarming him : but That depends much upon the Complexion of the Person , according as he is Bold , or Fearfull . There is not any thing which more fortifies , and establishes a Monarch , then the disposal of all Offices , and Charges of Trust , by his particular Choyce , and Direction , without the Interpose of any Publique Recommendation : Nor can he transfer That Care to his Great Counsellour without a great share of his Power . And here 's the Difference ; the one way , they are the honourable dependencies of the Prince ; and the Other way , they are the suspected Creatures of the Favourite : who by This Indulgence , makes One Party at Present , and Another in Expectation . A Warynesse in This Particular , breaks the Neck of his Design . It is good also for a Prince fairly , and Publiquely to Refuse him some Requests , and where the Suit is too bold , to Check him for Others : That the World may see , that there are Some things which he cannot obtein ; and Others , which he must not Dare to Ask. Whereas , if he carries all without Reserve , the Majesty of the Sovereign is lost in the Power of the Favourite . The Advice of King Charles the Martyr , to his Sacred Majesty now in Beeing , shall put an End to This Point . Never repose so much upon any mans single Counsell , Fidelity , and Discretion , in menaging Affairs of the First Magnitude ( that is , Matters of Religion , and Iustice ) as to Create in your self , or others , a Diffidence of your own Iudgment , which is likely to be alwayes more Constant , and Impartiall to the Interests of the Crown and Kingdome , than any mans . This may suffice to Prevent a dangerous Over-greatnesse : but if it be found Necessary to Crush it ; ( as in case of a bold , and manifest Transgression of Duty , and Violation of Law ) Something like an English Parliament does it best ; and much better to be promoted by the People , then by the Sovereign . A Second Danger , is , when a Prime Minister employes his Credit to uphold a Faction : and it is the more Dangerous , by the hardnesse to know what it is . As whether it be Ambition , Corruption , Popularity ; or , in fine , some other Secret Interest . It may be , they have Need of One-another . Nothing can be more perillous then This Correspondence , when a proper Instrument has the menage of it . Oh how he Detests the Faction ! But yet Truly in such , and such Cases ; and for such and such Persons ; and upon This or That Nick of Time ; if Matters were Order'd so and so . — And Then , the Insolence of a Schisme is Palliated with the Simplicity of a Scruple : and for such Cases as will bear no Other Plea , is found out the Colour of an indisputable Necessity . Not to prosecute the seuerall Artifices , by which some Truths are Disguised , others Suppress'd : Those Suits Promoted ; These Compleints Smother'd : and finally ; by which , both Men , and Things are quite misrepresented . Kings cannot possibly see all things with their own Eyes , nor hear all things with their own Ears , so that they must commit many great Trusts to their Ministers . ] The Hazzard then is Great , when the Confident of the Monarch is the Advocate for the Enemies of the State. But above all , if he be Surly and Imperious to the Try'd Servants of the Crown ; That looks like a Design , to Introduce one Party to Betray the Prince , and to discourage or Disable Another from serving him . We are here upon a Supposition , that a Master may be mistaken in a Servant : and that a Servant may abuse his Credit with his Master . In case This be ; What Remedy ? Supposing the Favourite still in Credit , we must Imagine the Sovereign still in the Mistake : and therefore not expect a Remedy as to the Person , but rather fetch Relief from some Generall Rules of Government : which shall neither disoblige the Favourite , if he be Honest ; nor e●●pose the Prince , if he be 〈◊〉 : - But This is better done at the Beginning of a Kings Reign , then in the Middle of it ; better upon Iudgment of State , then Urgency of Occasion . The Certain help is a fit Choyce of Officers , and Servants . Especially in such Places as have Numerous Dependencies ; for otherwise , Three or Four Persons Leaven the Court ; half a Dozen more , the Souldiery ; and in Conclusion , a Great Favourite , with a few select Instruments of his own making , may at his Pleasure seize the Government . This was the Rise of the Second Race of Kings in France . Yet God forbid , that Princes should make Themselves , and their Privadoes miserable , by Eternall , Causelesse , and Unquenchable Iealousies : That Kings should be Debarr'd That Blessing , and Relief , without which , Life's a Plague , and Royalty a Burthen . That is ; the Use and Comfort of a Friend : [ to whom ( as the Oraculous St. Albans ) he may Impart , his Griefs , Ioys , Fears , Hopes , Suspicions , Counsels , and whatsoever lies upon his Heart , to oppresse it ; in a kind of Civill Shrift , or Confession : ] and from whence , ( with the same Authour ) he may reap , [ Peace of affections , and Support of Iudgment . ] Nay , take the Subject's Interest in Too ; what can be more Desirable , then for a Prince to have a Watchfull , Wise , Faithfull Counsellour ; and the People , a Firme Prudent Patriote , in the same Noble Person ? Accursed be the man that envies Either . Yet Here 's a Line still drawn betwixt Majesty and Kindnesse ; which the One cannot passe , without Diminution , nor the Other transgresse without Presumption . In fine ; the Right of Placing , or Displacing Officers , lies on the Kings side of the Chalke , and falls under the Head of Reward or Punishment . King Iames in the Second Book of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , delivers Excellent Advises to Prince Henry , concerning the Choyce of Servants . First ; See that they be of a Good Fame , and without Blemish . Next ; See that they be Indued with such honest Qualities , as are meet for such Offices as ye ordeyn them to serve in ; that your Iudgment may be known in Employing every man according to his Guifts . Thirdly ; I Charge you , according to my Fatherly Authority , to preferr Specially to your Service , so many as have truly served Me , and are able for it . — For if the Haters of your Parents cannot Love you , it followes of Necessity , that Their Lovers must Love you . Chuse your Servants for your own Uses , and not for the Use of Others : and hearken not to Recommendations , more for serving in effect , their Friends that put them in , then their Masters that admit them . Especially take good heed to the choyce of your Servants , that you preferr to the Offices of the Crown and Estate : for in Other Offices , ye have only to take heed to your Own Weale , but These concern likewise the Weale of your People ; for the Which , ye must be Answerable to God. Be carefull to Prefer none , as ye will be answerable to God , but for their Worthynesse . Employ every man as ye think him Qualify'd ; but Use not One in all Things , lest he wax Proud , and be Envy'd by his Fellowes . These were the Directions of a Prince , then whom no Man spake more upon Experience : and very hardly shall a Sovereign that takes This Course , even upon any Accompt , Miscarry . Another Profitable Course might be for a Prince to set his Favourite his Bounds , afore-hand . As for the Purpose ; that in such and such Particulars , concerning Law , and Religion , or wherein his Peculiar Interest is concern'd ; he never presume to move him above Once ; and that in certain Other Cases , he presume not to move him at all . By these means , the Favourite is minded of his Duty , the Prince of his Dignity : and Both Secur'd ; the One , from the Hazzard of Granting too much ; the Other from the Temptation of Asking it . So far from being Impracticable , is This Proposition ; that , on the contrary , 't is Obvious and Easie. As for Instance . There are some things which a King cannot Grant as a Christian ; Others , which he cannot Grant as a King ; and some again , which he cannot Grant as a Wise man. So that Reserving to himself , a Freedome ( even from Sollicitation ) in These Niceties of Conscience , Honour , and Convenience ; the Favourite may make his Best of the Rest. The Relation betwixt a Governour , and his People , is like That of Man , and Wife : A man may take his Friend into his Armes , but not into his Bed. To make an end of This ; That Favourite that presses his Master to any thing which evidently exposes him , to Contempt or Hatred , does probably Design his Ruine . To run through the whole Body of Humane Frailties , would be too Tedious ; Let it suffice , that Those Vices ( whether Devillish , or Brutish ) which in a Private man , are Mischievous , or Shamefull , are much more so in a Person arm'd with Power to Execute the Malice , and qualifi'd with an Eminence , to Recommend a lewd Example . Where a Great Trust is committed to a Weak Person ; It matters not much to the Publique , whether he be True , or False : for Futility , in him , has the Effect of Treachery in another : The One Blabs his Masters Secrets , and the Other Betrayes them . The Third Hazzard from the Over-greatnesse of One Counsellour , arises from the Influence of his Power , and Inclination upon the People : And That , either as to their Love , or Hatred . The Popular Part we have already done with : ( that is , so far as it concerns the making of a Party to Himself ; and the Remedies of That Danger ) That which remains , shall be divided into Pride , Covetousnesse , and Mis-advise . It is seldome seen , that a Proud man in Power , is not withall Insolent , Vain , and Cruell . The first to his Superiours , where they will suffer it : The Next to his Equalls , till they are Sick of it : and the Third , to his Inferiours , till he is Hated for it . A Favourite of This Temper , makes it his Glory to be thought the Dictatour to his Master : Disputing , Excusing , Cavilling , upon Mandates and Directions , ( as Sir Francis Bacon ) His style is , Ego & Rex Meus ; and the Consequence of This Boldnesse is to lessen the Sovereign in the Eyes of his Subjects . It is harder for a Prince to Discover This Audacious Humour , then to Crush it ; let but the King withdraw his Favour for one Moment● and of himself , he falls below the Scorn of Those he lately Trampled on . If he be Covetous ; The Person of the Prince , and the Honour of the Nation are expos'd to Sale : and the People Squeez'd to fill his Coffers , till they have not Bread left for their own Bellies . This brings the Multitude to Sterve , or Tumult ; and There 's a Kingdome Swallow'd by a Favourite . We here suppose the Worst ; and yet even These Extremities , are not quite Deplorate , and Helplesse . Spunges will Spue , as well as Suck ; and 't is but the Monarch's sending of the Popular Assembly in quest of the Publique Treasure , to fetch it up again . Now whence proceeds this Mischief , but from Misadvise ? not want of Prudence , but of Enformation : or which is worse ; from Tales fram'd to the Passion , and Advantage of the Teller . Hee 's made an Enemy to the State , that 's not a Friend to This or That Design . Dangers are Pretended , where there are none ; and Security , where there are : And ( which is the Curse of These Ill Offices ) the Wisest , and the Bravest of Princes , are subjected to Delusion , and Surprize , in Common with their Contraries . Could Solomon ' s Wisdome tell him which of the Two Harlots was the Mother of the Child , without a further means of Decision ? Or Could Caesar ' s Courage oppose the Fate of the Senate ? In Matters of Fact , Princes , as well as Others , are to be Instructed by Report ; and if from a Person whom they have Reason to believe , they receive Notice of a Matter whereupon they have not Time to Deliberate ; their Proceedings are to be Directed by the Fairest Appearance of that Relation . In fine , if a Servant will betray his Master , there 's no avoyding it , for he must Trust somebody . [ Remember well ( sayes Sir Francis Bacon in a Letter of Advice to the late Duke of Buckingham ) the great Trust you have undertaken , you are as a Continual Centinell , alwayes to stand upon your Watch , to give him ( the King ) True Intelligence . If you Flatter him , you Betray him ; If you Conceal the Truth of Those things from him which concern his Iustice , or his Honour , ( although not the Safety of his Person ) you are as dangerous is Traytour to his State , as he that rises in Armes against him . ] If such as only withdraw their Allegeance from their Prince , are so Criminal ; how much are They to blame then , that , where his Conscience , Life , and Dignity , lie all at Stake ; abuse , and mispossesse him ! That cry ; Not That way Sir , for the Lords sake , go This way rather ! and so Betray him , from his Guards into an Ambush . But Centaurs are scarce more Monstrous in Nature , then These men are in Manners ; and I may seem perhaps very ha●d driven for want of work , to employ my time in the searching out of Remedies , for Mischiefs so Improbable . Truly His Conceipt , that imputes the Omission of a Law against Patricides , to a Presumption that the Crime would never be committed , does not at all divert me from Believing , that Prudence is to Provide for the Worst ; and Nothing left to Chance , that may be Secur'd by Counsell . Wherefore , I Proceed to my Prevention . Since the Only Certainty of what is Done , or Said , comes from the Eye , or Eare ; and that the Sovereign cannot be every where ; so that he must either give Credit to Relation ; or know nothing of Affairs at a Distance ; let us Consider , by what means a Prince may most probably escape the Snares of a Mis-enformer . To advise upon the Choyce of the Instrument ; is but to say , Chuse an Honest man , and hee 'll not betray you : And not to let any man deceive you Twice , is but the After-game of Wisdome ; for the First Errour may be Fatall . We must look out some other Course then , and a Better I know none , then a Strict Iustice , and Severity , of Reward , and Punishment . A False Intelligencer is as bad as a Spy. Wherefore , let a Prince suppresse Calumnies , and encourage Accusations , that he may not take his Friends . for his Enemies , and his Enemies for his Friends . What can be a Greater Injury to the Sovereign's Honour , then by a false Story , to cause him Love where he should almost Hate , and Hate where he should Love ? Punish where he should Reward , and Reward where he should Punish ? It breaks the Heart of Loyalty , This sad Mistake , and strengthens the Hands of Treason . Who would dare to put These Affronts upon Majesty , and Innocence , if upon Detection , the Scandall were made as dangerous to the Reporter , as the Consequence to the Sufferer ? And This we take for a sufficient Mean , to keep Malitious Buzzes from the Eares of Princes . But This is but the work halfe-done ; for there are certain Truths as Necessary to be Told , as are These Calumnies to be Conceal'd ; and where the Undertaker of the Office , runs a far greater Risque to serve his Prince , then the Other does to Ruine him . These Offices are discharg'd , by Mercenary Persons , for Reward ; and by the Worthyer Sort , for Reverence-Sake , and Duty . So that betwixt the Fear of Punishment , the Hope of Benefit , and the rare Integrity of Those that stand firm without considering Either ; a Prince may easily secure himself of Good Advise , and Right Intelligence ; and That , ( at least within Himself ) amply suffices to his Establishment . That Kings are Men ; who Doubts ? And 't is as much Their Duty to Remember it , as 't is Their Subjects , not to be too Prying into the Slips of Their Humanity . Their Clergy are to Prescribe to their Souls ; Their Physicians , to their Bodies ; and their Counsellours are to Advise in Point of Government : But 't is within the Pale of every Private mans Commission , to offer his Intelligence . As for Example ; Suppose a Counsellour of State denyes the Kings Supremacy . Shall it be counted Saw●inesse in a Particular Person to acquaint the Monarch with it ? Wee 'll make an end with This. That State is in an ill Condition , where he that would save his Prince , must ruine himself : and where One Party is bolder to do the King Mischief , then the Other is to do him Good. It is now high time to take another Stepp ; and wee 'll stay but a Moment upon it . Subsection II. How to frustrate a Combination of Diverse Counsellours . THe Dangers of a Combination in Diverse Counsellours are , in Respect of their Power , and Privileges ; their Credit , their Dependencies , ( either by Office , or Expectation ) Their Opportunities of Concealing , or Protecting their Friends . And finally , in Respect of their Intelligence betwixt th● State , and the Faction . This Confederacy is so liable to be Discover'd ▪ so dangerous to be Suffer'd , and so easie to be disorder'd , that it is scarce worth the while , to speak to so Manifest an Inconvenience . In Little ; if they are not Removed as they are found F●ulty ; Disgrac'd , as they appear Bold ; or Secluded from such Consultations as properly concern the Difference in Question : It will be a hard matter for a Prince to struggle with a Faction that is assisted by so many Advantages . If it were nothing else but the meer point of Intelligence ; it were enough to Endanger the Crown ; to have a Faction privy to all the Counsells , Resolves , Deliberations , and Necessities of the Monarch . In the Lower Region of the Court , we have supposed Three sorts of People , that may Occasion Great Inconveniences : to wit ; Insatiate Beggers ; Corrupt Officers ; and Ill Paymasters . I might have added Two more ; that is , Men of Ill Lives , and of Ill Principles . The First of these Five ; I thought to have plac'd in the Upper Division ; but it Commonly belongs to Both ; only These Beg Oftener ; the Other More : and to speak the truth of the businesse , where This Trade is in Fashion , it may be observ'd , that there are not above Four or Five Beggers in Chief , and the Rest Beg under Them ; as it falls out sometime in Popular Representatives ; A few Get up , and the Rest Truckle . Where This Humour is much Indulg'd , the Consequence of it , is not only Faction , within the Walls , but a General Discontentment , and Necessity throughout the Nation : For when the Ordinary wayes of Profit are dispos'd of , Recourse is had to Project , and Invention ; which , if not very tenderly menaged , leaves the King a sad Luser at the Foot of the Accompt . Beside , that it Anticipates the Prince his Generosity , and by Exacting , rather then Obteyning , takes away the Freedome of his Choyce , and Bounty . The way for a Prince to Help This , is either to put a Stint upon the Suitour , or a Restreint upon his Proper Goodnesse ; and even where he is Resolved to Give , not to do it sodainly ; lest he appear to Give for the Asking , without considering the Merit . Let him further have a Particular Care of Persons that grow Proud upon his Favours : The same weaknesse of Mind that makes them Proud , will quickly make them S●wcy too : and the reason is , they think they have got the better of him . Corrupt Officers are Another Pest of a Court ▪ and Bane of a State : unlesse timely look'd after ; and Then , the Publique may be the Better for them . And 't is no ill Policy in some Cases , to let Them Squeeze for a while , that they may be worth the Squeezing Themselves : for no Supply is more acceptable to the Generality , then That which is L●vy'd upon their Oppressours . The miserable Consequences of Ill-Payment , we have briefly touch'd upon , Pag. 114. The Reason of Ill-Payment is commonly Ill-Pay ; and Many must needs get Nothing , when a Few get All : from which vast Inequality , arise Factions , and Want. The best Remedy for This Evill , is , first to Enable Them to Pay , and then to leave them to the Law if they Refuse . For Protections are only so far Necessary to the Dignity of a Court , as they consist with the Peace , and Iustice of a Nation : that the Privilege appear not an Affront to the Law. When a Court Payes Ill , it had need Live Well ; for when People are Poor , they grow Conscientious ; and for want of Mony apply themselves to hearken after Religion : The Severest of all Reformers being a Necessitous Multitude . Especially , let them absteyn from Costly Sinnes ; for to Expend much , and Pay nothing , is a most distastfull Incongruity . To conclude ; the General Rule of a Court , is the Example of the Prince ; whom they will be sure to follow in his Errours , and at least Imitate , in his Virtues : Yet where some Particulars Extravagate , there will be also Need of his Severity . We come now to that Canker of the Government , under the Shadow of the Governour ; the Ill-Principled Courtier : who not only causes Sedition , but is Himself the very Tincture of it . You must Expect to see all look Pale , and Wither'd , where This Worme lies sucking at the Root . Can a Prince be safe , that 's serv'd by his Enemies ? Or a People Happy when the Soul of the Publique is in Danger ? Yet , in some Cases , there may be Reason of State ; and That known only to the Sovereign , for which some Persons , in Exception to This Generall Rule , may be admitted . Saving Those very Individuals , it may behove the Prince not to let any one of the Rest escape ; without a Strict Enquiry ; both by what Means , and to what likely End they are There Plac'd , and Entertain'd . Which if he does , and Early too ; before the whole Lump has taken the Leaven ; 't is more then an Even Lay , that hee 'll find Reason to Remove Them. Proceed we now to the Camp. Sect. IV. How to Prevent Disorders arising from the CAMP . THe Dangers from the Camp , are Principally These Three ▪ Mutiny , Revolt , or Popular Risings . ( provoked by the Oppression , or Insolence of the Souldiery ) Of These , in their Order . Mutinies may be Caus'd by Want of Pay ; some defect of Discipline ; by New-Modelling ; Disbanding ; Disgrace , &c. — And all These Disorders may be procur'd by the Artifice of some Particular Persons that aime at an Advantage by them . That Prince that Rayses an Army which he can not Pay Himself , raises it ( in effect ) for somebody else that can . In short , a very great Hazzard it is , to have the Souldiery Dependent upon any Other Interest then That of the Monarch . Where it so falls out , that a Prince lies subjected to the Double Inconvenience , both of Having an Army , and of Wanting Mony ; Let him be sure of a most Exquisite Choyce of Officers , both for Honesty , and Ability : That the Body likewise may be well Chosen , and well Govern'd . For he has enough to do , that undertakes to keep his Troupes in Order , without Pay ; but if they want Affection too , the Point is Desperate . This is the Nick of Danger , and Temptation ; for a Necessitous Army , of This Mixture , is any mans Mony that will offer for it : Wherefore in such a Juncture , a Monarch cannot be too wary , of all Popular and suspected Practices . Let him be sparing also , even in his Personall , and Private Expenses , at such a time as This : For Military Spirits are apter to take fire then Other People ; and to distrust the Kindnesse of their Master , if they observe that he has Mony for his Pleasures , and none for his Servants . An Observation , possibly neither Fit , nor True : However , when men are discontented , they look upon small kindnesses as Nothing , and they see Injuries Double . The next hazzard is , upon the Point of Discipline ; which , in an unpaid Army , can very hardly be Preserv'd , but by the Exceeding Worthinesse , and Prudence of the Officers . Nor by That neither , beyond their Interest and Credit of Persuading : for Punishment were Tyranny without Wages . The New-Modelling of an Army is also a tickle Undertaking : and so is the Dis-banding . The Former is the sharper Disobligation ; but 't is but Personall : The Latter is the more Dangerous , for it Destroyes the Trade : And the Perill is either from the Influence of some Chief Officers in the One ; or from a Disposition common to all Military , as well as Naturall bodies , in the Other : that is , an Aversenesse to Dissolution . Both the One and the Other , are a work to be dispatch'd with as much Care , and with as little Noise , as possible : very Tenderly , and by Degrees . If any Trouble be Apprehended from the Displacing of some Particulars , ( as he may possibly ressent the Losse of Power ; or the Disgrace of being singled out to lose it after such a Maner ) 't is but Casting out to him the Lure of a Better Office , or of a Higher Preferment : wherein he may be more Serviceable to Himself , and lesse Dangerous to the Publique . Or if he be too Craf●y to stoop to That ; the way is to begin with his Dependencies . This leaves him Naked ; and the Other , Satisfy'd : At least in shew , since to the World he appears rather Exalted , then Ejected . Dis-banding is a nicer piece of Businesse : The very Word is scarce to be Mention'd , till the Thing is Done. For ' though the State may be Iudg when 't is Convenient to Raise an Army ; the Souldiery are commonly the Iudges when 't is time to lay it down again . A Good Preparatory to This , is Modelling , and Dispersing , before they have the wind of the Design ; to prevent their uniting against it . And by Degrees ; One Regiment at a time ; to keep the Rest Quiet , in hope of Continuing . Let That be done by Lot too ; for the Losing Party will sooner forgive a Mischance , then an Unkindnesse . Touching Mutinies that proceed either from opinion of Disgrace ; dispute concerning Precedency , Command , Provision , Quarter , &c. they may be referr'd to want of Discipline . The Causes of Revolts , may be as many as of Discontents : But the Principal , are either Fear , Despaire , Revenge , or Inconstancy in the Common-Souldiery . And they may likewise be Procur'd , either by the Ambition , or Corruption of the Chief Officers . The best Security against These General Defections , is in the Original Election , and Constitution of the Army . Wherefore let Heed be taken ( as near as may be ) even to the fitnesse of the meanest Private Souldiour : which in a fair degree may be atteyn'd , be good choyce of Valiant , Prudent , Vigilant , and Faithful Officers . Why should a Kingdome be hazzarded for a Trifle ? How small a matter added to either side carryes an Equall Ballance ! A Word , a Thought , an Imagination , a Mistake turns the Fortune of the Day , and Decides the Battle . Is any thing more ordinary then a Panique Terrour , in a Croud of People ? which , as Mr. Hobbs hints in his Leviathan ; is only an Apprehension of Danger , in the first man that Runs ; the Rest , Fearing , and Running by example , every man supposing his Fellow to know why . At This Rate , Ten Cowards may destroy Twenty Thousand Valiant men . Against Despair ; Arguments are best upon the Place ; Revenge may be Prevented by a Generous , and Military Severity . So that they shall neither have any Provocation to the Attempt , nor Security in the Execution : But against Their Inconstancy there is no Remedy . The mischieves which may arrive upon the accompt of Ambition , or Corruption , are scarce to be Prevented , but by chusing Persons of an Impregnable Fidelity ; or Otherwise , the Fairest Bidder carryes it . And against Popular Risings , nothing better then a Strict Discipline ; and an Impartiall Iustice betwixt the Souldiery and the Country . It does well also , to Interesse Both Parties , ( Civill , and Military ) as fairly as possible , in the Common Care of the Publique : For a Pure Military Force has the Face rather of an Enemy , then of a Guard : But where Persons of Eminent Repute , and Integrity in the Country are joyned in Commission with others as eminent for Martial Affaires , Both sides are satisfy'd , and the Common Good better Provided for . Sect. V. How to Prevent , or Remedy Seditions arising from the CITY . WHere the Metropolis is not well Season'd , and in good Order , Many , and Great are the Advantages it has to Disturbe a Government . It has Men , Mony , and Armes alwayes at hand . But yet let a Prince , in his Greatest Distresse , have a Care how he Abandons it ; for 't is by much a more dangerous Enemy at a Distance , then at Home . The Ordinary Pretenses of a Troubled City , are either concerning Religion , Oppression , Privileges , or Poverty , but still 't is Ambition that sets the Wheel going ; and it is the Monarch's yielding at first , that destroyes him in the End. For while the Party is Tender , and Wavering ; the Humour Corrigible , and the Authority of the Prince , not as yet either exposed by Patience , or Prophan'd by Popular Contempt , and the Insolencies of the Rabble ; Then is the time , to cut off all Possibility of Sedition . Murmurings are but the Sm●ak of Rebellion ; the Fire 's already in the Straw , but easily smother'd : That is , if seasonably look'd after : for if it break forth into a Blaze , All the Buckets in the Town will hardly Quench it . The very first Mutterings against the Government , are but a pretty way of putting the Question ; as who should say , Sir , May we Rebell ? And the Forbearance of the Prince , seems to Answer them : Yes ; Ye may . And Then , to work they go . First , upon Religion : the most Dangerous , and the most wicked Quarrell in Nature . Is there a God ? Or , Is there None ? Let any Reasonable Rebell , whether Atheistique , or Religious , answer me . If a God there be ; Upon what Nation will he powre out the fiercenesse of his Wrath ; Upon what Heads will he employ his Thunder ? If not upon That Nation , where his Divinity is made a Stale ; His Majesty Affronted in all his Attributes : And upon Those Heads , that entitle the Basest of Corruptions to his Immaculate Purity ; and the Dictates of the Devill , to the Inspirations of the Blessed Spirit . Now to Those that say in their Heart , There is No God : They 'll yet allow the Political Convenience of persuading the People otherwise . So that where This Freedome in Matters of Religion is permit●ed to the Multitude : Either the Abuse drawes down a Vengeance from Heaven , or the Superstitious League among the People unites a Party against the Sovereign . To deal frankly ; All Seditions are to be imputed to Misgovernment : To the want of Early Care in the Magistrate . One Man begins ; He Imparts himself to Others ; They Conferr with Their Interests , and so the Mischief Branches it self , till it comes to Overspread a Nation . How easie a matter is it , to Smother a Spark in the Tinder-Box ? A little Harder , to blow out a Candle : Harder yet , to put out the Fire . In short , when the Town is in a Flame , thank Him that neglected the first Spark . The Prince that would prevent Schismaticall Seditions , in a City , must begin with the Clergy , and assure himself of the Pulpit . To say 't is Dangerous ; may in some Cases be a Truth . But Dangerous as it is ; If it be more so , to let them Alone , What signifies That Objection ? Suppose the Hazzard almost desperate , on the One side : But there 's a never-failing Certainty on the Other : Here 't is Hard ; There 't is Impossible . It is Necessary also to Suppresse Conventicles , Pamphlets , and all other Irregularities , which either Draw People together , or Unite them , in Order to a Separation . In a Particular maner , let heed be taken , that the Magistracy of the City , consist of Persons Well-affected to the Government of the Church : And if they Struggle , let them be timely Taught , That the Liberty of their Charter , does not discharge the Bond of their Allegeance . This Strictnesse ought to be indispensable ; for it is not to be Expected , that One Schismatique should Punish Another . The Second Grievous Compleint is Oppression ; and whether it be True or False , let it be strongly Urg'd , and Credited , 't is the same thing . Some Oppressions are Procur'd at the Instance of certain Ill Instruments about the Sovereign ; on purpose to stir up the People against him . And This is done , by shewing how Other Princes hamper Their Capitall Cities : Never considering , that the same manner of Governing will no more sit all Varieties of Custome , Temper , and Scituation , then the same Doublet and Hose will sit all Bodies . And then they Cry , This Damn'd City must be Humbled , and Taken down . 'T is very Right ; but This must be spoken sof●ly , and done warily . For to Levell the Menace at the City , in stead of the Delinquent , is a great Mistake . In such a Heat as This , a Prince needs no more then Three or Four Churlish , and Rash Officers ; Two or Three spitefull , and Illegall Actions , to bring his Royalty in danger . Briefly ; a Mean there is , betwixt Fury , and Slumber ; and equally ruinous to Princes , are Those Counsels that lead to either of These Extremes . May not That very thing which These people pretend they aime at , be done by Gentle , Legall , and Familiar means ? Let them Chuse their own Officers ; That pleases the City : But 't is the Publique Care to see the Choice be Honest : and that secures the Prince . On the One side , no Clemency can be too great , that stands with the Rule of Government : On the Other side , no Severity too strict , in Case of a Contumacy that Crosses it . Burthensome Taxes are many times a Great Compleint , and sometimes a Iust one . Lighter , o● Heavyer they are , according to the various Humours of the Prince ; and the different Exigencies of Times , and Occasions ; Nay , and according to the differing Disposition in the People at severall times , to understand them Publique Necessities must be Supply'd ; and the Supreme Magistrate is the Iudg of Publique Necessities . Yet still where a more then Ordinary Levy is Necessary , the Ordinary way of Raysing it may be Convenient : for the One way , they only stumble at the Present Burthen ; but the Other , they are startled with an Apprehension of the Perpetuity of it . In which Case , it fares with Rulers , as it does with Racking Landlords , in Comparison with Those that Let better Penny-worths . The One has more in his Rentall , but the Other has more in his Pocket : and the reason is ; the Tenants run away with the Rent . Sir Francis Bacon is of opinion that [ Taxes , and Imposts upon Merchants , do seldome good to the King's Revenew ; for that he wins in the Hundred , he loses in the Shire ; the Particular Rates being Encreased , but the Totall Bulk of Trading rather Decreased . ] Some Oppressions again there are , that proceed only from the violence of Extorting and Corrupt Officers . To Compleints against Abuses of This Quality , a Prince his Eare is to be ever Open ; for it is in a Peculiar maner , his Duty , to Relieve the Oppressed . A Prince that Invades the Privileges of a City , Breaks his Word : If they are Forfeited , he may resume , or Remit at Pleasure : otherwise , let them stand Sacred . It can never be safe to Govern ad Libitum : for when People find no Security in Obedience , it puts them upon the Experiment of Sedition . If a Monarch has an overgrown Subject , that he would be quit of ; that he would Sacrifice to his proper Advantage ; let him but give him a Temptation to Encroche upon the Rights , or Customes , of his Imperial City : and if he take the Ba●t , let him Discover him , and bring him upon the Stage for a Publique Oppressour . Such an Action layes That City at his ●eet . To Finish ; That Prince that would have his Subjects firme to Him , in Danger ; must be Kind to Them ▪ in Peace . The Fourth and Last motive to Sedition , is Poverty : A Terrible Enemy to a Great and Populous City ; nor is such a City , in Extreme Want , a lesse For●●dable Enemy to the Monarch ▪ for Hunger is neither to be Aw'd , nor Flatter'd . The Causes of it are so many , and so incertain , 't is hard to assign particular Remedies . In some Cases , Restreint of Bu●lding i● convenient ; In others , 〈◊〉 Laws ; the Regulation and Emprovement of Trade ; The calling of Corr●●t Ministers to Accompt , &c. — For fear of the worst , it is good , if the Necessito●● Party grow Numerous , for the Prince rather to make Warr with Them abroad , then to stay , till They make it upon Him , at Home ; by That means , exchanging a Civil War , for a Forreign . If the Mischief be too far gone , and that it breaks forth into a Direct Sedition ; yet can it very hardly happen , that a Prince can warrant the forsaking of his Metropolis . First , with Five Hundred men he keeps a Million in Awe ; That is , if He Himself , and his whole Party , be not Coup'd up under the same Roof . They can Destroy Him , by Number ; and Hee , Them , by Fire . Next ; Let the Prince but carry the First Scu●●le , and ( the World to nothing ) the Town is his own . Whereas , let Him withdraw ; so great is the Advantage he leaves to the Rebels , both as to the Readinesse , and Proportion , of Men , and Provisions for Warr ; that ( at a Distance ) he may get the B●tter of Fi●e or Six Pitch'd Battles , and yet Lose all at Last . For They shall sooner Re-enforce a Broken Army , then Hee Recruit a Shatter'd Regiment . A Third Reason may be , that it Lessens the Reputation of his Power , to give Ground . We shall conclude with the Fourth ; which is , That Citizens will stand better , far from Home , then under their own Walls : for what with th● Impo●tunities of their Relations : Their Interests in vie●●● and the Convenience of a Near Retrea● ; They Fight in Distraction . We speak here of a Civill Warr , for against a Forreign Force ; These Reasons transport them into a more Determinate Obstin●tion . ●rom the City , now for the Country , Sect. VI. How to Prevent Seditions from the COUNTRY . IT is very rarely seen that the Country begins a Seditious Quarrell , unlesse in case of some Barbarous , and Depopulating Tyranny , or for pure want of Bread. In Truth , their Businesse is too Innocent , and They 're so full on 't too , they have scarce Leisure from their Sleep , and Labour , to Think of Wrangling ; and when they do , they dread it . The hurt They do , is by Siding , and Seconding , and That Unwillingly too : So that to keep Them Quiet , no more is Necessary , than to have an Eye upon their Patrons , and to allow the Common Sort only to live upon their Labours . Sect. VII . Certain Cautions directing how to prevent and avoid dangers arising from the BODY REPRESENTATIVE . THere are Three grand Hazzards which occurr in the Consideration of a Body Representative . The Choice of the Persons ; The Menage of Affaires ; And the Subject Matter of their Consultations . Touching the Choice ; Regard must be first had to the Legality ; and Then , to the Prudence of it : That the Candidate may be of such Age , and Quality ; and Chosen in such Maner , as the Law of the Place requires : And moreover , that he be a Person of Moral Integrity ; A Lover of his Prince , and Countrey ; and one that Understands his Duty , and Employment . There is a Duty also Incumbent upon the Electours ; That they be not Corrupted by Mony , Overborn by Importunity , or Transported by Fear , or Favour , to an Unworthy and Unsuitable Choyce . From the want of This Care and Fidelity , proceed many times the Ruine of Princes , and the Subversion of Kingdomes . Before the Sovereign Summons This Grand Convention , ; he may consider how the Last Ended ; The Present Temper of his People ; and hold a Strict Intelligence concerning such Persons , and Fellowships , as are likely to Crosse him . If the Last Assembly Acted and Concluded to the Satisfaction of Himself and the Kingdome , He may Hope well of the Next : but if the Contrary , let him expect a Faction : Unlesse in the Intervall , he take off That Animosity : which may be attein'd by doing That Himself , as of his own meer Grace , and Motion , which may bear some Proportion with what they would have done by Their Deputies . There 's a great Difference , betwixt a King's Reforming of Abuses by Himself , and by his Counsell : In the One Case , it looks as if the People help'd Themselves : and makes them think better of their Own Authority , then they ought to do : In the Other , they find Themselves Dependent upon the Grace of the Sovereign , and ascribe the Relief to his Bounty . In fine ▪ it is not amisse for a Prince still to usher in , the Call of his Great Assembly with some Particular Obligation upon his Subjects . As to the Rest ; if the Prince finds The Temper of the People Peevish , and Factions Boyling ; such as no Clemency , and Goodnesse can Engage ; the lesse Subject for Clamour he leaves them , 't is the Better ; and if upon Convening , he finds the Mixture Petulant , and Soure ; he may with the lesse noise Dismisse them . According to the Choyce of Persons , will be the Menage of Affaires : The Publique Good ; Particular Iustice , and the Dignity of the Assembly , will be the Chief Care of a good Choyce : but if the Choyce be Bad ; These Noble Offices , and Regards , will be the Least part of their Businesse . They fall then into Partialities , and Sidings ; Helpe mee to day , and I 'll helpe you to morrow . Acts of State will be Biass'd by Particular Interests : Matters Concluded by Surprize , rather then by any formal Determination ; and the Reverence of Order , and Reason will be dash'd out of Countenance , by the Voicings of Faction , and Clamour . As Politique Bodies have no Souls , so Publique Persons should have no Bodies : but leave those Impediments of Iustice , and Distractions of Counsell ; ( Project , and Passion ) at the Dore of the Senate ▪ In short ; where such a Partiality happens , as we here Imagine , the Two main Mischieves are These : The Iniquity of the end , or the Disorder of the Means . The Former may in some Measure be Prevented , by an Oath to deal ●prightly . ( but the Grand Failing was in the Election ) The Latter may be Regulated by such a Clearnesse of Rule , and Methode ; together with such a Strictnesse in the Observation of That Rule , that both Every man may know his Duty , and no man dare to Transgresse it . But Concerning the Subject Matter now of their Consultations , There lies the Perill , when they come to reach at Affairs Forreign to their Congnisance . The Hazzard is This ; stepp by stepp , They Encroche upon the Sovereign ▪ Clayming a Right to One Encrochement , from the President of another . So that Meeting with an unwary Prince , they Steal away his Prerogative by Inches ; and when perchance ▪ His Successour comes to resume his Right ; That Pilfery is call'd the Liberty of the Subject , and There 's a Quarrell started betwixt the King and his Subjects . Then comes the Doctrine in Play , that ▪ Kings are Chosen for the Good of the People , and that the Discharge of that Trust and Care is the Condition of his Royalty . The very Truth is , All Government may be Tyranny . A King has not the Means of Governing , if he has not the Power of Tyrannizing , Here 's the short of the Matter . We are certainly Destroy'd without a Government , and we may be Destroy'd with one : So that in Prudence , we are rather to chuse the Hazzard of a Tyranny , then the Certainty of being worry'd by One-another . Without more words , The Vulgar End of Government is , to keep the Multitude from Cutting one anothers Throats : which they have ever found to be the Consequence of Casting off their Governours . When Popular Conventions have once found This Trick of gaining Ground upon the Sovereign ; they catch their Princes , commonly as they do their Horses , with a Sive , and a Bridle : ( a Subsidy , and a Perpetuall Parliament ) If they 'll take the Bit , they shall have Oates . But These are the Dictates of Ignorance , and Malice : for such is the Mutuall Tie and Interest of Correspondency betwixt a Monarch , and his People ; that Neither of them can be safe , or Happy , without the Safety and Felicity of the Other . The best way to prevent the Ill Consequence of the Peoples Deputies acting beyond their Crbe , is Clearly , and Particularly , to State Those Reserves of the Prerogative , with which they are not to Meddle . And so wee 'll put an End to This Section , and Chapter . CAP. XI . Certain Reflections upon the Felicity and Advantages of the Government of England ; with some Observations upon The present Juncture . IN the Two last Chapters next antecedent to This , we have at Volly discours'd the Rise , Progresse , and ( in some sort ) the Remedies of Seditions , without particular Application to Times , Persons , or Places . It is our Present Purpose , to bring the Question nearer Home ; by Looking a little into the Providence , and Wisdome , of our Forefathers ; The Happy Constitution of the English Government : And Then , we must not passe This Late Degenerate Race of Cannibal-Christians , without a Word or Two ; From Whence , to the Distracted Iuncture we now live in ; and There wee 'll Finish . Very Prudent , and Effectuall , both for the Preventing , and Suppressing of Seditions , was the Provision of This Nation , till the Authority of the Prince was shoulder'd out by the Insolency of the People : who of the Happiest Subjects in Nature , as well in Respect of the Prince , as of the Government , worthily became the most Prostitute Slaves , to the Basest of Tyrannies , and of Tyrants . The Principall Courses employ'd for the Prevention , and Discovery of Practices against the State , were These . First , the Custome of Fridborghes ; ( so call'd , before the Conquest ; and Frank-pledges since ) which was beyond Doubt , an Incomparable Expedient . ( an Invention I dare not call it , for it 's Originall may be ascribed rather to a Necessity , then Contrivance . ) This was a Custome , that obliged every Free-man , at the Age of Fourteen years , either to find a Surety for his fidelity to the Publique , or to suffer Imprisonment . Whereupon , so many Neighbours ( to the Number of Ten or a Dozein ) became Bound one for another : and each Particular , both for Himself and his Fellows : which Combination they call'd a Pledge . The Condition was This. If any man Offended , and Run away , The ●est stood engaged either to bring him forth within 31 dayes , or else to answer for his Offence . And that none might scape , it was imposed upon the Sheriff , at every County Court , to take the Oath of Persons as they grew up to the age of Fourteen ; and to see that they were all entred in some Pledge , or Other . So that upon any misdemeaner , and escape ; the Magistrate had but to enquire into what Pledge the Offender was entred . Oathes of Allegeance were also to be given in the Court-Leets to all Males of above Sixteen : And Enquiries twice a year in the same Courts . A Charge was given by Judges of the Kings Bench , to the Grand Jury Impannell'd at Westminster ; as also by Them and other Judges of Assize in their Circuits , twice a Year in every County , to enquire of Treasons , Seditions , and Conspiracies . Add to These , the Care of the Statutes of 2 E. 3. cap. 3. 7 R. 2. cap. 13. 20 R. 2. cap. 1. that no man should come or go Armed , before the Justices . By the 17 of R. 2. cap. 8. and 14 ● . 4. cap. 7. The Iustices of Peace shall enquire of Riots , and Unlawfull Assemblies , and arrest the Offenders . Beside the Dreadfull Penalties in case of Treason , and the Severity of the Law in cases of Misprision of Treason . Were but This Vigilance duly employ'd , who would venture his Head upon so desperate a Hazzard ? Nor was This Watchfulness to Prevent Mischief , any hinderance to the Readinesse of the Nation to Suppresse it . The Nobility and Gentry , that held by Knights-Service , were still to be Ready with Horse and Armes , at any Summons ; and upon pein of Forfeiture , to attend the King , or his Lieutenant Generall , either at Home or Abroad , for Forty Dayes , at their proper Charge . If That were not sufficient , the King had the whole Body of the Common People for his Infantry : and an unquestionable Right , by his Commissions of Array , to put the Nation in a Posture , from Eighteen to Threescore . Beside his Navall Guards ▪ to cleere the Seas and watch the Coast ; And This without any Dispute ( in those blessed days ) who should be judg of the Danger . As Nothing was here wanting to the Security of the Nation , which good Lawes could Contritribute ; so was there as little wanting to the Felicity of the People , in regard of the Constitution of the Government . If it be True , ( as Salust sayes ) that the Desire of Rule is the Cause of Warr : Where there 's no place for such Desire , there can be consequently no Cause of Quarrell . ( At least , there can be no Ambitious Cause ; ( the Canker of Great Minds , and deadly Enemy of all Politique Settlements ) This is the Happy case betwixt the King of England , and the People . Ambition presses forward still ; and he that 's Uppermost already , is above it . The Object of it is Conquest , not Tyranny ; and in a Monarch , ( as I have said else-where ) rather Enlargement of Empire , then of Prerogative . The People on the Other side ; They are as much Below it . For the Nobility stands betwixt Them and Home : and 't is not for a Faction to take Two Stairs at a step . So that Their Businesse , is but Freedome from Oppression , without the least Thought of Dominion . Yet Differences break out , and Bloudy ones ; which by a Grosse Mistake , we are too subject to assign unto Wrong Causes . If ye would know the Right : Cui prodest Scelus , ille fecit . The Gayners by a Publique Ruine , are commonly the Contrivers of it : and in all Wrangles betwixt the Royall , and the Popular Interest , we may observe , that a Third Party reaps the Fruit of Their Division , and seizes the Booty : The People only giving in Exchange , for the Name of Liberty , the Substance of it ; sinking a Monarchy into an Oligarchy ; and slipping the Nooze of One Government , to be Halter'd in another . Were not the Multitude directly Mad , they would understand , that Their Well-beeing is so Inseparable from the King 's , and His from Theirs , that the One cannot long survive the Ruines of the Other : And that when ever They Divide , the Factious part of the Nobility deceives them Both. Therefore why should They either design upon the King , or suspect His designing upon Them ? Touching the Peerage , I think we may consider them under this Note of Participation ; either as Petty Kings , or Powerfull Subjects . In the One Capacity , they may seem Dangerous to the People , in the Other to the King. If they presume on This hand , The Commons are to Assist the King : If They bear hard on the Other , the King is to help the Commons : by virtue of which Mediating mixture , of Power in the Nobility as to the People ; and of Subjection , as to the King : together with the mutuall Need , and Interest of a Fair Understanding betwixt King , and Commons , All Parties are Secur'd : to the utmost possibility of Safety , and Satisfaction . Yet after all This , There may be Danger of an Aristocracy . But concerning Government , and the severall Formes of it , in all their Latitudes , and Limitations ; the Rights and Interests of Kings , and the Bounds of Subjects , more then enough is said already , and the Ball toss'd so long till both the Gamesters , and By-standers are sick of the Dispute . This Constitution which we have here represented so Eminent , both for Defence , and Comfort , was neverthelesse by a Mean , Wretched Faction undermin'd ; and yet no Age could ever boast greater examples of Love ▪ Faith , and Duty ; of Christian , Civill , or of Military Virtues then were among the Assertours of That Government . But all This stresse of Armes and Arguments , was not sufficient to uphold the King , the Church , the Law , the Freedome , and the Honour of the Nation . Their Actings were enough to Cleere the Cause , but not to carry it : for they Began too Late ; The Storme was Gather'd , and the Shipp of the Publique engag'd among a Thousand Rocks , before the Mariners would believe the Danger : Accom●ting it , in Truth , too Little to be Consider'd , till it was too Great to be Resisted . But reserving the more Particular Accompt of the Late Kings Fate for the next Chapter : Let us at present , look about us where we are ; yes , and Above us too ; for we have cause of Fear , both from Divinity , and Reason . In This Place now do I expect Observatours in Abundance . Here , a Marginall Note for Taxing the Government . There a for a Scandalum Magnatum . And in fine , Twenty Peevish Glosses upon my plain and harmlesse Meaning . But let no man clap a false Bias upon my Bowle , and carry That to the Wall , that was Intended to the Hedg . Yet let every man take his course : I shall not begg so much as a Favourable Construction ; but readily submit every Syllable , and Action of my Life , ( in what concerns my Duty to my Prince , and Countrey ) to the Extremest Rigour . Only a Page or Two of good Advice to my Back-friends , and I Proceed . Good People , ( of what Sort , or Quality soever ye are ) Pray'e do not spare Me , if you can do me any mischief ; but spare your selves , if you cannot . You that have formerly abus'd Me to the King ; do so no more : For when he comes to find himself Betray'd by your Mis-enformations ; and Distress'd for want of Those plain , honest Offices , which ( so God save me ) I have ever Meant and Pay'd him , with the strict Faith , and Reverence of a Subject : Will not his Sacred Majesty abhorr you f●r it ? Or if ye are Resolved to Try the utmost force of Power , and Calumny , upon a Poor and Single Innocent ; be sure , ye be no Advocates for the Kings Murtherers , at the same time that ye are of Counsel against his Friends ; ●he People will suspect you to be of the wrong side else . Again , since Proofs in Matters of Fact , are so Easie , and in Poynts of Honour , so Necessary ; Prove what ye say ; or say Nothing : for wherein I am Faultlesse , I am a Fool if I cannot clear my self ; and a Slave , if I do not . Consider next ; What if ye crush me ? May not the Consequence of That Injustice prove Dangerous to your Selves ? Beside ; I am not now Now to Learn , what 't is to Suffer for my Duty . But above all , Remember , There 's a God ; that knows your Souls , and Mine ; And at the worst , to his Infallible Decision shall I remit my Innocence . Now must I arm my self against These Objections . Whom does This Sawcy Fellow mean ? Who meddles with him ? He must be Directing the Church , and Modelling the State : What has he to do with the Government ? This Sawcy Fellow means , Those Worthy Persons , that have endeavour'd to make him odious to the King : and for no other Reason , ( as in his Name , I swear ) that he imagines , but because he is too Honest , for Their Interest . If there be any such ; Those are the Men , he Means ; If There be None , He has Offended no body ; His Bolt is Shot , and the Exception Vanishes . But Then who meddles with Him ? The Right Honourable the Earl of Anglesyes Chaplain meddles with him . The Bishop of Worsters Animadverter meddles with him . My Lord BRADSHAW ( Lord Chief●Iustice of Chester ) his most obliged , most Thankful , and most humble Devoted Servant meddles with him . He that would have Ravish'd the Ioyners Wife , neer the Blew Bore in Oxford meddles with him . He that ( in effect ) Read Aretine to his School-boyes meddles with him . He that Betray'd , and would have Ruin'd his Master , that both Taught and Fed him , meddles with him . He that hath written against the Government both of Church and State , and commended the Putting of the Late King to Death , meddles with him . He that thinks himself Free to use any Posture in the Church , which he may in his Chamber , meddles with him . He that wrote the Answer to all that L'S . intends to say , meddles with him . And in fine , EDWARD BAGSHAWE , St. of Ch. Ch. meddles with him . But alas ! These are a Pittyfull Meddler , and below the Honour of a Title to my least Concern . There are that do Ill Offices , betwixt the Best of Princes , and the most Loyall of Subjects : And These men Meddle with Mee among the Rest , though the unworthiest of Them. Further ; concerning my Directing of the Church , and State : I have been hitherto only upon the Defensive ; and , I hope , it is as lawfull for Me to Assert the Cause , as for Others to Oppose it . Nor have I stickled more about the Government , then belongs to a Private Person . If I have discover'd Traytours , 't was but my Duty , and I had been a Perjur'd Villein , if I had done Lesse . That They are Winck'd at , Protected , or Brought off ; is none of My Fault . If I have dealt in Presbyterian Prognostications ; and represented Dangers , such as I thought them . First , 't was well Meant ; for I have kept my self within my Bounds ; I had no Interest in 't ; and , I have got Nothing by it . Next , 't was not ill Guess'd ; and they that compare Times , will easily Acknowledg it . I am come now , within a Little , of my Purpose ; and that This formall Preamble , may not raise Expectations of a larger Liberty then I think either Safe , or Warrantable ; within These Limits , I resolve Strictly to Confine my self : That is , within the Limits of what I ow to the Office , Person , and Government of his Sacred Majesty ; Within the Compasse of my Duty to the Establish'd Law ; and within the Termes of a befitting Reverence to the Actions , and Authority , both of the Parliament now sitting , and of the Counsell . He must be Deaf , that does not hear almost a Generall Compleint : And Blind too , that does not perceive a great part of the Reason of it . There is a Party that Designs it should be so : wherefore let them be wary , how they impute the Malice , and Contrivance of a Faction , to any Disorder in the Government . Their way is first , to Disoblige the Nation , in the King's Name , as far as possible ; for in the End , they are sure that all His Enemies , will be Their Friends . The Subject wants ; so does the King ; ( They should not want that Serv'd him else ) There are that doe not . But let That Passe . Another main Prop of their Interest , is that they have got the means of Upholding , both in Power , and Credit , That Party which Oppos'd the King ; which , in the Consequence , Reproches and Sterves those that were for him . While the Lay-Faction are in this maner upon Modelling the State ; the Ministers ( in good time ) are moving their Scruples , in the Church . Wherein , beside the Amusement , that it gives even to Those in Authority ; the Doubtfulnesse of the Right betwixt Them , which it suggests to the People ; and the Reputation which it gives the Faction , when they appear in the Ballance against the Law , and the Government : there is yet one further Mischief which transcends all These ; That is , it Intimates , and Colours , to the Multitude , the Right of the Last Warr ; and by Iustifying the Pretenses of That Rebellion , subministers the Reason , Allowance , and Encouragement of Another . Let it be observ'd ; If These People should Strike again to morrow , upon the old Score , whether they might not safely say , that they have been True to their Principles ; for they have never as yet renounc'd them . When by These Artisices herein mention'd , they shall have Cast the Body of the People into a deep Disquiet ; Confirm'd their own Party ; and either by Forreign Employments , or Domestique Injuries , and Necessities , when they shall have Dissipated , Suppressed ; nay , actually Fa●●ish'd , and totally Extirpat'd the Try'd Servants of the King ; where they 'll be Next , I leave the Reader to Imagine . Nor will any man think Me Uncharitable , that Considers but their Dayly Actings , for the Project is as cleer as the Light. Does not every body see what Art and Industry is employ'd to Retard the Settlement of the Kingdome , and with what Vigorous Diligence they prosecute the Contrary ? Nor will they want any thing that is to be had , either for Mony , or Fair words : The One Costs them Nothing , and if they can do any thing by the Other , they have good Security however : the Interest of the Three Kingdomes standing Engag'd for the Repayment of it . Marque Me ; I say , IF they can ; I do not say , either that they CAN , or DOE . To This Damn'd Cunning , observe now but the Luck they have . How many Persons have I my self Deliver'd up , and Discover'd , for Publishing This King to be a Tyrant ; his Father to have been a Traytour , and lawfully put to Death ? for Defending the Covenant , &c. — ( and all This since the Act of Indemnity ) These People had the good hap to be fetch'd off , and the Discovery render'd more Dangerous then the Treason . Of Late , there came forth Two Libels , ( bearing the Title of Letters of Animadversion ) from the same hand : The One , against the Bishop of Worcester , the Other against Mee . The Authour of These Libels , has the fortune to be Chaplain to a Privy-Counsellour , and The Printer has Confessed upon E●amination , that he deliver'd Five Hundred Copies of each , to ●agshawe's own hand ( for that 's his Name ) in the Earl of Anglesyes house . His Lord must be suppos'd a Stranger to These Papers , for They are Treasono●s ; and Seditious ; beside the Forgery in them , which alone renders the Contriver fitter for a Pillory , then a P●lpit . It is further to be Presum'd , that his Lordship is not well acquainted with his Character : for otherwise , he would not Entertein a Person of so Insolent , and Ungratefull a Nature ; so Seditious , and Turbul●nt in his Practises ; Schismatical , if no● ●eritical in his Opinions . A professed Enemy , not only to the King , but also to Monarchy ; Doctor Owen's Dear Friend ; and Bradshaw's Slave , to the bases● degree of Fawning Servility . ( I write but what I 'le justifie ) . Let any man Consider now , if This goes on a while , what will become of the True , Legal , and Honourable Interest of This Nation . And ( God in his Mercy preserve his Majesty ) what will become even of His Sacred Person when his Friends and Loyalty it self shall be Extirpated ? But 't is our own Fault , that the King is not more fully , and particularly enform'd of the Calamities of his Languishing and Faithful Servants ; and of the true State and Deportment of the Faction . His Majesty is no God , and knows what 's done at a Distance , only as other Mortals do , by Enformation . Nay , Kings know commonly lesse , concerning Affairs of This Nature , then Ordinary Persons . First , as they lesse Frequent Places that afford matter for Observation : And Then , People doe not love to be the Reporters of Ill Tidings to their Sovereign . 'T is commonly a Thanklesse and Unwelcome Office . Did but his Majesty walk the Streets , as we doe ; to Over-hear the Whisperings , and the Murmurs : to Observe the various Passions , and Disquiets of the People : to see the Stands they make ; Their Wondrings , Gazings , Poyntings : and at What I Pray'e ? That 's He ( says one ) that brought me to a Counsel of Warr , because I would not march against the King at Worcester ; and now hee 's so or so . There goes Another , that Condemned Me upon the Kings Accompt , and hee 's in such or such an Office. These are brave Iolly Fellows ; but before This Wonder is Over , up comes Two or Three perhaps , of the saddest Spectacles a mans eye can Look upon : They have scarse strength enough to move : nor Cloth enough to hide the scars they have received in the Kings service . Do ye see That Sickly man ? ( cryes one ) He is a Gentleman that has spent his Fortune for his Majesty ; That very Colonel that goes before , was He that Sequestred , and Blundr'd him . In fine , Their other Mutterings are not fit for the Publique ; but infinitely necessary for his Majesties Knowledge ; whose Piety to his Fathers Ashes ; Love to his People ; Prudential regards to his own Safety ; whose Iustice to his Honour and his Friends , need but the Notice of these Ills , to remedy them . Or if his Royal Inclination needed any other motive , beyond his native proneness to an Act of Mercy ; The Pious Presidents , and Practices of former Times might furnish him . Amongst certein Articles Established by the King , Bishops , and Lords , It was Ordained , That such as have belonged to the Kings Ancestors , his Father , Grandfather , or belonging to himself , shall be preferred to all benefits or Offices belonging to the Kings disposition , so that there be found among them persons able thereto . Amongst certain Articles proposed by Iohn Duke of Bedford , the Kings first Uncle , It was Ordained , That forasmuch as there be many old Servants , and feeble , that have dispended their youth in the service of my Lords , my Grandfather , Father , and Brother , whose souls God assoile ; and also with my Lord that now in , whom God given good life and long , some without any livelihood or Guerdon , so that they be now in great Mischiefe , and necessity , and some but eastly Guerdoned , and nought like to their desert and service : wherefore I desire that there may be a hook made of all the names of such as have so served , and been unguerdoned , or nought guerdoned like to their desert , to the intent , when Offices , and Corodies fall , that they might be given to such persons ; they having Consideration to the Ability of them , and to the time that they have served , in the same wise as of benefices unto Clerks . Henry the Fourth of France ; ( his Majesties Grandfather ) did for the Relief of such as had been Maym'd , Wounded , or Begger'd in his Service , grant by an Irrevocable Edict ; The Royall House of Christian Charity , and the mony growing upon the Remainder of Accompts of Hospitals , Alms-Houses , Leprous-Houses , and other such Companies , and of the Usurpations , and Alienations of the Revenues thereof , revillons of the Accompts , and Abuses , and Disorders committed in the Government , and Administration of the said Places , together with the Mony which should arise of the Places , and Pensions of Religious Laymen , in every Abby , and Pryory of his Realm , being in his Ma●esties Nomination . The Consideration of the Horse was referr'd to the Duke of Montmorency ; and of the Foot , to the Duke of Espernon , who were to make a List of the Persons , and to Note in the Margent , what Annuall Pension every man might merit , according to his Quality , Valour , and Wounds . I may the better justifie a Sense of Danger , since the Right Honourable the Earl of Clarenden , has Publiquely Declar'd several Formalities of a Regular Plot : Though I confesse , my Apprehensions look'd another Way . But These ill-boding Concurrences , are without Question , more then Casual ; and to These , may be added divers other Circumstances of as un-promising an Appearance . As the Reports we have of Forreign Alliances ; the Recourse of Disaffected English into Those Quarters abroad which are most to be suspected : The dead Stilnesse , and Silence of the Dis-banded Souldiours , notwithstanding so many Opportunities for Forreign Employment : ( which looks as if they lay upon a Reserve ) The Unsetled State of the Kingdome : The Seditious Freedom of the Presse and Pulpit ; and which is more then All , A generall Scarcity of Mony. Moreover , it is no despicable evill , the Corrupt Mixture that yet remains in the Universities : And what are Those Hospitals , and Petty Schooles that still continue unpurg'd , but Nourceries of Sedition ? In a Particular maner , the Danger is Great , nay and the Number too , of ill-chosen Iustices . This is in fine , the Prospect of our Condition ; which however handled by a Fool , may yet afford Matter for Wiser men to work upon ; and the providing of Expedients for These Mischieves , does properly belong to the Wisdome , and Authority of a King in Parliament . The summe of all may be Comprehended in Little. There is a present Danger , which is in Probability to encrease ; and the Faction has done their work , if they can but disable That Party , from Serving the Son , which hinder'd Them so long from Destroying the Father . For want of a better Security against Seditions of what-kind-soever , the Revivall of the Custome of Frank-pledges might be thought upon : to be Imposed upon all Persons , evidently disaffected to the Government , either of Church or State. For beyond question , the Tyes of Interest are Safer , if not stronger too , upon the Generality , then Those of Conscience . They may give an Oath the slip , with some pretty Salvo , or Reserve ; but there 's no evading the Intention of a Bond. When Ten Men stand Engag'd ; every Particular , for the whole Ten , and All , for each Particular ; Every single Person , has Nine Spies upon him . Another means ( which as I hear is now in Agitation ) may be , the Assurance both of Reward , and Pardon , to the First Discoverer of a Conspiracy , though one of the Complotters , and This by Proclamation . Sir Francis Bacon ' s advice is , that the King , either by himself , ( which were the Best ) or by his Chancellour , should make use of the Iudges in their Circuits ; Charging them , at their Going forth , according to Occurrences , and receiving from them a Particular Accompt at their Return home ; They would Then ( sayes he ) be the best Intelligencers of the True State of the Kingdome , and the surest means to prevent , or remove all growing Mischieves within the Body of the Realm . To These Generall excogitations of Prudence , somewhat of more Particular relation to the matter in Question might be admitted ; as ●●rst , an Expresse Abrenunciation of Their Cause , and Covenant : They do not Deserve their Lives sure , that refuse to confesse their Fault . As to the Relief of Distressed Royallists ; ( I speak of such as want , almost to the Degree of Perishing , and there are many such ) 'T is but time Lost , to Hunt for new wayes of Device , and Project , when every Bush is Beat already . If it migh but now seem as Reasonable , to allow them the Benefit of Forfeitures made since the Act of Indemnity , as it did erewhile seem Convenient to debar them of all Remedy for Injuries suffered before it : That might in some Proportion , stay their Barking stomacks ; or at least yield them This spiteful Comfort , not to fall Alone : But possibly , if This Course were Experimented , it would afford more then the World Imagines . I should End this Chapter here ; but that before I break off This Discourse , I think 't is ●it to give some Reasons why I undertook it . First , it may serve ( to Those in Power ) as a Memorial , or Note of certain Particulars , which deserve not to be Neglected , or Forgotten . Next , it may serve to instruct the People , concerning the true Cause of some Miscariages , which Popular , and Licentious Ignorance is but too apt to place elsewere . ( for in Truth , there are many peevish Circumstances , which the Discreet , Pause upon ; and the Vulgar neither like , nor understand ) In the Last Place , I reckon my self bound by my Duty to the King , and Nation , not to conceal , what I have here Declar'd . And Particularly ; That Treasons are Encouraged by Impunity . The Offenders Countenanced , and brought off . The Prosecutours Menaced ; and the most Pestilent Enemies of the last King , as good as Protected in their Seditious Practises against This. If This falls into a Good hand , good use may be made of it ; for I doe not speak at Guesse . However , at the worst , Our Cause is the same ; Our Duty the same and our Affections ought to be the same . The Sun is not lesse kind , because his Influence may be intercepted by a Fogge , which Time will certainly dissolve : Nay and perchance Discover , ( over and above that some of Those Blazes which the Common People take for Stars of the first Magnitude , are in Effect but Comets : Portents of That Mischief , which they seldome live to see Accomplish'd , But enough , of These ungratefull , and Seditious Machinatours against Their Prince , and their Preserver . And so from These Indignities against the Son , wee 'll passe to Those Fatalities that made way to the Ruine of the most Pious , Patient , Mercifull , and yet Murther'd Father . CAP. XII . What it was Principally , that Ruin'd King CHARLES the MARTYR . TO see an Imperial Prince Unking'd , Arraign'd , and Beheaded ; with all Formalities of Law , and Iustice ; by his own Subjects , and Those too , People of sworn Faith , and Holinesse ! Can any man forbear Demanding , For what Prodigious Reasons so horrible an Action was Committed ? Was it for Religion ? No : Hee Dy'd a Martyr for that Cause , which to maintein , They Sware they Fought . Was it for Tyranny of Government ? Neither ; for ere the Warr began , he had granted more in Favour of the Subject , then all his Ancestours , put them together . Was it for Cruelty of Nature : No , nor That ; I can scarce call to Mind where ever he deny'd his Grace to any man that besought him for it ; unlesse where Mercy had been a sinne ; and where his Power was stinted by his Conscience . Was it for want of skill to Rule , or Courage to Protect his People ? For That , his very Murtherers acknowledg'd him a Prince of singular Abilities , and Valour . And touching his Morals , or Devotions ; Malice it self could never deny That King , to be a Person of a most Regular Piety , and restrein'd Appetite . How came it then , that a Prince , Authorized by his Birth ; Sacred by his Office ; Guarded by his Laws ; Religious in his Practice ; Gracious in his Nature ; Temperate in his Likings ; and lastly , Accomplish'd in his Person , should come to Fall ; in the Heart of his Dominions ; before the Gates of his own Palace ; and by the Hands of his own People ? ( But Christ himself was Crucify'd . ) Ambition drives Furiously , and in the way to a Crown , Those Christian Rubbs of Conscience , or Humanity , are not so much as Bulrushes . In fine , That Blessed Martyr's Actions were so Innocent , they were fain to Quarrell with his Thoughts , and for want of Faults to ruine him , by abusing his Virtues . This we shall manifest to have been Their Practice ; But wee 'll first take a short View of their Approches . Never since Calvin bound the Head of the Holy Discipline , was ever any Monarch Quiet that admitted it : 'T is a Specifique Poyson to Monarchy . And the Ground it gets , is not so much by working upon the Iudgment , as upon the Good Nature of Princes : It Looks so Sillily , and Beggs so Heartily ; 't is a hard matter to resist so great an earnestnesse , accompanyed with so little shew of Danger . If They are Repuls'd ; Good God! they cry ; That any man should go about to Damne so many Thousand Souls for such a Trifle : when 't is come to That once , 't is gone too far ; for such an Exclamation is enough to raise a Tumult . King Iames his Answer to Knewstubb upon the Conference at Hampton-Court , was as it should be ; ( and no Prince ever had a Truer measure of Sir Iohns Foot , then himself ) Knewstubb desir'd to know how far an Ordinance of the Church was binding , without offence to Christian Liberty ? The King turns quick upon him ; Le Roy s' avisera , says he , Wee 'll no more of Those Questions , How far you are bound to Obey , what the ●hurch has once Ordeyn'd ? Had he dealt otherwise , his Majesty had given the Presbyterian the first Hold. At the Beginning of Queen Elizabeth , brake forth Those Broyles in Scotland , wherein the Lords of the Congregation ( so was the Faction distinguish'd ) Deprived the Queen-Regent , by the Approbation and Advise of Willock and Knox , to whom the Case was Refer●'d . The French assisted the Queen D●wager , and the Lords of the Revolt , were ( for some Reasons of State ) assisted by Queen Elizabeth . At That Time it was Principally , that the English took the Scotch D●s●ase , and upon the Peace , brought it with them into England , whereof we have abundantly tasted the blessed Fruits , ever since . Let such as are curious of Particulars , look into the 11. 16. 31. and 36. of that Queens Reign ; and see what Prodigious Haeresies , what Seditious Opinions and Practices : what desperate Libels and Sermons proceeded from That Schismaticall Separation . At length , by an Exemplary Severity , upon Hackett , and Barrow , she gave her self some Quiet . Upon King Iames his coming to the Crown of England , they Try'd Him too : but when they fell to Scruplize about the Surplice , and the Crosse in Baptism ; The King ( having first Choak'd them in Points more Materiall ) to make short work of it , tells them . 'T was Obstinacy , not Tendernesse ; bids them Conforme , at Perill . For the Perill-sake , They did Conforme , and so That Prince was Quiet . But though no Flame Appear'd , the Fire was not Extinct , but prudently Conceal'd , and Cover'd in the Embers . And now Succeeds King Charles the Martyr , under the Disadvantages : First , of a Great Debt , and a present Necessity . Secondly , of a Natural , so void of Guile , as hardly to believe that there was such a thing in Nature . ( which made him somewhat apt to Credit ) And the Third Disadvantage was , his Inexperience of That Faction which he was now to Cope with . Upon his coming to the Crown , Hee Calls a Parliament ; Tells them his wants ; which They knew of Themselves , to be exceeding Great and Pressing . Their Answer was , ( in effect ) that Petitions were to precede Subsidies : And thereupon , Two they presented ; The One for Religion , the Other concerning Grievances : and to Both These , his Majesty gave ample and Particular Satisfaction : which , in stead of Thankfulnesse , and Supply , produced only Expostulation , and Boldnesse . So high already were they Flown , as to resolve upon a Remonstrance ; foul upon the Memory and Government of the Father ; and Imposing upon the Authority of the Son , which mov'd the King to Prevent That Affront , by Dissolving That Parliament . ( This was in August 1625. ) See but how Great a Confidence did This small yielding give them ! And Thence , wee 'll Date the History of his ensuing Troubles . Marque forward , how they grow upon him ; and abuse his aptnesse to comply with Them. In Febr. following , meets a Second Parliament , wherein a matter of Three Moneths were spent in a Debate , betwixt the King and the Lords , concerning the Privileges of the House of Peers . The Commons having in the Interim , a Committee for Religion at work , to spy Faults , where at last was Retriv'd , a Letter under the Signet , for the Reprieve of some Iesuites , &c. — and This Reported to the House by Mr. Bim . These Petulancies did not at all discompose the King , but he calmly again Sollicites them for Mony : The Fleet being in great distresse , and ready to Mutiny for want of Pay. In stead of being Supply'd , his Majesty is insufferably Affronted , Particularly by Mr. Clement Coke , and Doctor Turner ; of whom he compleins , but without obteining satisfaction , save upon such conditions , as were utterly inconsistent with his Royalty . In fine , This Parliament prepares another Declaration of the same Stamp with the Former ; and so they are Dissolved too . These Disappointments , they knew , must needs put the King upon Extraordinary wayes to furnish himself for the Present ; and that at the last , his recourse must be to a Parliament , into which they were sure to be Chosen , and easily foresaw , that the Greater his Majesties Necessities were , the more Argument would there be for Compleint . In This Intervall , the King was left to his Choice of These Two Evills , whether he would hazzard the Revolt of his Navy , and the putting of his Kingdomes into a Flame , for want of Mony ; or venture at some uncommon way of Raysing it . This extremity puts him upon his Commissions of Loan : Privy Seals ; A Project of Levy by Excize : Nay , such was his Necessity , that he was fain to Part with 21000 li. per Annum , of his own Lands , to the Common-Counsell of London , only for 120000 li. together with some other Debts of his Fathers ; which they Hedg'd and bought in for little , and clapp'd upon his Majesties Accompt to the Uttermost Farthing . The Loan was much Opposed ; and who but the Refusers of This Loan , were the Popular men for the Next Parliament ? which was Summon'd to meet in March , 1627. Accordingly they Meet ; and the King minds them of their Past Faylings , and their Present Duties in a Speech worthy of the Prudence , and the Majesty of a Great Prince . [ In This time ( sayes the King ) of Common Danger , I have taken the most Antient , Speedy , and Best way for Supply , by calling you together . If ( which God forbid ) in not contributing what may answer the Quality of my Occasions , you do not your Duty , it shall suffice , I have done mine ; in the Conscience whereof , I shall rest Content , and take some other Course , for which God hath empowred Mee , to Save That which the Folly of Particular men might hazzard to Lose . Take not This as a Menace ; ( for I scorn to Threaten my Inferiours ) but as an Admonition from him who is Ty'd both by Nature , and Duty , to provide for your Preservation . ] This Tast of the Kings Mettle , gave them to understand that Rufling would not do their work , and put them rather upon a semblance of Closing with him : But with Regard still to Their Trust , and that the People might be as well Eas'd , as his Majesty Supply'd . Which being formally resolv'd upon , and that the Kings Wants , and the Subjects Grievances should march hand in hand : By an Unanimous Vote , they granted his Majesty Five Subsidies : who being too syncere , to take That Bounty for a Bait , even Wept with Ioy , at the surprize of a Kindnesse so unexpected . But This is but the Guilding of the Pill , now comes the Poyson . Upon the Motion of Sir Edward Coke , was fram'd ▪ The Petition of Right , which Passes the House of Commons , but Sticks with the Peers , as utterly Destructive of the Prerogative Royall , without a Salvo : Whereupon they offer This Addition . [ We present This our humble Petition to your Majesty , not only with Care to Preserve our own Liberties , but with regard to leave entire That Sovereign Power , wherewith pour Maiesty is trusted , for the Protection , Safety , and Happinesse of your People . ] But this Addition was not for Their Turn , whose businesse was more to Depresse the King , and Advance Themselves , then to provide for the Freedome of the People : And in fine , the Commons adhering , after a long struggle , it pass'd the Lords House without Amendment . ( In regard that we are now upon the very Crisis , of King or No King , we shall be a little the more Particular ) After Five Dayes Consideration thereupon , the King returns This Answer . The King willeth that Right be done according to the Laws , and Customes of the Realm , and that the Statutes be put in Execution , that Subjects may have no Cause to Complein of any Wrong , or Oppressions , Contrary to their Iust Rights , and Liberties , To the Preservation whereof , he holds himself in Conscience as well obliged , as of his prerogative . ] This Answer ( though Clear , and Full as possible , to any just Intention ) did not yet Relish ; and the pretended Exception , was not to the Matter of it , but the Forme : So that a New Petition is agreed upon , for a more formal Answer : Which his Majesty taking notice of , Prevents , with a Le droit soit fait , comme il est Desirè . This Grant finish'd Foundation of the Kings Ruine . Now see the Return they made him for This Goodnesse ; how they Requited This Benignity , and Trust. The Commissions Of Loan , and Excize , are Instantly Cancell'd , and a Scandalous Remonstrance is Presented to his Majesty , with the Bill of Subsidies . Upon which the King reflects ( as he had Cause ) with some Displeasure : and drawes a Stinging and a Punctuall Answer to it . This puts the Commons upon Another Remonstrance against Tonnage , and Poundage , which Provok'd the King to give a sodain End to That Session ; Declaring before his Assent to the Bills , The true Intent of what he Granted in That Petition : And that as it was the Profession of Both Houses , in the time of Hammering That Petition , no way to Trench upon his Prerogative ; so he could not be conceiv'd to have Granted any New , but only to have Confirm'd the Antient Privileges of his Subjects . And here his Majesty Prorogues This Parliament . In Ian. following they Meet again , and Appoint Two Committees : The One for Religion , the Other for Civill Affairs : And These are to Inspect Abuses , and lay open the Kings Misgovernments to the People . In the Heat of their haste , his Majesty sends Secretary Coke upon an Inter●eding Message to them , with all the Gentlenesse Imaginable . Whereat the House takes Snuffe , and calls to Adjourn . In short , the King Adjourns them from Ianuary , to the 2. of March : and Then being Met , Sir Iohn Eliot begins with a Bitter Invective against the Lord Treasurer : After which the Speaker acquaints the House with his Majesties Command , of their Adjournment till the 10th . They give him a Check for his Peins , and follow their Businesse . Up rises Sir Iohn again , and Offers a Remonstrance against Tonnage and Poundage , to their Reading ; which both Speaker and Clerk Refusing , Hee Reads it Himself . When it should be put to the Vote , whether or no , to be Presented to the King , the Speaker excuses himself , as Commanded by the King , to Leave the House ; and endeavouring to Rise , he was forcibly kept in his Chaire , till as the Protestation of the House was Read , as Follows . First , Whosoever shall bring in Innovation of Religion , or by favour seek to introduce Popery , or Arminianisme , or other Opinions disagreeing from the true Orthodox Church , shall be reputed a capitall Enemy to this Kingdome and Common-wealth . Secondly , Whosoever shall Counsell or Advise the Taking or Levying of the Subsidies of Tonnage and Poundage , not being Granted by Parliament , or shall be an Actor , or Instrument therein , shall be likewise reputed a Capitall Enemy to this Common-wealth . Thirdly , If any man shall voluntarily yield , or Pay the said Subsidies of Tonnage , or Poundage , not being Granted by Parliament ; he shall be reputed a Betrayer of the Liberties of England , and an Enemy to this Common-wealth . Upon Notice of These Distempers , the King sends for the Sergeant of the Mace , and the House refuses him : Whereupon , the Usher of the Black Rod is Dispatch'd , to Dissolve them ; but finding no Entrance , at length , the Guard is call'd for , and Then the Members Vanish : After These Provocations , and Contempts , The King Himselfe Dissolves them . This was the Embryo of our late Rebellion : and the Indulgence of That Gratious Prince , to That Ungrateful Faction , was That which Ruin'd him . Whether Design'd , or not , may appear from the Sequel : Divers of the most Popular and Active persons in This Contest being found afterward , among his Mortal Enemies in the Warr. Having Trac'd the Mischief to This Head ; we may be shorter with the Rest : and taking for Granted , that neither Scotland would be out at a Godly Project , nor the English Faction upon any Terms reject their Brotherly Kindnesse , we may rationally presume that they were of Intelligence , in our succeeding Troubles ; especially , if we observe what Time they kept in their motions towards one another . In that which follows , we shall not so much apply our selves to the Order of the Story , as to the Noting of those Fatalities which had a most particular Influence upon the Life and Fortune of That Incomparable Prince . In 1634. a Seditious Practice was discover'd in Scotland ; and the Lord Balmerino detected to be one of the Prime Conspiratours : His Father , out of Nothing , became Chief Secretary to King Iames , whom he Betray'd ; the Treachery was Prov'd , and the Traytour Condemn'd , but by the Mercy of the King , Restored , both in Bloud , and Estate . So was the Son found Guilty , and Pardon'd likewise , by the Successour of the Father's Master . Never in shew a more remors-ful Penitent : Yet in the next Conspiracy of 1637. who deeper In again , then this Presbyterian ? It would be hard to find Two Persons of That Leaven , to whom the Late King ever refused his Grace , or that did not abuse it . How easily had the Scotch Rebellion been Crush'd in the First Tumult ; had not his Majesty's Excessive Goodness , ore-slipped the Time of Doing it by Force , expecting their Return by fairer means . He that would read the greatest Opposition that ever was in Nature ; of Truth , and Falshood ; Kindnesse , and Malice ; Mercy , and Ingratitude ; Piety , and Wickedness : Let him but Read the Story of the Scotch-Rebellion in 1638. drawn by his Majestie 's expresse Command . The Perjuries , Insolencies , Forgeries , and Usurpations of the Holy Kirk at Glasgow : and then say , if ever such a Contest of Light , and Darkness , as betwixt That Saint , and Those Monsters . Nor was his Majesty's Clemency abused , more then his Confidence betray'd ; for to the Publick Mockery they made of his Indulgence , was added the Private Correspondence , and Treachery of a Presbyterian Faction in his Counsell . ( His Majesty himself avers as much . ) This ( says the King in his large Declaration ) Our Commissioner did not adventure to communicate with the whole Counsell , because he did know that some of our Counsellours were Covenanters in Their Hearts , though for Dangerous ends , they had forborn the Subscribing of the Covenant with their Hands , and that They would acquaint the Covenanters with it , with whom they kept Private Meetings . ] The next Eminent Transaction was upon the Enterview of the Two Armies near Berwick , where his Sacred Majesty had the Rebells Effectually at his Mercy , and exhausted himself , and his Friends , to the Despair almost of ever Raysing another Army . Yet even There also , was his Majesty persuaded ( such was his Royall Charity , and Tendernesse for his People ) upon the Supplication of the Rebells to admit a Treaty , and thereupon soon after to Conclude a Pacification : whereof the Covenanters kept ▪ not One Article . Nay , after This , they Libell'd the Kings Proceedings , Broke forth into Fresh Insolencies , and Sollicited the Assistance of the French King against their Native Sovereign . We see the Faith , and Loyalty of the Scotch Presbyterians ; Marque now , if the English use him any Better : And That , but in a Word or Two ; for 't is a peevish Subject . His Majesty calls a Parliament , that Meets Novemb. 3. 1640. Which by the violence of Tumults abroad , and the Artifice of Iuggles , within-doors , is with much adoe Modelled into a Faction . Observe now the Proportion , betwixt the Favours of the King , and the Returns of the Party : and see the Fruits of Clemency , here likewise . His Majesty passes the Trienniall Bill ; Abolishes the Star-chamber ▪ and High-Commission Court : Passes an Act for the Continuance of the Parliament . Not to insist upon the several other Concessions , concerning Ship-mony , Forrests , and Stannary Courts ; Tonnage and Poundage ; Knighthood , &c. — In Requitall of these Benefits , The Presbyterians Clap up , and prosecute his Majesties Friends ; Prefer , Enlarge his Enemies ; Reward the Scots for a Rebellion ; Entertain their Commissioners ; Vote them Their Dear Brethren , for Invading us : Call in all Books and Proclamations against them . Take away the Bishops Votes . Impose a Protestation : Deny the Earl of Straffords Life to the Intercession of his Majesty . Present him with a Libellous Remonstrance to welcome him out of Scotland . Charge 12. Bishops of High Treason . Declare the Kings Proclamation to be False , Scandalous , and Illegall ▪ Petition for the Militia . Keep the King out of his own Towns , and Seize his Armes and Ammunition . Send him 19. Propositions for the Delivery up of his Authority . Vote a Generall , and Raise an Army against him . They give the King Battle . Levy Monies . Vote the Queen a Traytour . Hang up the Kings Friends . Enter into a Rebellious League . Counterfeit a Great-Seal . Call in the Scots Again . Abolish the Common-Prayer . Seize and Imprison the King ; Share the Revenues of the Church , and Crown . Sequester , Banish , Imprison his Majesties Adherents ; Sell him , Depose him , and at last , call themselves his Majesties best Subjects because they did not MURTHER him . Upon the whole Matter , That Blessed Martyr's Transcendent Charity undid him . How many did he Oblige and Advance , in hopes to Win , and Reclaime them ? How many did he Pardon and Cherish , in Confidence of their Pretended Repentance ? How long did his Patience forbear Others , in expectation of their Return ? And how unwilling was He to call any thing Schism , which the Faction call'd Scruple ? Till ( Alas ! ) too Late , he found his Bounties Abus'd ; His Mercies misplaced ; His Waitings Frustrated ; His Charity Deluded ; and in short , no other use made of all his Pieties , and Virtues , then to his proper Ruine ; For while his Sacred Majesty suspended the exercise of his Politicall Severity , under the amusement of a Religious Tendernesse ; the Sectaries became Bold upon his Favour , and strong by the advantage they made of his Patience . There were indeed some other praevious Encouragements to the Warr ; as the Remissnesse of Diverse Bishops in Matter of Uniformity ; The sufferance of Factious Meetings , &c. — But the Two Grand Fatalities were These . The King WANTED MONY ; and TRUSTED PRESBYTERIANS . Dum Clementiam , quam praestiterat , expect at , INCAUTUS ab INGRATIS Occupatus est . Vell. Paterc . Hist. Lib. 2. The End of the First Part. THE CONTENTS OF THE First Part. CAP. I. THE Matter and Causes of Seditions in Generall . Pag. 1. CAP. II. The Tokens and Prognosticks of Seditions . 4. CAP. III. The True Cause of the Late Warr , was AMBITION . 10. CAP. IV. The Instruments , and Means , which the Conspirators employed to make a Party . 16. CAP. V. A short View of the Breaches , and Confusions betwixt the Two Factions , from 1648. to 1654. 24. CAP. VI. The Temper , Streights , and Politiques , of Cromwell during his Protectorship . 30. CAP. VII . A short Accompt from the Death of the Tyrant Oliver , to the Return of Charles the Second , ( whom God Preserve from his Fathers Enemies . ) 48. CAP. VIII . The Usurper Oliver was principally distress'd by the Warr with Spain , and his Standing-Army . 61. CAP. IX . Of Seditions in Particular ; and shewing in what maner they arise from These Seven Interests . The Church ; the Bench ; the Court ; the Camp ; the City ; the Country ; and the Body Representative . 85. SECT . I. Seditions arising from the CHURCH . Pag. 85. SECT . II. The BENCH . 96. SECT . III. The COURT . 99. Subsection I. Over-greatnesse in One Counsellour . 100. Subsection II. The Combination of Divers ▪ Counsellours . 106. SECT . IV. The CAMP . 114. SECT . V. The CITY . 117. Subsection I. Seditions arising from Religion . 121. Subsection II. Oppression . 126. Subsection III. Privileges . 128. Subsection IV. Poverty . 130. SECT . VI. The COUNTRY . 139. SECT . VII . The BODY REPRESENTATIVE . 143. CAP. X. How to prevent the Beginnings , and hinder the Growth of Seditions in General ; together with certain Particular Remedies , apply'd to the Distempers of Those Seven Interests , mentioned in the foregoing Chapter . Pag. 152. SECT . I. By what means , Haeresies , and Schismes , may be kept out of the CHURCH ; Their Encrease hinder'd , and the Seditious Consequences of Them Prevented : ● with the Remedies of other Mischieves arising from Disorders in the CHVRCH . 159. SECT . II. How to prevent Seditions arising from the Disorders of the BENCH . 171. SECT . III. How to Prevent , or Remedy Seditions arising from the Disorders of the COURT . 177. Subsection I. The Remedies of certain hazzards arising from the Over-greatnesse of One Counsellour . 182. Subsection II. How to frustrate a Combination of Diverse Counsellours . 197. SECT . IV. How to Prevent Disorders arising from the CAMP . 201. SECT . V. How to Prevent , or Remedy Seditions arising from the CITY . 205. SECT . VI. How to Prevent Seditions from the COUNTRY . 212. SECT . VII . Certain Cautions directing how to prevent , and avoid , Dangers arising from the BODY REPRESENTATIVE . ibid. CAP. XI . Certain Reflections upon the Felicity , and Advantages of the Government of England ; with some Observations upon the Present Juncture . 217. CAP. XII . What it was Principally , that Ruin'd King Charles the MARTYR . 236. The End of the Contents of the First Part. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A47883-e2110 The Matter of Sedition . The Causes of it . The Remedy . Contempt more fatal to Kings then Hatred . ☞ Poverty breed● Sedition . ☜ A numerous Nobility causeth Poverty . Fears and Jealousies . The danger Libels . ☜ Sir F. B. Sir F. B. ☜ The Rise of the late War. The first Tumult against the Service-book . The Covenanters Usurp the Supreme Authority ▪ The Institution of the Scotish Covenant . The Promoters of it . Hist. Iudep . Appendix , pag. 14. The Covenant a Rebellious Vow . A Plea for Treason . The Usurp●tions of the Covenanters . A Pacification with the Scots . Their Infidelity . They enter England . The influence of the Scotish Army , and the City Tumults , upon the long Parliament . The two Houses usurp the Militia . The Rebellion begins at Hull . The Kings Defence of himself , Voted a Warr against his Parliament . Treasonous Positions of the Two Houses . Deposing Propositions of Iune 2. The Cause of the Warr , was Ambition . The Rabble were the Pillars of the Cause . Religion the Pretense . Their Zeal against Popery . The Methode of the Reformation . Rebellion divides God and the King. Scandals Emproved , and Invented . The late King was betray'd by Presbyterians in his Counsel . A Dear Peace the cause of a long Warr. Tria Priciipia . The Methode of Treason . Rebellion begins in Confusion , and ends in Order . ☜ ☞ The English follow the Scotish Pattern . The Prologue to the late Warr. Loyalty pers●cuted . ☞ Rebellion Rewarded . The King goes for Scotland . His Welcome at his Return . ☞ The King Affronted by Tumults first ; And Then for compleyning of them . ☜ The Presbyterians ruin'd by their own Arguments . England a Free-State . Quarrels with the Dutch. The Long-Parliament dissolved . Barebones Parliament : Their Acts. Their Zeal . Their Dissolution . The corruption of a Conventicle , is the Generation of a Protector . Cromwell Installed , and Sworn Protector . A Counsell of one and Twenty . Cromwels Masteries . The Foundation of Cromwels Greatness . Cromwels Character . Cromwell Jelous of his Counsell . And of his Army . Oliver erects Major Generals , and then fools them . ☞ The Persecution of the Cavaliers . Cromwells T●●● of the Ho●se . The Recongition . ☜ Cromwels design upon Sr. Domingo , Disa●●rous . Blake makes amends at Tunis . His Success against the Plate-Fleet near the Bay of Cadiz . Addresses . ☞ Olivers Kindred stood his Friends . ☜ The Petition and Advice To Declare his Successour . 〈◊〉 Other House . Privy Counsel . Revenue . Cavaliers incapable of Office. ☜ Cromwell Installed Protector . ☞ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☜ ☞ Oli●er durst not take upon him the Title of King. For fear of the Sectaries . His Reserve . And the Reasons of it . Olivers Other House . Enraged the Commons . The new Peers . The Commons p●ck a Quarrell with the Other House . Olivers heart-breaking cross . He Fools the City of London . Addresses . Barbarous Cruelties . ☞ Cromwels Death . ☜ Olivers Maximes . Richard Recognized upon condition . Each of the Three Parties Enemy to the Other Two. The Army Ruffles the House . The House Opposes the Army . Richard dissolves his Parliament . And is laid aside himself . The Army acknowledge their backslidings . And invite the old Parliament to sit again . The Rump . 〈…〉 The Factio● fli●s high . The Rump and the Army Clash . The Rump thrown out . The Army settles a Committee of Safety . General M. Secu●es Scotl●nd . Hewsons Insolence toward the City . Hazelrigg sei●es Portsmouth . The Rump sits again . Lambert and his Party submit . The City refuse to Levy Monies . The Rump offended with the City . The Secluded Members re-admitted . ☞ Cromwel's Rise to the Sovereignty . What hindered his Establishment . He was Generally Hated . The Warr with Spain was an Oversight . A Standling Army dangerous . The Rise of Cromwels Standing Army . Exact Collect. Pap. 44. Ibid. ☞ The Consequences of the House of Commons Guard. The Effects of a Standing Army . Note . ☞ ☞ Exit The Rump . All Factions Unite against the King. They Divide . And Subdivide . ☜ The Effects of a Military Government . The English Impatient of of Slavery . ☞ It seems to b● the Interest of France to maintain a 〈◊〉 Army . ☞ A sad Mistake . A Guard both Sutable and n●cessary about the Person of a King. The Mai●es of Fra●●e abus'd the Confidence of their Masters . Pepin , the Son of a Powerful Subject , deposes his Prince , and ●ets up 〈◊〉 . The State of France . ☜ The effects of a Standing Army in France . ☞ A Standing Army more hazzardous in England , than in France . Alterat●ons of C●sto●es dangerous . Our Saxon Kings kept no Standing Army . N●r Edmo●d 〈◊〉 . Nor W●lliam the Conqu●ror . No● William Rufus . Nor Hen. 3. Edw. 1. Edw. nor Ric. 2. Nor the Henries 4 , 5 , 6 , & 7. Nor Hen. 8. ●dw 6. Queen M●ry , nor Q●een Eliz. Nor K. Iames , nor Charles the MARTYR . ☜ Expedients to prevent or disappoint Dangers . A Standing Army destructive to the Government . An Army without Pay , is the most Dangerous Enemy . Mony is the Interest of This World. ☜ What 's the Benefit of a Standing Army . The Mischief and Danger of it . ☞ A Royall Guard Necessary and S●fficient . With the timely execu●ion of Good Laws . ☜ Conscience the strongest Tie . The Rise of Schism . The Method of it . The Motion of Schis● into Sedit●on . The Design . ☞ And Effect of it . Note . Qu. May an enemy to Bishops , exercise the Ministry ? Three Questions propounded by King Charles the Martyr , concerning Church Government . The Derivation of Episcopal Government . Christs Mandate to the Apostles . ●ipiscopacy unalterable . Corruptio Optimi , Pessima . The Method of Schism . A Scandalous Clergy , makes a Seditious Laity . Slander is the Sin and Practice of the Devil . Shun Appearances of Scandal . Ignorance a species of Scandal . Bishops blamed by the more blameable . Fears and Jealousies . Bishops charged with Pride , by the Prouder Brethren . ☞ Conscience and Law , Govern the world . ☜ Occasions of Sedition . Seditious Lawyers and Schifmarical Divines are the most abominable Seducers . Plotters of Sedition . Are of three Sorts . Usurpers . Monarchoma-ch●●sts . J●suited Puritans . Time is the best Tryall of Fidelity . The Knowledge of Persons , is more then the Understanding of Matters . ☜ The Noblest Natures most easily Deceived . Abuses from Great Persons hardly Rectify'd . What he must do that undertakes it . The Art of Flattery . Conscientious Sedition . An Ambitious Person . The Test of an Honest Favourite . An ill sign . Another as bad . Note . Marque again . The Advantages of a Confederacy in Counsell . Their Method . Rather to Countenance a Sedition , then Head it . How to know the Faction . By their Haunts . ☜ By their Cabales . By their Debates . By their Domestiques . By their Favorites . The Composition 〈…〉 sic Instrum●nt or a Corrupt States-man . ☜ By their Conversation and Behaviour . An honester sort of Ill Subjects . A Ca●eat to 〈◊〉 . The Politiques of the Vulg●● . The Effects of Corruption in a Court. Court-Beggers . Non payment of Debts . The Interests of the Souldiery . An Ambitious Commander does better Abroad then at Home . A Haly War i● a Contrafiction ☜ Hazzard not a Rebellion in one Place , for fear of a Sedition in another . The Constitution of a Guard Royall . Court and City seldom agree . The Reason of it . The Power of a City . The Maner of Preparing the People for Sedition . A Seditious Principle . The King only Accomptable to God , and the People to the King. Cu●sed be the Sons of Ch●m . ☞ Religious Sedion , either referring to Haeresie , or Schism . Rebellion upon a point of Heresie , more Pardonable , then That from Schisme . Seditions arising from Schisme . The Means of provoking Sedition . The Advantages of Great Towns for Seditions . Cities are inclinable to Seditions , from the Temper of the Inhabitants . ☜ Religious Innovatours begin with Women . Four Reasons why . A Zealous Sister . And her Confessour . ☜ ☜ ☜ A Shee-Proselyte . ☞ Oppression causes Sedition . A Presbyterian Trick . The Politique Hypocrite . Loyalty is Indispensable . Citizens are Tender of their Privileges . Principally in point of Trade . Their immunities are Precarious . Neither Prince nor People can be secure but by Agreement . ☞ Poverty an Irresistible Incentive to Sedition . The most Dangerous Poverty . Corruption the Cause of Scarcity . * A word us'd in Westminster Schoole , when a Boy Counterfeits Sick. Private Hoards breed Publique Penury . The Composition of Wicked Ministers of State. The Misery of them . If either they look Back ; Forward ; Round about ; Above them ; B●low ; or within them . The Sollic●tous estate of the Guilty . Taxes may cause , or occasion a Scarcity divers wayes . Subj●cts are to Obey , without Disputing . ☜ Note . Leave no Marque standing to remember a Discourtesie by . Josh. 4. 6. Shiftings passes for Wisdome . Excessive Building . Knavery of ●radesmen . Pride . The Co●ntry is sure to be undone by a Wa●r . The Fruits of it . A Discontented Nobleman . Ambition . Pride . R●venge . The Rich Chu●le . The Contentious Free born●Subject . ☜ The Dangerous mixture of a Representative . The Designing Party . Their Industry and Combination . The Matter they work upon . Their Maner of Proceed●ng . ☜ The Perm●tters of Seditious Contrivements . The Deserters of their Trust are taken off by Profit , Pleasure , Vanity , by Sloth and Neglect , ☜ by Partiality . Passion . Fear , or Personal Animosity . Fools are fit Inst●um●nts for Kn●ves . Love and Reverence are the Pillars of Majesty . The Power of a Prince depends upon the Love of his People . The Gr●unds of Sedition . Let a Prince Stick to his Laws , and his People will stick to him . The Oath of Protecting , implyes a Power of Protecting . Where a King has it not in his Power to Oppresse his People , They have it in Theirs to Destroy their King. ☜ A Mixture of Indulgence , and Severity . Obliges the Loyall , and Aws the Refractary . The Influe●ce of Prudence , and Courage . A● Prince that bears Affronts , and Familiarities from his Subjects , Lessens himself . How to hind●r the Spr●ading of a Seditious Humour . ☜ Let a Prince keep an Eye over Great Assemblies . Let him be Qu●ck , and Watchfull . The mostdange●●us of all Sects . A sure way to prerent Schisme . Have a Care. ☜ The Presbyterians Set-form . And Methode . Their Modesty . ☞ The means of Preventing Schisme . Object . Petition f●● Peace , pag. 4 , 5. Answ. The Hazzards of Toleration . ☜ The Founda●ion of Presbytery . ☞ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pag. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pag. 239. Let Pagans blush at These Christians . ☜ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pag. 263. The Growth of Schisme . ☜ A Noble Resolve . Let the Prince Reform betime . And Impartially . Note . Ambition is the Cause , no matter what 's the Cry. Corrupt Divines and Lawyers are in the forlorne of all Rebellions . ☞ But the Contrary , are the Pillars and Blessings of Society . The Common Crime of Vitious Lawyers , is Avarice The Basest of Corruptions . An Ignorant Judg is a Dangerous Minister . And so is a Timorous . A hard matter to make a good choice . A Rule to Chuse by . He nug● s●ri● duc 〈◊〉 in mala . ☞ A way to prevent Treasonous Mistakes . The Contrivers of Seditions are of Three Sorts The Puritan . ☞ Religion is but Talk. Every man for himself . A Traytour is of no Religion . No ill Story . The Presbyterian has gotten a Streyn . A Ceremony may be as well impos'd as a 〈◊〉 ☜ ☞ Ambition dangerous in a Favourite . A Caution . Ambition does better in a Souldiour , then in a Counsellour . It is the Interest of a Prince to dispose of Offices by Particular Direction . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pag. 240. How to 〈◊〉 an Insolent Favourite . The Danger of a Favourite that upholds a Faction . And menage of his Design . St. 〈◊〉 . Bacon . ☜ How to disappoint an Ambitious Design . Favourit●s necessary to the Prince , and desirable to the People . Concerning the Choice of Servants . Let them be Honest and Fit. Of approved Loyalty to th● Father . Not upon Recommendation . Publique Natures for Publique Places . Not One to all Purposes . Let a Prince set his Confident his Bounds , afore-hand In Points of Conscience , Honour and Convenience , let not a Favourite presse the Sovereign . The Danger of Over greatnesse as to the People . A Proud man in Power . Easily crush'd . A Covetous Great man. The Mischief of False Intelligence Good Advice 〈…〉 Counsel 〈◊〉 . ☞ Prudence provides for the worst . Reward and ●unishment keep People in Order . Honest Truths are Dangerous . A Case put . The Lower Region of the Court. Four or Five Beggers in Chief . ☞ Corrupt Officers a General Pest. Ill-Pay the reason of Ill-Payment . Want of Mony makes People Religious . The Ill-principled Courtier . Dangers from the Camp. How Mutinies may be caused . ☜ Good Pay will bear good Discipline . Modelling and Dis●banding are dangerous . How to New-Modell an Army . How to Dis-band . The Causes of Revolts . A good Choice is the best Security against a Revolt . The Danger of an Ill●order'd City . ☜ Pretext of Religion is a danger●us and wicked Quarrell . Is there a God ? Or ●s there None ? All Seditions proceed from Misgovernment . Begin with the Clergy to prevent Schisme . Let the Magistracy be well-affected . Oppression procur'd by Ill Instruments . ☞ Though the Levy be Extraordinary , let the way be Ordinary . Privileges are Sacred . ☞ Poverty is a terrible Enemy . The Prince not to forsake his Metropoli● . Let the Choice be Legall , and Prudent . ☜ Better the Sovereign Reforme , then the Counsell . The effects of a Good Choyce , and of a Bad. The Mischieves of Partiality . ☜ 〈◊〉 a ●yranny , then 〈◊〉 Anarchy . The Antient Prudence of England , for the Preven●ing of Sedit●ons . The Custome of 〈◊〉 or Frank-Pledges . The Condition of it . Oathes of Allegeance . The Judges Charge concerning T●easons , &c. Knights Service . Commission of Array . Libido Dominandi Causa B●lli . Sal. The King is above Ambition . And the Commons Below it . ☞ The Interests of the King and Commons are Inseperable . The Peerage are either as Petty Kings , 〈◊〉 Subj●cts . The Excellent Government of England was subver●ed by a mean ●action . Security lost us . ☞ A word to my Back f●iends . Object . Answ. Ask Doctor Owen , and 〈…〉 That was ? Anglic●e D. ● . A Private Person may discover a Publique Enemy . The King , the Law , the Parliment , and the Counsell are Sacred . Beware of Imputing the faults of a Faction to the Government . The Faction has a great Advantage . The Presbyterians are True to their Principles , but not to their Profession . Their Industry . ☞ Two Libels . The Libellers Character . Kings had need to be well enform'd . ☜ ☞ 8 H. 6. 11. 11 H. 6. 6. Edict Iuly 7. 1606. Ill Appearances . The Custome of Frank-Pledges revived . ☜ Discoveries Rewarded . Judges in their circuits are good Intelligencerg . ☞ How This Discourse may become usefull . Treasons Encouraged . ☜ Why was Late King Murther'd ? Not for Religion . Nor Tyranny . Nor Cruelty . Nor for want of Abilities and Valour . Nor for Impiety or Intemperance . The Kings Indulgence was his Ruine . Presbytery is a Specifique Poyson to Monarchy . king Iames his Answer to a Presbyterian . Queen Elizabeth ●uieted the Schismatiques by Severity . S●r did King Iames. Three Disadvantages of King Charles the martyr . The Originall of his Troubles . The Progresse of them . The House of Commons Affronts him . The King put to a sad Choice . ☜ The Kings Speech . The Bounties of the Faction are Baites . The Petition of Right . His Majesties first Answer to the Petition of Right . The Commons Cavill . The King Passes the Bill . The Commons Requitall . His Majesty Explains himself . The Commons Inquisition , and Insolence . ☜ The Protestation of the Commons . Their Contest , and Dissolution . The Kings Mercy Abus●d . ☜ Abus'd again . ☜ The King Betray'd by his Counsell . Scotch Declar. Pag. 124. The Kings Mercy again abus'd . The Ingratitude of the Scotch Presbyterians . Now see the English. The Bounty and Grace of the King. The Requital of the Presbyterians . ☞ His Majesties Patience and Goodnesse Ruin'd him . The Kings grand Fatalityes . 


