# indx_content

c0: A47884
c1: L'Estrange, Roger, Sir, 1616-1704.
c3: 1682
c6: 54353
c7: 2171
c8: 67
c9: A47884.xml
c10: A47884.txt
c2:
  A memento treating of the rise, progress, and remedies of seditions with some historical reflections upon the series of our late troubles / by Roger L'Estrange.

c4:
  Great Heed should then be taken , what Persons are Entrusted with the Care of Souls , since the Consequence of a Factions Preacher , and a Mistaken Conscience , proves many times the Ruine both of Prince and People . So long as the Royal Interest was in Vigour ; it was the Faction's Policy to engage all sorts of People , whom they could possibly Unite against That Interest , however Disagreeing among Themselves , their first work being only to Destroy the King ) and This was the Composition of the first Army .

c5:
  army; authority; business; cause; church; city; conscience; court; danger; design; faction; fear; general; good; government; house; ill; interest; king; law; look; man; matter; means; monarch; multitude; nation; officers; order; parliament; party; people; person; point; power; prince; publick; reason; rebellion; religion; right; sedition; self; soveraign; standing; state; subject; time; want; war; way; work

c11:
   A memento treating of the rise, progress, and remedies of seditions with some historical reflections upon the series of our late troubles / by Roger L'Estrange. L'Estrange, Roger, Sir, 1616-1704. 1682 Approx. 385 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 84 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A47884 Wing L1271 ESTC R13050 13134885 ocm 13134885 97901 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A47884) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 97901) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 426:6) A memento treating of the rise, progress, and remedies of seditions with some historical reflections upon the series of our late troubles / by Roger L'Estrange. L'Estrange, Roger, Sir, 1616-1704. The second edition. 138 p. Printed in the year 1642, and now reprinted for Joanna Brome ..., [London] : 1682. Place of publication from Wing. Pages 49-54 are missing in the filmed copy. Pages 40-65 photographed from Cambridge University Library copy and inserted at the end. Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Marginal notes. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649. Sedition -- England. Great Britain -- History -- Puritan Revolution, 1642-1660. 2003-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-01 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2004-01 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A MEMENTO TREATING , OF THE Rise , Progress , and Remedies of SEDITIONS : WITH SOME Historical Reflections UPON THE SERIES of Our late Troubles . By Roger L'Estrange . THE SECOND EDITION . Printed in the Year 1642 , and now Reprinted for Ioanna Brome at the GVN , at the West-end of St. Pauls : MDCLXXXII . A MEMENTO . CAP. I. THE Matter and Causes OF SEDITIONS . THE Matter of Seditions ( according to Sir Francis Bacon ; whose words and Authority I shall often make use of in this little Treatise ) is of two kinds ; much Poverty and much Discontentment . The Causes and Motives of Seditions he reckons to be these : Innovation in Religion ; Taxes ; Alteration of Laws and Customs ; Breaking of Priviledges ; General Oppression ; Advancement of unworthy Persons ; Strangers ; Dearths ; Disbanded Souldiers ; Factions grown desperate . And whatsoever in offending People , joyneth and knitteth them in a Common Cause . These Inconveniences , either seasonably discover'd , colourably pretended , or secretly promoted , are sufficient to the foundation of a Civil War. In which Negative and dividing Politicks , none better understood themselves than the Contrivers of our late Troubles : not only improving and fomenting Discontentments where they found them , and creating violent Iealousies , where there was but any place to imagine them ; but they themselves were the greatest Gainers , even by those Grievances against which they complained : Reaping a double Benefit , first , from the Occasion of the Difference , and then from the Issue of it . When a seditious Humour is once mov'd , the best Remedy is to cut off the Spring that feeds it : by pleasing all sorts of People , so far as possible , and by disobliging none , but upon Necessity . Which publick tenderness must be so managed , that the Majesty of the Prince be not lost in the Goodness of the Person : for nothing can be more Dangerous to a Monarch , than so to over-court the Love of his People , as to lose their Respect , or to suffer them to impute that to his Easiness which ought to be ascrib'd purely to his Generosity . Offences of that daring and unthankful quality , can scarce be pardon'd , without some hazard to the Authority that remits them : Secret Contempts being much more fatal to Kings , than publick and audacious Malice ; the latter commonly spending it self in a particular and fruitless Malignity toward the Person ( and that with Terrour too , as being secur'd under a thousand Guards of Majesty and Power ) whereas the Other privily taints the whole Mass of the People , with a Mutinous Leaven , giving Boldness to contrive , Courage to execute ; and , if the Plot miscarries , there 's the Hope of Mercy to ballance the peril of the Vndertaking . For a Conclusion of this Point , He that but thinks Irreverently of his Prince , Deposes him . Concerning the Materials of Sedition ; viz. Poverty and Discontentment : it would be endless to dissolve these General H●o●s into Particular Rules : the best Advise in this Case must be General too ; that is , to endeavour to remove whatever Causes them , referring the Particulars to Counsel and Occasion . 'T is very well observ'd by the Lord St. Albans , touching Poverty : [ So many overthrown Estates , so many Votes for Troubles ; and if this Poverty and broken Estate in the better sort , be joyn'd with a Want and Necessity in the mean people , the Danger is Great and Imminent : ] Which to prevent , [ Above all things ( says the same Author ) good Policy is to be used , that the Treasure and Moneys in a State be not gathered into few hands . ; for otherwise a State may have a great Stock , and yet starve : And Money is like Muck , not good except it be spread . ] And again , [ A numerous Nobility causeth Poverty and Inconvenience in a State , for it is a Surcharge of Expence . As to the Seeds of Discontentments , they are as various as the Humours they encounter ; dependent many times upon Opinion , and inconsiderable in themselves , however Notorious in their Effects . Touching the Discontentments themselves , it is the Advice of the Lord Verulam , [ That no Prince measure the Danger of them by this ; Whether they be Iust or Vnjust ? for that were to imagine people to be too reasonable . Nor yet by this , whether the Griefs whereupon they rise , be in Fact , great or small ; for they are the most dangerous , where the Fear is greater than the Feeling . Such were those furious and implacable Iealousies , that started the late War , which doubtless may more properly be accounted among the Dotages of a Disease , or the Illusions of a dark Melancholy ; than the deliberate Operations of a sober Reason . Proceed we now from the Matter and more remote Causes of Seditions , to the Approaches and Prognosticks of them . CAP. II. The Tokens and Prognosticks of Sedition . IT is in many Cases with Bodies Politick , as it is with Natural Bodies ; both perish by delaying till the Distemper be grown too strong for the Medicine : Whereas by watching over , and applying to the first Indispositions of the Patient , how easie is the Remedy of a Disease , which in one day more perhaps becomes Incurable ? Some take it for a point of Bravery not to own any Danger at a distance , lest they should seem to fear it . Others are too short-sighted to discern it : So that betwixt the Rash and the Stupid , ( a large proportion in 〈…〉 of the World ) we are past the help of Physick 〈…〉 can perswade our selves we need it . Dangers ( says the Incomparable Bacon ) are no more light , if they once seem light ; and more dangers have deceived Men , than 〈◊〉 them . Nay , it were better to meet some Dangers half-way , though they come nothing near , than to keep too long a Watch upon their Approaches ; for if a man watch too long , it is odds he will fall asleep . ] Neither let any man measure the Quality of the Danger , by that of the Offender : For again , [ 't is the Matter , not the Person that is to be consider'd ; Treason is contagious , and a Rascal may bring the Plague into the City , as well as a great Man. ] I do the rather press this Caution , because Security was the Fault of those to whom I direct it . But what avails it to be wary of Dangers , without the skill and providence to fore-see and prevent them ? Or what hinders us from the fore-knowledge of those Effects , to which we are led by a most evident , and certain train of Causes ? States have their Maladies as well as Persons ; and those ill habits have their peculiar Accidents and Affections ; their proper Issues and Prognosticks : upon the true judgment of which Circumstances depends the Life and Safety of the Publick . Not to play the fool with an Allegory ; Be it our care to observe the Gathering of the Clouds , before they are wrought into a Storm . Among the Presages of foul Weather , the Lord St. Albans reckons Libels and licentious Discourses against the Government , when they are frequent and open : and in like sort , false news often running up and down , and hastily imbraced , to the disadvantage of the State. We need not run beyond our Memories to agree this Point , it being within the Ken of our own Notice , that Libels were not only the Fore-runners , but in a high Degree , the Causes of our late Troubles : and what were the frequent , open , and licentious Discourses of Cloak-men in Pulpits , but the ill-boding Play of Porpisces before a Tempest ? We may remember also the false News of Plots agninst the Religion and Liberties of the Nation , and how the King was charg'd as an Abetter of the Design . We may remember likewise , how the Irish Blood was cast upon the Account of his late Sacred Majesty , even by Those men whose guilty Souls are to Reckon with Divine Justice for every Drop of it . Neither have we forgotten with what Care and Diligence these Falshoods were dispers'd ; with what Greediness they were swallow'd ; nor what ensu'd upon it . If we look well about us , we may find this Kingdom , at this Instant labouring under the same Distempers ; the Press as busie and as bold ; Sermons as factious ; Pamphlets as seditious ; the Government defam'd . The Lectures of the Faction are throng'd with pretended Converts ; and scandalous Reports against the King and State , are as currant now as they were twenty years ago . These were ill Tokens then , and do they signifie just nothing now ? What means all This but the new Christening of the Old Cause ? the doing over again of the Prologue to the last Tragedy ? Sir Francis Bacon proceeds , [ That Disputing , Excusing , Cavelling upon Mandates and Directions , , is a kind of shaking off the Yoak , and Assay of Disobedience ; especially if in those Disputings , they which are for the Direction , speak fearfully and tenderly ; and those that are against it , audaciously . Herein is judiciously expressed the Motion or Gradation , from Duty to Disobedience . The first step is to Dispute ; as who should say , I will if I may . The very Doubt of Obeying , subjects the Authority to a Question , and gives a dangerous Hint to the People , That Kings are accountable to their Subjects . To Excuse is a Degree worse , for that 's no other than a Refusal of Obedience in a Tacit Regard either of an unjust Command or of an unlawful Power . To cavil at the Mandates of a Prince , is an express Affront to his Dignity , and within one Remove of Violence . Through these Degrees , and slidings from Bad to Worse , from one Wickedness to Another , our late Reformers Travel'd the whole Scale of Treason ; as the Scene chang'd , shifting their Habits , till at last , quitting the Disguise of the Kings Loyal Subjects , they became his Murtherers . What 's more familiar at this Day , than disputing His Majesties Orders ; disobeying his Proclamations , and vilifying Acts of Parliament ? Whereof there are so many , and so Audacious Instances , it shall suffice to have made this General mention of them . Another Observation is , that , When Discords and Quarrels , and Factions , are carried openly and audaciously , it is a Sign the Reverence of Government is lost . This was the temper of that Juncture , when the Schismatical Part of the two Houses , and the Tumultuary Rabble joyn'd their Interests against Bishops , and the Earl of Strafford ; which Insolence was but a Prelude to the succeeding Rebellion . And are not Factions carried Openly and Audaciously now ? when the Promoters , and Iustifiers of the Murther of the late King , are still continued publick Preachers , without the least pretence to a Retraction ; Dictating still , by Gestures , Shrugs , and Signs , That Treason to their Auditory which they dare not Vtter ? What are their Sermons , but Declamations against Bishops : Their Covenant-keeping Exhortations , but the contempt of an establish'd Law ? How it comes to pass , Heaven knows ; but These Honest Fellows can come off for Printing and publishing down-right Treason , when I have much ado to scape for Telling of it . Whither these Liberties tend , let any Man look over his shoulder , and satisfie himself . When any of the Four Pillars of Government , are mainly shaken , or weakened , ( which are Religion , Iustice , Counsel , and Treasure , ) Men had need to pray for fair weather . To speak only of the last , The want of Treasure was the Ruine of the late King ; Through which defect , his Officers were expos'd to be Corrupted , his Counsels to be Betray'd , his Armies to be ill pay'd , and consequently not well Disciplin'd : Briefly , where a Prince is Poor , and a Faction Rich , the Purse is in the wrong Pocket . Multis little Bellum , is an assured and infallible Sign , of a State disposed to Seditions and Troubles , and it must needs be , that where War seems the Interest of a People , it should be likewise the Inclination of them . Touching the General Matter , Motives , and Prognosticks of Sedition , enough is said ; We 'l now enquire into the special cause of the late Rebellion . CAP. III. The True Cause of the late War , was AMBITION . THE True Cause of the late War , was Ambition : which being lodg'd in a confederate Cabale of Scotch , and English , drew the corrupted Interests of both Kingdoms into the Conspiracy : to wit , the factious , covetous , Malecontents , Criminals , Debters : and finally , all sorts of men , whose crimes , necessities , or passions , might be secur'd , reliev'd , or gratifi'd by a change of Government . To these , were joyn'd , the credulous , weak Multitude ; the clamour being Religion , Law , and Liberty . And here 's the summ of the Design , Pretence , and Party . This League we may presume was perfected in 1637. First from the Kings Charge of High-Treason against Kimbolton , and the Five Members ; Secondly from the correspondent practices in both Nations , appearing manifestly about that time : Next , 't is remarkable , that the English pardon has a Retrospect to the beginning of the Scotch Tumults ; ( Ian. 1. 1637. Three Years before the meeting of the Long Parliament ) which Provision seems to intimate That Conspiracy . And now the Poyson begins to work . Upon the 23 of Iuly in the same Year , ( according to a publique Warning given the Sunday before ) the Dean of Edinburgh began to read the Service-Book in the Church of Saint Giles : whereupon ensued so horrid a Tumult , that the Bishop was like to have been Murder'd in the Pulpit ; and after Sermon scaped narrowly with his Life to his Lodgings . The particular recital of their following Insolencies upon the Bishop of Galloway , the Earls of Traquair and Wigton ; the besieging of the Council-House , and contempts of the Council , their audacious Petitions against the Service-Book , and Cannons , I shall pass over , as not belonging to my purpose . Upon the 19 of Febru . following , a Proclamation was publish'd against their Seditious Meetings , which they encounter with an Antiprotest , and presently erect their publick Tables of Advice and Counsel for Ordering the Affairs of the Kingdom : The Method whereof was This. Four principal Tables they had . One of the Nobility ; a Second of the Gentry ; a Third of the Burroughs ; a Fourth of Ministers . And these Four were to prepare Matters for the General Table ; which consisted of Commissioners chosen out of the Rest. The first Act of this General Table was their Solemn Covenant ; a Contrivance principally promoted by persons formerly engaged in a Conspiracy against the King , and , among others , by the Lord Balmerino , a Pardon'd Traytor , and the Son of One. His Father had been a Favourite , and principal Secretary to King Iames , and rais'd by him out of Nothing , to his Estate , and Dignity . Yet was this Thankless Wretch Arraign'd for , and Attainted of High-Treason , and after Sentence to be Drawn , Hang'd , and Quarter'd , he was by the Kings Mercy pardon'd , and restor'd . Another eminent Covenanter was the Earl of Arguile , of whom Walker gives this Accompt . He brought his Father to a pension ; outed his Brother of his Estate Kintyre ; ruin'd his Sisters by cheating them of their portions , and so enforcing them into Cloysters . It must needs be a Conscientious Design with such Saints as These in the Head of it . This Covenant was effectually no other then a Rebellious Vow to oppose the Kings Authority , and Iustifie Themselves in the exercise of the Soveraign power , which they assum'd , to a degree even beyond the claim of Majesty it self , pleading the Obligation of the Covenant , to all their Vsurpations . They Levyed Men and Moneys ; Seiz'd the Kings Magazines and strong Holds ; Rais'd Forts ; Begirt his Castles ; Affronted his Majesties Proclamations ; Summon'd Assemblies ; Proclaim'd Fasts ; Deprived , and Excommunicated Bishops ; Abolish'd Episcopacy ; Issued out Warrants to choose Parliament-Commissioners ; Renounced the Kings Supream Authority ; Trampled upon Acts of Parliament ; pressing their Covenant upon the Privy-Council . They gave the last Appeal to the generality of the People ; discharging Counsellors , and Iudges , of their Allegiance , and threatning them with Excommunication , in case they disobeyed the Assembly . All this they did , according to the Covenant ; and whether This was Religion or Ambition , let the World judge . These Affronts drew the King down with an Army to the Borders ; and within two Miles of Barwick , the two Bodies had an Enterview , March 28 , 1639. But the Scots craving a Treaty , his Majesty most graciously accorded it ; Commissioners were appointed , Articles agreed upon , and a Pacification concluded , Iune 17. Not one Article of this Agreement was observ'd on the Covenanters part ; but immediately upon the Discharge of his Majesties Forces , the Scots brake forth into fresh Insolencies , and the Incroachments upon the Prerogative ; addressing to the French King for Assistance against their Native Soveraign : And yet the Quarrel was , as they pretended for the Protestant Religion , and against Popery . In August 1640 , they entred England , and upon a Treaty at Rippon soon after , a Cessation is agreed upon , referring the Decision of all Differences to a more General Treaty at London . In November began the Long Parliament ; and now the Scene is London : Where with great License and Security , Parties are made , and Insolencies against the Government committed and authorized under protection of the Scotch Army , and the City-Tumults . By degrees , Matters being prepar'd and ripened , they found it opportune soon after , to make something a more direct Attempt upon the Soveraignty , but by Request first ; and resolving if that way fail , to try to force it . In Ianuary they Petition for the Militia : In February they secure the Tower ; and in March Petition again for 't : But so , that they Protest , If his Majesty persist to deny it , they are resolv'd to take it : And the next day it is Resolved upon the Question , That the Kingdom be forthwith put into a posture of Defence by Authority of both Houses of Parliament . In April 1642 , the Earl of Warwick seizes the Navy , and Sir Iohn Hotham , Hull ; Refusing the King Entrance , which was justified by an ensuing Vote ; and his Majesty proclaiming him Traytor for it , was Voted a Breach of Priviledge . In May , they pretended Governour of Hull sends out Warrants to raise the Trained Bands , and the King ( then at York ) forbids them ; moving the County for a Regiment of the Trained Foot , and a Troop of Horse for the Guard of his Royal Person : Whereupon it was Voted , That the King , seduced by wicked Counsel , intended to make a War against his Parliament , and that whosoever shall assist him , were Traytors . They proceeded then to corrupt and displace divers of his Servants , forbidding others to go to him . They stop and seise his Majesties Revenue ; and declare , That whatsoever they should Vote , is not by Law to be questioned either by the King or Subjects ; No Precedent can limit or bound their Proceedings . A Parliament may dispose of any thing wherein the King or People have any Right . The Soveraign Power resides in Both Houses of Parliament . The King hath no Negative Voice . The levying of War against the Personal commands of the King , though accompanied with his Presence , is not a levying of War against the King : but a levying War against his Laws and Authority , which they have power to declare ) is levying War against the King. Treason cannot be committed against his Person otherwise then as he was Intrusted . They have Power to judge whether he discharge his Trust or not ; that if they should follow the highest Precedents of other Parliaments Patterns , there would be no cause to complain of want of Modesty or Duty in them ; and that it belonged only to them to judge of the Law. Having stated and extended their Power , by an absurd , illegal , and impious severing of the King's Person from his Office , their next work is to put Those Powers in execution ; and to subject the Sacred Authority of a lawful Monarch , to the Ridiculous and Monstrous Pageantry of a Headless Parliament ; And That 's the Business of the 19 Propositions demanding . That the great Affairs of the Kingdom and Militia may be managed by Consent and Approbation of Parliament ; all the great Affairs of State , Privy-Council , Ambassadors , and Ministers of State , and Judges , be chosen by Teem ; that the Goverment , Education , and Marriage of the King's Children , be by Their Consent and Approbation ; and all the Forts and Castles of the Kingdom , put under the Command and Custody of such as They should approve of , and that no Peers to be made hereafter , should Sit and Vote in Parliament . They desire further , That his Majesty would discharge his Guards ; Eject the Popish Lords out of the House of Peers , and put the Penal Laws against them strictly in Execution : and finally , That the Nation may be govern'd either by the Major part of the Two Houses , or in the Intervals of Parliament , by the Major part of the Councel ; and that no Act of State may be esteemed of any validity , as proceeding from the Royal Authority without Them. Upon these Tearms they insisted , and Rais'd a War to Extort them : So that 't is clear , they both design'd and fought to Dethrone his Majesty , and exercise the Soveraign Power themselves ; which was to Suit their Liberty of Acting to that of Sitting , and to make themselves an Almighty , as well as an Everlasting Parliament . CAP. IV. The Instruments and Means which the Conspirators imployed to make a Party . THat their Design was to usurp the Government , is manifest : Now to the Instruments and Sleights they use to compass it . The Grand Projectors knew very well that the strength of their Cause depended upon the favour of the Ignorant and Licentious Multitude ; which made them court all people of that Mixture , to their Party ; ( for Men of Brain and Conscience would never have agreed to a Conspiracy , against so clear a Light , so just an Interest ) ; and Those they found their fast Friends , whom neither the Horrour of Sin , nor the brightest Evidence of Reason was able to work upon . To fit and dispose Both Humors to their purpose ; the first Scruple they started was Religion : which taken as they used it , in the external form and jingle of it , is beyond doubt , the best Cloke for a Knave , and the best Rattle for a Fool in Nature . Under this Countenance , the Murder of the King pass'd for a Sacrifice of Expiation : and those Brute Animals , that scarce knew the Bible from the Alcoran , were made the Arbitrators of the Difference . The fear of Popery was the Leading Iealousie , which Fear was much promoted by Pamphlets , Lectures , and Conventicles : Still coupling Popery and Prelacy ; Ceremonies and the Abominations of the Whore : by these Resemblances of the Church of England , to that of Rome , tacitly instilling and bespeaking the same dissaffection to the One , which the People had to the Other . Their zeal was first imploy'd upon the names of Priests , and Altar , the Service-Book , Church-habits , and Ceremonies : From Thence , they stept to the Demolishing of Church-Windows , Images , Crosses : the Persons of the Bishops went to 't next , and then the Office. Thus far the Rabble carry'd it , the Leaders at last sharing the Revenues ; and here 's the Reformation of the Hierarchy compleat . When by these Scandalous Impostures , the Duties of a Christian and a Subject ; Conscience and Loyalty , seem once to enterfere , what can be looked for , but Rebellion , from a Loose Multitude that think themselves Discharged of their Allegiance ? All Governments are lyable to Abuses , and so was Ours , among the Rest ; where Personal Faylings , and Excesses , were emprov'd into the Fame of an Vniversal Prophaneness , or Apostacy . Nor did they reckon it enough to Expose , and Aggravate particular miscarriages , and Humane Frailties ; but the most horrid Crimes Imaginable , were without either proof , or ground , or colour , laid to the Charge of the Episcopal and Royal party ; Both which were ruin'd by the same Method of Calumny , and Sedition . The main Encouragement to their Attempt , was that , The Presbyterians had a strong Party in the Kings Councel ; ( and this His Majesty himself takes notice of , in his Large Declaration of 1639. Pag. 124. ) by which means , the Kings Councels were both Distracted and Betray'd : and the Conspirators Secure ( at Worst ) of Mediators for a commodious Peace , in case they Fail'd of a Successful War. Nor did this Confidence deceive them , in the following Enterview of the Armies near Barwick , where the Covenanters had been almost as easily Beaten as look'd upon , had not the Quarrel been taken up by an Importune , and dear-bought Peace , for that expedition cost more Mony , only to face the Scotch Rebels , then would afterward have serv'd His Majesty to have Reduced the English. Throughout the Menage of their Affairs , it may be Observed that they had these Three Regards still in their Eye , and Care. 1. To Reproach his Majesties Government . 2. To Animate , and Reward his Enemies : And 3. To persecute his Friends : And still as any thing Stuck , a Tumult ready at a dead lift to help it forward : For they were not Ignorant , that the King was to be Defam'd before he could be Disarm'd ; Disarm'd , before Depos'd ; Deprived of his Friends , before Despoyl'd of his Rights and Privileges : and That being their Design , This was Rationally to be their Method . Their first Uproar about the Service-book , was but a wild tryal how far the Multitude would Engage , and the Magistrate Endure ; which appeared in This , that the City-Magistrates did at first , Earnestly , and Publiquely protest , not only against the Outrage ; but for the Liturgy : not daring to do Otherwise ; till a while after , Encouraged by the Boldness and Importunity of the Offenders , and the Patience of some in Authority ; those very Persons did in their Pulpits , and Discourses , magnifie that Beastly Crew for the Worthies of the Age , whom just before they had decry'd for Rogues and Villains : The Truth is , they were Then about to play the Rogues , Themselves ; and when persons of Quality turn Rascals , Then do Rascals become persons of Quality . At the beginning of the Broyl , half a douzen broken heads had saved Three Kingdoms . Who would have own'd That Rabble , had they been Worsted ? or , What Resistance could they have made to any Legal Opposition ? But they were Flatter'd to be Quiet , and That advanc'd this Tumult to a party ; the Faction growing every day more and more formidable . As their Strength encreased , so did their Pretences , both in Number , and Weight ; and nothing less would content them , then to strip the King as bare , as they had done the Bishops . The particulars of their Insolencies are too many for a Treatise , and in Truth , too foul for a Story ; but in gross , nothing was wanting to the perfection of the Wickedness , which either Hypocrisie , Perjury , Treason , Sacrilege , Rapine , Oppression , Forgery , Scandal , Breach of Faith , Malice , Murther , or Ingratitude could contribute . All which , in every Point shall be made good by several Instances , if any Man require it . We 'l now look Homeward , where we shall find the English Rebellion wrought , to a Thridd , according to the Trace of the Scottish Pattern . The Press and Pulpit were already at the Devotion of the Reforming Party , the Covenanters had an Army on Foot , and the Schismatiques were prepar'd for a General Rising ; at which time , his Majesty Summon'd a Parliament , to assemble in November following . In This Contention , those of the Confederacy , made it their first work to engage the People , by ripping up of Common Grievances , Breach of Laws and Priviledges ; and by contending to assert their Rights , Liberties , and Religion , against the Encroachments of Prerogative , and Popery . Being secure of their Party , they propose next the Manner of accomplishing their Purpose ; which must be Effected by Craft and Terrour . In Order whereunto , They first attacqu'd Two of his Majesties prime Counsellors and Confidents , the Earl of Strafford , and the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury ; ( Two Persons worthy of the King's Trust and Kindness , however Worried by the Multitude ) . To weaken the Lords House , they nulled the Bishops Votes , and Committed Twelve of them for Treason ; Five of the Iudges were Committed likewise : And to dispose the Lower-House , nothing was wanting which either Force , Flattery , Corruption , or foul-play in Elections could Procure them . So far as the King Granted , all went well ; but if his Majesty deny'd them any Thing , the Fault was laid upon his Evil Counsellors : Under which Notion all his Friends were comprehended . So that his Choice was This ; either to give away his Crown , or to have it wrested from him . In May , the Faction of the Two Houses Publish'd a Protestation , ( which was but a Gentle slip into the Prerogative Royal to try their Interest , and by degrees to inure the People to their intended and succeeding Usurpations . Some four or five days after , were signed those Two Fatal Bills , for the Death of the Earl of Strafford , and the Perpetuity of the Parliament : And having now gain'd leave to sit as long as they please , they have little futther to ask , but that they may likewise do what , they list . Where Loyalty was made a Crime , 't was fit Rebellion should pass for a Vertue . Upon which suitable equity , the Scots were Justified , and Voted , our Dear Brethren , 300000 l. in Iune 1641 , and Six-score thousand more in August following , and so we Parted . In this Perplexity of Affairs , the King takes a Journey into Scotland , it possible , to secure an Interest there ; but the Conspiracy was gone too far to be composed by Gentleness . Upon his Majesties Departure , the Houses Adjourn , and during the Recess , appoint a standing Committee , and They forsooth must have a Guard , for fear of their own Shadows . In which Interval of the King's Absence , the Usurpers lost no time , as appear'd by their readiness to Entertain him at his Return : When the first Present they made his Majesty , was the Petition , and Remonstrance of December 15 ; which I cannot think upon , but that Text comes into my mind , of Mark 15.18 . [ Hail King of the Iews , and they smote him on the head with a Reed , and spate upon him , and bowed the head , and did him reverence . ] This Impious Libel was seconded with an Audacious Tumult , even at the Gates of the King's Palace ; and it was now high time for his Majesty to enquire into the Contrivers and Abettors of these and other the like Indignities ; and Proclamation was accordingly made for the Apprehending of them ; which very Proclamation was declared to be a Paper False , scandalous and Illegal . After this Language , what had they more to do , but by Armed Violence to invade the Soveraignty , and to improve a loose and popular Sedition , into a Regular Rebellion ? Which was a little hastned to , even beside the Terms of Ordinary Prudence ) to implunge their Complices beyond Retreat , before they should discern that hideous Gulf into which their Sin and Folly was about to lead them . To keep their Zeal and Fury waking , the Faction had a singular Faculty at Inventing of Plots ; Counterfeiting Letters ; Intercepting Messages ; Over-hearing Conspiracies : Which Artificial Delusions especially asserted by the pretended Authority of a Parliament and a Pulpit ) could not but work strong Effects of Scruple and Iealousie , upon a pre-judging and distemper'd People . These were the means and steps by which they gain'd that Power , which afterward they Employed in Opposition to those very ends for which they sware they Rais'd it ; leaving us neither Church , nor King , nor Law , nor Parliaments , nor Properties , nor Freedoms . Behold ! the Blessed Reformation : Wee 'l slip the War , and see in the next place what Government they Gave us in Exchange for That they had Subverted . CAP. V. A short View of the Breaches and Confusions betwixt the Two Factions , from 1648 , to 1654. IT cannot be expected that a Power , acquir'd by Blood and Treason ; maintain'd by Tyranny ; the Object of a General Curse and Horrour both of God and Nature ; only Vnited against Iustice , and at perpetual Variance with it self : — I say , it cannot be expected , that such a Power as this should be Immortal . Yet is it not enough barely to argue the Fatality of Wickedness , from the Certainty of Divine Vengeance ; and There to stop : — Vsurpers are not rais'd by Miracle , nor cast down by Thunder ; but by our Crimes or Follies they are Exalted , and Then , by the Fatuity of their own Counsels , down they Tumble . Wherefore let us enquire into the Springs and Reasons of their Fortunes and Falls ; as well as Gaze upon the Issues of them : A timely search into the Grounds of one Rebellion , may prevent another . How the Religious Opposers of the late King advanced themselves against his Sacred Authority , we have already shew'd ; be it our business here , to Observe their workings , one upon the other . To begin with Them that began with Vs : The Presbyterians , having first asserted the Peoples Cause against the Prerogative , and attempting afterwards to Establish Themselves , by using Pregogative-Arguments against the People ; found it a harder matter to Erect an Aristocracy upon a Popular Foundation , than to subvert a Monarchy upon a Popular Pretence ; or to dispose the Multitude ( whom they themselves had Declar'd to be the Supream Power ) to lay down their Authority at the Feet of their Servants . In fine , they had great Difficulties to struggle with , and more than they could overcome : ( I mean , great Difficulties in point of Interest , and Conduct ; for those of Honour and Conscience , they had subdu'd long since ) They strove however , till opprest by a general hatred , and the Rebound of their own Reasonings , they Quitted to the Independent ▪ Thus departed the Formal Bauble , Presbytery ; succeeded , for the next Four years , by the Phanaticism of a Free-State . The better half of which time , being successfully Employ'd in the subjecting of Scotland , and Ireland to their power , and Model , and to compleat their Tyranny over the Kings Best Subjects , and their Vsurpations over his Royal Dominions ; Their next Work was to make themselves Considerable Abroad , and 't was the Fortune of the Dutch to feel the First proof of That Resolution . Betwixt these Rival States pass'd Six Encounters in 1652. most of them Fierce and Bloody , the Last especially , a Tearing one . Upon the whole , the Dutch lost more , but the English got little , beside the Honour of the Victory : in which particular , the Kingdom pay'd dear for the Reputation of the Common-Wealth . This success rais'd the pride and vanity of the English , so that at next Bout , nothing less would serve them than an absolute Conquest . But while they are providing for it , and in the huff of all their Glory ; behold the Dissolution of the Long-Parliament ; which whether it began or ended , more to the satisfaction of the People , is a point not yet decided . Dissolved however it is , and Rebuk'd for Corruptions , and Delays , by Cromwell ; who with his Officers , a while after , Summon a new Representative ; and Constitute a new Counsel of State , compos'd of Persons entirely disaffected to the Common-wealth . This Little , Ridiculous Convention , thought to have done mighty Matters , but the Plot Vented , and Vanish'd . Some of their Memorable Fopperies are These : The Famous Act concerning Marriages , was Theirs ; they pass'd likewise an Act for an Assessment of 120000 l. per Mensem ; they Voted down the Chancery and Tythes ; they Voted also a total Alteration of the Laws . All of a mind they were not , and for Distinction sake , the company was divided into the Honest party , and the Godly party . Of the former , were Cromwell's Creatures , and of the Other , Barebones ; or rather , Harrisons ; ( the Person they had design'd for General , if they could perswade Cromwell to quit his Security for some additional Title of Dignity . ) These Zealous Patriots Commonly brought their Bibles into the House with them ; and as I am Enform'd , divers of them were seeking the Lord with Vavasor Powell , when This following Trick was put upon them . An Hour or two sooner in the morning then usual , Decemb. 12. he that they call'd their Speaker took the Chayr ; and it was presently Mov'd and Carry'd , ( for several Reasons ) to re-assign their power to him from whom they had it ; which was immediately persu'd , and so they made Cromwell a Prince , for making Them a Parliament . This gracious Resignation produc'd that blessed Instrument of Government , by which the Hypocrite was made Protector ; and now forsooth the style is chang'd from The Keepers of the Liberty of England by Authority of Parliament , into Oliver Lord Protector of the Common-wealth of England , Scotland , and Ireland , &c. who was Installed and Sworn , Decemb. 16. 1653. To his Assistance was appointed a Counsel of 21. the Quorum , 13. By whom immediately upon the Death of the present Protector , should be chosen one to succeed him , ( always excepted the Right Line from the choice ) 'T is suppos'd , that Lambert had an eye upon himself in the reach of That Article , and a particular influence upon the drawing of it , being at That time Popular enough with the Army to hope for any thing . A while after the Establishment of this Traytour , comes forth an Ordinance , Declaring Treasons ; and now his Highness thinks himself in the saddle ; especially having beaten the Dutch into One Peace , and Treated the Swede into Another , which were proclaim'd soon after . Having run through the Narrative of those Considerable Changes , and Confusions , of Power , which intervened betwixt the Murther of a most Gracious Prince , and the appearing Settlement of an Vsurping Tyrant , we 'l make a little stand here , and look behind us . The Two Main Engines that made Cromwell Master of the Army , were first , The Self-denying Ordinance by which he Worm'd out the Presbyterians , and Skrew'd in his own Party : The Second , was the Vote of March 19. 1646. for the Disbanding of so many Regiments , and sending Others for Ireland . This Vote was privily procur'd by himself and Ireton : which he foresaw must necessarily enflame the Army ; and so it did , never to be reconcil'd . This Breach was the setting up of Cromwell : and the Foundation of his succeding greatness . It was the Impression of That Vote that baffled , and purg'd the House in 47. Forced it , in 48. and Disolv'd it , in 53. after which he call'd Another , that dy'd Fe lo de fe , and Bequeathed to his Excellency the Government . Had the Devill himself destroy'd that Faction , the Nation would have Thank't him for 't ; so 't is no wonder if his Advance was smooth , and Prosperous : but now He 's Vp , how to maintain his Power , against a General Odium , and Interest ; how to get himself forc'd to exchange That Temporary Title of Protector , for the more Stable , Legal , and desireable Name of King , without discovering his Insatiate Longing for it : This is a Point of Mastery , and Cunning ; and Possibly the Thing that break his Heart , was his Dispair to Accomplish it . The Faction has already trod the Round of Government ; The Lords and Commons , outed the King ; the Commons , the Lords , the Multitude , the Commons ; ( and with the Fate of all Rebellious Causes ; seeking Rest , but finding None ) At last , up goes the Pageantry of a Monarch , Cromwell ; whose Temper , Straights , and Politicks , shall be the Subject of the next Chapter . CAP. VI. The Temper , Straights , and Politicks , of Cromwel , during his Protectorship . THe Character of This Glorious Rebel , is no further my purpose , then as it leads to a right Iudgment of his Actions , and the Confusion of his Adorers . Of strong Natural Parts , I perswade my self he was , though some think otherwise , imputing all his Advantages to Corruption , or Fortune , ( which will not be deny'd however to have concurr'd powerfully to his Greatness ) . Nor do I pretend to collect his Abilites from his Words , any more then the World could his Meaning , save that the more entangled his Discourses were , I reckon them the more Iudicious , because the fitter for his Business . His Interest obliging him to a Reserve , for he durst neither clearly Own his Thoughts , nor Totally Disclaim them ; the One way endangering his Design , and the Other , his Person . So that the skill of his Part lay in This ; neither to be mistaken by his Friends , nor understood by his Enemies . By This middle Course he gain'd Time , to remove Obstacles , and ripen Occasions ; which to emprove and follow , was the peculiar Talent of that Monster . To these enablements to Mischief , he had a Will so prostitute , and prone , that to express him , I must say , He was made up of Craft and Wickedness ; and all his Faculties , nay all his Passions , were Slaves to his Ambition . In fine , he knew no Other measure of Good and Bad , but as things stood in This or That Relation to his Ends ; which I the less admire , when I consider that he was brought up in a Presbyterian School : where Honour , Faith , and Conscience weigh nothing , further then as they subserve to Interest . But enough of This. In the foregoing Chapter we have Plac'd the Protector in the Chair , but not the King in the Throne ; the Power he has already , but wants the Title ; and , which is worse , he dares not offer at it , being equally affray'd to own his Longing , or to miss it . In This Distraction of Thought , his Iealousie joyns with his Ambition ; Sollicitous on the One hand for his Family , and on the Other for his Safety . For his Family , in point of Grandeur , and for his Safety Thus. After his Death , according to the Instrument , the Counsell is to chuse a Successour , and whoever gapes to be the One , is supposed to wish for the Other ; which probably they had rather hasten , then wait for : So that This Miserable creature being peyned , betwixt the Hazard either of enlarging his Power , or having it thus dependent ; and the disdain of seeing it limited , enters into a restless suspition of his Counsell , and no way to be quieted but by depressing Those that Rais'd him . So much for the first Difficulty , a second follows . His Design had These Three Grand Enemies . The Royalists , The Presbyterians , and the Common-wealths-Men : the Last of which compos'd the Gross of his Army ; whom he had so inured to the Gust of Popularity , and Freedom , and so enflam'd against the Tyranny of King-ship , that the bare Change of the word Common-wealth , to Kingdom , had been enough to have cast all into a Revolt . These were the main Impediments of His Majesty that would be ; and now we 'l touch upon the Shifts and Tricks his Highness us'd to Remove them . Cromwell having squander'd away his Mony , and taking occasion from the Salisbury Rising in 1654. to Squeeze the Cavaliers for more ; Kills two Birds with one stone , by Commissioning some of those Persons which he most apprehended in his Counsell , to do his work : whom under the Name of Major-Generals , and with a Power at Liberty , ( doubtless foreseeing how they would abuse it ) he places as Governours over the Several Counties . These he employs to Levy his barbarous Decimation , which when they had done , and by a Thousand Insolencies enraged the People , he laies them aside ; being now become , of the most Popular of the Party , the most Abominated Creatures of the Nation . Touching the Royallists , no good for him was to be hop'd for There , but by Goals , Exile , Selling them for Slaves , Famishings , or Murther : all which was abundantly provided for , by Sequestrations , Pretended Plots , High-Courts of Iustice , Spyes , Decoyes &c. Nay ( for the very Dispatch sake ) when they should resolve upon the Massacre , ( which beyond doubt they meant us ) No Cavalier must be allow'd so much as the least piece of Defensive Arms , by an Order of Nov. 24. 1655. No Person suffer'd to keep in his house as Chaplain or School-Master , any Sequestred or Ejected Minister , Fellow of a Colledge : or School-Master , nor suffer his Children to be taught by such . Nor any Person of that Quality must be permitted to Teach a School , either Publick , or Private ; Nor Preach , but in his Own Family , nor Administer the Sacraments , nor Marry , nor use the Common-Prayer book , &c. This was the only Party the Rebels fear'd and ruin'd ; but for the Presbyterians they knew they 'd never Ioyn to help the King ; and single they were inconsiderable . The Common-wealths-Men finally contented themselves with the Name of a Common-wealth , under the Exercise of a Single Person ; so that by This Method of Engaging one Party , conniving at another , and crushing the Third : This Tyrant gave himself the Means and Leisure to fortifie his Interests some other way . He had already try'd a Parliament of his own Call ; that met , Septemb. 3. 1654. Five or Six dayes are spent in dangerous Debates about the Government , and the Authority by which they are Convened . This , Oliver did not like , and sent them an Appointment to meet him ( on the 12. ) in the Painted Chamber : where discoursing the Reciprocal tyes betwixt Him and his Parliament ; The Fundamentals of the Government , as to a Single Person ; the Succession of Parliaments ; their mutual Interest in the Militia ; and Liberty of Conscience ; and that These Particulars they were Entrusted to maintain ; concluded , that finding a Design among them to overthrow That Settlement he was necessitated to appoint a Recognition , for every Man to sign , before he could be re-admitted into the House ; which Recognition was as follows . IA. B. do hereby Promise and Engage my self to be true and faithful to the Lord Protector , and the Common-wealth of England , Scotland , and Ireland : and that according to the Tenure of the Indenture , whereby I am returned to serve in This Present Parliament ; I will not propose , or give my consent to alter the Government , as it is setled in one Single Person and a Parliament . This was no Conventicle for Cromwell's Turn ; so that after Five Months sitting , This Puppet of a Prince did formally dissolve it , in hope the next might use him better . His Credit though but small at Home , had better luck abroad ; The Dutch , the Sweed , and then the French , entred a League with him , and the effect of this Conjunction hasten'd his Ruine . I must not overslip that One Condition with the French , was the Extrusion of our Gracious Sovereign , with his Adherents , out of the French Kings Dominions . Flush'd with Success , and Vanity , nothing less serves us now , then the Spaniards part of the West-Indies . By whose advice , it matters not ; but in Decemb. 1654. a Considerable Fleet sets Sail from Ports-Mouth , and about mid - April , 1655. arrives at St. Domingo ; Briefly , the Voyage was disastrous , and those that Scap'd the Fate of That Attempt , dispos'd their After-game for Iamaica . To Ballance This disgrace , Blake made amends at Tunis , firing Nine Frigates in the Port Ferino , and came off fair at last . Olivers nex design was to intercept the Plate-Fleet ; and within four Leagues of the Bay of Cadiz , the English engaged eight Galeons , whereof only One Scap'd , Two were Taken , and the Rest Sunk , Burnt , or Stranded : This disappointment to the Spaniard was a bitter one , and the Success as seasonable to the English ; Yielding them both a Prodigious Booty , and a Dreadful Reputation . But these Successes were to Cromwell , as a good Hand , or two , to a Young Gamester ; only Temptations to a Course will ruine him . While these Exploits were driving on , Abroad , Others were in the Forge at Home . Here , to gain Love ; There , Awe and Credit , with as much Money toward the Purchase as the Fates pleas'd . Upon the Royallists , his Flatteries wrought little , as being a Party mov'd neither by Security , nor Profit , ( where the King's Interest was the Question . ) Both which , they freely Sacrificed in their first dutiful Engagement with him : and to the last stood firm , through the whole course of Oliver's most furious Extremities . But other Instruments there were of a more tractable and complying Temper , and These Foresooth , ( Ten , Twenty perhaps in a Country ) worship'd the Golden Calf , and in the Name of the People of England , Addressed , Congratulated , [ Engaged themselves to stand by and assist him to the Vttermost , in the discharge of the Trust which so remarkably was devolved upon him . ] This is the Style of that from Bucks . To these Appearances of a general Good-liking , were added the Conjoynt-endeavours of his Dependents and Allies ; which being Numerous in Truth , and Considerable by Employment , gave no small Succour and Support to his Ambitious Project , and Tottering Greatness . As by the Influence they had upon the Iuncto , in Sep. 1656 , more eminently appear'd ; consisting of near a 100 Military Officers , 40 or 50 of his Allies , Domesticks , and particular Creatures ; ( I speak the least ) beside their Seconds : a mixture there was likewise of certain Persons truly Honourable , but divers being excluded , and the rest over-voted , their Interest came to nothing . These were no Strangers to their Masters pleasure , and what That was , may be collected from the Votes they passed to please him . The Main were these : 1. An Act for Renouncing and Annulling the Title of Charles Stuart to the Three Kingdoms . 2. For the Securing of the Protectors Person , and preserving the Peace of the Nation . 3. The humble Petition and Advice . ] Wherein was plentifully provided whatever might conduce to his Establishment , the most material Points being these following . ( Only Protector should have been King , if he had pleas'd . ) 1. That under the Name and Style of Lord Protector , &c. He should in his Life-time Declare his Successor , and Govern according to the Petition and Advice , in Matters therein exprest , and in other things according to the Law of the Land. 2. That he would call Parliaments for the future , Consisting of Two House , &c. — and Triennial at least . 3. That the Quorum of the Other House be One and twenty , and the Number not above Seventy , Nominated by his Highness , and Approved by that House . 4. That the Quorum of his Privy Council be Seven , and the Number not exceeding One and twenty : and that Sitting , the Parliament , the Standing Forces of this Commonwealth be disposed of by the chief Magistrate , with the Consent of both Houses ; and in the Intervals , by advice of his Council . 5. That a constant yearly Revenue of Thirteen hundred thousand pounds be forthwith Settled , and no Part thereof to be raised by a Land-Tax : A Million of this Money for the Navy and Army , the rest for the Support of the Government : Other Temporary Supplies being left to the Iudgment of the House of Commons . 6. That all that ever serv'd the King Loyally and Constantly , be made Incapable for ever of any Office or Place of Trust in any of the Three Nations . The Rest is Formality . To these Propositions , his Highness AMEN is not to be doubted , and in Form , May 25. 1657. The LORD PROTECTOR doth Consent . Here 's in the First , his Family Secur'd . In the Second , his Interest ; ( 3. One House consisting of his own Creatures ) . In the Fourth , the Standing Army is his own ; ( that is , in the Intervals of Parliaments , which he can Dissolve at pleasure ) . In the Fifth , a Revenue proposed : And lastly , His Enemies cast at his Feet . On the Day following ( Iune 26. was presented an Additional and Explanatory Petition and Advice : Desiring , That Forty and One Commissioners be appointed by Act of Parliament , who , or any Five of them , shall be Authorised to Examine the Capacities of Members to be chosen into future Parliaments , and every unqualified Member to forfeit a Thousand pounds , and suffer Imprisonment till he pay it . ] The Forms of several Oaths are likewise offered , to be taken by the Protector , his Council and Members of Parliament ; and , his Highness is further desired to Issue forth his Summons in due form of Law to such as he should think fit to Call to his Other House . To all which — The LORD PROTECTOR doth Consent . Divers Bills his Highness pass'd , that his people scarce thank'd him for ; Mony-Bills very many , and so the Thing was Adjourn'd till the Twentieth of Ian. next . But we must not forget the Solemn Investiture of the Protector , by Authority of Parliament ; ( forsooth ) and yet we must not make the Bauble Proud neither , by saying too much on 't . The Foolery was perform'd in Westminster Hall , where his Highness was presented with a Coat : to wit , A Robe of Purple-Velvet , lin'd with Ermins ; A Bible , Gilt and Bossed ; a Sword : And lastly , a Scepter of Massie Gold. When he was Girt and Vested , he lift up his Eyes to Heaven , and took an Oath , ( not the First he had broken by many a Thousand ) which being dispatch'd , Mr. Manton Consecrated the Independent F●ppery , with a Presbyterian Blessing ; after which his Highness being Publish'd and Proclaim'd , the Comedy concluded . But Comedy and Mr. Manton will scarce agree in the same Period : and why ? Let us Expostulate . Does not a Counterfeit or a Mimique better become a Stage than a Pulpit ? Or is it not as lawful to see Honest Lacy play a snivelling Schismatick , as a perfidious bloody Traytor to sustain the Person of a Gracious Prince ? Yet here his Holiness Acts his Part himself ; ( or in the Gibberish of the Brethren ) performs the Duty of the Day : Pronouncing a Blessing upon the horrid and ridiculous Spectacle . Did not Mr. Manton know that Cromwell was an Impostur ; and that the Purple Robe he ware , belong'd not to his Shoulders ? How as a Minister of the Gospel then , could he Officiate to such a piece of Pageantry ? It minds me of Mazarine's Kinsman , that upon a Good-Friday , in Derision , Crucified a Frog . He knew moreover , that he was a Murderer , and an Vsurper , and that the Gawdy Bible then before him , was but to Him the Book he Conjur'd by . How as a Christian could he own the Augury ? Further , He knew whose Blood he had Spilt , whose Rights he usurped ; and that the murther'd Father , and his injur'd Successor were Both his SOVERAIGNS : The Ceremonial Sword and Scepter likewise he knew the meaning of . How as a Subject then could he submit to Countenance so Undutiful an Vndertaking ? Lastly , He knew that the Design was ( in Truth utterly Atheistick , but in shew ) Independent . How as a Presbyterian could he agree to 't ? For all this now , Mr. Manton may thank himself . 'T is true , he did Exceeding well , on the late Fast , to reckon Drunkenness , and Prophaness among Those Crying Sins that draw God's Iudgements upon a People , and Earnestly to press a Reformation . But , how come Playes into the Rank of these Provoking Sins ? Or , what does Histriomastix in the Pulpit ? [ The Theaters ( it seems ) are so Throng'd with Coaches , his Greatness can scarce pass the Streets : Those Temples of Satan , &c. ] And what would he now have the World believe of Those that Frequent Them ? Is not this , Lashing of a Party , under the disguise of taxing a Vice ? or Certainly , 't is a Strange Conscience , that adores Catiline in a State , and Scruples him upon a Stage . Would not a Whip on the Other hand do well sometimes ? I would go Five Miles barefoot to hear a Presbyterian Preach , that the first War in 1642. Rays'd by the LORDS , and COMMONS was a REBELLION . It must not be supposed that the first Tender of the Petition and Advice under the Regall Stile , was without Cromwells Privity , and Liking ; and beyond doubt , the Title was a Bait he Lick't his lips at : but the Old Fox durst not Bite ; and he had Reason to be shy , finding how great a Flame the first Bruit of the Proposition had Rays'd among the Sectaries : That very Ninth of Aprill , when a Committee was appointed , to treat his Highness Scruples into a Satisfaction , being design'd for a Tumultuary Attempt upon his Government ; and divers of the Plotters apprehended . 'T was This , that put the Gentleman to his Hums and Haws ; that makes him Sick to day , Late to marrow , Busie the next ; and when he speaks , Chewe false , or utter Oracles : all these put-offs , tending only to gain Time , to find how the Tide serves , and Taste how the Proposal Relishes . At Last , the Crafty Sir , fearing the distance too wide for a single Step , resolves rather to make Two on 't ; and to content himself at present to be Install'd Protector , with such Additional Powers as were then offer'd , leaving the Complement of his Regality to the next meeting . During the Prorogation , Cromwell patch'd up his Other House , who took their seats ( the Term of the Adjournment being expir'd ) in the Lords House . Such Peers they were , as in good Truth the Commons were not only asham'd of , but gall'd to see the Affront they had done Themselves , by their own Follies in permitting them . Some few there were of Quality , and Moderation , Whose Names were only mix'd to Grace the Rabble . And now forsooth the Mushrome-Fobs begin to talk of Dignities and Priviledges . Prodigious Impudence and Folly ! Two of these Fellows Pride , and Berkstead quarrell'd upon the Bench at Hicks his Hall , about the meaning of [ the PREAMBLE that went AFTER . ] The Commons ( though a little late ) resented the Indignity of Truckling under such Cattell , and not enduring an Vpper-House so like a Bear-Garden , they presenly took in their formerly Secluded Fellowes , and fell to work upon the Authority of That New Creation , not sparing His that Plac'd them there . This course would soon have bred ill blood ; and Cromwell , after 15 Dayes tryal of their Humour , did Prudently Dissolve them . From that Degree of Confidence , to Fall beyond Ressource , and from That point of Power , to become Ridiculous ; did but demonstrate to him the Vanity of his Ambitious Hopes , and that he aim'd at Things Impossible . Of all the Cross-Encounters of his life , This sank the Deepest , and the Impression of That Anguish , went with him to his Grave ; as may be fairly Gather'd from the wild disproportion of his following Actions : which , well consider'd , will appear rather the Products of Revenge , Rage , and Despair , then the form'd Regular Politicks of his wonted Reason . Yet that he might not seem to abandon the persuit , and utterly despond ; some Five weeks after the breaking up of the late Assembly , The Major of London and his Brethren were summon'd to White-Hall , and there ( March. 2. 1658. ) the Citts are told a Formal Tale of the King of Scots ; 8000 Men in Readiness , and 22 Vessels to Transport them . A General Plot , The City to be fired , and twenty Terrible Things , to start and Settle a New Militia , which in some Six weeks time was perfected . And Now from all Parts are to be procur'd Addresses : which are no other then Leagues Offensive , and Defensive Betwixt the Faction , and the Vsurper . Sweet London leads the way ; Then Michell's , Ashfields , Cobbetts , Regiments : The Officers of the English-Army ; and the Commission-Officers in Flanders . All these in March. In April ; the Officers of Biscoes Regiment : and the Commission Officers of the Militia in Suffolk , Leicester , Sussex , and my Country-men of Norwich . After These , follow the Souldiery of South-Wales , and Daniels Regiment . The Well-affected of Nottingham , &c. These Numerous and Pretending Applications , were but False Glosses upon his Power ; and Cromwell was too wise to think them Other ; Gain'd by Contrivement , Force , or at least , Importunity . Half a Score pitifull wretches call themselves the People of such or such a County , and here 's the Totall of the Reckoning . 'T is Rumour'd that his Daughter Cleypoole , in the Agonies of her Death-Sickness rang him a Peal that troubled him . Whether 't were so , or no , 't is past Dispute , his Grand Distress was for the Loss of That which while he hop'd to gain , made the most horrid of his helpfull Sins , seem Solaces and Pleasures . While by the Artifice of These Addresses , his broken Interest is pieced as Fair as well it may , his Care is Divided between the engaging of One Party , and the Destroying of Another . And under the Masque of a pressing and Pious Necessity , he breaks out into such Enormous Cruelties , such Wanton , and Conceited Butcheries , that , had not his Brain been Crackt , as well as his Conscience Sear'd , he would not have gone so Phantastical a way to the Devill . Some of the Martyrs Hearts were quick and Springing in the Fire , ( as I had it from several Eye-Witnesses ) . Ashton did but desire to be Beheaded , and it was seemingly Granted , but the Order kept till 't was too late , and Then tendered with a Ieere . London was made the Altar for These Burnt Offerings : God grant That City be not at last purg'd by Fire , ( I mean , before the General Confiagration ) for Those Polluting Flames . The Crime was Loyalty , and made out against them , more by the doubling Artifice of Mercenary Tongues , than any Pregnancy of Proofes . What could This Furious and Inhumane Rigour avail That miserable Politician , further then as it Gratifi'd his Malice , and Revenge , for his Lost Hopes , and Fortunes ! Without a Para●●ment , or somewhat like one , he Perishes for want of Mony ; and an Assembly to his mind throughout , he utterly despairs of : so that no Remedy remains , but by extremities of Violence and Bloud to do his Business . And to That end , he faintly labours the new Modelling of his Army , a way , which he had found by Long Experience , made Enemies , as well as Friends : Those certain , and Implacable ; These , prone to change their Interest , and without Mony , True to None . In fine , his Fate was Irresistible , and his Tormented Soul Inconsolable . He Sinks , Sickens , and Dies : Upon the Day of his grand Anniversary , for Dunbar , and Worcester . ( Sept. 3. ) The Night before his Death , arose a Tempest , that seem'd to signifie the Prince of the Ayre had some great work in hand : and 't is Remarkable , that during his Vsurpation , scarce any Eminent Action passed without a furious Storm . I have drawn This Chapter to a length beyond my intention , and should be too too Tedious to run through all his Wiles , which were No other than an Habitual Craft , diffused throughout the entire Course of his Tyranny . But certain General rules he impos'd upon himself , which must not be omitted . One was , to Buy Intelligence at any Rate , by That means making every Plot bear it 's own Charges . 2. Never to Engage Two Parties at once ; but to Flatter , and Formalize with the One , till he Ruin'd the Other : Which was the Reason that he durst never make the Presbyterians Desperate , for fear of Necessitating them to side with the King. 3. To extirpate the Royallists by all possible means , as Poverty , Bondage , Executions , Transplantations ; and a Devise he had to dispose of several Levies , out of That Party , Some to serve the Spaniard , Others the French , that they might be sure to meet in Opposition , and cut One the Others Throats . 4. He ever made his Army his own Particular Care. 5. To keep the Nation in a perpetual Hatred , and Iealousie of the Kings Party ; which he promoted either by forging of Plots ; or Procuring Them. So much for Olivers Temper , Straights , and Politicks . CAP. VII . A short Account from the Death of the Tyrant Oliver , to the Return of Charles the Second , ( whom God Preserve from his Fathers Enemies . THe Heart of the Cause was broken long since , and now the Soul of it is gone ; though the Protectorate be formally devolv'd to Richard , as the Declar'd Successour to his Father . Whether Declar'd or not , was ( I remember ) at That time a Question . But whether Thus or So , it Matters not . Oliver is Dead , his Son Proclaim'd , and at night Bon-fires , with all the Clamor , Bustle , and Confusion that commonly attends those Vulgar Jollities . The Souldiers took the Alarm , and in my hearing threatned divers for daring to express their Joy so unseasonably : but they came off with telling them that they were glad they had got a New Protector , not that they had lost the Old. In Truth , the New Protector was look'd upon as a Person more Inclinable to do Good , than Capable to do Mischief , and the Exchange Welcome , to all that Lov'd his Majesty . By the Court-Interest ( as they call'd it , ) Addresses thick and threefold were brought in , to Condole , and Gratulate ; but Those Complements had no Sap in them : The Dutch , the Swede , and the French , sent their Embassadours on the same Errand . And now the Funerals come on ; A Solemn , and Expensive Pageantry ; yet , in my Conscience , the Chief-Mourners were his Highness Drapers . These Ceremonies over , to keep the Wheel in Motion , a Supply was Resolv'd upon for the King of Swede , and little further of Moment , before Ian. 27. When ( in the Language of the Time ) met Richards Parliament . The First , and Last of his Reign . It cost These people some time to agree the Powers of the Chief-Magistrate , and the New Peerage , which came to this result , that Richard should be Recognized ; but with limitations , consistent with the Rights of Parliament , and People : and that for quiet sake [ they would transact with the Persons then sitting in the Other House , as an House of Parliament during that Session . ] The House proceeded by Degrees to make dangerous Inspections into the Militia , the Revenue ; to look into the Exorbitances of Major Generals , to threaten the Excise ; and finally , by all Popular pretenses , to engage the Multitude ; Effectually against both Protector and Army , enduring the Government neither of the One , nor of the Other . Whereupon , the Officers set up a Counsel at Wallingford-House , the Protector advises at White-hall , and Aprill 6. 1659. comes a Paper to Richard from the Generall Counsell of Officers , Entituled , A Representation and Petition , &c. importing , [ the great danger the Good Old Cause is in , from Enemies of all sorts , the Poverty of the Souldiery ; the Persecution of Tender consciences , &c. which Particulars they Petition his Hignesse to represent to the Parliament , with their Desire of Speedy Supply , and Certainty of Pay for the future : Declaring likewise their Resolution , with their Lives and Fortunes to stand-by , and assist his Highness and Parliament , in the plucking the Wicked out of their places wheresoever they may be discovered , &c. ] The Paper boded a Purge , at least . Sign'd it was by 230 Officers , presented by Fleet-wood ; Publish'd throughout the Army , and followed soon after with a Day of Humiliation : ( the never-failing Sign of Mischief at hand . ) In this Juncture , Each of the Three Parties was Enemy to the Other Two , saving where Either Two were united to Maintein themselves against the Third : and All Three of Them Enemies to the Good of the Nation . The House being Biass'd for a Common-wealth , and not yet enabled to go Through with it , Dreaded the Army on the one hand , and Hated . the Single-Person on the Other . Richard , finding his Power limited by the Members , and Envy'd by the Officers , willing to please Both , and Resolv'd to Hazzard nothing , becomes a Common Property to the House and Army ; a Friend to Both by Turns ; Theirs to day , T'others to Morrow , and in all Tryals Meekly submitting to the Dispensation . The Army on the other side had their Protector 's Measure to a Hair ; and behind him they Stalk'd to Ruffle That Faction in the House , that was now grown so Bold with the Military Interest : and it behov'd them to be quick , with ( as the Case stood Then ) so Popular an Enemy . The Members kept their Ground , and April 18. pass'd These following Votes . First , That , during the sitting of the Parliament , there should be no General Counsell , or meeting of the Officers of the Army without Direction , Leave , and Authority of his Highnesse the Lord Protector , and Both Houses of Parliament . Secondly , That no Person shall Have and Continue any Command , or Trust in any of the Armies , or Navies of England , Scotland , or Ireland , or any of the Dominions and Territories thereto belonging , who shall refuse to Subscribe , That he will not disturb or interrupt the free meeting in Parliament , of any the Members of either House of Parliament , or their freedom in their Debates and Counsels . Upon these Peremtory Votes , Richard Faces about , joyning his small Authority , to forbid their Meetings ; and great Assurances are Enterchang'd , to stand the Shock , of any Opposition . Two or three days they stood upon their Guards , continuing in that snarling Posture , till April 22. when Richard at the suit ( or rather menace ) of Disborough and his Fellows , signs a Commission to Dissolve his Parliament ; which to prevent , the Members Adjourn for Three days ; and to avoid the shame of falling by an Enemy , the Catoe's kill themselves . For at the Three days end , they find the Dore shut , and a Guard upon the Passage , to tell them , They must Sit no more ; Their Dissolution being also Published by Proclamation . His Highness steps aside next ; and now the Army undertakes the Government . They Modell , Cast about , Contrive , and , after some Ten Days fooling with the Politiques , they found it was much a harder matter to Compose a Government , than to Disorder it , and at This Plunge , besought the Lord [ after their Wandrings and Back-slidings , to shew them where they turned out of the Way , and where the Good Spirit left the Good Old Cause , that through Mercy they might Return and give the Lord the Glory . At last , they call to mind , that the Long Parliament sitting from 1648. to 1653. were eminent Assertours of that Cause , and had a Special Presence of God with them : Wherefore they Earnestly desire Those Members to Return to the Exercise of their Trust , &c. — ] This is the Tenor of that Canting Declaration , which the Army-Officers presented Lenthall ( the Good-Old-Speaker ) with , at the Rolls , May 6. in the Evening ; where a Resolve was taken by several of the Members , to meet next morning in the Painted Chamber , and There to advise about their Sitting . They met accordingly , and made a shift , by Raking of Goals , to get together a Quorum , and so they sneak'd into the House of Commons , and There Declar'd for a Common-wealth , passing a Vote expresly against the Admission of the Members , Secluded in 1648. This Device was fa-fetch'd , and not long-liv'd , but these were Old Stagers , and no ill Menagers of their Time. To make short ; they Erect a Counsel of State , Place , and Displace ; mould their Faction ; settle the Godly , appoint their Committees , and so soon as ever they are Warm in their Gears , begin , where they left in 1653 ; Fleecing the Nation , and Flaying the Cavaliers , as briskly , as if 't were but the Good-morrow to a Six-Years Nap. But the sad Wretches were filthily mistaken , to think Themselves brought in again to do their own Business ; for the Army makes bold to Cut them out their work in a Petition of May 12. containing 15. Proposals , desiring , First ; a Free-state . ] 2. Regulation of Law and Courts . ] 3. An Act of Oblivion , since April 19. 1653. ] 4. All Lawes , &c. since 1653. to stand good until particularly Repleal'd . ] 5. Publique Debts since 1653. to be Paid . ] 6. Liberty of Worship , &c. not extending to Popery or Prelacy . ] 7. A Preaching Ministry . ] 8. The Reformation of Schools , and Vniversities . ] 9. The Exclusion of Cavaliers , and loose Persons from Places of Power , or Trust. ] 10. The Employment of the Godly in such Places . ] 11. To provide for a Succession of the Legislative Authority . ] 12. That Charles Fleetwood be Commander in Chief at Land. ] 13. That the Legislative Power be in a Representative of the People ; and of a Select Senate , Coordinate in Power . ] 14. That the Executive-Power , be in a Counsell of State. ] 15. That the Debts of his Late Highness , and his Father , contracted since Decemb. 15. 1653. may be satisfi'd , and Twenty Thousand Pounds per Annum setled upon him , half for Life , and half to him and his Heirs for ever . The Principal point was Fleetwoods Command , which they agreed to ; only reserving the Supreme Power to Themselves , and constituting the Speaker , Generalissimo ; in the Name of the Pariament : which wariness shewed that they understood one-another . For a while , the Iuncto treated the Army like Apes , with a Bit and a Knock , Flattering some and Removing others , as they saw expedient : Particularly the Two Sons of the Late Usurper , were fairly laid aside , Submitting and Resigning in Excellent Form , and without making two words on 't . The High and Mighty did not , all this time , forget , that the Key of the Work , was Money ; nor in Truth did they well consider , that they were call'd back by the Army only to Raise it . But On they went through Thick and Thin , and such Ignoble , sordid Courses they took to Levy it , that , in Effect , to Stop the Souldiers Mouths , they brake their own Necks ; the Nation not enduring any Longer that such a pilfering Covy of Pick-Pockets should call Themselves a Parliament . This Universal Hatred , and Disdain of their Proceedings , provoked a General Seizure of Men , Horse , and Arms : and in Effect , the Plot was General ; but what by Treachery , Delays , Babling , Disappointments , and Scruples of taking in the Royal Party , ( by those that never meant His Majesty , or his Friends should be the better for 't ) the whole was Dash'd . I well remember one Particular , in That Transaction , that pass'd my Understanding , and Methought smelt of Treason . It was extreamly labour'd , that the King might be perswaded to come Over ; and That too , before any Port was secured , or Men Embodyed , on the bare hopes of the Design , to engage his Sacred Person . After the Cheshire-Rout , Lambert Retires to his House at Craven , and there ( 't is thought ) contrives the Ruine of the Rump . Which unforeseeing Creature , ( dreaming of nothing Less ) flies higher now then ever , Imposing upon the House , and the Militia , an Oath of Abjuration , not only Renouncing the Title of Charles Stuart , but the whole Line of the Late King Iames , And then besides Excise , Customs , Forfeitures , and Confiscations , out comes an Assessment of 100000 l. per Mensem . They dis-incorporate the City of Chester , &c. In the Carier of their head-strong , and unbridled Fury , the first Check they receiv'd , was from a Petition and Proposals then on foot in Lamberts Army . Whereupon they Order Ashfield , Cobbet , and Duckenfield , ( Three of the Principal Abettours of it ) to bring in the Original Paper , which was accordingly done , and Caus'd this Vote , That to have any more General Officers in the Army , than are already settled by Parliament , is needless , chargeable and dangerous to the Common-wealth . Upon this Vote , the Officers appear'd to acquiesce ; but Octob. the 5. Matters were re-enforced , Disborough presenting the House with a Representation , and Petition , from the Generall Councell of the Army . For which , from the Teeth outwards , the Officers had Thanks . The Conventicle and the Army began now to speak English , and the Members seeing their Dissolution at hand , however cast This Block in the Armies way ; Enacting , That it should be adjudg'd High-Treason for any Person or Persons after the Eleventh of Octob. 1659. to Raise Monies without the Peoples Consent in Parliament . This being passed ; They Vncommission'd Nine of the Army-Officers ; to wit , Lambert , Desborough , Berry , Kelsey , Ashfield , Cobbett , Creed , Packer , and Barrow . They voyded Fleetwoods Commission also , Investing the Command of the Army in Seven Persons , himself being one , and any Three to be a Quorum . Hereupon the House adjourns , and Hazelrigg , Morly and Walton ( Three of the Seven ) repair to the Speakers Chamber , forthwith dispatching Orders to Draw their Troops together . The Army-Party do the like , and March to the Palace-Yard at Westminster , ( their Appointed Rendezvouz ) where The Two Parties for That Night and part of the next day made Faces at One another ; and finally , the Souldiery dismiss'd the Senate . Now was the Government once again in the Army ; who after Thirteen days deliberation how to bestow it , Octob. 26. Disposed of it to a Committee of Safety , consisting of 23 Persons : Empower'd at Large ; to advise upon Occasion with the Principal Officers of the Army ; and within Six-weeks time , to bring in a Form of Government . Their Reign was short and troublesom ; as 't is reported , Feak told Sir Harry Vane upon his Vnction , that his was like to be . They make Fleetwood their Commander in Chief , and constitute a New Militia . Scarce were these Worthies warm in their Seats , but the News comes that Scotland's in Disorder , and Barwick in a wrong hand . Whereupon Lambert marches Northward ; soon after which , comes on a Treaty , that gave General Monk ( now Duke of Albemarle ) leisure to purge his Army , and to put Icotland in a Posture of Security . By These Delays , and want of Monys . Lambert's Army Moulders away ; and briefly London is left to Thin , that Sir Harry Vane's Privy List of Congregationals was the danger they most Apprehended . The first step toward their Deliverance , was a Petition desiring the Assistance of the Common-Counsell for the Procurement of a Free-Parliament : Promoted by the Honest-Part of the City , and Cross'd by some Factious Magistrates of the Wallingfort Leaven . This Baffle did but more Incense the Petitioners , and upon Monday , Decemb. 5. Horse and Foot were Commanded into the City to hinder the prosecution of it . Where , by surprize , Hewson the Cobler knocks Two or Three Citizens on the head , barbarously wounding and affronting others , till at last , Multitudes being drawn together , and ready to fall in among them ( where not a Red-Coat could have scap'd without a Miracle ) the Quarrel , forsooth , was taken up by some of the Formalities , and then excus'd , to the Committee of Safety , as if the fault had been the Cities . The Army had at this time their Guards in Pauls , and Gresham-Colledge . During these Broyles , Hazelrigg , Morly , and Walton , possess themselves of Portsmouth , and the Forces employ'd to reduce it , joyn with them . The Fleet drives the same Interest likewise : only the Troops in London were at a stand , and fair for any Purchaser , but the Opportunity was slipp'd . Upon the 26. of Decemb. the Rump sits once again , and Empowers Seaven Commissioners , or any Three of them , to Command the Army ; Here , the Secluded Members of 1648 , put in for their Right of Sitting ; whereupon a Vote is pass'd for taking the Case of Absent Members into Consideration , upon the fifth of Ianuary next ; and upon the Day appointed , they Resolve , That the Members Discharg'd from Voting , or Sitting in 1648. and 49. do stand duly Discharg'd by Iudgement of Parliament , and that Writs do Issue forth for New in their Places . And now They think their Game Cocksure , having already Voted the Disbanding of Lambert's Army ; Setled their Counsell of One and Thirty ; and Offer'd Grace to the Revolted Officers , ( Lambert himself , by Name ) that would lay down before the Ninth of Ianuary ; whereupon , Lamberts Forces disperse , He himself submits , and the General receives an Invitation to London . In Conclusion , after Many Indignities cast upon the Honest Part of the Nation , for desiring a Free-Parliament , by That wretched Conventicle , that intended only to Perpetuate it self ; The General arrives at London , Feb. 3. and upon the 7. comes out the 100000 l. Tax , which produced a Common-Counsell the day following to advise upon it : where it was Resolv'd , To adhere to a former Vote of the Court in the Negative . This Refusal puzzled the Counsell of State , who without being Masters of the City , and of Money , were able to do little ; so that they forthwith Order'd the Reducing of the City , by Emprisoning half a Score of their Citizens ; and , upon another Denyal , to take away their Posts , and Chains , and destroy their Gates and Portcullisses ; which was accordingly Executed , but with such Regret , that thereupon they lodg'd the Government of the Army in Five Commissioners , ( the General being One ) with Evident Design to wipe him of his Employment . But Their Ingratitude wrought little with him , whose Actions were only steer'd by the Compass of Loyalty and Prudence . So that having humour'd the People at Westminster , till they had made themselves sufficiently Odious , and abundantly try'd the Affections of the City to his Design in hand : Upon the 11 of Feb. he gave the House to understand the Necessity of their timely Dissolution , in order to the right of Successive Parliaments ; the very hopes of which Release gave the People a Joy , to the Degree of Madness . Upon the 21. were re-admitted the Secluded Members of 1648. by whom were Writs Issued out for a Representative , to meet upon the 25. of April 1660. and March 16. 1659. they formally Dissolve themselves , Committing the Government in that Interval , to a Counsel of State. Upon the day Appointed , the Convention meets , but not altogether so Leaven'd as by the Qualifications was intended ; Excluding Father and Son of such as had serv'd the King , from the Election . In fine , the Major Part of that Assembly , according to their Duty , gave the King his own again , without those Shackles and Conditions which the Qualifiers would have Impos'd upon his Majesty : Upon whose Legal and Imperial Freedom , depends the Safety and Well-being of his People . CAP. VIII . The Vsurper Oliver was principally distress'd by the War with Spain , and his Standing Army . WE have now brought Rebellion from the Cradle to the Grave ; We have seen it Triumphant , and now we see it in the Dust , subjected at the Feet of our Most Gracious Soveraign , to account for the Blood of his Royal Father . Be it our Business next to enquire , What hindred Oliver from Establishing himself ? Upon what Reason of State , Cause , Errour , or Necessity , that prosperous Vsurper fail'd . But some will not allow he fail'd ; as if the sole Fatality of the Cause was his Decease ; and the Design only miscarried through the ill Manage of a weak Successor . For granted ; by good Order , it might have been Caudled up , and kept above ground a little longer : But still it seems to Me , that before Oliver Dy'd , the Cause was Bed-rid , and Hectick , past Recovery . Opinion is Free ; any Man 's as Mine , and Mine as any Mans : so that submitting my Reasons to the Wise , and Recommending my Weakness to the Charitable , I proceed . Cromwell did wisely to take his Rise to the Soveraignty upon the Necks of those Vsurpers whom he cast out in 1653. For in the same Action , he Oblig'd the People , Master'd his Enemies , and Fill'd his Pockets . Yet were not those Means that advanc'd the Tyrant , sufficient to Establish him . One Obstacle was the Inconsistence of his Doctrine with his Design : for the same Arguments that Rais'd him , Ruin'd him . The People were instructed to Destroy Kings , not to set them Vp : and beside , he that had so many Sharers in the Hazzards of the Rebellion , could not fail of some Competitors for the Benefit of it . Further , he had no considerable Party sure to his Interest ; and all , but his Meer Creatures and Allies , were utter Enemies to it . The City Hated him for their Loss of Trade ; the Country , for their Taxes ; the Royalists , for his Rebellion , and Cruelty ; the Presbyterians , for his Breach of Covenant , ( That is , for not destroying the King after Their Way ) ; The Levellers , for his Ambition ; and , in fine , all the hope he had , was to New-Modell an Army to his purpose ; that fail'd him too at last , for want of Money , and Credit to maintain it . Which Want was chiefly hasten'd , and procur'd by his precipitate Breach with Spain , together with the Necessity of keeping up a Standing Army . The former of These was doubtless his Mistake ; ( or rather a Temerity scarce advised upon . ) For having brought the Hollander to his Knees , ( the only Stranger he had then to fear ) and after That , shak'd hands with him ; his next Course should have been by Thrift and Popularity to Ingratiate himself at Home , and not by a Rambling , Needless , and Expensive War , to squander away the life-blood of the Nation , and in That Indigent Extremity of the State , to make Ducks and Drakes with the Publick Treasure . Nor was the Consequence less Fatal to him , than was the Enterprize ( to a common Eye ) Imprudent : the hopes of carrying his Design , in no wise Countervailing the risque he ran of losing all he had Got , in case he missed it . I might Instance in a Thousand ways of Profusion , and Oppression Common to all Usurpers , both Practised by Him , and exposing him to great Necessities , but I shall rather bestow the rest I have to say , upon the Fatality of that Tyrant's Condition ; Which forced him to make use of for his Safety , the greatest of all Dangers , to wit , A Standing Army . For Order sake , We 'll first Consider , Vpon what Pretense , and to what end 't was Rais'd . In the Next Place ; We 'll see what it produc'd , and weigh the Benefits with the Inconveniences . Lastly ; Wee 'll look into the probable Effects , and Influence of it ; as related to the English Temper , Custom , and Government . To the first ; what I here call a Standing Army ; was but the Emprovement of a Slight Temporary force rais'd , ( in pretense at first ) as an Expedient against Plots , ( being indeed it self the Greatest ) but Encreas'd , Continued , and Carried on , by Policy , and Power . This Project came from the Cabale in 1641. Couch'd under the Notion of A Guard for the House of Commons : [ Who conceiv'd that they could not with the Safety of their Persons , ( upon which the Safety and Peace of the whole Kingdom did then depend ) sit any longer Vnarmed , and Vnguarded ] — so great were their [ Apprehensions , and just Fears of mischievous Designs , to ruine and destroy them ] This was the Popular Colour for that Guard ; Plots , and the Safety of the Publick . Where the Plot was , in Truth ; and where the Real Danger ; may be gather'd from the Practises of Those Armies , whereof The Guard aforesaid was but the Rise and Foundation . ( And That 's the point we handle next . ) The setting of This little Force a foot , was a fair Step toward the Militia ; One Guard begetting Another ; and the same Reason standing good , for the Augmenting , and Vpholding of Those Troops , which was employ'd for the first Raising of them . The Parliament was first in Danger ; the City , Next ; and Then the Nation : and as their Iealousies Encreas'd , so must Their Forces , till by Degrees they grow to an Army . The King , and his Adherents , they call the Common-Enemy ; whom they Invade and Vanquish . Here 's their work done in short ; what have they now to fear ? Only New-Modelling , or Disbanding . A blessed Translation of the Government , from the Rule of the Law , to the Power of the Sword ! and There to abide , till One Army be remov'd by Another : That is , the Tyranny abides ; tho' under evera I Formes , and Tyrants . Our LEGIONS of the Reformation , were Rais'd by certain Rebellious Lords , and Commons ; and Seconded by the City of London . We 'll see now , how they behav'd themselves towards their Masters and Friends . In 1647. the Army Reformes , and Purges the House ; Presses their Dissolution . Seizes their General Pointz in the North ; Squeezes and Menaces the City of London ; Marches up to it , and in Triumph through it . Takes Possession of the Tower ; Charges the Mayor with divers Aldermen and Citizens , of High-Treason . Alters their Militia's , and Common-Counsel ; and finally , gives the Law to the House , and That to the Nation . In Decemb. 1648. the Army gives the House another Purge ; and the year following , Cromwell himself had like to have been out-trick'd by the Levellers about Banbury . In 1653. The Army Casts off the Old Conventicle , and upgoes Oliver , who calls Another ; only to get a Tax and Title : and when They had done the One half , and made way to the Other ; off goes That too . The Next was call'd in 1654. another after That in 1656. and Both were serv'd with the same Sauce . If Cromwell could as easily have moulded the Army , as That did the House , his business had been done with half the Ceremony ; but Mony was Their business , and Kingship His , so that they help'd him in the One , and Cross'd him in the Other . In Septemb. 1658. Oliver Dies ; and Then , they are Richard's Army ; whose puisne Highness must have His Parliament too . They meet ; and notwithstanding a huge Pack of Officers and Lawyers , the Vote prov'd utterly Republican , and Friend , neither to Single-Person , nor Army . Now , Richard takes his turn : but first , down goes his Parliament : and for a while , the Army-Officers , undertake the Government . Some Ten days after , up with the Rump again , and then they 'r Lenthall's Army : which , in Octob. 1659. throws out the Rump , and now they 'r Fleetwood's Army . Enter the Rump once more in Decemb. and once more the Army comes about again . The Rump's next Exit , is for ever , March the 16. 1660. Behold the Thorough Reformation ; and every Change Seal'd with a Sacrament , to have been an Act of Conscience , and guided by a Divine Impulse . Behold the Staff of the Rebellion ; both the Support and Punishment of it ; a Standing Army . While Plots could either be Procured , or credibly suggested , the Innocent were their Prey , and when That entertainment fail'd them , they worried one another : never at Peace ; betwixt the Strife , first to Subject the Nation , and then to Govern it . So long as the Royal Interest was in Vigour ; it was the Faction's Policy to engage all sorts of People , whom they could possibly Unite against That Interest , however Disagreeing among Themselves , their first work being only to Destroy the King ) and This was the Composition of the first Army . From Killing they Proceed to take Possession ; and here Ensues a greater Difficulty . A Force is Necessary still , but the State of the Dispute being Chang'd , the Former Mixture is not for their present purpose : the Conspiratours that agreed to overthrow the Government , being now Divided who shall Enjoy it . Hereupon , they fall to Sorting and Purging of Parties ; the Independent at last carrying it , and Oliver in the Head of them . After this Decision of the Contest betwixt the Two Factions , the Army it self divides ; and Cromwell is now more puzzled with the Private Contrivements of his own Officers , then he was before with the open Power of his profess'd Enemies , for they are clearly for his Ruling with them , but not over them : so that unless he can both Vphold them for his Security , and Modell them for his Design , he does nothing : In Both He labour'd , and beyond Question , Dy'd in the Despair of perfecting Either , finding upon Experience , that his Ambition was as Intolerable to his Party , as the Charge of Continuing his Army was to the Publique ; and what the Latter was , we 'l read in his own words , deliver'd at a Conference , April 21. 1657. The present Charge ( says he ) of the Forces both by Sea and Land , including the Government , will be 2426989 l. The whole present Revenue in England , Scotland , and Ireland , is about 1900000 l. I think this was Reckoned at the Most , as now the Revenue stands : Why now towards This , you settle by your Instrument 1300000 l. for the Government , and upon That Accompt to maintain the Force by Sea and Land , and This without Land Tax I think , and this is short of the Revenue , that now may be Raised by the Government , 600000 l. because you see the Present Government is 1900000 l. and the whole Summ which may now be Raised , comes short of the Present Charge to 542689 l. And although an End should be put to the Spanish War , yet there will be a Necessity of the Preservation of the Peace of the Three Nations , to keep up the Present Established Army in England , Scotland , and Ireland ; and also a considerable Fleet , for some good Time ; until it shall please God to Quiet , and Compose Mens Minds , and bring the Nation to some better Consistency : so that Considering the Pay of the Army , coming to upwards 1100000 l. per annum , and the Government 300000 l. it will be necessary , that for some convenient Time , seeing you find things as you do , and it is not good to think a Wound healed before it be ; that there should be Raised over and above 1300000 l. the Summ of 600000 l. per annum , which makes up the Summ of 1900000 l. That likewise the Parliament declare how far they will carry on the Spanish War ; and for what Time , and what farther Summ they will raise for the carrying on the same , and for what Time , and if these Things be not Assertained , as one saith , Money is the Cause certainly , what ever the Cause is ; if Money be Wanting , the business will fall to the ground , and all our Labour will be Lost , and therefore I hope you will have a care of our Vndertakings . How many Souls , Lives , Millions ; and Noble Families ; How well a Temper'd Government ; How Gracious a Prince , and happy a People , were by This Cursed Army Destroy'd ; will need no more then their own Consciences to determine , when Divine Vengeance shall call them to a Reckoning . It brought forth ( briefly ) the worst of Crimes , and Mischiefs , without the least Tincture of a Comfort , or shadow of a Benefit . Nor was it likely to do other , if we consider either the People , Place , Custome , or Government , they were to work upon . Concerning the People ( first ) [ Populi ferè omnes ad Aquilonem positi , Libertatem quandam spirant ] 'T is Bodin's observation , that your Northern Nations are Generally keen Assertours of Freedom ; ( which for their Parts , the English made too true ) How could it be Expected then , that a People , which Oppos'd their Lawful Prince for the fear of Slavery , should ever finally Submit to a Rebellious Vsurper under the Actual and Shameful Extermity of it ? This Reluctancy of Humour in the Generality , joyn'd with the Particular Vigilance , Loyalty , and Enterprizings of the Royalists ; render'd those Courses Necessary at present , to the Vsurper , which must certainly sink him in the End. Nor was it more against the Genius of the People , than against the Interest and Reason of the Place . The Place , we are to consider as an Island ; no Forreign Danger then in view , to Palliate the Oppression of an Army ; nor any Subject whereupon to turn the Influence of it . No Stranger in the Case concern'd ; only at Variance with our selves ; we breed and nourish in our proper bowels , the Evil that Devours , or , at the best , Consumes us . The Army fear'd the Plots , but 't was the Nation felt , them , and the Result of all was only a Dispute betwixt the Civil and the Military Power ; Law , and Necessity : so that Effectually ( the two Parties of this Division thus Enterwatching and Counter-Plotting one another ) we were rather in a State of War than a Posture of Security , the People being at this Election , either to Resist , or Starve , and the Army , as much oblig'd , to make good their undertaking , or fall to nothing . What could be Rationally the Issue of these Provocations , and Animosities , but either the Destruction of the Army by the People ; or of the People by the Army , in Order to a General Quiet ? Neither of them being safe , but by the Ruine , and Subjection of the Other . If the People refuse to Pay , they are Presently Dis-affected ; if the Souldiery be their own Carvers , they are lookt upon as Tyrannical , and Insolent ; and here 's Matter furnish'd for a Civil War. Now That which makes the Case Worse , is ( as I said ) that being Islanders , and wanting the Colour of Arming against Dangerous Neighbours , we are forced to spend that humour in Mutiny among our selves , which might Otherwise be Diverted by , and Employ'd upon , a Publique Quarrel . A Disgression to the State of FRANCE . Upon the Continent 't is Otherwise ; as in France , ( for the Purpose ) where though the King Entertains a Standing Army of 12000. and about Fourscore Regiments more , in Flanders , Italy , Catalogne , and Luxemburgh ; ( besides Strangers ) There 's yet the Countenance of an Interest , and a Prudential Ground for 't : to Ballance the Power , or at least Check the Progress of his Ambitious Neighbour Spain . For ( says the Duke of Rohan in his Interest of France ) Il faut opposer La Force á la Force . Car ni les persuasions , ni la Iustice des armes , ne fera la loi à celui qui sera armè , tellement que la France doit se retrencher de toute autre despence moins utile , & estre tousiours puissamment arme . [ Force must meet Force , for 't is the Sword that gives the Law to Equity , and Reason ; wherefore let France rather be sparing in any other way , then in the Constant Entertainment of a Puissunt Army ] It may be Argu'd too , that the Exercise of Armes , is the Profession of the French Nobility , and in Effect , 't is only War abroad keeps them in Peace at home . Yet even in France it self , where the Necessity of a Standing-Army is bolster'd up with so many fair Appearances , the Effects are Dismal , how plausible soever the first Occasion seem'd . Where it began , or what it was , not a rush matter , but , that by Gradual encroachments , from small and Temporary Pretenses , 't is now grown to a Constant , and unlimited Excess , he that knows any thing of France , cannot be Ignorant . They that fetch it from Guntran King of Orleans , 587. look too far back methinks , and entitle the Tyranny to too fair a President . His Case being This. Guntran was the Surviver of Four Brothers ; Sons of Clotaire the First ; the other Three , being Cherebert , Chilperic , and Sigibert . The Eldest of these , Dyed Childless , and the Other two were Murther'd by the Practises of Fredegonde , ( first the Mistris , and afterward the Wife of Chilperic . ) Sigibert , supinely indulging himself in the height of his Conquests , and Pleasures , was Stabb'd in his own Palace by a Couple of Souldiers , employ'd by Fredegonde , who did as much at last for her Husband Chilperic ; having first Caused him to Murther his Son Clovis ; to Divorce one Wife , and Strangle another . The Story is Short , and a little Curious . Fredegonde had a Gallant , called , Landry de la Tour , by Her , Preferr'd to be Duke of France and Mayor of the Palace ) . The King comes one Morning in his Hunting-Dress into the Queens Chamber , as she was busie about her Head , with her Hair over her Eyes ; and ( without a word speaking ) tickles her on the Neck with the Twigg-end of his Riding-wand , Ah Landry ( says she ) That 's not Cavalier like , to come Behind . The King was as much surpriz'd with the Discovery , as Fredegonde with the Mistake ; and went his way with the Thought of it in his Countenance . Landry is presently sent for by the Queen , They discourse the Accident , Debate the Consequences , and in the End , Complot to have Chilperic Murthered as he returns from the Chase ; which was Executed , with much Ease and Security , the King being only attended with a Single Page , who Dy'd with his Master , and the Murtherers escap'd . This Chilperic had , by Fredegonde , Clotaire the Second , ( but Four Moneths old at the Death of his Father ) and the Regency of King and Kingdom was Committed to Guntran , ( the young Kings Uncle by the Fathers side ) The Regent , warn'd by the Miscarriage of his Brothers , and being enformed that the same Hand by which they fell , sought His Life also : Establishes a Considerble Guard , constantly to attend his Person : which was both suitable to his Wisdom , and Dignity ; as a Security , against not only the Stroke of Violence , but the very Thought of it , and a fit Circumstance of Majesty . The Influence of This Force went not far , nor , in Truth , the Royalty of their first Race of Kings , much farther : whos 's either Lenity or Aversness to Business of State , gave their Great Counsellours the means to Vsurp , and Transferr Their Authority , which Confidence they abused to the Supplanting of their Masters . Complaints , Suits , References , Addresses , must be made , forsooth , to the Majors , not to the Kings : They undertake the Disposition of Monies , and Offices ; the Menage of Treaties and Alliances : They Grant , Revoke at Pleasure : Briefly , from 632. to 750. France was rather under a Majoralty , then a Monarchy : and Then , ( Pope Zachary , having first Absolv'd the French of their Oath of Obedience ) the Race of Chilperic is Laid By ; Himself ( the Fourth of that Name ) formally Degraded , and Cast into a Monastery , by Decree of Parliament ; and Pepin Install'd in his Stead . Thus did the Son of the Last Great Subject make himself the First of the Second Race of Kings : of which , in requital for too much said upon the Former , I shall say nothing at all . Nor much more upon this Subject ; save only that Charles the VII . and his Successour Lewis the XI . Laid the first firm Foundation of the Military Power ; to which , Charles the VIII . Francis the I. &c. have since furnish'd their Additionals , and Superstructures , to make the Tyranny compleat . 'T is Truth ; the Splendor , and Profusion of the Court and Camp , is Dazling , and Prodigious ; they swim in Pleasures and Plenty : but he that turns his Eye toward those Miserable Animals , the Peasants , that with their Blood , and Sweat , Feed and Support that Luxe , and Vanity ( with hardly bread for their own Mouths , ) will find it much a different Prospect ; the great Enhansers of the Charge claiming Exemption from the burthen of it . He that would see the Glory of the One Part , and the Slavery of the Other , needs only read L'EST AT de la FRANCE , of 1661. Treating of the Officers of the Crown , Honours , Governments , Taxes , Gabelles , &c. He shall there find the Venality of Officers , and Their Rates ; the Privileges of the Nobility , and Their Encrochments ; Who are Exempt from Payments ; or rather , that the Country-man Payes for All. To make an end , let him also observe the Power , and Partiallity of their Supereminent Parliament of Paris . The Book I mention , is of undeniable Authority , wherein Account is given of , at the least , Eight Millions ( English ) arising from Three Taxes only ; and for the sole behoof and Entertainment of the Souldery ( their Tailles , Taillon , and Subsistance ) Beside their Aides ; ( an Imposition upon all sorts of Merchandise , Salt Excepted ) which must needs by a Vast Income : and their Gabelle upon Salt ; that brings in near Two Millions more . Not to insist upon Casualties , and infinite other Inventions for squeezing , which they practise : The Plough maintains the Army . [ Take notice that this Reflection was Calculated for the State of France in 1661. ] Give them their Due , their Noblesse are Brave and Accomplish'd Men , and the Brunt of all Hazzards lies totally upon Them ; but scarce in Nature is there a more abject Commonalty : and to conclude ; Such is their Condition , that without War , they cannot Live : if not Abroad , they are sure to have it at Home . Let it be Noted too : the Taxes follow'd their Army , not their Army the Taxes ; for 't is One thing to Levy Money to Raise Guards , and Another thing to Levy Guards to Raise Money : the One appearing to be done by Consent , the Other by Force . ( I use Guards and Army promiscuously , as only taking a Guard for a small Army , and an Army for a stronger Guard. ) If a Standing Army subjects France to so many Inconveniences , ( whereof History is full ) where the Strength lies in the Nobility ; How much more Hazzardous was it to England , where the Welfare of the whole , depended upon the Affections and Interest of the Middle-rated People : Especially under an Vsurper , that was driven to uphold himself upon the daily Consumption of the Nation : ( and a Body that becomes every day Weaker than Other , must not expect to be long-liv'd . So much for the Inconvenience of Cromwell's Standing Army , as to the Situation of England , together with a View of the Effects of it in France . We 'l now consider what Welcome it was like to find upon the Point of Experience , or Custom . Alteration of Customs , is a work of Hazzard , even in Bad Customs ; but to change Customs under which a Nation has been happy , for Innovations , which upon Experience they have found Fatal to them , is matter of great Peril to the Vndertaker . But I look upon Oliver's Case , as I do upon a Proposition , of such or such a Mate at Chesse : where there are severral ways to come within One on 't , and None to Hit it . The Devil and Fortune had a mind to Puzzle him . He Prefers his Pawns ; Transposes , Shifts his Officers ; but all will not do : He still wants either Men or Money ; if he Disbands , he has too few of the One ; if he holds up , he has too little of the Other . Such in Truth , was this Tyrants Exigence , that he was forc'd to That , which the Lawful Possessors of the English Crown would never venture upon : No , nor the Vsurpers neither , before our Blessed Reformers of 1641. But — Where will those People stay , That thorough God , and Majesty , make way . Our Saxon Kings contented themselves with a Law , What Arms every man of Estate should find , and a Mulct upon such as did Detractare Militiae . Edmond Ironside after his Duel with Camillus the Dane ; and a Composition , to divide the English and Danish Kingdoms betwixt them and their Heirs , kept no Army on foot to Guard the Agreement ; Neither did the Danes ( who after his Death , Treacherously Seiz'd the Kingdom ) to maintain their Conquest . William the Conquerour , that subdu'd both English and Danes , thought himself safe enough in creating Tenures by Knights-Service , and permitting Proprieties ; though at that time under such Jealousies , that he took divers of his English Prisoners into Normandy with him , for fear of a Commotion in his Absence . William Rufus , and after Him , his Brother Henry the First , ( tho' the Vsurpers of the Senior Right of their Elder Brother Robert ) set up his Rest upon the same Terms : And so did Henry the II , after a long Contest with King Stephen , and notwithstanding the unruliness of most of his Sons . Henry III and then Edward I , after the Barons Warrs Employ'd no Standing Army to secure themselves : neither did Edward or Richard the Second ; notwithstanding a Potent Faction of the Nobility bandying against the Latter of them . Neither did the Henries IV , V , and VI , in the Grand Schism of York and Lancaster , ever approve of it . Nor Henry VII , ( as Wise and Iealous as any of his Predecessours . ) If any thing could have warranted the Adventure , methinks the Topsie-turvy and Brouillery which Henry the VIII , Introduc'd , might have perswaded , or provok'd it . But neither There , nor in the following Toss and Tumble of Religion , from Edward VI , to Queen Mary , and then back again to Queen Elizabeth , was it put in Practice . King James had no Temptation to it . King Charles the Martyr , was indeed charg'd with the Intention of it , and so he was with being Popishly affected ; ( In Truth , with what not ? ) and the One as true as the Other . But who were They that laid This to His Charge ? Even Those very Persons ( some of them that advised Oliver to keep a Standing Army of 10000 Horse , and 20000 Foot , to Awe and Scourge the Nation . A Course unknown to our Forefathers ; and by the Best and Worst of Former Princes equally disallow'd ; the Bad not judging it Safe , nor the Good , Expedient . But other more Convenient , and as Effectual , means they had , either to Prevent Dangers , or Suppress Them , as their Custom of Friborges , or Frank-Pledges , Enquests , Oathes , and Penalties , Tenures by Knights-Service , Commissions of Array , &c. Which being of approv'd Benefit , and Equality , were much more suitable to the Genius and Interest of the People , than a Standing Army ; which to allow , had been no other than to deliver up the Strength of the Nation , into the hands of a Faction . Now was it less against the Government , than against the Humour of the Nation . Put a Parliament over the Nation , and an Army over the Parliament , Who Governs ? But all Oliver's Geese were Swans ; and his Souldiers Saints . Did they not Take what they would ; Give what they would ; Raise and Pluck-down at Pleasure ? Nay , Effectually , did ever any Standing-Army Other , if they had nothing Else to do ? Had they not already got the trick of calling the people together , to get money of them ; and then sending them away like Buzzards , when they had gotten it ; of Packing , and Qualifying ; Engrossing of Powers and Offices ; Cantonizing the Nation ? Was it to be expected they should restore the Right Line again , when they had set up the Wrong ? The King , when they had erected a General ; The Law , when they had Master'd it by the Sword ? They did not Tug so hard , for that they meant to part with Easily . What they got by Rebellion , was to be maintain'd by Tyranny ; and Necessity was sure at Last to do the Work of Conscience . I Think , more need not be said to Oliver's Standing Army . His Mony could not last always , and when he wanted That once ; he was certain to find his Army as Dangerous an Enemy , as it had been a Faithfull Friend to him in his Prosperity . Nay truly , ' bate his Vsurpation ; his want of Faith and Honour , — But Rather then Prophane the Sacred Character of God's Vicegerant by joyning Majesty and Cromwell in the same Supposition ; let us Imagine rather a Wise and Lawfull Prince in the place of that Vsurper : and yet it may be a Question , How far a Standing Army would have Consisted with the Interest , even of a Rightfull Monarch . First ; As the Nation was Poor , and in no Condition for the Charge of it . Next ; as it was Impoverished by an Army ; and therefore ill-persuaded of That Expedient . Thirdly ; the Prince himself must have been Poor ; ( in Olivers Place ) and what should a Poor Prince have done with a Standing Army , over a Poor and Discontented People ? The Interest of This world is Money . Subjects Rebell ; Armies Divide ; and Kingdoms fall to nothing , for want of it : That which Fools call Fortune , being ( to men of clearer sight ) only the Favourable Influence of Treasure . 'T is That , which Carries Towns , Causes , and Armies ; puts Knaves in Honest mens places ; Corrupts Cousells , and Supplants Governments : the People wear their hearts at their purse-strings ; and a General Oppression , is ever accompanied with a General Desire to Remove it . I speak of what they do , not what they ought to do ; for all men are not of a Constitution to hang , and Starve for Conscience . In fine , where the State is Necessitous , and a Faction Wealthy , That Prince ( as is already hinted ) that erects a Standing Force , in that condition , does but provide an Army for his Enemies . Not to insist upon the hazzards , arising either from the People , if the Principal Officers have too little Power ; or from the Officers Themselves , if they have too much ; by which , not only the Publick Peace , but the Monarchy it self , is Endanger'd : the Kings Crown depending upon the Revolt of a Province . What can be more perillous then This Conjuncture ; where there is so great a Temptation , on the one hand , and so great a Provocation on the other ; where the Multitude wait only for a Head , and the Ambitious for a Party ? But why do I discourse the Mischiefs of a Standing Army ? They are too many , great and Obvious , to admit a Question . What are the Benefits of it Rather ? Is it either safe to any Purpose , or usefull to the common and pretended end of it , even under a Lawfull and Hereditary Monarch ? It 's true ; a Prince may deal with his Dominions , as the Gentleman did with his Estate , that turn'd an Inheritance into an Annuity , because he would rather have it Large , then Long , and That 's the Fairest of a Forc'd Government ; Suppose he save himself for his own time ; what will become then of his Successour ? But that we 'll waive too ; and Consider , what 's the Fruit of it to himself ? Is he the Richer for 't ? Alas , the Contrary : the Nation bears a Double Burthen , and the Army Sucks the better half of the Advantage . Is he the Safer ? Neither : for a Mutiny in his Army , is both more likely , and more dangerous , then a Tumult among his People . In fine ; A Standing Army may promote a Faction , but 't is the Law preserves the Publick , and consequently the King. That Monarch that Secures himself from Private Practises by a Choice , Full , and Honourable Guard , well Paid , and Disciplin'd , about his Royall Person ; as to the Rest shall find the Strict and timely Execution of Good Laws the best Publick Security against Sedition . 'T is a Cheap Remedy , and therefore Acceptable to the Generality : A Legall one ; so that the Delinquents Themselves cannot Complain of it ; and Lastly , 't is a Sure one : which if it be , what can be more advisable for any Prince and People ? In Truth ; so Sure it is , that I 'm to seek ( ' bate only Matter of Claim ) where ever any Setled Government was Embroyl'd , but either by the Interest of a Standing Force ; or the Remissness of Authority , in the Execution of Establi'd Laws . The Necessity of a Royall Guard is Evident ; the Number must be suited to the differing Exigences of Times and Places : but with This General Regard : That it be not only sufficient to the Safety of a Prince ; but Honorary likewise , and Accommodate to his Dignity ; and Demonstrative rather of his Power then of his Danger . But be the Body Great or Small ; Nay , we 'l suppose it equal , to a Standing Army ( but not Distributed ( as That is ) into County-Troops , and Provincial Governments ) Call it a Guard still , for the very Name of the Other sounds like a Grievance . The One , supposing only the Peoples Care of their Soveraign ; the Other intimating the Soveraigns Jealousie of his People . Let me not be understood as in allowance of This Over-proportion : for such a Guard is but an Army in Disguise . There may be Temporary Occasions indeed , for Temporary , and Extraordinary Levies , but the word Temporary , is commonly attended with such a Train of Reasons for Perpetuity ; that if the Occasion be not very Manifest , the World is apt to doubt of the Necessity . Not that the Generality have any Right to judge of , or Debate the Grounds of a Change ; but I suppose that Their Opinions , and After-feelings will not be deny'd to have some Influence upon the Event of it . To Conclude ; That Pince is Great , Safe , and Happy , that Commands by his Armes , Abroad , and Governs by his Laws at Home . The Apprehension of Conspiracies and Plots , in my opinion , weighs not much ; or if there be any danger ; the failing is rather in the Constitution or Administration , then in the want of Power to keep the People quiet : Good Laws , and Good Officers , will do the Business , without an Army ; and if the Instruments be bad , The Hazzard's Ten times greater with it . It will be needful here , for the Clearing of the Question , to make a Particular Enquiry concerning Seditions ; and that 's the Point we 'l handle in the Next Chapter ; which , for Order sake , we shall divide into Seven Sections , with their Subdivisions as occasion shall require . CAP. IX . Of Seditions in Particular ; and shewing in what manner they arise from These Seven Interests . The Church , the Bench , the Court , the Camp , the City , the Countrey , and the Body Representative . IN the first Chapter of this Tract , we have touch'd upon the Matter and Causes of Seditions in General : We must be now a little more Particular . The Scene 's Vtopia ; and we 'l Divide it , into Seaven Interests , The , Church , the Bench , the Court , the Camp , the City , the Countrey , and the Body Representative : the least considerable of which , being in any great disorder , hazzards the whole ; and That , either by engaging in some Actual Violence against the Government ; or by some Irregularity of Proceeding that may Provoke or Cause it . Of These in their Course , and first of the Church . § I. Seditions arising from the CHURCH . THose Troubles in the State which derive from Distempers in the Church , proceed either from Faction , Ignorance , or Scandal . The Strongest Tie upon Reasonable Nature , is Conscience ; and the Stubbornest Consciences , are Those that do they know not What , they know not Why. In Truth , what is Conscience without Vnderstanding , but as well-meaning Madness ? And That 's the Fairest Sense my Charity can afford to the Blind Zeal of a Transported Multitude . If Conscience bids them Kill the King ; Rob the Church ; and Tear up the Foundations of Both Governments ; They 'l do it : Nay , More , This has been done , and Providence it self Proclaim'd for the Doer of it . Great Heed should then be taken , what Persons are Entrusted with the Care of Souls , since the Consequence of a Factions Preacher , and a Mistaken Conscience , proves many times the Ruine both of Prince and People . Under the Note of Faction , I comprize all Opinions delivered Publickly , and with Design ; against the Doctrine , Practice , or Authority of the Church . Reduce it , in Short , to Haeresie , and Schism . The former whereof , reflecting only upon Matters of Faith , concerns rather Religion , then Government : and lyes beyond the Line of my purpose ; but in This Place ; the Latter is the Question , and , briefly as we may , we 'l take a view of the Rise , the Method , the Design , and the Effects of it . It is with Church-men as with other Mortals ; There are of all Sorts , Good , Bad , and Indifferent . Some we have known , whom neither the Loss of Dignity , Fortune , Freedom , no , nor the Loss of Life it self , could ever move from the strict Rule of Conscience , Magnanimity , and Duty . Others we have seen to Exercise these Cruelties , ( though Ecclesiasticks themselves ) upon the Nobler Sort of their own Function . And some again , we have observ'd to shift with every Turn , and Steer by Interest ; still putting on the Livery of the Prevailing Party : Squaring the Rule , and Will of Heaven to the Appetites and Passions of Humanity . So that upon the whole , 't is evident ; some Clergy-men are Quiet , because they have Preferments , and Others Troublesom , because they want them . The Principal Ingredients into Schism , are These ; Ambition , Avarice , Popularity , and Envy ; The Scope of it is to destroy Authority , and advance a Faction . Now how to accomplish This , is the Great Work ; for a Rent in the Church signifies nothing without a Sedition in the State : and in This manner they proceed . First , In a Style of Holy Tenderness they slily disaffect the People against the Rights of the Church , as in themselves unlawful ; and utterly Destructive of Christian Liberty . To strengthen , and advance the Imposture , what do they next , but rip up all the Failings , and shew the Nakedness of their Superiours ? Still aggravating what they find , and creating Scandalous Matter where they want it . When the Multitude are once mov'd in Conscience against the Impositions , and in Passion against the Imposers ; their next attempt is upon the Authority , and then They divide into Separate Assemblies , which under colour of so many Conscientious Dissenters from the Ceremonies of the Church , are infallibly so many Contrivers against the Peace of the Kingdom . For here comes in the Civil Power to prohibit their Seditious Meetings , and Then , the Saints ( they cry ) are Persecuted : The Cause is God's ; and they are ty'd in Conscience to bind their Kings in Chains ; and through all Extremities to persue a Reformation : This is the Fruit of Tolerating a Faction under a Countenance of Conscience . Nor is it any wonder to see those wretches draw their Swords against Their Soveraign in the Field , whose Souls are turn'd against him in the Pulpit . But 't is Objected , that some Ministers do really make a Conscience , of Conformity . Truly , the better for Them , if they forbear upon That Accompt ; but 't is the same thing to the Publick , upon what account soever ; for they Prescribe , what they Practise , and by the President of Sticking upon a Doubt of Conscience , they open a Door to Disobedience upon any Pretence of it , breaking the Bond of Vnity in favour of a Particular nicety of Opinion . Very notable is The Determination of the Lord St. Albans , in This Case [ In Points Fundamental , he that is not with us is against us . In Points not Fundamental , he that is not against us , is with us . ] Let this suffice to shew the Political Inconvenience of Entertaining Schismatical Preachers . It may be now a Question , How far a Christian Magistrate may justifie the sufferance of any man to exercise the Ministery , within his Dominions , that 's a profess'd Enemy to Episcopacy : Which I Offer , with the fit Modesty of a Proposal , and with Reverence , to the better enform'd . But if , as the Danger of such a Mixture is Evident , so the Lawfulness of it shall appear doubtfull , their own Argument is then turn'd against Themselves , and we have both Scripture and Experience on our side , over and above . The Three Questions , wherewith King Charles the Martyr Choak'd the Presbyterian Ministers in the Isle of Wight , Remain still Unresolv'd , and they are These . First , Is there any Certain Form of Church Government at all prescrib'd in the World ? Secondly , If there be any Prescript Form , Whether or no may the Civil Power Change the same , as they see Cause ? Thirdly , If any Prescript Form there be , and That unchangeable ; If it were not Episcopal , what was it ? In Fact , the Constant Exercise of Church-Prelacy is so manifest , that the whole stream of Story , and Tradition Runs Episcopal : which to Oppose , were to deny the only Means of knowing whether it were so , or not . Is it the Right they Question ? Take then the learned Bishop Sanderson's Deduction of it . Leaving other men to the liberty of their own Iudgments , my opinion is , that EPISCOPAL GOVERNMENT is not to be derived meerly from Apostolical Practice or Institution : but that it is originally founded in the Person and Office of the Messias , our Blessed Lord JESUS CHRIST . Who being sent by his Heavenly Father to be the great Apostle [ HEB. III. 1. ] Bishop and Pastor , [ 1 PET. II. 25. ] of his Church , and anointed to that Office immediately after his Baptism by JOHN , with power and the Holy Ghost [ ACT. X. 37 — 8. ] descending then upon him in a bodily shape [ LUK. III. 22. ] did afterwards , before his Ascension into Heaven , send and impower his holy Apostles , ( giving them the Holy Ghost likewise as his Father had given him ) in like manner as his Father had before sent him [ JOH . XX. 21. ] to execute the same Apostolical , Episcopal , and Pastoral Office for the ordering and governing of his Church untill his coming again : and so the same Office to continue in them , and their Successours , unto the end of the World. [ MAT. XXVIII . 18 — 20. Thus far the Reverend Bishop . Some will Pretend , that This only proves the Authoritative Power they receiv'd by their Mission , but no Succession to the Office. For That ; Observe the Mandate , [ Go , Teach ALL Nations . ] Personally , and Actually they could not do it ; but in Effect , and Virtually , 't is out of doubt , they did it : and How , but by their Delegates ? For otherwise ; our Saviour Commanded them a Thing Impossible . Briefly ; if the Gospel was to be Preach'd to All Nations , ( which no Christian will deny ) and if ( according to the Literal direction of the Order ) the Gospel could not be Preach'd to all Nations , by so few Persons as were Then Commission'd ; what follows , but the Evident Necessity of a Substitution ; which Delegation being granted , clears the Dispute : for 't is Indubitable that What Authority soever our Saviour vested the Apostles with , the same likewise was from Them transmitted to their Successours ; Who ( in the words of his late Sacred Majesty ) succeed into the same Apostolical Power , and Function , which the Apostles , as Ordinary Pastors , had . Qui in Dominium alterius succedit , Iure ejus uti debet . He that succeeds to the Government of another , succeeds also to his Rights of Governing . And Mark This further ; that the Apostles Powers , and Commissions , were granted before the Descent of the Holy Ghost : and relating only to matters of Ordinary use , and perpetual Establishment in the Church ; the extraordinary Gifts of the Apostles not at all proving them extraordinary Officers . Now how far a Prince may safely either Act , or Suffer the violation of a Church-Government of This Authority , I am not yet instructed . In fine ; it is most certain , that a Divided Clergy makes a Divided Nation ; and by how much Religion is the fairest of all Pretenses ; Conscience the deepest of all Impressions ; Preaching and Praying the most Popular and Publick of all Operations : : by so much are Disaffected Church-men the most Pernitious and Intolerable of all disloyal Instruments . No Calumny being so Plausible , as That which drops from the Lips of Persons famous for an External form of Piety : No Hypocrites so abominable , as Those that Tithe Mint , and Cummin , and yet neglect Mercy and Iudgment : that under colour of long Prayers devour Widows houses , &c. And no sting so Deadly , as That from a Snake in a mans own bosome . We have now done with the Schismatick ; the Active and Industrious promoter of Seditions . The Matter he works upon , is Scandal ; either Suppos'd or Real ; and That comes next . In all Invectives against the Church , the Scandalous , Negligent , and Insufficient , March hand in hand : to which are opposed a Party that stile themselves a Godly , Painfull , and Able Ministery . Thus with the Boasting , and Censorious Pharisee , does the Proud Schismatick advance himself above his Brethren , calling Good Evil , and Evil Good ; imposing equally upon the People , by an uncharitable Iudgment , and Report , on the One side , and a fictitious Holiness , on the Other . Not to excuse all Clergy-men , nor to extenuate the Crimes of any of them . Iudas his Treason was the Fouler because of his Profession : and yet the Eleven were never the worse , because of Iudas his Treason . We 'l Grant , that for a Minister to spend one Hour of the week in a Pulpit , and the rest in a Tavern ; to Undo a good Sermon by an Ill Example ; and to discredit a Strict Doctrine by a Loose Life ; is to extinguish the Reverence that is due to the Function ; and to make Preaching look only like a Politick Ordinance to keep the People in Order . Not that the Doctrine is ever the worse for the Person , nor the Priesthood the less Venerable for the abuse of it ; but it ministers matter of Scandal , and Exception : and with the Simple it passes for an Argument against the Government . But as the Habit of Drunkenness , and Prophaness , in a Church-man is most unsufferable ; so is it on the other hand a Practice Diabolical , to put all their Actions upon the Tent , and Skrew up every allowable , and social Freedom to the construction of a Scandal . As if there were no Medium to be admitted , betwixt the Angel and the Brute . Are they not Men ; and equally subjected to Infirmities , with other Men ? 'T is true ; their Calling is Divine , but their Persons are Humane ; and as much is required , in regard of Their Ministery : so somewhat also is to be born with in respect of their Humanity . Remember , there were those that call'd our Saviour himself a Wine-bibber . Alas ; For a Minister to Drink a Glass of Wine in a Tavern , is made a mighty business : Nay , to be only Pleasant , and well-humour'd , is by some , cast in their dish as an Ayre too Light for the Severity of their Profession : as if the Messengers of Ioy , the bearers of good-tidings to the world , were only to be sad Themselves , and look , as if either They suspected the Truth of their Errand , or their Title to the Benefit of it . However , since there are Those that will make use of small Occasions to do great Mischiefs ; It is a Point of Pious Prudence , fairly to shun appearances of Scandal ; but 't is indeed of high , and absolute Necessity , to Punish , or Remove the Scandal it self : as That which both provokes a Judgment from Heaven , and stirs up the People to execute it . Yet let us put some difference betwixt Sins of Appetite , and Sense ; and Sins of Malevolence : in the Former , a man playes the Beast ; but in the Latter , he playes the Devill . I look upon Ignorance also , as a Species of Scandal ; even although in a Good Man ; for every Good Man makes not a Good Minister ; nor do I know which is more tolerable ; Habitual Prophaneness , and Sensuality in a Divine , or Ignorance in a Teacher : the hazzard of False Doctrine , or the Influence of an ill Example . Touching the Body of the Clergy , enough is said , to shew the dangerous Effects of Schism , and Scandal ; the One tending Directly to Sedition , the Other , Consequentially . There remains another Stumbling-block , and That concerns the Governours of the Church ; who are commonly charged with Innovations , Rigour , Pride , or Avarice . They are capable of All This , as they are Men ; but never the more blameable for a Clamour Levell'd at them as they are Rishops : There being great Difference , betwixt Personal Reproof , and a Factious Confederacy : betwixt the seasonable Freedom of Counsel , or Reprehension , duly Circumstanc'd ; and the contumacious Insolence of Subjects toward their Superiours . In fine , a likely Tale does their Feat as well as a certain Truth ; only they accommodate all their Stories to the Design of over-turning the Government , and to the Gust of the Multitude . The Sound of Innovations , and of Popery , in some places , goes a great way with the Common People toward a Sedition . They Fear , they Wish , they Love , they Hate , they know not what : and yet , against this Terrible Nothing , shall they engage their Lives and Fortunes , as Zealously , as if their Souls lay at Stake ; and as Ridiculously , as if they Phansy'd These same Innovations to be an Army of Flying Dragons , and the Pope leading them on upon a Hobby-horse . With this Device , the Multitude is first startled , and then every Bush is a Thief ; Church-Habits are the Trumpery of Rome ; Decency is Superstitious ; Kneeling , direct Idolatry : And finally , to Impose all This , is interpreted , A violence upon the Consciences of the Godly . Thus from the very Method of Agreement is rais'd an Argument for Separation ; and Christian Liberty is render'd Destructive of Humane Authority . Another General Objection , among the Prouder Brethren , is the Pride of Bishops ; their Lording it over God's Heritage : which through the Person , Wounds the Office , Incensing the Multitude against the Power it self , under pretext of blaming the unlawful Exercise of it . Suitable to the Dignity of Bishops , and Correspondent to the Duty of them , ought to be the Revenue : ( that is , sufficient both for Honour and Hospitality ) in which Particular , the Ecclesiastical Patrimony , is by some People thought as much too Large , as the Iurisdiction ; and from a false and envious Calculation of Bishops Rents , occasion is taken to inveigh against their Avarice ; exposing them at once , both as a Grievance , and a Booty . Thus , like the Devil , the Schismatick advances his Kingdom by Slander , and thrives by the Sins of the People . We have dwelt long upon this Subject of the Church ; but with the next , The Bench , we shall be quicker . §. II. THE BENCH . THe Two main Springs that Move and Govern the Affections of reclaim'd Nature , are Conscience and Law. By the Former we are oblig'd , in relation to our Immortal Beeing ; and by the Other as Men Link'd in Society . Our Priests and Iudges , are the Oracles we depend upon , for Counsel , and Instruction ; in both these Grand Concerns : and if They deceive us , what greater Misery can befall a Nation , than to have Iuglers , and Impostors , take up the Bench and Pulpit ? Cousening the Vulgar with False Weights and Measures , of Truth and Reason ; and uttering their Licentious Prevarications , for Law , and Gospel ? In which Case , the greater the Modesty and Vertue of the Common-people , the greater is the Peril of the Delusion : it being their Duty to submit , to the Reason of the One , and to Believe the Doctrine of the Other , without disputing either , unless in Matters most Notoriously Repugnant to the Elements of Polity and Religion . And he 's not his Crafts-master , that cannot give , even to the foulest Purpose ; a Colour fair enough to cheat a Multitude . What Wickedness is there , for which a corrupt Divine shall not produce a Text ; and a shifting Lawyer a President ? But enough is said of the Former , and too much in Preface to the Latter . Those Faults , among the Professors of the Law , which frequently cause Seditions ( although not in Themselves Seditious ) are , Corruption ; Partiality ; Oppression ; Chargeable Delays : or , in a word , the Non-administration of speedy Iustice . Whereupon must necessarily ensue Poverty . Factions , Animosities , &c. The Consequences are Dangerous likewise , of over-straining the Prerogative ; and so of Depressing it : both which may be done , either out of Zeal , or with Design . But , be the Intention of the Doer what it will , the Effects of the Thing done are Mischievous , for it injects Fears and Iealousies of Tyranny , on the one side ; and begets False and bold Opinions and Attempts of Liberty on the other : engaging all Humours against the Government , whom either the Hopes and Gust of Freedom , or the Dread of Oppression can work upon . But Personal Vices and Mistakes , we may put upon the Roll of Slow Poysons , that do the Deed , though it be long first . There are another sort of Lawyers , whose Malice is of a Quicker , and Stronger Operation ; under whose Lips is the poyson of Asps : or rather , whose Tongues are Daggers , turning the Point of Law , upon the Law it self ; wounding the Eagle with a Feather from his own Wing , and Stabbing the Persons of Princes with their own Authority . These are the Execrable Regicides ; and the Tumultuary Rabble are but the Ministers of their vile Purposes . Alas ! in Matter of Law ; by whom should the simple Multitude be directed , if not by Lawyers ? ( as by Divines , in point of Conscience . ) Whether is the greater Offender then ; that Ignorant Wretch that draws his Sword against his Soveraign , on the behalf of Law and Religion : ( as he supposes : ) Or , Those Abominable Seducers , that by wrested Scriptures , pretended Inspirations ; by misconstruction of Laws , misapplying of Presidents ; Torturing or Embezelling of Records ; inveigle the Poor Creature into a Good Opinion of so foul an Enterprize ? What signifies the Event of a Popular Action , compared with the deliberate Contrivance , Allowance , and Direction of it ; more than the Effect of some dull Passive Instrument , employed by such or such an Agent ? Or , if a Prince be Murther'd ; whether's the more to blame , the Axe , or the Executioner ; the Bullet , or the Marks-man ? So much for the BENCH , now to the COVRT . §. III. The COURT . BY the Court-Interest , is meant That Party , which more Immediately depends upon the Grace and Favour of the Prince : and here ( as elsewhere ) Seditions are either Plotted or Occasion'd . Touching the Plotters of Seditions ; Some out of Avarice , with Iudas , Betray their Masters . Others , are spurred on by Ambition , with Absolom to Supplant Them. One man is puft up by Popularity ; a Second , stung with Envy ; a Third , with Iealousie ; a Fourth , Transports himself with Revenge , or some other Personal Animosity . In fine , These various Humours , make but One Party ; and the Covetous , Ambitous , &c. — agree in the same Conspiracy . Of the Contrivers of Sedition , some strike directly at the Governour ; Others , at the Government : and a Third Sort , by crafty Circumstances , and Windings , chuse rather to Mine the Regal Authority , then Batter it ; and to work out a Prince by a Skrew , rather then force him by an Army . The first fort of Contrivances here Specifi'd , are such as clayming to the Crown , Themselves , Challenge the Prince that wears it , as an Vsurper : And These , by making a fair Title to the People , joyn'd with a little Popular skill of Humouring the Multitude , may with great ease engage a Party , in favour of a Person whom they Love , against a Right which they cannot understand . Concerning such as directly oppose the Form of Monarchy , upon a Principle of Iudgment ; much needs not be said , because they are neither many , nor considerable : for , to maintain That Paradox , they must overthrow all Story , Sacred , and Prophane ; the Practice of all Ages , and the Reason of all Governments . A Third sort of Contrivers , are Those who under fair appearances of Loyalty , and Publickness , of Spirit , Masque their Seditious Intents , and Drive on a Particular Interest . From which kind of evill Instruments , even the Cabinets , and Private Counsels of Princes are not absolutely Free ; and ( according to Sir Francis Bacon ) the hazzard arises , either from an Over-greatness in one Counsellour ; or , an Over-strict Combination in Divers ; which are ( says he ) things soon found and holpen . For Perspicuity sake , we 'l treat of this Division in Subsections . Subsection . I. Over-greatness in one Counsellor . THe Over-greatness in one Counsellour , is to be understood Principally , in Respect of his Credit with his Master ; and partly , in Regard of those great Offices , and Riches which are commonly heap'd upon great Favourities , giving them the means of over-awding the Honesty of their Inferiours , and of ingratiating themselves with the People ; at least with so many of them as will be drawn to their Party , either by Fear , or Promotion . Where it happens that a Prince his Heart is touch'd with the Magick of so much Kindness for a Subject , as to make him dangerously Over-great : it is not either Wisdom , or Virtue , that can properly deliver him from That Charme , but it must be rather Time , and Experience , that shall Dis-enchant him , Nor is it a Fault in a Prince , to comply with a Natural Inclination ; but it is a Barbarous Ingratitude in a Subject to abuse it , by Endeavouring , ( Comparatively ) to Darken the Sun , with the sparklings of a Refracted light , shot from his own Glory . In This Case , the Happiness of a Nation depends not absolutely upon the Prudence of the Governour ; but , in some Degree , upon the Honesty of the Favourite : not altogether upon Counsell , but much also upon Enformation : nor upon That neither , so much concerning the State and Quality of Affairs , as touching the Fitness of Instruments to menage them , and the Faith , and Abilities of Persons . [ In vain is it , ( says the Profound St. Albans ) for Princes to take Councell concerning Matters , if they take no Councell likewise concerning Persons . ] Is a Kingdom in Danger of Invasion , or Sedition ? To Obviate That Danger by a Force , is a Rational Expedient . But he that Arms his Enemies instead of his Friends , Encreases the Danger . It were neither safe , nor Royall , for a Prince to Walk , or Sleep without a Watch about him . But were he not better be Alone , then take Assassins into his Guard , or Red-chamber ? In fine ; Great is the Hazard of Mistaking Persons ? Great is the Crime of the Industrious Authors of such Mistakes ; and Great the Infelicity of a Monarch so Mistaking . Nay , which is worst of all , in This Particular , the Noblest Dispositions are the most lyable to be Deceiv'd , and only Omniscience , or Ill-Nature can totally Secure a Prince from the Delusion . Imagine a Servant receiv'd into the Arms of his Master , Crowned with Honour and Bounty ; and in This State of Favour , giving advice concerning Persons that are mere strangers to the Monarch : Who fit , or unfit , for such or such Employment ; who false , or Loyall , &c. How should a Prince suspect a Subject under so many Obligations to Fidelity ? Although Abuses of This Kind are in Themselves sufficiently Mischievous , yet are they the more so , by reason of the Difficulty , and Perill to Rectifie them ; for , in many Cases , ( as Sir Francis Bacon ) the Truth is hard to know , and not fit to utter . He that would duely Execute This Office , must first , Resolve to feel the weight of a Potent Adversary ; and Sacrifice his Hopes , his Fortunes , his Freedom , ( nay , and perhaps , in Consequence , his Life ) to his Duty . He must be wary too , that not a Syllable pass from his Lips , or Pen , which by the utmost force of Misconstruction , may seem to glance upon the Monarch : wherein , his Loyalty is not less concern'd , than his Discretion ; for 't is a fouler Crime Publickly to Defame a Prince , then Privately to mis-persuade him . Let him but keep himself to the Fact , ( as whether This or That be True or False , not medling with the Equity , and Reason of the matter ) he may with as much Honour , and good-manners , advertise his Prince of a Mistake , as believe that he is no God. The Application of This Over-greatness is exceeding various , nor is the Grace it self less Beneficial to the Publick , when Nobly Lodg'd , than it is the Contrary , when so large a Bounty is pour'd into a Thirsty and Narrow soul. But we are Ty'd in This Place to discourse the Irregularities of Power , not the blessed Emprovements of it . We might reckon the Art of Flattery , among the main Condurements to a Court-Design : But , That 's one of the Knacks we Learn without a Teacher . So Common it is , that he that cannot shift his Face and Humour , 't is odds , can hardly shift his Linnen : ( he is so Poor , I mean ) In This Particular : the Confidents of Princes , being generally of their Masters Age and Inclination , or thereabout , have great Advantages , both for the Freedom of Access , and Privacy : the Timeing of Affairs ; and the more Clear Discovery of their Natures . How the aforesaid Inconveniences may be holpen , shall be the Subject of the next Chapter ; but to Discern them in the Intention , falls properly under Consideration in This. To give the better Guess at the Design of This Over-great-One , see how he stands Affected , first to the Religion of the Place he Lives in . 'T is possible , the Conscience of a Catholick Good , may over-rule him , to the Hazard of a Good which he conceives less Vniversal : and some Light , may be taken toward this Discovery , from the Observation of his Familiars ; but much more from his Natural Temper , and from the Tenor of his Life . ( i. e. if he be Naturally Melancholick , and Scrupulous ) he may be suspected to be Conscientiously Seditious . Is it Ambition moves him ? Ye shall then find him scattering his Donatives among the Souldiers . The Town has not Poor enow for him to Relieve , nor Rich enow for him to Oblige . He carries his Hat in One Hand , and his Heart in the Other . Here he Lends a Smile ; There he Drops a Nod : with These Popular Incantations bewitching the Multitude . Is the Good of the Subject the Question ? Who but He to Ease the People in Publick , of the Grievances which himself had Procured in Private ; and in fine , no man so fit to be made a Iudge in Israel . To All This ; he must be Daring in his Person , Close in his Purpose , Firm to his Dependencies , and rather stooping to the Ordinary People , than mixing with them , he 'l do no good on 't else . To Proceed ; let him be Watch'd , how he Employs his Power , and Faveur , whether ( with Machiavel ) more to the Advantage of his Master ; or , to his own particular Benefit : and Then , whether ( according to the Lord St. Albans ) He applies himself more to his Masters Business , or to his Nature ; And rather to Advise him , than to feed his Humour . If he be found to study his Masters Passions , more than his Honour , and to Prefer his Private Interest , to his Duty , 't is an Ill sign . And 't is no good one , if the Favourite grows Rich , and the Prince Poor : ( especially if the Former be the Cause of the Latter ) but it is much a worse , if he Presume to grasp Authority , as well as Treasure . It looks as if the suppos'd Equality of Friendship , had Drown'd the Order of Subjection . Take Notice next , of the Proportion betwixt the means he uses , and his suspected ends . Does he Engross the Disposition of all Charges and Preferments ? See in what Hands he Places Them. Does he endeavour to obstruct all Grants of Grace , and Benefit , that pass not through his own Fingers ? That 's Dangerous : For ( says Sir Francis Bacon ) [ When the Authority of Princes , is made but an Accessary to a Cause , and that there be other Bands that Tye faster , than the Band of Soveraignty , Kings begin to be put almost out of Possession . Mark then again what Kind of Persons he Promotes , and for what likely Reasons , whether for Money or Merit ; Honesty , or Faction ? Observe likewise the Temper and Quality of his Complicates and Creatures ; and whether his Favours be Bounties , or Purchases . If the Former , Judge of his Design , by his Choice . If the Latter , 't is but a Money-business ; which Avarice meeting with an over-weening vanity of mind , is many times mistaken for Ambition . In fine ; what Ambition does at Hand , Corruption does at Length ; nor is the Power of the One , more dangerous , than the Consequence of the Other . Sub-section II. The Combination of divers Counsellors . PRoceed we now , from the Greatness of One Counsellor , to the Combination of Divers : which ( to vary the Phrase ) is no other than a form'd Confederacy in the Councel against the Monarch . Wherein we shall briefly lay down ; first , The Advantages of the Faction ; the Method , next : And lastly , The Marks of it . Their Advantages are great , and many ; in Regard both of their Priviledges , exempting them from Question ; of their Power to offend their Enemies , and Protect their Friends ; and in Consideration of their Opportunities to look into both hands , and play their Cards accordingly . In their Method of proceeding , This is their Master-piece ; not only to do all the hurt they can , under a colour of Good ; but to Engage Persons of more Honesty , than Vnderstanding , in Offices , seemingly Serviceable , but Effectually Pernicious to the Publick : By which Artifice , those that are Friends to the Government , do unwarily serve the Crafty Enemies of it ; secretly undermining the Honour of the Prince , under Pretext of advancing his Profit ; lessening his Power at Home , under the Disguise of making him more formidable Abroad ; and where they cannot persuade an Interest , if it be considerable , they will not stick to purchase it . As to the rest , the Method is rather tacitly to Invite and Countenance a Sedition , than openly to Head it ; and to Engage rather for it , then with it , till the hazard of the first onset be over . In truth , the first Essay of a Tumult is but a Tryal how the Ice will bear ; and the Popular Faction in the Councel , is more concern'd , in case of a Disaster , how to bring their Friends Off , than to venture the leading them On , for fear of One. Whence it comes to pass , That by the Obligation of Encouraging , and Preserving their Party , they are Cast upon a Scurvy Necessity of Discovering Themselves . Their Marks are many ; for they are known by their Haunts ; by their Cabales ; by their Debates ; by their Domesticks ; by their Favorites ; and by their manner of Conversation , and Behaviour . If there be any Schismatical Teacher that 's Craftier , and Slyer then the Rest , you may be sure of my Lord's Coach at His Preachment : It gives a Reputation to the Conventicle , besides the Gracious Looks at Parting , that pass betwixt his Honour and the Brethren : which Enterchange , is but a secret way of Sealing and Delivering a Conspiracy . Look into their Cabales , and ye shall find them all of a Tribe , and Leaven ; Close , Sedulous , and Vnited : Their dayly Meetings relishing of a Design , as being Compos'd rather for Councel , than Entertainment . In their Debates , you 'l know them by their Pleas , Shiftings , Delayes , Extenuations , Distinctions , their , Frequent , and Industrious Obstructions of Dispach in favour of Faction . By their Zealous Intercessions for the Enemies of the Prince , and their Coldness for his Friends ; by their watchfullness to Seize all Opportunities of helping the Guilty , and of Surprizing the Innocent : by their injecting of Snares , and Scruples , to Amuse , and Distract those that are for the Government , in Order to the Benefit of such as are against it ; wherein it is worth a Note , that they all Vote the same way , and , without Question , to the same Purpose : for they shall sooner destroy a Loyal Subject upon a Calumny , than punish a Traytor Convict ; and prosecute one man for Writing , or Saying , that it is possible for a Prince to have a Judas in his Counsell , when another shall scape unquestion'd , or perhaps be justifi'd , that calls his Soveraign a Tyrant ; and defends the Murther of Kings . They may be guess'd at likewise in some measure , by their Domesticks : Especially , by those of near Relation to Trust , Privacy , and Business ; as Chaplains , Secretaries , &c. Nor is it enough to have it , like Master like Man , unless it be , like Lady like Woman too ; for the pure strain must run quite Thorough , for fear of Tales out of School , and Discovering the Secrets of the Family . But This Rule is not Vniversal . From their Favourites , much may be gather'd ; first , from their Principles , and Abilities . And Then from the Frequency , Privacy , and Particularity of their Entertaining them . The True Composition of a Confident fit for such a Statesman as we here speak of , is This. He must be One that knows the Right , and Opposes it ; for there is then less Danger of his Conversion , and Consequently , of Discovering his Patron . Let him be likewise a man of Sobriety , in his outward appearances ; of Reputation with his Party ; and well-grounded in the Niceties of the Controversie : he must be also a Master of his Passions , Peremptory in his mistakes ; and ( right or wrong ) never without a Text at hand for his Opinions . When a Person of This Character , repairs often to a Counsellour of State , a man may , without a Scandalum Magnatum , take the Boldness to suspect his business . But if to Frequency , be added Privacy , it makes the Matter worse ; and These Instruments are commonly taken in by Owl-light , or at the Backdoor . Nor is the Particularity they shew to this kind of Cattell less Remarkable . Ye shall se a Factious Libeller , or Schismatick taken into my Lords Closet , when a Person of Honour , and Integrity cools his heels in the Hall. One Lawyer admitted , that has Got just as much by Betraying his Country , as Another , ( that is Rejected ) has Lost by Serving it . Briefly ; look through the Offices they dispose of , both Civil , and Military , and in the Persons you may see the Cause they Favour . Another way of Detecting them , is from their Conversation , and Behaviour . They take up other Looks , Phrase , Accent , Habit , Motion , Gesture , than their Neighbours . All which Together , are but a Certain Idiome , or Propriety , of the Faction . Further ; ye shall see a States-man , on the sodain , grow more Devout in Publick , then many an honest man is in Private ; and Start from his Politicks , into Cases of Conscience . This Affords matter of Wonder , if not of Question : but observe him ; and if he be more Scrupulous of Obeying the Law in some Cases , than he is of opposing it in Others , Pronunce him a Iugler . So much for the Contrivers of Seditions . Another sort there are of Honester Ill Subjects ; a People , I mean , that Hate the Sedition it self , although they Love the Occasion of it . Than These , none make a Greater Conscience of Speaking Reverently of their Sovereign ; yet none in shew more Careless what they make Others Think of him . Fiercer declaymers against Rebellion , there are not in the world ; but do they Imagine that , it is no sin to Cause , what is so horrid an Impiety to Commit ? They 'l say perchance , They do not Cause it ; Yes , yes , there are that do . That is ; there are Insatiable Beggers , that suck like Leeches , till they Burst ; Asking they very Bread out of the Mouths of Famishing Thousands ; only to add unto their Private Superfluities , or furnish Ornament for Luxe , and Vanity . Are not these Persons in a high Degree Accountable for the Effects of That Oppression ? If Those that follow Courts , would but Consider , how many Snares beset the Thrones of Princes ; what Envy waits upon their Trayn ; how many Spyes upon the Actions of their Servants ; They would tread warily . This is not yet to Blame all Courts , but where they are Vitious , or Corrupt , to shew the Desperate Events of those Disorders : whereof a General Poverty is not the least Considerable ; and That inevitably begets a General Discontentment . But what 's all This to a Sedition ? Shall People Rebel because they are Poor ? No no , they should not ; but what if they will do , what they ought not to do ? [ Let no Prince ( says the Lord St. Albans ) measure the Danger of Discontentments , by This ; whether they be Just , or Unjust : for That were to Imagine People to be too Reasonable . ] So that the Question is not , whether the Cause can warrant a Commotion ; but whether probably it may Provoke one ? And whether the Multitude will not rather Tumult , then Starve . It is not Here , Delirant Reges , Plectuntur Achivi — but on the Contrary ; Delirant Achivi , Plectuntur Reges ; The Faults of Servants are Reveng'd upon the Heads of their Masters . But to Reason the Matter orderly , and by Degrees , take it Thus. All men do naturally Covet Power ; Partly for their Security ; and in Part , for Glory : not considering , that what Each Individual desires , All cannot enjoy ; but finding Themselves Plac'd by Nature in a State of Equality , they are apt to Believe , that One man has as good a Title to Dominion as Another : and from this Levelling opinion proceeds that Envy which we find Generally in the Common-People against their Governours . Upon the same Grounds , they Contend for Liberty ; and since they cannot Rule , they would at least be Free from the Restraint of Laws and Impositions . But this must not be , neither . Why Then , let them but know the Bounds of their Subjection , the Law , by which they are to be Govern'd . Yes , That they may ; and when they are once enur'd , and wonted to the soft yoak of Political Order , and Authority ; their further Care is chiefly Profit , or Pleasure ; and to provide themselves of such Conveniences , as to man's Life are either Necessary or Delightfull , and Here they Rest. This is the summ of the Vulgar Politicks : Allow the People These Private Conveniences , and keep but the Priests , and Lawyers , from Prating to them of Christian Liberty , and Fundamentals ; the Generality shall never trouble the State with Seditions : but he that strips them of their little Lavely-hood , rifles a Neast of Hornets . From whence ensues This double Mischief : A Great deal of Mony is drawn into a few hands ; and a Great number of People are left without any at all : Two Hazards that might pose a wise Prince which rather to submit to . As a General Poverty yields the most desperate matter for Sedition ; so are the disorders of a Court the most likely means to produce a General Poverty : and it is done , by Corruption . Begging , or Non-Payment of Debts . Corruption is a great Dreyner ; for he that Gives must Take ; he that Buyes , will Sell. But the Influence which Corruption has , upon the Constitution and Morals of a Court , is more Notorious ; especially , if it begin Above ; and in a place where the Honester Part is the Poorer . First , it facilitates the Introducing of a Faction ; for he that designs to make a Party , shall be sure to out-bid him that only offers at an Office. Beside that it makes men Knaves in their own Defence ; after a dear Bargain , to lick themselves whole again : and quenches the most generous Inclinations , by frustrating the bravest Actions ; and conferring those Dignities , and Preferments upon unsuitable Persons for Mony , which are the Proper Rewards of Virtue , and Honour . In all these Transactions , the Prince is sold into the hands of his Enemies . In short ; Corruption does more Immediately expose a Monarch , and Embroyle a Court ; but Inordinate Begging does more Empoverish and distress a People : particularly , if the Request be preter-Legall , and pinching , either upon Trade or Tillage : in which cases the Benefit of a Single Person enters into Competition with the Quiet , and Security of a Nation . There is an Evill yet behind , which of all Evills , so trivial in appearance , is ( possibly ) of the most fatall , and malitious consequence : and That is , the Non-Payment of Debts : which not only draws upon a Court the most Violent of all Passions ; ( Envy , and Hatred ) but upon Monarchy it self , a Popular Prejudice . 'T is Dangerous , in regard both of the Quality , and Number of their Creditours ; They are ( for the most part ) Citizens ; Poor , and Many . They lie together in a Body , meet daily , conferring , and dispersing their Complaints , and Clamours : they Break at last , and Then they Tumult . Sect. IV. The CAMP . THe Two Grand Interests of the Souldiery , are Pay , and Honour ; that is such Honour as belongs to them as Sword-men . As for Instance ; 't is their Profession not to put up Affronts : They do not love to have their Vnder-Officers rais'd over their heads : New-Modelling , or Disbanding is a Thing they do not like ; and a Publick disgrace is never to be forgiven . By Ill Order in These Two Particulars , are commonly occasion'd Mutinies , and Revolts : which become then most perillous when a disobliged General has a Purse to Engage a Discontented Army . We speak here , of an Army Employ'd by a Prince , as a Security against his own Subjects , which is quite another Case then against a Foreign Enemy ; for the same Popular and Ambitious Humour , that in a Commander Abroad , is most Proper , and Necessary , is , on the Contrary , as Dangerous at Home . The safety of the State depending only upon the Insuperable Virtue , and Fidelity of such a Person . Some Armies we have known to Prove Troublesome , and to Divide , upon Pretenses of Religion ; but , a Holy War is a Contradiction ; and a Story only fit to pass upon Women and Children . Upon the whole , it seems that an Army , within it self , and without any Separate Interest , may be troublesome upon These Three Accounts : Either Want of Pay ; which causes a General Mutiny : or Disgrace ; which ( more Peculiarly reflecting upon such or such Officers , Troops , or Parties ) provokes Animosities , Factions , and Revolts : or Ambition ; which more directly attempts upon the Sovereignty . It may be also Hazardous , by reason of some Errour in the Constitution of it . That is ; if it be composed of Persons Ill-affected to the Government , it cannot rationally be expected , that it should labour to Preserve , what it wishes to Destroy . But we are treating of Distempers acquir'd ; and rather proceeding from the ill menage of an Army , than from the first Mis-choice , or founded in the Iudgment of it . Concerning a Standing-Army , enough is said in the foregoing Chapter : a word we 'l add ; It is in This Regard , an Affair of a Peevish Quality ; that either a General has too little Power to do his Masters Business , or enough to do his own . As it is not safe for a Monarch , at any time , to entrust the Chief Officer of an Army , with so much Power , for fear of a Sedition , as may enable him to move a Rebellion . So is it a work of great Skill and Difficulty , so dexterously to Resume , or Ballance that over-grown Power , as to bring it under Command , without discovering such a Iealousie , as may Provoke him to abuse it . Let This suffice , as to the Disorders of an Army within it self . Another Hazard is , lest it be Corrupted into a Dependence , upon some other Interest : into which Defection , it may be partly Driven by the Neglect or Vnkindness of the Prince , and partly Drawn by the Allurements of Profit and Reward . Having spoken of the Mischief a Seditious Army may Doe ; very briefly let us behold what Mischiefs a Vicious and Vndisciplin'd Army may Cause . There never fails to be an Opposition betwixt the Civil , and the Military Power ; and in like manner betwixt the People and the Souldiery . Whom nothing else can Reconcile but down-right Force and Necessity . So that the fairest State of a Nation over-aw'd by an Army of their own Country men , is an extorted Patience , accompany'd with Readiness to embrace any opportunity of working their Deliverance . If at the best , the bare appearance of a Force be so Generally distastfull ; what Havock will not the Licentious abuse of it Cause in a Kingdom ? Especially in Populous Towns where One Affront Exasperates a Million , and 't is not two hours work to destroy an Army . A Royall Guard is of another Quality ; and such it ought to be for Choice and Number ; as both suitable to the Charge they undertake , for the Safety of The Sacred Person of their Prince , and sufficient to the Execution of it . Sect. V. The CITY . BY the City , we intend the Metropolis of a Kingdom ; which , in many Respects , challenges a Place and Consideration in This Chapter of Seditions ; Particularly , in Regard of Inclination and Power . There is not ( Generally speaking ) so fair an Intelligence between the Court , and City , as for the Common Good of Both were to be wish'd : and This proceeds Chiefly from a Pride of Blood , on the One side , and of Wealth , on the Other ; breeding mutual Envy between them . This Envy , by degrees , boyles up to an Animosity , and Then , Tales are Carried to the Monarch , of the insolence of the Citizens ; and Stories , on the other side , to the People , of the Height , and Excesses of the Court ; and Here 's the Embryo of a Sedition . From Hence , each Party enters into a Cross Contrivement . These , how to tame the Boldness of the One ; and Those , how to supplant the Greatness of the Other : Both equally unmindfull of their Inseparable Concerns : the Citizen , that he holds his Charter of the Bounty of his Prince ; and the Courtier , that it is a flourishing Trade that makes a flourishing Empire . By These Heats , is a City-Humour against the Court , emprov'd into a Popular Distemper against the King : and here 's the Inclination of a Disorder'd City . As to their Power ; they have Men , Money , and Arms , at an hour's warning ; the very Readiness of which Provision makes it worth double the Proportion . Their Correspondencies are Commonly strong , and Firme ; and their dependencies Numerous : for the Pretense , being Trade , and Liberty , hooks in all Places of the same Interest , to the same Faction : Beside That General device , ( seeming Religion ) that stamps the Cause , and Prints a GOD WITH US upon it . In fine ; a Potent , and a Peevish City is a shrew'd Enemy . Their first work is to Possess the Vulgar with This Notion , that in some Cases the Monarch is limited , and the Subject free : intending , that the Prince is bounded by the Law , and that the People are at Liberty , where the Law is silent ; and so likewise in points of Conscience . ( By which Argument , the People Govern , where there is no express Law , and the King only where there is . ) Taking it once for Granted , that the Prince is Limited by the Law ; ( which Conscientiously he is ; for in observing the Law ; he does but keep his own word ) They presently Conclude , that if the King transgress the Rule of his Power , he forfeits the Right of it : and that for such a Violation , he is accountable to the People , for whose Behoof the Law was made . This is a Specious , but a Poysonous Inference , and rather adapted to a Mutinous Interest , than to a Peaceable , and candid Reason . Let a Transgression be supposed ; are there any Laws Paenal upon the Monarch ? But there are none that warrant Tyranny . Right ; but there are some yet that forbid Rebellion ; and ( without questioning the cause ) that declare all Violences whatsoever , upon the Person , or Authority of the King , to be Crimina Laesae Majestatis , or Treason . Are there any Laws now on the Other side , that depose Kings for Male-administration ? If none , the Law being Peremptorily against the One , and only not for the Other : what does it , but constitute the Subject , in all cases , accountable for his Resistance , to the Sovereign ; and Leave the Supream Magistrate , in all cases , to answer for his Mis-government to Almighty God ? But let the Controversie pass , for we are not here so much to enter into the True State of Matters , as to deliver their Appearances . And now is the time to bring the Faylings , and Misfortunes of the Prince upon the Stage ; and by exposing him Naked before the Multitude , to make his Person Cheap , and his Government Odious to his People . Which they Effect , by certain Oblique Discourses from the Press , and Pulpit ; by Lamentable Petitions , craving Deliverance from such and such Distresses of Estate ; or Conscience : and These they Print , and Publish ; converting their ( pretended ) supplications for Relief , into bitter Remonstrances of the Cruelty and Injustice of their Rulers . By These wiles are the Vulgar drawn to a dislike of Monarchy ; and That 's the Queue to a discourse of the Advantages of a Popular Government . ( The next step to the Design of introducing it ) There 's none of This or That they cry at Amsterdam : and in short ; from these Grudgings of Mutiny ; These Grumblings against Authority , they slide Insensibly into direct , and open Practises against it . Alas ! what are These Motions , but the sparkling of a Popular Disposition , now in the Act of Kindling ; which only wants a little Blowing of the Cole , to Puff up all into a Flame ? From the Leading , and Preparatory Motives to Sedition , now to the more Immediate and Enflaming Causes of it : which are reducible either to Religion , Oppression , Privileges , or Poverty . Subsection I. Seditions which concern Religion . THose Seditions which concern Religion , referr either to Doctrine , or Discipline : Haeresie , or Schism . The Former , is a Strife ( as they say ) for a better , or a worse : a Contest betwixt the Persuasion of the People , and the Religion of the Government , in matter of Faith ; and tending either to Overthrow the One , or to Establish the Other . In This Case , the People , may be in the Right , as to the Opinion , but never so as to justifie the Practice : for Christianity does not dissolve the Order of Society . To Obey God , rather than Man , is Well : Let us Obey him then ; in not Resisting those Powers to which his Ordinance hath Subjected us . Touching This , ( with the Brethren's Leave ) I take it to be the more Venial-Mortal Sin of the Two. That is ; the Rebellion of Haeresie , is less unpardonable , than That of Schism : in regard first , that the Subject of the Difference is a matter of greater Import : Secondly , 't is not Impossible , but the Mis-persuasion may be founded upon Invincible Ignorance . I do not say that I had rather be an Arrian , than a Calvinist ; but I averr , that he is the foulest Rebell , that for the Slightest Cause , upon the Least Provocation , and against the Clearest Light , Murthers his Sovereign . Those Seditions , which are mov'd upon account of Schism , are commonly a combination of Many against One ; of Errour against Truth : and a Design , that strikes as well at the Civil Power , as the Ecclesiastick . This being a Subject which both in the first Section of This Chapter , and Else-where , is sufficiently discours'd upon ; we shall rather address our selves to the Means ( Peculiar to a City ) of comforting , and aiding these unquiet agitations , as more properly the Business of our present Argument . Great Towns have first the Advantage of Great Numbers of People , within a Small Compass of Place ; where , with much Ease , and Privacy ; Those of the Faction may hold their full , and frequent Meetings , Debate , Contrive , nay , and Execute with all Convenience . For when the Plot is Laid ; the Manner , and the Time , Appointed : there 's no more trouble for the Rendezvous ; the Partie 's Lodg'd already , the Town it self being the most Commodious Quarter . 'T is in respect of these favourable concurrences , that men of Turbulent , and Factious Spirits , rather make choice of Populous Cities to Practise in . Another Hazard may arise from the Temper of the Inhabitants , as well , as from the Condition of the Place ; and from the very Humour , and Application of the Women , in a notion distinct from That of the Men. From the Temper of the Inhabitants ; first , as partaking usually of the Leaven of their Correspondents ; whom we find very often , both Famous for Trade , and Notorious for Schism . ( But Men are Generally so good-Natur'd , as to think well of any Religion they Thrive under . ) Further ; their Employment being Traffick , or Negotiating for Benefit ; and their Profession being to Buy as Cheap as they can , and to Sell , as Dear : without any measure between the Risque , or Disbursment ; and the Profit : they are commonly better Accountants , than Casuists ; and will rather stretch their Religion to their Interest , than shrink their Interest to their Religion . They have again , so superstitious a Veneration for the Iustice of Paying Mony upon the Precise Hour ; that they can very hardly believe any man to be of the right-Religion , that Breaks his Day . And observe it , let a Prince run himself deep in Debt , to his Imperial City , they shall not so much Clamour at him for an ill Pay-Master , as upon a Fit of Holiness , suspect him for an Heretick , or Idolater : Proposing a Tumult , as the ready way to Pay themselves ; and That I reckon as the first step into a Rebellion . Now , how the Women come to be concern'd ? That first : and Then ; why the City-Dames more then Other ? It is the Policy of all Cunning Innovatours , when they would put a Trick upon the World in matter of Religion , which they desire may be Receiv'd with Passion , recommended with Zeal , and Dispersed with Deligence , to begin ( with the stronger Sex , though the Weaker Vessel ) that excellent Creature , Woman . And This Course , they take out of These Considerations . First , as That Sex is Naturally scrupulous , and Addicted to Devotion ; and so , more susceptible of delusive Impressions , that bear a face of Piety . Secondly , as it is too Innocent , to suspect a Deceipt , and too Credulous , to Examine it ; so is it probably not crafty enough to Discover it . Thirdly , Women are supposed , not only to Entertain what they Like , with more Earnestness of Affection , but also to impart what they know , with a Greater Freedom of Communication : which proceeds from a Particular propensity in That Gracious Sex , to enter into a strict Intelligence , concerning Matters Curious , and Novell . Fourthly , They are as well the Best Advocates , as the Freest Publishers . Get them but once engaged , and at next word all their Children are to be taught short-hand , and new Catechisms ; the Table shall be blest in a Tune ; not the Heel of a Lark ; no , not so much as a Prune in the White-Broth , shall scape without a Particular Benediction . And Then , the Wrought Cushion ; the Damask Napkin ; the Best Room , and the First Cut at the Table , are reserved for the Adored Genius of the Family . The Good Man of the House , shall not presume to Close his Eyes , without an Opiate , ( to make it English ) accordding to the Directory ; and when he opens them again , next day , 't is odds , he finds his wakefull Bedfellow Shifting her Linnen , and Preparing for a Mornings Exercise . This Reverend Wight has commonly some Skill in Physick too ; enough to Comfort a Professing Sister that Keeps her Bed , ( for grief no doubt ) because her Lord ( perhaps ) is call'd aside by State , or Business . Nor does The Pious Matron Confine her Bounteous Dispensations within the Circle of her Private Family ; but with an Over-flowing Charity , reaches a helping hand to all the Members of the Distressed Brother-hood ; and ( like a Christian to the very Letter ) Layes every thing in Common . These are the Early and Late Advocates ; the warm Sollicitresses ; What Husband would not Glory to see his Wife , and Fortune so dispos'd of ? Let not some few Mistakes persuade the world yet , that Woman is [ not , ] of all Creatures , the most accomplish'd , and the best dispos'd to the End she was made for . That Women are ( in General ) the fittest Agents of all Others , for a Religious Errour , to me seems past a Question : Now ; why a City-Dame , is for That Purpose , the fittest Instrument even of all Sorts of Women . First , her Employment's Little ; she keeps much at Home ; and her dead Leisures , are , beyond doubt , not absolutely Thoughtless . Is not her Mixture Sociable , as That of other Mortals ? Phansie her Solitary Entertainment now . Does not she wish to see , and to be seen , as well as other Women ? Nay , does she not Contrive too , how to Compass it ? Playes there are none perhaps , at hand ; Festivals come but seldome . While shee 's Thus casting , How and How ; in Steps the Tempter ; dreams out an Hour or Two in Prologue , and at last , happily hits her Humour ; asks her what Church she goes to ? and invites her to a Lecture . Away she goes ; enters her self a Member of his Congregation ; never to be Reclaimed , and so Farewell she . After all This , let me profess , I take the better sort of Citizens , for an Intelligent , Frank , and Sober People ; nor do I find more Prudence , Modesty , Virtue , then under That Denomination . Yet is it not to be Expected , that so Vast a Multitude should be without some Loose Examples . And I divide the Blame , even There too , betwixt an Idle Course of Life , and the Alluring Artifice of their Seducers . But this I stick to : A Schismatical Clergy infects the Women ; They the City ; and a Schismatical City destroyes a Kingdom . Sub-section II. Oppression . OPpression provokes Sedition , many waies ; and many waies it is Procur'd , even by the most Seditious Themselves ; with Express end , that it may provoke Sedition . The Haughty , and Imperious Rudeness of a Churlish Officer , that without either Proof , or Hearing , Law , or Reason , hand over head Condemns and Punishes : ( only perchance to Vaunt his Power , ) This is a Boldness , that Reflects upon the Safety and the Honour of his Master ; rendring both the Minister hated , and the Prince suspected . Vnlimitted Protections , Irregular and Heavy Taxes , Billetting and Free-quartering of Souldiers ; The Denyall of Equal Right , &c. Stir up Seditious Humours in a City . But These are down-right Provocations . There are that go a cleanlyer way to work , that squeeze the People , under Colour of serving the King ; winding up the Pin of Authority , till they Crack the very strings , by which That and Subjection are tack'd together . They undo all , by Overdoing ; and under an humble shew of holding the Stirrup , till the Prince seats himself , they draw so hard they turn the Saddle : or if he needs a Lift to help him Vp , they 'l give him one , but such a One , shall cast him Over . In fine ; what ever may be Plausible for the present ; fatall in the Consequence ; wherein the Promoters may either seem Innocent , or not appear at all ; and a Publick Obloquy rest upon the Soveraign ; This is a Device to do Their Business . Is there any Colourable fear of a Sedition ? Their Counsell will be then , to raise such a Force , as in all likely-hood will cause a Rebellion . Are the Prince's Coffers full ? Occasions will be sought to Empty Them ; by Breaking with One Interest , Wedding Another . A Thousand Remedies there are for that Sur-charge of Treasure . When they have drawn the Monarch dry , they know he must be re-supply'd ; and they know what a Peevish task it is , to fix Regality upon a new Bottome . As their first Aime was to Provoke Expence , that he might Want ; it will be now Their work , in such manner to sollicite his , Supply , that he shall suffer more by the Ill Method of it , then Gain by the Recruit . Briefly , if they can Effect , that what Themselves call a Supply , the Generality may understand to be an Oppression ( and so They wish it Vnderstood ) The City Clamours first ; and Popular Tumults , are but the Forlorn to a Rebellion . Not that either Force , or Cruelty , can ever discharge a Subject of his Allegeance ; Nay , should his Prince command one of his Armes for Dogs-meat ; he were a Traytor , should he yet refuse to serve his Master with the other . Sub-section III. Privileges . A Third Particular of no small Force upon the Genius of a City , is what concerns their Privileges ; whereof they Principally are Tender . First , in points of Trade , and Commerce : Secondly , in Affairs of Order , and Custome , relating to the Counsell , and Government of the City : Thirdly , in Matters of Personal Freedom , and Advantage . Any Empeachment in the point of Trade , they take hainously ; as Disappointing at once , the very Purpose of their Incorporations , the Hopes of their Well-being ; and the main Business of their Lives . In this Respect , they are many times so Delicate , as not to distinguish between Benefits of Grace , and Rights of Privilege : clayming a Title to Those Advantages which they hold only by Favour . They are likewise Subject to forget , that even their clearest Immunities are but Dependent , and Precarious : and they had need be minded , that to believe them Other , is to Forfeit them . For it implyes a Disacknowledgement of the Soveraign Power ; which Mistake being once set a foot , obliges the Prince to Resume , for the Safety of the whole , such Indulgences as were only Granted for the behoof of a Part. To This he is Ty'd by evident Reason of State , and by Political Equity ; both as a Wise Prince , and as a Pater Patriae , a Father of his Country . Wherefore away with These Dividing Niceties , since neither Prince , nor People can be Secure , but by Agreement . What can a Single Monarch do without the Obedience , Love , and Service of his People ? Or what becomes of a Distracted Multitude , without a Head to Govern Their Confusions ? But This ( in the words of a most Ingenious Person ) is a Text upon which the Wise part of the world has used in vain to Preach to the Fools . Since so it is , that the Vulgar will neither be Taught by Experience , nor persuaded by Reason , we are to take for Granted , that some Grievances lead to Seditions , almost as Orderly , as Natural Causes to their Effects , the Multitude ever siding with Interest , against Virtue . The Liberty of Exporting Native Commodities raw , and unwrought ; and of Importing ( possibly ) the same Materials in Manufacture , is a Matter of Evill Relish , and of Dangerous Consequence . So likewise is the Employment of Strangers , where the Natives want Work ; and the advancing of Forraign Trade , to the Sterving of it at home . Concerning the Other two Particulars , before mentioned , the One Relating to the Frame of a City-Government , the Other , to their Personal Privileges ; it shall suffice to Note , that an Encroachment upon either of them , Endangers a Sedition . Sub-section IV. Poverty . THe Last , and the most Irresistible incentive to Sedition in a City , is Poverty . That is , a Poverty proceeding from Misgovernment . Not but that Want , upon what account soever is bad enough : Whether from Dearth , Losses by Fire , or , Storme ; Piracies , Banquerupts ; the Ravages of Warr , &c. Yet Here , there 's something in the Fate , the Accident , or Manner , of the Calamity , to allay the Anguish of it . Men Quarrel not with Providence for ill Seasons ; nor with the Winds , the Waves , or Flames , because of Wracks , or Conflagrations . To suffer by Pirates , or Banquerupts , is but the Chance of Traffick , and the Extremities of Warr are Common Injuries . But where a Pinching Poverty Seizes a Populous City , and from a Cause too that 's within the Reach of Malice , or Revenge ; That State 's concern'd betimes to look to the Disorder . The Immediate Cause of This Necessity among the Common sort is want of Work , which proceeds from the decay from Trade , arising chiefly from a General Scarcity of Mony ; which may be Imputed to One or more , of These Ensuing Reasons . First , The Insatiate Corruption of Rapacious , and Great Officers ; in whose Coffers , as in the Grave , Monies are rather Buried , then laid up . Nay , as in Hell it self ( I might have said ) for they are as Bottomless ; and of the Treasure that lies There Condemn'd , the Doom's almost as Irreversible . These Private Hoards cannot chuse but produce a Publick Penury ; when That Wealth , which would suffice to Employ , and Relieve Thousands , that either Beg for want of Work , or Sterve for want of Bread , is drawn into so narrow a Compass . And yet in This suppos'd Extremity of Affairs , I make a Doubt , whether is more Miserable , the Needy , or the Oppressour ? Can any Composition more certainly destroy a Nation , then a Concurrence of Power , Pride , Avarice , and Injustice , in the same Persons ? But Then again , when the Storme comes ; These are the Ionasses , that by the Rabble will be first cast Over-board , to save the Vessell . And This they cannot but forethink , and Tremble at ; at least , if ever they get Leisure for a Sober Thought . And let them Look which way they Please ; Backward , Forward , Round-about , Vpward , Downward , Inward , they are beset with Objects of Terrour , and self-affrighted , from the Glass of their own Consciences . Behind them , they see dreadfull Presidents of Corrupt Ministers , thrown from their Slippery , and ill-menag'd State of greatness : Torne by their Enemies ; scarce Pitty'd by their Friends ; the Mirth of their own Creatures , and the mere Mockery of Those that Rais'd them . Forward , they find Themselve ; upon a Precipice , and in great hazard to encrease the Number of those sad Presidents . If they look Round-about them , they are Encompass'd with the Cryes of Widdows , and of Orphans ; whose Husbands , or whose Fathers , lost their Lives , in the Defence , ( perhaps ) of their Prince , and Country . With These , are Mingled the Faint Groans of Sterving Wretches in the Last Agonies , whose Modesty chose rather to Die silent , then Complaining ; and to abide the worst Effects of Want , rather then tell the more Intollerable Story of it . But This to Them , is not so much , as to perceive Themselves at Bay amids a Snarling Multitude . In short ; Above them , there 's an All-seeing Eye , an Vnchangeable Decree , and an Incorruptible Iudge , that Over-looks , and Threatens Them. Below them , Hell : ( or rather 't is Within Them ; an Accusing Conscience ) If This be their Prospect , how Deplorable is their Condition ! Are not Their Pillows stuff'd with Thornes ? Or when they Venture at a Nap , do they not Dream of Robberies , and Seditions ? Whom , or What do they not fear ? Where is 't they think Themselves Secure ? Is not Their Table Spread with Snares ? Does not Every Bribe look like a Bait ; Every Servant , like a Spy ; Every Strange Face , like somewhat that 's worse ? And what are their Near Friends , but either Conscious Partakers , or Dangerous , and Suspected Witnesses ? They find Themselves Arraign'd by the Preacher ; Condemn'd by the Iudge ; and Strangl'd by the Executioner : For being Guilty of the Crime , and Worthy of the Punishment They cannot but Apply the Process to Themselves , and in Imagination , bear the Malefactour Company , even from the Pulpit , to the Gibbet . Add to all This , the Sting of an Incessant , Restless Iealousie : Not a Lock , Whisper , Hint , or Action , but they suspect Themselves the Subject of it . The Holy Text it self , where it Reproves Their Sins , Sounds like a Libell to Them. Nay , were This silly , Innocent Description of them , but in a Tongue which any man Concern'd could understand ; some of Their Ears would Tingle at it . A General Scarcity of Mony , may , in the Second Place , arise from Taxes , and That either Immediately , in Respect of the Burthen ; or Consequentially , in Respect of the Occasion ; the Inequality ; the Manner of Imposing , or Levying Them ; or the Subject Matter it self of the Tax . Touching the Burthen , and Occasion : It Properly belongs to Those in Power to Judge of it , as well how much , as to what end ? So in the Rest , The People are likewise to Subject Themselves to such Determinations as their Superiours hold Convenient . Only in case of an Vndue Authority imposing , or some Illegal Course of Levying Taxes , there may be some Allowancies ; which to proportion to their Various Instances , is neither for This Place , nor for my Meaning . That Subjects are to Obey Lawful Commands , without disputing the Reasons of Them , is beyond Question . Yet is 't not in the Power of Humane Nature , to keep men from Surmising , and from Guessing at them . We 'l Grant ye too , that in some Cases , some People , will in some Sort , do some Things as they ought to do . Yet we are where we were ; that is , they will be Guessing still . If Taxes follow quicker , and run higher then Ordinary ; they cry : so much ? and the next Question 's Why ? ( 'T is true , they should not Aske , but who can hinder them ? ) Is it for the Honor or Safety of the Prince ? 'T is Consequently for the Publick Good ; and he deserves to be expell'd Humane Society , that narrowly prefers his Little dirty Interest , before so Sacred , and so great a Benefit . A Third , is the Inequality of Taxes ; the Over-pressing of any One Party . As if the Burthen lies heavyer upon the City , then Country ; upon the Gentry , then Yeomanry , &c. If upon the City , they call it Spite ; if upon the Country , Oppression . And in fine ; fall the Disproportion where it fall can , it breeds ill bloud : for That Weight breaks the Back of any One Interest , which evenly dispos'd , would seem no heavy Load , upon the Shoulders of All. Ferre quam sortem patiuntur Omnes , Nemo recusat . The Consequence of This Inequality , is a Generall Ruine , but piece-meal , and One Part after Another . Touching the Manner of Imposing , or Levying , we waive That ; and pass to the Subject Matter of the Tax . ( A point ( how little soever reguarded ) scarce less Considerable then the Totall Amount of it . ) If the Device be Novell ; the People shy and ticklish : if there be Factions Stirring , and the Prince not absolutely Master , better raise Thrice the Value in the Rode of Levies , then hazzard the Experiment of a By-way . 'T is Machiavell's advice concerning Sanguinary Cruelties ; where Cruelty is Necessary , do it at once ; or at least , seldome as possible . But then be sure to follow it with Frequent Acts of Clemency ; by which Means , you shall be fear'd for your Resolution , and belov'd for your Good-Nature : whereas a Little , and Often , Terrifies Less , and Disquiets people much more , imprinting Jealousies of further Inconveniencies ; so that they know not what to Trust to . Most Certain it is , that as Many petty Injuries deface the Impression of One Great Benefit ; so in like manner do Many slight Benefits deface the Impression of One Great Injury ; the Last Act sinking deepest . For 't is from Thence , Men Measure their expectation of the Future ; and as they look for Good , or Bad , they are Peaceable or Troublesome , Wherefore , as it is Duty to do Well always , so 't is Wisdom to do Well last ; and where a Pressure cannot be avoided , not to leave standing ( so near as may be ) any Memorial of it : Least [ When your Children shall ask their Father in time to come , saying , What mean you by these Stones ? &c. — The ways of Supplying Princes are Various , according to their Several Interests , Practices , Powers , and Constitutions . Not to lose my self in Particulars , One General shall serve for all . It behoves a State to be very wary , how they Relieve a Present need upon the Foundation of a Lasting Inconvenience : for though in some Extremities , there is no Choice ; yet it very rarely happens , that a Prince is the Better for the Money , where he is the worse for the President . Sir Thomas Rowe in a Speech at the Council-Table , 1640. ( directed to the dashing of a Project , tending to the Enfeebling of the Coyn , ( as he Phrases it ) Cites the Lord Treasurer Burleigh , and Sir Thomas Smith , giving their Opinion to Queen Elizabeth ; in these words : That it was not the short end of Wits , nor starting holes of Devises , that can sustain the Expence of a Monarchy , but sound and solid Courses . Horace his [ Rem facias , Rem , — Si possis , Rectè , si non , quocunque modo Rem ] will not serve the turn . 'T is sharply said of Sir Francis Bacon ; [ That the Wisdom of all these Latter Times in Princes Affairs , is rather fine Deliveries , and shiftings of Dangers and Mischiefs , when they are near ; than solid and grounded Courses to keep them aloof . ] ( But says he again ) [ It is the Solaecism of Power to think to Command the End , and yet not to endure the Mean. ] These are the Sleights , the Ill-husbandry of Government : through which Mistakes , insensibly , a Great Revenue moulders away , and yet the State never out of Debt . Excessive Building is another Cause of General Soarcity ; for it leaves the Country too Thin , and Over-peoples the City : Enhansing the Rate , and Consuming the Means of Living . It wasts the Nobility and Gentry ; It Impoverishes also , and Disobliges the Populacy : ( All that is got in the Country , being spent in the City ) beside the hazardous disproportion betwixt the Head and the Body . One Reason of this Scarcity , may be from some Defect in the Law it self . as where sufficient Provision is not made for strict and peremptory payment upon Bond. Men will not part freely with their Mony , where they may be put off by Shifts and Delayes , and driven to a Vexatious Suit to get it In again . Another great Inconvenience proceeds from a General Grasping at more Trade then they can Master : which causes many Failings one upon the Neck of another . To what 's already said , ( not to be endless ) we 'l only add Two Causes more . The One , is the deceipt , and Knavery of Artizans , and Trades-men ; who for a Private Gain betray the Interest of the Publick ; and invert the Ballance of Trade , by such Abusive Manufactures , as are neither Saleable abroad , nor Serviceable at Home , which both necessitates the Importation of Forraign Commodities , and hinders the Issue of Native : beside the Treble Charge ; their Dearness , and their little Vsefullness consider'd . We shall Conclude with Pride : which were 't in nothing else but what 's expended upon Guildings , Gold and Silver Lace , and Forraign Curiosities of Needle-work , would not be inconsiderable . But where 't is General , and extends both to all Sorts of Superfluities , and all Degrees of Persons ; That City goes by the Post to Ruine : for Pride , is not only the Fore-runner of Destruction , and the Cause of it ; but the Loud , and Crying Provoker of it . Sect. VI. The COUNTRY . THat Interest which contributes the Least to a Sedition , and suffers the most by it , is That of the Country : which is properly comprised under Tillage , and Pasture . For I reckon all Populous Places , ( whether Towns or Villages ) that subsist by steady Traffick , or Handy-crafts , to be no other then Dependencies upon the Metropolis ; which is usually , That in Proportion to the Kingdom , which the Principal City , of every Province , is to the Other Parts of it . This Interest seldom or never Heads a Sedition upon it's own Account ; and when it does engage , under Protection possibly of the next strong Hold , or in favour of some neighbouring , and Seditious Market-Town , we do not find much hurt the Country-man does , so long as the Sword , and Plough are menaged by the same Hand . If they forsake their Husbandry , and turn Souldiers ; they fall under another Notion . But in short ; let the Cause be what it will , and the event of a Warr what it can ; They are sure to be undone by it : wherefore They may well be Friends to Peace , to whom Warr is so great an Enemy . Is there a Warr commenced ? Their Cariages must wait upon the Army , Their Provisions feed them : Their Persons attend them , yes , and Their Contribution Pay Them. Their Teams must serve the State ; Their Wives , and Girls , the Souldiery : They must be Mounting Dragoons , when they should be Plowing ; Lugging their Beans and Bacon to the Head-Quarter , when they should be Sowing : and at last , scarce a Lame Iade to get in that little Harvest , which the wild Troops have left them : Their Cattel are Driven away by one Party to day , Their Corn taken by another to Morrow ▪ and when they are Throughly Plunder'd , because they had something ; they must afterward expect to be Beaten too , because they have Nothing . Are not These fair Encouragements to make Husbandmen Seditious ? And yet , This Interest is several waies made use of to Promote Sedition . Particularly , by Three sorts of People ; The Discontented Nobleman , the Rich Churle ; the Stiff , and Contentious Free-born-Subject . A Great Person may become Weary of the Court , and withdraw into the Country , out of divers unquiet Considerations : Out of Ambition , Pride , or Revenge . If his Trouble be Ambition , his Course is to strengthen himself by Popularity , and make a Party , by spending his Revenue in a Bountifull , and Open Hospitality upon the People : which is the most Winning and the most spreading of all Obligations . His Iades , his Kites , his Currs , are free to all comers : his Family is the whole World ; and his Companions are the Wits , and the best of Good-fellows . If his Retirement be out of Pride as chusing rather to be the first Person in the Country , then the Second or Third at Court : His business is Popularity too , though perhaps not Aiming so high ( for there are a sort of People , insufferably haughty in their Looks , Garbe , and Language ; that have not Courage enough to be Ambitious ) This Man 's attended by the best Parasites that are to be had for Mony. The Third Distemper is Revenge ; and That 's the worst of the Three : In Ambition , there 's somewhat that 's Noble . Pride indeed , is a Base , and Abject Vice , ( that is ; a Cowardly Pride : Nay 't is at best , but a Simple Sin ) But Revenge is Black , and Diabolical . Let it proceed whence it will. Whether from some Affront , Repulse , Neglect ; Nay , a Wry Look , or a Mistaken Hint raises this Devill . This is a Humour now of another Complexion : Morose , Vnpleasant , and rather watchfull to Emprove an Opportunity of Mischief , then Laborious to prepare it . In the House of a Person haunted with This Fury , you shall find Throngs of Silenc'd Ministers , Discharg'd Officers , Crop-ear'd Schismaticks , Broken Citizens , &c. These are the Dangerous Malecontents , whose Differing Inclinations of Temper are no hinderance to their Vnity of Design , where the Safety of the Prince and Government is the Question . Next to This Discontented Nobleman , Follows the Rich Churle : which is a Creature , that opposing Wealth to Dignity , becomes the Head of the People , for his Sauciness of bearing up against the Power , and Nobility of the Court. It is scarce to be Imagined , The Interest of this Chuff in a Popular Scufflle ; especially , if he has gotten his Estate by a Rusticall , and Plodding Industry : for Then the Vulgar Reckon him as One of their Own Rank , and support him , as the Grace , and Dignity of their Order . We come now to the Stiff , and Contentious Free-born-Subject : the Queintest , and the Sharpest Youth of the Three . He 'l tell ye to a hair , upon what Point , Prerogative becomes Tyranny : How far a Subject may promote a Rebellion , and yet be honest himself , and Cleave the very Atome , that divides the Rights of King and Subject . Does any Minister of State , or Iustice pass his Commission , but the tenth part of a Scruple ? he cryes , 'T is Arbitrary , Illegal , and an Encroachment upon the Birth-right of a Free-born-People . Let him be Question'd , and the Matter Scann'd , here 's his Dilemma . Either by Carrying the Cause , he Iustifies , and Puffs up the People ; or by Suffering for it , he Enrages them : but still Obliging them both waies ; the One way as their Champion , and the Other , as their Martyr . Upon the Summ of the Matter , That Government must be Carried very even , which These Instruments , in Combination , shall not be able to discompose . Touching the Common Sort ; it is so little in their Power to Embroyl a Kingdom , and so much less their Interest to do it , that This Little is enough said concerning Them ; setting aside the Influence they have upon the Subject we are now entring upon . Sect. VII . The Body Representative . THe Seaventh and Last Interest we are to Treat of , is the Body Representative , which is but One Grand Interest made up of all the Rest ; and as the Whole stands well , or ill-affected to the Government , so commonly does That . Yet it falls out sometime , that the Diligence , and Stickling of a Faction gets the Start of a General Inclination . It would ask an Age , to reckon up all the Inconveniencies which may arrive from the Evill Composition of This Assembly : but so strict an account will not be Necessary , in regard that the Prince may , at his Pleasure , Remedy all , by Dissolving them . One great Defect , is that in many places they have no Stated Rule how far their Cognisance extends ; No Measure of their Privileges : through which Default , more Time is spent , and too too oft , more Passion Stirr'd , about the bounds of Their Authority , then the main Business of their Meeting . Beside the desperate Influence of This Mysterious Incertainty , upon the Prince , and Publick : Under which Colour , nothing so Seditious , but it may both be Introduc'd and Protected . Suppose a Notion in the Assembly directly against the Crown : The Prince takes Notice of it ; and demands Reason for it . Is 't not a fine Reply , that to deny Liberty of Speech ; to take Notice of any Thing in Debate ; to Question any One Member without the Leave of the Rest , is a Breach of Privilege . The Representative we here speak of , answers ( the nearest of any ) to the House of Commons in England ; which Resemblance will much facilitate the task we are now upon , having only to look back into the History of Charles the Martyr , to find the Greatest Mischiefs , and the Foulest Crimes which such a Convention in disorder may be capable of : not medling with the Names of Persons , but contenting our selves to discover the Arts , Grounds , and Occasions of Seditions , without reproaching the Authors of them . The Dangerous Mixture of a Representative , we may divide into these Three Parties : The Designers of Mischief ; the Permitters of it ; and the Incompetent Iudges of it : whose Failings are either of Commission , Omission , or Ignorance . To begin with the First . The Designers are either the Ambitious Heads of the Faction , that aim at Power , as well as Profit , in the Subversion of the Government ; or such Dependencies , as they can Engage by Menace , Flattery , fair Pretences , Money , or Preferment . These in their Several Places , promote the same Seditious Interest , and every man knows his Station . They have their Contrivers , their Speakers , their Sticklers , their Dividers , their Moderators , and their Blanks : ( their I-and NO-men ) by which Method and Intelligence , all Debates are managed to the Advantage of the Party and Occasion . They know when to Move , when to Press , when to Quit , Divert , Put off , &c. and they are as Skilful in the manner of Moulding their Business , as they are Watchful for the Season of Timing it . Add to this Agreement and Confederacy of Design , their Zeal and Earnestness of Intention ; and what will not an Indefatigable Industry , joyned to these Emprovements of Order and Counsel , be able to accomplish ? [ The Lower and Weaker Faction is the firmer in Conjunction ( says Sir F. Bacon ) and it is often seen , that a few , that are Stiff , do tire out a Greater Number , that are more Moderate . ] Yet to the Miracles that are wrought by Forecast and Assiduity , there is still requisite a Matter predispos'd , and fit to work upon : and that 's the Dress , or Cleanly Couching of the Project . 'T is not at first dash to attempt the Person of the King , but the Multitude must by Degrees , be made sensible of the Faults of his Ministers ; and Instructed to clamour against Oppression and Profaneness . Why should a Free-born Subject be Press'd with Taxes and Obedience , or a Christian Libertine be ty'd to worship by a Set-form ? Is it not against the Fundamentals of a Mixt Monarchy , ( That ridiculous supposition ) for the Supream Magistrate to Impose upon his Co-ordinate Subjects ? Or , where is it commanded in the Bible , for people to Kneel at the Communion , or to stand up at Gloria Patri ? These are sore Grievances indeed , and now the Humour 's ripe for Petitions to the Senate ; which being both Procur'd and Fram'd by a Caball of the Senators themselves , cannot fail of being acceptable to the Faction : who by this Artifice , get the Credit of being taken for the proper Arbitrators of all Differences betwixt King and People , through which Mistake , the Popular Representative becomes both Party and Iudge , and it is then no hard matter to Guess what will become of the Prerogative . By making the most of all Complaints , and the worst of all Abuses ; they bespeak a Compassion for the One side , and they provoke an Odium toward the Other : which Amplification renders exceedingly Necessary the Remedy of a Through-Reformation . The Subject is to be Free in One Point , and the Monarch limited in Another . These Courts are to be Abolish'd , Those Counsellors to be remov'd , &c. — And in fine , when the Prince has yielded , till they want Matter for Complaint , their Fears are not less Clamorous and Important , than were their Complainings . Of which undutiful and unlimited Distemper , this is the certain Issue ; from one Desire they proceed to another , till the Prince , to secure their Jealousie , has parted with all possibility of Preserving Himself . This is their Course , where they find the Government already in Disorder ; but how to Introduce that Disorder , is quite another Point of Cunning. They are here onely to procure those Grievances , for which they are afterward to provide Remedies , and to cast the State into a Disease , that with better Pretense they may give it Physick ; Siding with the Prerogative against the People , in the first place , and with the Prerogative in the next . In a word , their Services are Snares ; they give a little , that they may take all , and by a plausible Oppression , provoke a Barbarous Rebellion . Another sort of ill Ministers in a Representative , are the Permitters of these Abuses : Such as being Chosen and Entrusted for the Publick Weal , Abandon their Stations , and Deliver up their Country . Betwixt whom , and the Conspirators themselves , there is but this Difference : The One Quits the Breach , and the Other Enters : These , throw down their Arms , and Those take the Town ; what the One Party carries by Treason , the Other loses by Cowardice . Of these Deserters , some are taken Off by Profit , Pleasure , Vanity , Sloath , Neglect or Partiality ; Others are led by their Passions ; as Fear , Anger , &c. In all which Cases , whoever prefers a private Interest to a Publick , Betrayes his Trust. Some Peoples Mouths are Stopp'd with Offices , Rewards , fair Promises , Hopes of Preferment , &c. And These upon the very Crisis of a Debate , find Twenty Shifts , to waive the Pinch of the Dispute , and let the Question fall ; even though the Crown it self depend upon the Issue of it . This is done either by coming too late , or perhaps not at all ; by going away too soon , or saying Nothing when they are there : by which Discouragements , the Cause is lost , only for want of their Arguments and Voices to Turn the Scale . Others are Drawn from their Duties by Pleasure ; perhaps a Party at Tennis , Bowles , ; Chards ; a Pack of Dogs , a Cock-fight , or a Horse-match , a Comedy , a Good-fellow , or a Mistress . And while they are thus Employ'd , the Vigilant Faction steals a Vote that 's worth a Kingdom . Some again are so Transported with the Vanity of Dress and Language , that rather than serve the Publick with One hair amiss , or in One broken Period , they 'l let the Publick perish . Mallent Rem-Publicam turbari , quam Capillos . These , while their Country lies at Stake , are Ordering of their Heads , and Polishing the Phrase , Shaping the Parts of a Set-Speech , till 't is too late to use it . Nothing methinks does less beseem a Grave Assembly , than This same Facultatula loquendi : this same Rhetorical Twittle-tattle ; it spins out so much Time in tedious Circumstances , that it makes a man e'en sick of a Good Cause , and for the very Form , prejudge the Reason of it . Sloth and Neglect , are yet more dangerous in a Senatour ; not only in Regard of Surprises from the Faction , but of Discontentments likewise from the People . These think a Wet Day , or a Cold Morning , a sufficient Discharge of their Attendance : and while they are taking t'other Napp , or t'other Bottle , the Monarch perhaps has lost his Crown , or the Subject his Liberty . Come to particular Cases , how many Families are lost by Disappointments ; by Relying upon Promises ; Delays from time to time ! How many Iust and Sad Petitions are thrown aside , unregarded ; as serving only for waste Paper ? and so far from Relief , they cannot obtain so much as a bare Reading . Distinguishing of Persons ; in Matters of Equity , is furthermore a great Abuse ; where a Friend , an Acquaintance , or some By-Respect shall interrupt the Speedy and Direct Course of Iustice : ( I do not say Divert ; though to forbear helping the Right , or not to hinder the Wrong , because of such or such an Interest , is but a Negative Oppression . ) Those that are mov'd by Passions from their Duties , are not less Culpable than the Rest. For a Good Patriot fears Nothing , but to be Dishonest ; Hates Nothing , but Iniquity ; and knows no other Friend but Iustice. Is any Thing propos'd , which to my Reason appears of Dangerous Consequence ; Vnlawful to my Conscience ; Dishonourable to my Prince , or Country ? Do I Discharge my Soul to God and to the World , in not opposing it ? because forfooth 't is my Lords Interest , or Project . Where 't is my Office to withstand a Publick Injury , 't is my Act if I suffer it : Nor will it serve the turn to say , Alas ! I 'm but one Man , what should I struggle for ? A Noble Truth and Equity , though single , ought to be maintain'd against the World. But very rarely is That the Case ; for those Particulars that , under Colour of this Singleness , relinquish and withdraw , would in Conjunction cast the Ballance . The Question is but This : Whether shall I rather venture the Loss of an Office , or the Loss of my Country ? Whether shall I rather disoblige a Powerful Subject , or betray my Lawful Prince ? Whether in fine , shall I rather choose , Modestly to Oppose a Faction , or Tamely to desert my Conscience . Some we find Prepossest with Personal Animosities ; and these Particular Piques , are many times , the Bane of Publick Designs . They do not so much heed the Matter , as the Man that Promotes it ; They are Resolv'd to like Nothing from That Hand ; and while they are Cavelling about Niceties , and Nothings ; the adverse Party runs away with the Sum of the Contest . Another Infelicity is where Elections are Carried by Recommendation , Fortune , or Affection ; without any Regard to the Abilities of Persons . These are a Dangerous Party , and a fit Subject to work upon . for being more addicted to follow the Appearances , then Capable of Comprehending the Reasons of Things ; They are not only Liable to fall into Mistakes , but Obstinate Maintainers of Them ; and in all Cases Determinable by Plurality of Voices , the Greater Number of Fools weighes down the more Prudentiall Counsels of Fewer wise Men : Nay , which is most Ridiculous and Miserable ; ( but that in Popular Suffrages it must be so ) His Vote many Times Casts a Kingdom , that has not Brain enough to Rule his Private Family ; Deciding the Question , without understanding the Debate . We have Prosecuted This Theme of Miscariages ; far enough . From the Discovery , our next advance is to the Remedies of them : The harder undertaking ; for Faults are more easily found , then mended . CAP. X. How to prevent the Beginnings , and hinder the Growth of Seditions in General ; together with Certain Particular Remedies , apply'd to the Distempers of Those Seven Interests , mentioned in the foregoing Chapter . THe Two main Pillars that support Majesty , are Love and Reverence : To which are oppos'd , ( as the Foundation of a Prince his Ruin ) Contempt and Hatred . What are Disloyal Actions , but the Issue of Disloyal Thoughts ? Or what are General Tumults , but the Rationall Effects of General Discontents ? ( The Violent part being no other , then the Manifestation of a Treason already Form'd and Perfected in the Affections ) So that to set the Heart Right , is the Prime Duty of a Good Subject , and Then to observe the Law , for Love of the Authority . Kings are first Render'd Odious , or Despis'd , and in Persuance of Those Passions they come at last , to be Dethron'd , or Murther'd . That is , to be Dethron'd , or Murther'd Actually ; ( for even the first Malitious Motion was Murther in the Heart , and betwixt God and our own Souls every Seditious Thought is a Rebellion . ) Although no Prince can be Mighty , without the Love of his People , or Secure under their Hatred ; ( the One being Necessary to his Greatness , and the Other Sufficient to his Vndoing ) yet must we not suppose the Subjects Love more Needfull to their Prince , then His to Them : since upon His Protection depends Their Welfare ; no less then , upon Their Support , His Power . Because the Hazard of disuniting is mutuall , it must not be suppos'd that it is therefore equal ; nor that the Crime is so , where Tumult and Oppression are the Question . They are Both ill , but with exceeding odds of worse betwixt them : The One does but affront the Mode of Government ; the Other strikes at Government it self : the very Ends , and Reason of it ; — Peace , Order , and Society . A Prince without the Hearts of his Subjects , is in a bad Condition ; but he that falls from Hatred , to Contempt , his Case is Desperate . For when they neither Love his Person , nor Fear his Power ; They are both Provok'd to Contrive mischief , and Embolden'd to Execute it . These are the Generall , and Enflaming Grounds of Seditions ; which may be easily prevented , and Cut off in their next Immediate Causes . The Difficulty is , for a Prince to be Popular , without making himself Cheap ; to Gratifie his People , without Derogating from his Authority ; and so to Comply with the Interest of his Subjects , as not to be wanting to the Necessities of his Crown . In the Due Temperation of which Mixture , Consists , in a Great measure , the skill of Governing ; and thereupon depends the Peace , and Safety of the Government . In all well-ordered Monarchies , there are certain Metes and Boundaries , that Part the Rights of King , and People ; and These , are either Laws , or Customs ; providing for the Common Good , and Safety , both of the Subject in his Obedience , and of the Soveraign in his Authority . Let a Prince therefore stick to his Antient-Laws , and he may be sure his People will stick to him ; and more he needs not ask , being by Those Laws armed with Power sufficient to the Intent of Government : or , at the worst , if any Defect there be , the Fault is imputed to the Constitution , and not to the Person . There may indeed occur such Cases , and Emergencies of Imminent , and Publick Danger , as ( being un-foreseen by the Wisdom of former Times ) are left without a Rule . Of These , beyond Dispute , The only Supream Governour is the only Supream Iudge ; and under so strict a Necessity , he not only may , but ought to dispense with Common Formalities , in Order both to the Discharge of his Duty , and the Welfare of his People : His Oath of Protection , Implying him Vested with a Power of Protecting ; and his Conscience , as a Governour , obliging him to be careful of his Charge . The Objection is Frivolous , that This Supposition opens a door to Tyranny ; because that at This Rate , a Prince has no more , but to pretend a Danger , and Then to do what he pleases . 'T is very right , a Prince may Tyrannize under This Colour ; but 't is as certain , that a People cannot Scruple This Inconvenience , without incurring a Greater : for 't is an Opinion Destructive of Government it self ; all Subjects being equally expos'd to the same Hazard , under all Governments ; and it is inevitable , that either the King must have it in his Power to Oppress his People , or the People have it in theirs to Destroy their Soveraign . ( and betwixt the Ills of Tyranny and Rebellion , all the world knows the Disproportion ) Wherefore let Subjects hope and believe the best of their Prince his Will , and Inclination ; without medling with his Power ; for it is not less his Interest to be well Obey'd , and Belov'd ; then it is theirs , to be well Govern'd . Yet when a Prince , by Exigencies of State , finds himself forc'd to waive the Ordinary Path , and Course of Law ; the Less he swerves , the Better : and the more unwilling he appears to Burthen his People , the more willing shall he find them to serve him . Especially , he should be Cautelous , where men's Estates , or Freedoms , are the Question ; to make the Necessity as Manifest as is possible , and the Pressure as Light , and as Equall , as Consists with his Honour , and Convenience : Mixing however with This General Indulgence , such a Particular Severity , where his Authority is Disputed , that the Obedient may have Reason to Love his Goodness , and the Refractary , as much , to Fear his Displeasure . By These Means , may a Prince preserve himself from the Hatred of his People , without exposing himself to their Contempt ; and in Order to the avoiding of That too , wee 'l take up This Observation by the way : That Subjects do Generally Love , or Hate , for their own Sakes ; but when they despise a Prince , it is for some Personall Weakness , or Indignity in himself . Nothing makes a Monarch Cheaper in the Eyes of his People , than That which begets an ill opinion , either of his Prudence , or Courage ; and if they find once that he will either be Over-reach'd , or Over-aw'd , they have his measure . By Courage here , we do not intend a Resolution only against Visible and Pressing Dangers ; but an Assurance likewise , and Firmness of mind against Audacious and Threatning Counsels . The Prudence we intend , is of a more extensive Notion ; and from the most Mysterious Affairs of Royalty , descends to the most Private , and Particular Actions of a Princes Life . It enters into his Cabinet-Counsells , and Resolves ; his Publick Acts of State ; his very Forms of Language , and Behaviour ; his Exercises , and Familiar Entertainments . In fine ; It is scarce less Dangerous for a Soveraign to separate the Prince , from the Person , even in his dayly Practises , and Conversations ; then to permit Others to Divide Them in their Arguments : And in a word ; to secure himself from Contempt , it behoves a Monarch to Consider , as his most Deadly Enemies , such as Brave his Authority ; and by no means to allow , even in his most Acceptable Servants , and most Familiar Humours , too great a Freedom toward his Person . Not but that a Soveraign may in many Cases Familiarize with his Subjects , and , by so doing , win the Reputation , of a Wise and Gracious Prince : Provided that the sweetness of his Nature , cause him not to forget the Severity of his Office ; and that his Stooping to his People , prove not an Emboldening of them to come up to him . This is a Course to Prevent Sedition , in the First Cause , and check it in the Bud. But if it come once to shew it self and spread ; there is first Requisite , ( upon a Clear and Open Proof ) a Speedy Execution of Laws to the Vtmost Rigour . I say , [ upon a Clear and Open Proof ] for in such cases , 't is of great Advantage to a State , to make the Crime as evident as the Punishment , that the People may at once Detest the Fact and Approve the Iustice. I say Likewise [ a Speedy Execution ] for Delay brings many Inconveniences . It gives a Faction Time to Contrive , and Vnite ; and Boldness to Attempt : for it looks as if they that sit at the Helm were either more sensible of the Danger , or less mindfull of their Duty then becomes them . Lastly ; whereas it is added , [ to the utmost Rigour : ] My meaning is not to extend the Severity to a Multitude of Offenders , but to Deterre the Generality by making some few , and Dreadfull Examples . Nay my Advice should be , to Pick these Few too . They should not be Fools , Madmen , or Beggers ; but the Boldest , the Wisest , the most Circumspect and Wealthy of the Party : the Leaders , and first Starters of the Quarrel : to shew that neither Confidence should Protect them , nor their Shifts and Politicks avail them . But above All ; let not their Money save Them , for That 't no other then Setting of a Price upon the Head of the Soveraign . Another Expedient to Stop a spreading Mischief , is for a Prince to keep a watchful Eye over Great Assemblies ; which are either Irregular and Lawless ; or Regular and Constant ; or Arbitrary and Occasional . Concerning the First ; It is seldom seen , where the Manner of a Meeting is Tumultuary , that the Business of it is not so too ; and , where Many Concur in One unlawful Act , 't is no hard matter to perswade them to agree in Another . So that to frustrate the Ends , and prevent the Consequences of such Meetings , the surest way is for the Soveraign to employ his Authority , Tamely ; and strictly to Prohibit them . If That does no Good ; He has no more to do , but Instantly to Scatter Them by force , and single out the Heads of the Riot , for Exemplary Punishment . Touching Conventions which are Regular and Steady ; It concerns the Chief Magistrate not to be without his Creatures , and Discoverers , in Those Assemblies ; and to see that they be well Influenc'd as to the Government . For Instance ; when the People Meet to Choose Officers ; when Those Officers meet to Advise upon Business , 't is worth the while for a Prince to learn how the Pulse Beats ; and Principally , to Over-watch Churches , and Courts of Iudicature : Both in regard of the hazard of Errours in Matters of Law , and Religion ; and of the Multitude , being ever in readiness and humour to Entertain them . As to Meetings Arbitrary and Occasional , heed must be taken to the Persons assembling , the Occasion which brings them Together , and the Matter whereupon they Treat ; which we shall handle in their proper Places , and so pass from Generals to Particulars , beginning with the CHURCH . Sect. I. By what Means Heresies and Schisms may be kept out of the CHURCH ; Their Encrease hinder'd , and the Seditious Consequences of Them Prevented : With the Remedies of Other Mischiefs arising from Disorders in the CHURCH . SInce so it is , that Divisions in the Church have no further Interest in This place , than as they Lead to Seditions in the State : the shortest Cutt I know , will be to Reduce all of that Tendency to Sir Francis Bacon's Notable Comprizal of them , under Two Properties : [ If a New Sect have not Two Properties , fear it not ; for ( says He ) it will not spread . The one is , the Supplanting , or the Opposing of Authority established : For Nothing is more Popular than That . The Other is , the giving Licence to Pleasures , and a Voluptuous Life . For as for Speculative Heresies ( such as were in Ancient Times the Arrians , and now the Arminians ) though they work mightily upon Mens Wits , yet they do not produce any great Alterations in States ; except it be by the Help of Civil Occasions . ] Now when a Prince meets with a Faction thus Markt , let him look to Himself : for there are against him , the best Counterfeit of a Friend , and the most Deadly Composition of an Enemy ; the Strongest of all Allurements ; the most Popular of all Designs ; and the most Rational Means to Accomplish it . But the Question will be , How to Prevent , what is not as yet Discover'd ? To which we answer , That the Sect here spoken of , is New , either Absolutely , or Comparatively . If Absolutely ; Observe what Carnal Interest they drive : If Comparatively , mark what Copy they follow ; and Measure the Disciple by his Master . One Safe and Certain Remedy , ( be the Novelty what it will , ) is , not to suffer any Innovation whatsoever , without a warrantable Authority : No , not so much as a Publick Dispute against an Establish'd Order , from a Private Person . Nay , more ; let the Dissent be Right or Wrong , 't is the same thing as to the Reason of Government , though not so to the Conscience of the Dissenter . Suppose the Subject of an Idolatrous Prince , within his Masters Dominions , and Contrary to his Express Order , Preaches against the Religion there Establish'd : He does well , to Discharge his Conscience , but let him have a Care of the Consequence ; for if in Order to the making of Good Christians , he makes Bad Subjects , his Zeal will hardly acquit him of Sedition : God does not allow of Proposing Good Ends , by Ill Means ; and of Reforming Religion , by Rebellion . Let him have a Care likewise , if he comes to suffer for well-doing , how he behaves himself : for if he but open his Mouth against the Civil Magistrate , as a Persecutor , he betrays himself to be an Hypocrite . There are Two Sects , whom I dare say , This Doctrine will not please ; i.e. The Pontifical Presbyterians , and the Rigid Iesuits . The Latter of which , have , for Convenience sake , been True to One King : The Former , ( giving the Devil his Due ) since Presbyterians had a Being , were never True to Any : or if they ever were , let him that Loves Them best , or knows them better , shew me but when , where , how ; and with a Neverint universi , I do here Declare , I 'le make a Publick Recantation . Till Then , We 'l take the Prebyterian for the Cock-Schismatick ; and ( if Sir Francis Bacon's Note holds Good. ) the Dangerous New Sect : against Whom , no Caution can be too Early , no Importunity too Earnest , no Restriction too Severe . These are They , that ( according to the Lord St. Albans ) Propagate Religion by Wars ; Force Consciences ; Nourish Seditions ; Authorise Conspiracies and Rebellions . That put the Sword into the Peoples hand , and Dash the First Table , against the Second . In short ; all Those Popular , and Supplanting Politicks , which we find only here and there ; Scatter'd , and Thin , in Other Sects ; are by These People drawn into a Practical Method , a Set-form of Sedition . They Govern Their Looks , their Words , their Actions ; Nay , their very Dress , Garb , and Accent , by a Rule : They are Instructed , when to Beseech , and when to Expostulate ; when to Flatter , and when to Threaten ; when to Offer , and when to Deny ; when to Press Swearing , and when to Declaim against it ; when to Save , and w●●n to Kill ▪ In the first Scene , ye have the Schismatick upon his Knees , begging his Prince into a Dispensation , for Scrupulous Consciences , that perhaps stick at such and such Ceremonies ; the Cross , the Surplice , or the like . Let but the Soveraign Comply Thus far , and what 's the Fruit of this Indulgence ? Within a Day or Two , they come for More , and by Degrees , More still ; till at Last , they find the Government of the Church as Troublesom , as they did the Rites of it ; and Bishops as great a Grievance , as Ceremonies . Where the King Stops , They Cavil ; and now , from Petitioners for Freedom to Themselves , they are Grown to be most Insolent Denyers of it to Others . Their Art is next , to Tune the People ; which is best done by the Pulpit , where One half of their Business is Invective against Prelacy , and the Other is spent in Well-Acted Supplications , That God would turn the King's Heart ; Accounting His yielding to all They Ask , as a Divine Assurance that their Prayers are heard . But if the Monarch still holds out ; what Pity 't is ( they Cry ) so sweet a Prince should be Miss-led ? And then they fall upon his Evil Counsellors ; still Taking all he Gives , and Strugling for the Rest ; till having first Disrob'd Him of his Rights , Depriv'd Him of his Friends ; Step after Step , they Attempt His Sacred Person , and at last take away His Life . Here 's their Glorious King ! the End of all their Vows and Covenants , their Prayers and Fastings ; or , in a word , the Summe of their Religion . It was great Blasphemy ( says Sir F. B. ) when the Devil said I will Ascend and be like the Highest ; But it is greater Blasphemy , to Personate God , and bring Him in , saying , I will Descend , and be like the Prince of Darkness ; and what is it better to make the Cause of Religion , to descend , to the Cruel and Execrable Actions , of Murthering Princes , Butchery of People , and Subversion of States and Government ? He that stands firm against ( not the Wit , or Bravery , but ) the Fawning , and Treacherous Insinuations of This Faction , may make himself Sport with all Other Practices and Combinations whatever : and That Prescription , which helps This Evil , serves for all other Publick and Intestine Maladies . I think we may be Positive , that there neither Is , nor ever Was in Nature , any Society of Men , without a Vitious Mixture , under what Government , or Governour-soever . I think we may be as Positive likewise , that Those Ambitious , and Vnsatisfi'd Particulars , with which all Constitutions are infested , are only Deferr'd from troubling all Governments , by the want of Opportunities to Plot , and Contrive ; and by the Hazards they meet with , in putting Those Plots in Execution . Wherefore it ought to be a Prince his first Care , to Choak These Seeds of Discord : which may be Effected , by a Provision of Orthodox Ministers ; ( to the utter Exclusion of the Contrary ) by Prohibiting Private Meetings , or Conventicles ; and by taking heed to the Press . A Watchfulness in These Three Points Secures the Church from Schisms , and Consequently the State from Conscientious Seditions . ( At least , if I am not Mistaken in my Presumption , that there is not any fourth way of Dangerous Communication . ) Touching the Licentious abuse of the Press , and the Freedom of Riotous Assemblies ; the Distemper is not as yet grown Bold enough , to avow Those Liberties : But from the Non-Conforming Ministers , we must expect hard Pleading . What ? [ shall the Faithfull Guides be ejected , upon the account of Forms , or Ceremonies ? because they dare not do that which they Iudge to be so great a Sin against the Lord ? ] May not a Dissenting Brother be an Honest man ? Our Reply shall be short , and Charitable . If the People take them for Guides , they will be the apter to follow them ; so that the fairer their Credit is , the worse is their Argument . Nor are they laid aside , as if the Difference it self were so Criminal , but for the evill Consequences of Retaining Them. First , it advances the Reputation of the Dissenting Party to have the matter Look as if either the Power , or Reason were on Their side . Next , it Subjects the Prince to be Thought Diffident , either of his Authority to Command , or of the Iustice of the Thing Commanded . Thirdly ; a Dissenting Minister makes a Dissenting Congregation . Fourthly ; it makes Conscience a Cloak for Sedition , and under Colour of Dividing from the Church , it Ministers Occasion for People to unite against the State. Fifthly ; it not only leads to Novel Opinions , whereof the Vulgar are both Greedy , and Curious ; but it Possesses the Multitude with These Two Desperate , and Insociable Persuasions . First , That the People are Iudges of the Law ; and Next , That because God alone has Power over their Souls , the Soveraign has none over their Bodies . As to the Honesty of a Dissenting Brother ; his Honesty is only to himself , but his Dissent is to the Publick : and the Better the Man is , the Worse is the President . Vpon these hazards , depends the Royalty of That Soveraign , that dispenses with the Law , to Indulge This Faction : and , which is the great Pitty of all , the better he deserves , the worse they use him . So that the only way for a Prince to deal Safely with These People , is first to lay aside That Dangerous , and Fatal Goodness , and Steer his Resolutions by the Compass of a Severe , and Inexorable Reason . Not that Kings are Gods , in any Respect , more then in their Power , and Mercy ; but there are certain Cases , and Instances , wherein That Power , and Mercy may be Restrain'd ; and wherein 't is possible that what is Excellent in Nature , may be a slip in Government . 'T is One Thing for a Party to ask Pardon for a Fault already Committed , and another thing to beg a Dispensation beforehand , to Commit it . And there 's this Difference also in the Issue of the Grants . The Prince has the Faction at his Mercy , the One way ; and the Faction has got the Prince at Theirs , the Other . But to the Point . Will the Monarch's yielding to this , or that , content them ? They 'l say 't is all they aime at ; and truly I 'd believe them : would they but shew me out of their whole Tribe , any one Instance of This Moderation to save the Credit of my Charity ; Any Presbyterian Interest in Nature that is not Rais'd upon the Ruins of a Prince , and Cimented with Broken Vows and Promises . If it be thus ; Nothing less then a Miracle can secure that Monarch that makes this Faction Master of the Pulpit : and this , King Charles , the Martyr , prov'd by sad Experience : For not a Soul that by the Instigation of Schismatical Lectures deserted the Church , but became an Enemy to the State. So that Effectually a Gracious Toleration in some Cases , is by some People understood no otherwise , then as a Tacit Commission from the Person of the King to Levy a Warr against his Office. And it is very rarely that such an Indulgence is better Employ'd . In which Opinion we are not a little Confirm'd by the Reflections of that Blessed Prince above mentioned . [ I wish ( sayes he ) I had not suffered My own Iudgment to have been over-borne in some Things , more by others Importunities , then their Arguments : My Confidence had less betrayed My self , and My Kingdoms , to Those Advantages , which some men sought for , who wanted nothing but Power , and Occasion , to do Mischief . ] And after the utmost Tryall of Bounty and Remissness to that Faction ; These are his words to his Royall Successour , [ I cannot yet Learn That Lesson , nor I hope never will you , That it is safe for a King to gratifie any Faction , with the perturbation of the Laws , in which is wrapt up the Publick Interest , and the Good of the Community . ] Finally ; Those Perfidious Creatures which at first Petition'd their Soveraign , afterwards fought against him , and Imprison'd him : Refusing him in his Distress the Comfort of his own Chaplains , in Requitall for having Granted them the Liberty of their Consciences . Who strook the Fatall Blow , it matters not : If he had not been Disarm'd , he had not been Kill'd . Subjects do not Hunt Kings for Sport ; only to Catch Them , and let them go again . To Conclude ; He was Persecuted with Propositions worse then Death ; as by his Choice appear'd ; for he Preferr'd rather to Die , then Sign Them. But to Signalize the Honor of his Memory , and the Glory of his Martyrdome , take his Last Resolution , and Profession . I look upon it with infinite more content and quiet of Soul , to have been worsted in my Enforced contestation for , and vindication of , the Laws of the Land , the Freedom and Honour of Parliaments , the Rights of my Crown , the Iust Liberty of my Subjects , and the true Christian Religion in its Doctrine , Government , and due Encouragements , then if I had with the greatest Advantages of Success , over-born them all , as some men have now Evidently done , whatever Designs they at first pretended . From a Supposition of the first Inclination to Schism , proposing also how to strangle it in the Birth : we are now to Consider it in some Degree of Growth , and Progression ; and to enquire after the best means to prevent such Mischieves , as may arise from the further Encrease , and spreading of it . That is ; the Mischieves of Conspiracy , which may be Promoted , either be Speech , or Writing . The first great Hazard is when Popular Persons , are put in Popular Employments , and in Populous Places . A Cunning , and a Factious Minister , is a Dangerous Instrument in a City ; and the more Dangerous , if Tollerated ; for Then he stirs up Tumults by Authority : and who shall blame the Flock for Following the Shepheard ? The Liberties of Conventicles , and Pamphlets , are likewise of Desperate Influence upon the People ; but These ( as is already said ) are easily Suppress'd by the Seasonable Execution of Laws . But There 's no Dallying with the Combination . If through the fault of Negligent Officers , the Distemper be gone too far , and the Confederacy grown Strong and Bold enough to struggle with the Law. Then , Other Arts must be found out , either to Amuse , Ensnare , or Disunite the Faction . The Last Resort is violence , which must be Timely too before the Reverence of Authority is quite Lost. And let the King himself appear ; not only to Ask , but Take the Heads of the Sedition ; before the Quarrel is Transferr'd from his Ministers , to his Person : if he but Stoops , he Falls . How horrible a Mutiny was That which Caesar Quieted at Placentia ? Single , Unarm'd and with One wretched word . ( QVIRITES . ) — Nec dum desaeviat Ira , Expectat ; Medios properat tent are Furores . Nor Waites he till the Hot Fit should asswage , But at the Maddest , Scorns , and Braves their Rage . As the Resolve was Great , and the Success Good , so doubtless was the Reason of This Action ; For by the Sodainess , he Prevented their Agreement ; and by the Generous Contempt of Danger , he was almost Certain to Divide the Revolt ; making the Nobler Part of the Mutiniers to Adore him , and the Baser , to Fear him . If the bare Presence of a General , could have This Power upon a Disciplin'd , Incens'd , and Daring Army ; what should a Lawfull Monarch apprehend , from an Vnpractic'd , and Loose Multitude ? But the Dispute is not yet Brought to This Extremity ; Our Purpose in this Place , being rather to Frustrate and Disappoint the Malice in the Contrivance , than Crush it in the Execution . To which end are Requisite , great Diligence , Secrecy , Watchfulness , Moderation ; and ( at-what-rate soever ) a Strict and General Intelligence : All which together , make up a Necessary nnd Befitting Prudence . Sir Francis Bacon's Counsel is , to Begin with Reforming Abuses ; a Work seldom out of Season , but never more needful : then upon the very first Murmurings and Motions toward Troubles . Most especially , let Great Towns be Supplyed with Good Ministers , and the Earlier , the Better , least the Multitude think it Extorted ; and the Guilty become too Strong for the Innocent . It ought to be Impartial too ; for a Toleration on the One hand , will make Iustice it self look like a Persecution on the Other . Beside , That it takes away the Subject of the Clamour , and exalts the Reputation of the Monarch , in making Him appear the Common Father of his People . By these Means , may the Church be Purg'd of Schism , without much hazard of Sedition . If the Plot be already Modell'd , and the Multitude Leaven'd , The Soveraign is to look for Petitions , on the Behalf of Ejected Ministers ; in the Names of Thousands ; and Accompanied with the Rudeness rather of a Riot , than a Request . The Petitioners may be Put Off , Threatned , or Punished , &c. according to the Merit of their Behaviour : but let a Watch be set upon the Leaders of Those Troops : their Haunts and Correspondents . Let it be mark'd who Intercedes , who Mitigates on Their behalf . Let the Motions of the Disaffected Clergy be likewise Observ'd , which of the Nobility they Frequent : And in fine , Spyes Employ'd upon all their Considerable Privacies : For , let the Cry be what it will , the Cause of these Disorders is Ambition . Of which in another Place , and with One Word more we 'll Conclude this Point . That may be Conscience in the People , which is Sedition in the Minister ; wherefore in all Schismatical Ruptures , I could wish all possible Favour to the Common sort of the Laity , and as much Severity to the Offending Clergy . Sect. II. How to prevent SEDITIONS arising from the Disorders of the BENCH . WE have Begun with the Church ; and the Bench properly Follows : which is but to give Them the same Place in the Order of this Discourse , which they have in the Argument of it . Was there ever any Considerable Rebellion ( I do not say Revolt ) That was not Usher'd in by Corrupt Divines , or Lawyers , or Both of Them ? And 't is no Wonder ; since upon These Two Interests depends the great Concern , both of our Souls and Bodies . One Reason of their Forwardness may be This ; that they may do more Harm , upon Safe and Easie Tearms , than other People : Bolt a Rebellion out of a Text ; Dethrone a King with a Moot-Point , and Execute a Bishop at a Reading . All which is done with a Wet Finger ; for when a People are Discontented , 't is but Picking a Scripture , or a Statute , for the Time and Purpose ; aad Commit the Rest to Application . These Two Interests hold so Good Intelligence , it is almost Pity to part Them : and Compar'd with the Rest , ( supposing all in Disorder ) They mind me of a Combination I have observ'd betwixt a Beagle , and a Grey-hound : the One Starts the Hare , and Yelps , the Other Catches it , but by Consent , they part the Quarry . As I Reckon These Men of the Robe to be the very Pests of Humane Nature , when they Degenerate from the Prime End of their Institution : So take them ( on the Other side ) in the Due Exercise of their Callings , they are the Blessings and the Pillars of Society . A Word now to the Lawyer apart . The Common Crime of Vitious Lawyers , is Avarice ; and Those Inducements to Sedition , which ( in the Chapter next fore-going This ) we have divided into Corruption , Partiality , Oppression , Chargeable Delays , &c. are but as several Branches from that Root of Covetousness . Nay , take Their more Pernicious and Vile Practices ; Their Misconstruction of Laws , Misapplying of Presidents , Torturing or Embezelling of Records , &c. What is All This , but Corruption in another Dress ? A Project to Embroil the Government , that They may get Money by Setling it again ? Or if they can procure a Change ; They make the best Market they can of their Country ; and Betray it to that Faction that will Give Most for't . Nay , when That 's done , ( and that Matters will come Right again , in spight of them ) They shall Betray it back again to the Right Owner : at once Lamenting , and Adoring their Past , and Profitable Transgressions . These are the miserable Fruits of Corruption ▪ Others there are that Erre through want of Iudgment . And that 's a sad Case too ; for Mistakes coming from the Lips of a Iudge , pass for Oracles . Others there are again , that Vnderstand the Right , but in some Cases dare not Own it . And These deliver up the People to Day , for Fear of the King ; and the Prerogative to Morrow , for Fear of the Subject . From hence it seems to me , That a Prince his Chiefest Care in this Particular of the Law , lies in a Narrow compass : That is , in Securing , and Preserving his Courts of Iudicature from Corruption ; and in Supplying them with Men of Eminent Abilities and Courage : These are the Instruments to make a Prince and People Happy ; Nor does any Thing more Conduce to it , than the Carrying of an Even and Impartial Hand upon the Ballance of Government , and Obedience . We come now to the Choice of Persons , and There the Difficulty lies . Some Deceive the World , by Appearing Honester than they are . Others Deceive Themselves , and are Honest only for want of Temptation . Some there are , that are Proof against Money , but not against Danger . In short ; Where it so much Imports a Prince not to Repent too late , it may be worth his while to Consider of his Choice in Time. Concerning the Abilities of Persons for the Offices to which he Designs them ; Common Fame , with a Little Particular Enquiry will be sufficient : but their Integrity requires a stricter Scrutiny . What 's such a Man's Humour ? His Behaviour ? His Temper ? are not unnecessary Questions . And upon the Whole ? If he has ever Betrayed any Friend , Trust , or Interest , either for Fear or Profit ; Away with him . But if upon Tryals either Private or Publick ; it appears , that rather than do small Injuries , he has Refus'd great Benefits : that he has Preferr'd his Faith and Honour , before his Life and Fortune : This Evidence may serve for a Moral Assurance of an Honest Man. Whereas without this Personal and Particular Examination , not only the Future Safety , but the present Quiet of a Kingdom may come to be endanger'd by a Mischoice of Ministers . To Reason upon this Hazard , does not at all Impeach the Soveraign's Absolute Freedom to Elect whom He pleases ; nor does it one jot justifie the Subject , that shall presume to Scan and Iudge the Actions of his Prince . But in Regard that Discontentments breed Seditions ; and that Mistakings of This Quality may beget Discontentments , we Offer This Expedient as to That Consequence . And in Truth it seems to be a kind of Prophanation of the Seat of Iustice , when He Sits upon the Bench , that deserves to hold up his Hand at the Bar. To Conclude then ; When a Monarch comes to Discover the Inconvenience of such Ministers , He may kill two Birds with one Stone ; and Consider who Recommended them : ( But they may be better Kept out , than Driven on . ) Next to the Choice of Good Persons , Succeeds the Care of Good Order , when they are Chosen : Which may be Provided for ; First , By maintaining an Intelligence concerning the General Bias and Complexion of their Proceedings as to the Publick ; ( i. e. Whether or no they do equal Iustice betwixt King and People . ) Secondly , By Over-watching them in Cases of more Private and Particular Concern . Let not This Strictness appear either too much for a Prince his Business , or below his Dignity . Kingdoms are Lost for want of These Early Providences ; these Little Circumspections ; but it costs more to Recover them . Nor ( in effect ) is the Trouble at all Considerable ; for 't is here , as 't was with the Tyrant , that durst not Sleep for fear of having his Throat cut . A Mathematician comes to him , and tells him ; That for so many Talents he 'd secure him , and shew him such a Secret , that it should be impossible for any man so much as to design upon him without Discovery . The Tyrant was content ; provided that he might be satisfied of the Secret , before he parted with his Money , and so takes the Cunning-man into his Cabinet . What was the Secret ? But that he should give the fellow so much Money , & pretend that he had Taught it him . This Sory comes up to Vs : The bare Opinion of a Prince his Vigilance , saves him the Need and Trouble of it : And Three or Four Discoveries in his whole Raign , shall gain him That Opinion . Touching Those Abuses which Immediately relate to the Publick ; ( as concerning the misconstruction of Lawyers , &c. ) they are usually couch'd under the Salvo of an Ambiguity . To prevent which Inconvenience , all Those Distinctions which in Seditious times have been made use of for the Authorising , or Countenancing of Treason , might be summ'd up and Declar'd Treasonous Themselves . Such I mean , as the Co-ordinate Power of King , Lords , and Commons , The Litteral and Equitable Construction of Laws . The Person , and Authority of Princes . Singulis Major , Vniversis Minor , &c. For sure it is not Reasonable , that the Clear , and Sacred Rights of Kings , should depend upon the dubious , and Prophane Comments of the People . Concerning Grievances of a more Particular Quality ; the Principal of them are Injustice , and Delay : the Former whereof , is purely the Fault of the Iudge ; the Other may , in some measure , and in some Constitutions , be imputed to a Defect in the Law. In This Case , the best way to prevent further Mischief , and satisfie for what is done already , is an Impartial Severity upon all Offenders as they are Detected : Especially , where Complaints are General , and the Injustice Notorious ; for nothing less then a Publick Example , can amount to a Publick Satisfaction . Sect. III. How to Prevent , or Remedy Seditions arising from the Disorders of the COURT . WE have in the Last Chapter , Pag. 99. ( concerning Seditions which may possibly arise from a Disorder'd Court ) stated what we intend by the Court-Interest . We have like-wise Divided the Evill-Instruments , into such as either Plot Mischief , or Occasion it . We have again Subdivided the Plotters into Three Parties . The One whereof opposes the Title of the Governour ; The Other , ( as Directly ) the Form of the Government : And there is a Third Party , that bring their Ends about , by Supplications , Vows , Fasting and Prayer ; by Forms of Piety , and Reverence : and finally ; that with a Hail Master and a Kiss , Betray their Soveraign . Concerning the Two Former ; More needs not be said , than that Force is to be Repell'd by Force : and That , the Monarch is suppos'd to have always in Readiness , for the Safety of the Government . The Other , is a Serpentine , and Winding Party ; that Steals , and Glides into the very Bosome of a Prince , and Then it Clipps and Strangles him . This is a Faction that Answers to our Iesuited Puritan . Yet while I separate These Three , for Perspicuity of Method ; let me not be understood , as if they would not mingle in Complication of Interest : For nothing is more Notorious , then that in all Commotions upon pretext of Conscience , the Religious Division is still the Receptacle of all other Disaffected Humours whatsoever . He that 's an Atheist to Day , becomes an Enthusiast to Morrow ; where a Crown is the Prize . Only I must confess , the Presbyterian playes the Fast and Loose of the Device , the best in the whole World. Let as many help him as will , 't is Liberty of Conscience forsooth ; but have a Care of the Purity of the Gospell , when they come to share with him . They may , if they please , ( nay they shall be Invited to 't ) run the hazards of the Course with him ; Venture Neck , and Body ; over Hedge and Ditch ; through Thick and Thin , but yet at last , the Devill a bit of the Quarry . In fine ; the Plausible Contrivers of Sedition ( under what Mask-soever ) are the People we aim at ; and These are either In the Counsell , or Out of it . Sir Francis Bacon Divides the Dangers from Within the Great Counsell , into an Over-greatness in One Counsellour , or an Over-strict Combination in Divers , The Rest , we only look upon as Their Dependencies . Pag. 71. We proceed from the Direct Contrivance of Seditions , to the more Remote Occasions of them . As Corruption , Monopolizing ; Non-payment of Debts , &c. — This being the Order , into which we have dispos'd the Causes of Seditions ; it will be suitable , that some Degree of Method be observ'd in the Remedies . But first , a word of Introduction . We are to take for granted , that Sedition is a kind of Clock-work , and that the Main Spring of all Rebellions is Ambition . We may be again as Confident , that never any One Monarchy was destroy'd , but with design to set up Another . ( The Talk of This or That Form of Government ; or of This or That Shape of Religion , being no more then a Ball toss'd among the People , for the Knaves to keep the Fools in play with ) It 's Truth , that a Sinking Monarchy lapses into an Aristocracy ; and That again into a Popular State. But what 's the Reason of all This ? Does any man Imagine that the Conspiratours work for One another , or for Themselves ? They Joyn in the Necessity of a Common Assistance ; but they Divide in the Proposition of a several Interest . Who is he in the Senate , that had not rather Rule Alone , then in Company , if he could help it ? To be short ; where more then One Govern , 't is because what Every man Wishes ; no Particular can effect . ( That is to Master the Rest. ( Understand me only of Medlers to overthrow a Government . ) The next Slide from an Aristocracy , downward ; comes a little clearer yet . Some of the Craftiest of Those that help'd the Peers to Cast off the King , are now as Busie with the People to throw off the Nobility : and Then , they are within one Easie step , of Confusion ; from whence , the next Change brings him that can carry it from the Rest , to the Soveraignty . As arrant a Mockery , is Religion , in the Mouth of a Conspiratour . Indeed it makes me smile sometime , to hear how Soberly Men will talk of the Religion of This or That Faction : as if a Traytour , or an Hypocrite were of Any . And then they cry , — This is against the Principles of the Presbyterians ; and That against the Principles of the Independents : when ( Truly , and Shortly ) they are but Thus Distinguished ; Those would subvert the Government , One Way ; These , Another ; And he that would rightly Understand them , must Read , for Presbytery , ARISTOCRACY ; and DEMOCRACY , for Independency . I speak of the next Consequence , if they Prevail ; not of the Vltimate Design of the Chief Leaders ; for That 's Monarchy ) Wee 'l drop ye a Little Story here . An Officer of the Reformat on advises with an Ingenious Surgeon of my Acquaintance , about a Grief , ( as he pretended ) caught with a Streyn . After divers Questions ; how and how ? The Surgeon tells his Patient , that ( by his leave ) the Trouble he complains of , can be no other , then ( to Phrase it Modestly ) a Ladies Favour . The good man blesses himself ; and still it must be a Strain . Why then a Stain let it be : but This I 'll tell you Sir ; The Thing that Cures That Strain , will Cure the Pox. In fine ; the Officer submits , and the Surgeon does his work . This is the Case of the two Factions , They Cry out , of their Consciences ; but their Disease lyes somewhere else : and Schism is cur'd , just as they cure Sedition . Nay ; does it not behove a Prince , with the same strictness to require Submission to a Ceremony , as to a Tax ? Or why may not a Justice as well refuse to Swear Obedience , to the Civil Government , as a Minister to the Ecclesiastick ? What can be more reasonable , than for a Master either to Punish , or dismiss an undutifull Servant ? Briefly , That Monarch that would be safe , must resolve to be Deaf to These Religious Clamours . Alas ! let but the Ministers Begin ; the People Bawle in Course : not that they are Troubled ; but they 'l do 't in Rudeness , or Imitation . They are as arrantly Taught to do 't , as a Friend of mine Taught his Beagles . Let him Gape first , and the whole Kennell falls to howling : Let him give off , they are quiet too : and just Thus stands the Case betwixt the Schismatical Clergy , and the Multitude . But ( it will be said ) what 's all this to the Court ? Or to Seditions , thence proceeding ? Oh very much . These Out-cryes of the Vulgar , are but False Alarms : The Dint is nearer hand . They have their Demagogues , and their Patrons ; ( as the late Glorious King , and Martyr calls them ) and if a Prince look well about him , in such a juncture as is here mention'd ; 't is odds , he finds some of their Principals , even at his Ear , or Elbow . So that his first Concern is to Inspect , and Purge ( where he sees Cause ) his Royall Palace , Beginning with his Counsell . Where ( as Sir Francis Bacon ) the Danger is either , the Over-greatness of One ; or the Combination of Divers : Which Dangers we shall Obviate with their Remedies , in Order . Subsection . I. The Remedies of certain Hazards arising from the Over-greatness of One COUNSELLOR . ONE Over-great Counsellor may be Dangerous ; First , In respect of His Particular Temper and Inclination : Secondly , In regard of His Credit with his Master : And lastly , In Consideration of the Influence of that Power , and Inclination upon the People . The Over-great Counsellor we here Treat of , is as the Malus Genius of a Nation : And in Two Words , behold the Ground and Summe of the Whole Mischief . 'T is either Vice or Weakness , apply'd to the Dishonour or Damage of a Prince and People . Now to the Application of That Vice , or Weakness . And first , What ill use may be made of the One , and what ill effects may proceed from the Other , by vertue of his Credit with his Master . If He be Ambitious , He 's plac'd upon the very Point for Popularity . Whom can he not Oblige , by Hopes , Rewards , Preferments ? Whose Tongue cannot he Charm , either to Speech or Silence ? Whose Reputation , Suit , Fortune ; nay in some Cases , whose very Life it self , and Liberty , are not dependent upon his Favour ? If this Aspiring Humour be accompanied with a Sharpness of Iudging ; a Felicity of Contriving ; and an Impulse of Enterprizing : The Master of such a Servant should do well to Look about him . It may be Reply'd , That doubtless so he would , if he saw any Reason to apprehend his Abuse of that Power ; But the Knowledge of the Person , does sufficiently warrant the Reason of the Dispensation . To which , we answer ; That though Soveraign Princes are not Accountable to Others , yet They are to Themselves ; both for the Expedience and Equity of their Actions : And entring into their own Souls , it is very possible , that they may discover some Incongruities betwixt their Affections , and their Convenience . Some Incongruities I say ; and such , as may Induce the wisest Prince , and the most Indulgent Master ; even toward the most Loyal and Meriting Servant , to limit the Graces of his Inclination , to the Rules and Respects of his Office ; and to be wary , lest while He Divide his Heart with his Friend , he share also his Authority with his Subject : Therein , both Endangering Himself , and Grieving his People . To Conclude ; It is great Prudence in Publike Affairs , to commit little to Hazard ; and it is no small Hazard , to Expose a Favourite to strong Temptations . Where there are Servants that will employ their Masters Bounty against Himself ; ( and of such only we speak ) If the Design be to supplant the Soveraign , many Remedies may be found out , to frustrate That Ambition . Nay ( as I have already hinted ) whether there be such a Design , or not ; 't is good to provide against the very Possibility of it . For , it is fitter , that the Publike should be Indebted for its well-being , to the Care of the Prince , than to the Honesty of the Favourite . Ambitious Natures do better in the Field , than in the Court ; and better yet Abroad , than at Home . If they Advance , they grow Dangerous for their Power ; if they receive a Check , they become so for their Malice : Whence it comes to pass , that we see few . Seditions without a Malecontent of This Quality , in the Head of them . These are a sort of People , of whom a Prince cannot be too wary . But we are here to provide against the Ambition of a Person Rais'd by Favour , not Aspiring ; and from such a One , the Peril is greater , by reason of the means he has , both to compass his Ends , and to Disguise them . Sir Francis Bacon proposes the Mating of One Ambitious Person with Another ; and in Extremities , the Puzzling of him , with an Enterchange of Favours , and Disgraces , that he may not know what to Expect . Courses , no doubt , advisable , to put an Insolent Favourite to a stand ; if it may be as Safe to Disoblige him , without Disarming him : but that depends much upon the Complexion of the Person , according as he is Bold or Fearful . There is not any thing which more Fortifies and Establishes a Monarch , than the Disposal of all Offices , and Charges of Trust , by his particular Choice and Direction , without the Interpose of any Publike Recommendation : Nor can he Transfer That Care to his Great Counsellor , without a great share of his Power . And here 's the Difference ; the One way they are the Honourable Dependencies of the Prince ; and the Other way , they are the suspected Creatures of the Favourite ; who by This Indulgence , makes One Party at Present , and Another in Expectation . A Wariness in This Particular , breaks the Neck of his Design . It is good also for a Prince Fairly , and Publikely to Refuse him some Requests , and where the Suit is too bold , to Check Him for Others : That the World may see , that there are Some things which he cannot obtain ; and Others , which he must not Dare to Ask. Whereas , if He carries all without Reserve , the Majesty of the Soveraign is lost in the Power of the Favourite . The Advice of King Charles , the Martyr , to His Sacred Majesty now in Being , shall put an End to This Point . Never repose so much upon any mans single Counsel , Fidelity , and Discretion , in managing Affairs of the First Magnitude ( that is , Matters of Religion , and Iustice ) as to Create in your self or others , a Diffidence of your own Iudgment , which is likely to be always more Constant , and Impartiall to the Interests of the Crown and Kingdom , than any mans . This may suffice to Prevent a dangerous Over-greatness : But if it be found Necessary to Crush it ; ( as in case of a bold , and manifest Transgression of Duty , and Violation of Law ) Something like an English Parliament does it best ; and much better to be promoted by the People , than by the Soveraign . A Second Danger is , when a Prime Minister employs his Credit to uphold a Faction : and it is the more Dangerous , by the hardness to know what it is . As whether it be Ambition , Corruption , Popularity : Or in fine , some other Secret Interest . It may be , they have need of One-another . Nothing can be more perillous then ▪ This Correspondence , when a proper Instrument has the manage of it . Oh how he Detests the Faction ! But yet Truly , in such and such Cases ; and for such and such Persons ; and upon This or That Nick of Time , if Matters were Order'd So and So. And Then , the Insolence of a Schism is Palliated with the Simplicity of a Scruple : And for such Cases as will bear no other Plea , is found out the Colour of an Indisputable Necessity . Not to prosecute the several Artifices , by which some Truths are Disguised , others Suppress'd : Those Suits Promoted ; These Complaints Smother'd : And finally ; by which , both Men and Things are quite misrepresented . Kings cannot possibly see all Things with their own Eyes , nor hear all Things with their own Ears ; so that they must commit many great Trusts to their Ministers . ] The Hazard then is Great , when the Confident of the Monarch is the Advocate for the Enemies of the State. But above all , if he be Surly and Imperious to the Try'd Servants of the Crown : That looks like a Design , to Introduce one Party to Betray the Prince , and to Discourage or disable Another from serving him . We are here upon a Supposition , That a Master may be mistaken in a Servant ; and that a Servant may abuse his Credit with his Master . In case This be ; What Remedy ? Supposing the Favourite still in Credit , we must Imagine the Soveraign still in the Mistake ; and therefore not expect a Remedy as to the Person , but rather fetch Relief from some General Rules of Government : which shall neither disoblige the Favourite , if he be Honest ; nor expose the Prince , if He be Other : But this is better done at the Beginning of a Kings Reign , than in the Middle of it ; better upon Iudgment of State , than Vrgency of Occasion . The certain Help is a fit Choice of Officers and Servants . Especially in such Places as have Numerous Dependencies ; for otherwise , Three or Four Persons Leaven the Court ; half a Dozen more the Souldiery ; and in Conclusion , a great Favourite , with a few select Instruments of his own making , may , at his Pleasure , seize the Government . This was the Rise of the Second Race of Kings in France . Yet God forbid , that Princes should make Themselves , and their Privadoes , miserable , by Eternal , Causeless , and Vnquenchable Iealousies : That Kings should be Debarr'd That Blessing and Relief , without which , Life's a Plague , and Royalty a Burthen . That is , the Vse and Comfort of a Friend ; [ to whom ( as the Oraculous St. Albans ) He may Impart his Griefs , Ioys , Fears , Hopes , Suspicions , Counsels , and whatsoever lies upon his Heart , to oppress it ; in a kind of Civill Shrift , or Confession : ] and from whence , ( with the same Author ) he may reap , [ Peace of affections , and support of Iudgment . ] Nay , take the Subject's Interest in too ; what can be more Desirable , then for a Prince to have a Watchfull , Wise , Faithfull Counsellour ; and the People , a Firm Prudent Patriote , in the same Noble Person ? Accursed be the man that envies either . Yet Here 's a Line still drawn betwixt Majesty and Kindness ; which the One cannot pass , without Diminution , nor the Other transgress without Presumption . In fine ; the Right of Placing , or Displacing Officers , lies on the Kings side of the Chalk , and falls under the Head of Reward or Punishment . King Iames in the second Book of his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , delivers Excellent Advises to Prince Henry , concerning the Choice of Servants . First , See that they be of a Good Fame , and without Blemish . Next , See that they be Indued with such honest Qualities , as are meet for such Offices as ye ordain them to serve in ; that your Iudgment may be known in Employing every man according to his Guifts . Thirdly , I charge you , according to my Fatherly Authority , to preferr Specially to your Service , so many as have truely served Me , and are able for it . — For if the Haters of your Parents cannot Love you , it follows of Necessity , that their Lovers must Love you . Chuse your Servants for your own Vses , and not for the Vse of Others : and hearken not to Recommendations , more for serving in effect , their Friends that put them in , then their Masters that admit them . Especially take good heed to the choice of your Servants , that you preferr to the Offices of the Crown and Estate : for in other Offices , ye have only to take heed to your own Weal , but these concern likewise the Weal of your People ; for the which , ye must be Answerable to God. Be carefull to Prefer none , as ye will be answerable to God , but for their worthiness . Employ every man as ye think him Qualifi'd ; but Vse not one in all Things , lest he wax Proud , and be Envy'd by his Fellows . These were the Directions of a Prince , than whom no Man spake more upon Experience : and very hardly shall a Soveraign that takes This Course , even upon any Account , Miscarry . Another Profitable Course might be for a Prince to set his Favourite his Bounds , afore-hand . As for the Purpose ; that in such and such Particulars , concerning Law , and Religion , or wherein his Peculiar Interest is concern'd ; he never presume to move him above Once ; and that in certain Other Cases , he presume not to move him at all . By these means , the Favourite is minded of his Duty , the Prince of his Dignity : and both secur'd ; the One from the Hazard of Granting too much ; the Other from the Temptation of Asking it . So far from being Impracticable , is This Proposition ; that on the contrary , 't is Obvious and Easie. As for Instance . There are some things which a King cannot Grant as a Christian ; Others , which he cannot Grant as a King : and some again , which he cannot Grant as a Wise man. So that Reserving to himself , a Freedom ( even from Sollicitation ) in These Niceties of Conscience , Honour , and Convenience ; the Favourite may make his Best of the Rest. The Relation betwixt a Governour , and his People , is like That of Man , and Wife : A man may take his Friend into his Arms , but not into his Bed. To make an end of This ; That Favourite that presses his Master to any thing which evidently exposes him , to Contempt or Hatred , does probably Design his Ruin. To run through the whole Body of Humane Frailties , would be too Tedious ; Let it suffice , that Those Vices ( whether Devillish , or Brutish ) which in a Private man , are Mischievous , or Shamefull , are much more so in a Person armed with Power to Execute the Malice , and qualified with an Eminence , to Recommend a lewd Example . Where a Great Trust is committed to a Weak Person ; It matters not much to the Publick , whether he be True , or False : for Futility , in him , has the Effect of Treachery in another : The One Blabs his Masters Secrets , and the Other Betrayes them . The Third Hazard from the Over-greatness of One Counsellour , arises from the Influence of his Power , and Inclination upon the People : And That , either as to their Love , or Hatred . The Popular Part we have already done with : ( that is , so far as it concerns the making of a Party to Himself ; and the Remedies of That Danger ) That which remains , shall be devided into Pride , Coveteousness , and Misadvise . It is seldom seen , that a Proud man in Power , is not withall Insolent , Vain , and Cruell . The first to his Superiours , where they will suffer it . The next to his Equalls , till they are sick of it . and the Third , to his Inferiours , till he is Hated for it . A Favourite of this Temper , makes it his Glory to be thought the Dictatour to his Master : Disputing , Excusing , Cavilling , upon Mandates and Directions , ( as Sir Francis Bacon ) His style , is Ego & Rex Meus ; and the Consequence of this boldness is to lessen the Soveraign in the Eyes of his Subjects . It is harder for a Prince to Discover this Audacious Humour , then to Crush it ; let but the King withdraw his Favour for one Moment , and of himself , he falls below the Scorn of those he lately Trampled on . If he be Covetous ; The Person of the Prince , and the Honour of the Nation are expos'd to Sale : and the People squezed to fill his Coffers , till they have not Bread left for their own Bellies . We here suppose the Worst ; add yet even these Extremities , are not quite Deplorate , and Helpless . Spunges will Spue , as well as Suck ; and 't is but the Monarch's sending of the Popular Assembly in quest of the Publick Treasure , to fetch it up again . Now whence proceeds this Mischief , but from Misadvise ? not want of Prudence , but of Enformation : or which is worse ; from Tales fram'd to the Passion , and Advantage of the Teller . He 's made an Enemy to the State , that 's not a Friend to this or that Design . Dangers are Pretended , where there are none ; and Security , where there are : And ( which is the Curse of these Ill-Offices ) the Wisest , and the Bravest of Princes , are subjected to Delusion , and Surprize , in Common with their Contraries . Could Solomon's Wisdom tell him which of the Two Harlots was the Mother of the Child , without a further means of Decision ? Or Could Caesar's Courage oppose the Fate of the Senate ? In Matters of Fact , Princes , as well as Others , are to be Instructed by Report ; and if from a Person whom they have Reason to believe , they receive notice of a Matter whereupon they have not ▪ Time to Deliberate ; their Proceedings are to be directed by the fairest appearance of that Relation . In fine , if a Servant will betray his Master , there 's no avoiding it , for he must trust somebody . [ Remember well saies Sir Francis Bacon in a Letter of Advice to the late Duke of Buckingham ) the great trust you have undertaken ; you are as a Continual Centinell , alwaies to stand upon your Watch , to give him ( the King ) True Intelligence . If you Flatter him , you betray him ; If you Conceal the Truth of those things from him which concern his Iustice , or his Honour , ( although not the safety of his Person ) you are as dangerous a Traytor to his State , as he that rises in Arms against him . ] If such as only withdraw their Allegeance from their Prince , are so Criminal ; how much are they to blame then , that , where his Conscience , Life , and Dignity , lie all at stake , abuse , and misposses him ! That cry ; Not that way Sir , for the Lord's sake , go this way rather ! and so betray him , from his Guards into an Ambush . But Centaurs are scarce more Monstrous in Nature , then these men are in Manners ; and I may seem perhaps very hard driven for want of work , to employ my time in searching out of Remedies , for Mischiefs so Improbable . Truly his Conceipt , that imputes the Omission of a Law against Parricides , to a Presumption that the Crime would never be committed , does not at all divert me from believing , that Prudence is to provide for the Worst : and nothing left to Chance , that may be secur'd by Counsell . Wherefore , I proceed to my Prevention . Since the only Certainty of what is Done , or Said , comes from the Eye , or Ear ; and that the Soveraign cannot be every where ; so that he must either give Credit to Relation ; or know nothing of Affairs at a Distance ; let us Consider , by what means a Prince may most probably escape the Snares of a Mis-enformer . To advise upon the Choice of the Instrument ; is but to say , Chuse an Honest man , and he 'l not betray you : And not to let any man deceive you twice , is but the After-game of Wisdom ; for the First Errour may be Fatall . We must look - out some other Course then , and a better I know none , then a Strict Iustice , and Severity , of Reward , and Punishment . A False Intelligencer is as bad as a Spy. Wherefore , let a Prince suppress Calumnies , and encourage Accusations , that he may not take his Friends for his Enemies , and his Enemies for his Friends . What can be a greater Injury to the Soveraign's Honour , then by a false Story , to cause him Love where he should almost Hate , and Hate where he should Love ? Punish where he should Reward , and Reward where he should Punish ? It breaks the Heart of Loyalty , this sad Mistake , and strengthens the Hands of Treason . Who would dare to put these Affronts upon Majesty , and Innocence , if upon Detection , the Scandall were made as dangerous to the Reporter , as the Consequence to the Sufferer ? And This we take for a sufficient Mean , to keep Malitious Buzzes from the Ears of Princes . But This is but the work half-done ; for there are certain Truths as Necessary to be Told , as are these Calumnies to be Conceal'd ; and where the Undertaker of the Office , runs a far greater Risque to serve his Prince , then the Other does to Ruin him . These Offices are discharg'd , by Mercenary Persons , for Reward ; and by the Worthier Sort , for Reverence-Sake , and Duty . So that betwixt the Fear of Punishment , the Hope of Benefit , and the rare Integrity of Those that stand firm without considering Either ; a Prince may easily secure himself of Good Advise , and Right Intelligence ; and That , ( at least within himself ) amply suffices to his Establishment . That Kings are Men ; who Doubts ? And 't is as much Their Duty to Remember it , as 't is Their Subjects , not to be too Prying into the Slips of their Humanity . Their Clergy are to Prescribe to their Souls ; Their Physicians , to their Bodies ; and their Counsellours are to Advise in Point of Government : But 't is within the Pale of every Private Man's Commission , to offer his Intelligence . As for Example ; Suppose a Counsellour of State denyes the Kings Supremacy . Shall it be counted Sawciness in a Particular Person to acquaint the Monarch with it ? We 'l make an end with this . That State is in an ill Condition , where he that would save his Prince , must ruin himself : and where One Party is bolder to do the King Mischiefi , then the Other is to do him Good. It is now high time to take another Step ; and we 'l stay but a Moment upon it . Subsection II. How to frustrate a Combination of Divers Counsellors . THe Dangers of a Combination in Divers Counsellors , are , in Respect of their Power and Priviledges ; their Credit , their Dependencies , ( either by Office or Expectation ) Their Opportunities of Concealing or Protecting their Friends . And finally , in Respect of their Intelligence betwixt the State , and the Faction . This Confederacy is so liable to be Discover'd , so dangerous to be Suffer'd , and so easie to be disorder'd , that it is scarce worth the while , to speak to so Manifest an Inconvenience . In little ; if they are not Removed as they are found Faulty ; Disgrac'd , as they appear Bold ; or Secluded from such Consultations as properly concern the Difference in Question : It will be a hard matter for a Prince to struggle with a Faction that is assisted by so many Advantages . If it were nothing else but the meer point of Intelligence ; it were enough to Endanger the Crown ; to have a Faction privy to all the Counsells , Resolves , Deliberations , and Necessities of the Monarch . In the Lower Region of the Court , we have supposed Three sorts of People , that may Occasion Great Inconveniences : to wit ; Insatiate Beggers ; Corrupt Officers ; and Ill Paymasters , I might have added two more ; that is , Men of Ill Lives , and of Ill Principles . The First of these Five ; I thought to have plac'd in the Vpper Division ; but it Commonly belongs to Both ; only These Beg oftner ; the Other more : and to speak the truth of the business , where this trade is in Fashion , it may be observ'd , that there are not above Four or Five Beggers in Chief , and the Rest Beg under them ; as it falls out sometime in Popular Representatives ; A few Get up , and the Rest Truckle . Where This Humour is much Indulg'd , the Consequence of it , is not only Faction , within the Walls , but a General Discontentment , and Necessity throughout the Nation : For when the Ordinary ways of Profit are dispos'd of , Recourse is had to Project , and Invention ; which , if not very tenderly menaged , leaves the King a sad Loser at the Foot of the Accompt . Beside , that it Anticipates the Prince his Generosity , and by Exacting , rather then Obtaining , takes away the Freedom of his Choice , and Bounty . The way for a Prince to Help This , is either to put a Stint upon the Suitour , or a Restraint upon his Proper Goodness ; and even where he is Resolved to Give , not to do it sodainly ; lest he appear to Give for the Asking , without considering the Merit , ( Harry the Great , of France , prohibited Begging beyond such a Limit . Let him farther have a Particular care of Persons that grow Proud upon his Favours : The same weakness of mind that makes them Proud , will quickly make them Sawcy too : and the reason is , they think they have got the better of him . Corrupt Officers are Another Pest of a Court , and Bane of a State : unless timely look'd after ; and Then , the Publike may be the Better for them . And 't is no ill Policy in some Cases , to let Them Squeeze for a while , that they may be worth the Squeezing Themselves : for no Supply is more acceptable to the Generality , then That which is Levy'd upon their Oppressors . The miserable Consequence of Ill-Payment , we have briefly touch'd upon , Pag. 73. The Reason of Ill-Payment is commonly Ill-Pay ; and Many must needs get Nothing , when a Few get All : from which vast Inequality , arise Factions and Want. The best Remedy for This Evil , is , first to Enable Them to Pay , and then to leave them to the Law if they Refuse . For Protections are only so far Necessary to the Dignity of a Court , as they consist with the Peace and Iustice of a Nation : that the Priviledge appear not an Affront to the Law. When a Court Pays Ill , it had need Live Well ; for when People are Poor , they grow Conscientious ; and for want of Money apply themselves to hearken after Religion : The Severest of all Reformers being a Necessitous Multitude . Especially , let them abstain from Costly Sins ; for to Expend much , and Pay Nothing , is a most distastful Incongruity . We come now to that Canker of the Government , under the Shadow of the Governour : the Ill-Principled Courtier : who not only causes Sedition , but is Himself the very Tincture of it . You must Expect to see all look Pale and Wither'd , where This Worm lies suching at the Root . Can a Prince be safe , that 's serv'd by his Enemies ? Or a People Happy when the Soul of the Publike is in Danger ? Yet , in some Cases , there may be Reason of State ; and That known only to the Soveraign , for which some Persons , in Exception to This General Rule , may be admitted . Saving Those very Individuals , it may behove the Prince not to let any-one of the Rest escape , without a Strict Enquiry ; both by what Means , and to what likely End they are There Plac'd and Entertain'd . Which if he does , and Early too ; before the whole Lump has taken the Leaven ; 't is more than an Even Lay , that he 'll find Reason to Remove Them. Now to the Camp. Sect. IV. How to Prevent Disorders arising from the CAMP . THE Dangers from the Camp , are Principally these Three ; Mutiny , Revolt , or Popular Risings , ( provoked by the Oppression or Insolence of the Souldiery ) Of These , in their Order . Mutinies may be Caus'd by Want of Pay ; some defect of Discipline ; by New-Modelling ; Disbanding ; Disgrace , &c. And all These Disorders may be procur'd by the Artifice of some particular Persons that aim at an Advantage by them . That Prince that Raises an Army which he cannot Pay Himself , raises it ( in effect ) for some body else that can . In short , a very great Hazard it is , to have the Souldiery Dependent upon any Other Interest then That of the Monarch . Where it so falls out , that a Prince lies subjected to the Double Inconvenience , both of having an Army , and of Wanting Mony ; Let him be sure of a most Exquisite Choice of Officers , both for Honesty , and Ability : That the Body likewise may be well Chosen , and well Govern'd . For he has enough to do , that undertakes to keep his Troops in Order , without Pay ; but if they want Affection too , the Point is Desperate . This is the Nick of Danger , and Temptation ; for a Necessitous Army , of This Mixture , is any man's Mony that will offer for it : Wherefore in such a Juncture , a Monarch cannot be too wary , of all Popular and suspected Practices . Let him be sparing also , even in his Personall , and Private Expenses , at such a time as This : For Military Spirits are apter to take fire then Other People ; and so distrust the Kindness of their Master , if they observe that he has Mony for his Pleasures , and none for his Servants . An Observation , possibly neither Fit , nor True : However , when men are discontented , they look upon small kindnesses as Nothing , and they see Injuries Double . The next hazard is , upon the Point of Discipline ; which , in an unpaid Army , can very hardly be Preserv'd , but by the Exceeding Worthiness , and Prudence of the Officers . Nor by That neither , beyond their Interest and Credit of Persuading : for Punishment were Tyranny without Wages . The New-Modelling of an Army is also a tickle Vndertaking : and so is the Disbanding . The Former is the sharper Disobligation ; but 't is but Personall : The Latter is the more Dangerous , for it Destroyes the Trade : And the Perill is either from the Influence of some Chief Officers in the One ; or from a Disposition common to all Military , as well as Naturall bodies , in the Other : that is , an Averseness to Dissolution . Both the One and the Other , are a work to be dispatch'd with as much Care , and with as little Noise , as possible : very Tenderly , and by Degrees . If any Trouble be Apprehended from the Displacing of some Particulars , ( as he may possibly ressent the Loss of Power ; or the Disgrace of being singled out to lose it after such a Manner ) 't is but Casting out to him the Lure of a Better Office , or of a Higher Preferment : wherein he may be more Serviceable to himself , and less Danrous to the Publick . Or if he be too Crafty to stoop to That ; the way is to begin with his Dependencies . This leaves him Naked ; and the Other Satisfied : At least in shew , since to the World he appears rather Exalted , then Ejected . Disbanding is a Nicer piece of business : The very Word is scarce to be Mention'd , till the Thing is Done. For ' though the State may be Iudge when 't is Convenient to Raise an Army ; the Souldiery are commonly the Iudges when 't is time to lay it down again . A Good Preparatory to This , is Modelling , and Dispersing , before they have the wind of the Design to prevent their uniting against it . And by Degrees ; One Regiment at a time ▪ to keep the Rest Quiet , in hope of Continuing . Let That be done by Lot too , for the Losing Party will sooner forgive a Mischance , then an Vnkindness . Touching Mutinies that proceed either from opinion of Disgrace ; dispute concerning Precedency , Command , Provision , Quarter , &c. they may be referr'd to want of Discipline . The Causes of Revolts , may be as many as of Discontents : But the Principal , are either Fear , Despair , Revenge , or Inconstancy in the Common-Souldiery . And they may likewise be Procur'd , either by the Ambition , or Corruption of the Chief Officers . The best Security against These General Defections , is in the Original Election , and Constitution of the Army . Wherefore let heed be taken ( as near as may be ) even to the fitness of the meanest Private Souldiour : which in a fair degree may be attain'd , by good choice of Valiant , Prudent , Vigilant , and Faithfull Officers . Why should a Kingdom be hazarded for a Trifle ? How small a matter added to either side carries an Equall Balance ! A Word , a Thought , an Imagination , a Mistake turns the Fortune of the Day , and Decides the Battell . Is any thing more ordinary then a Panique Terrour , in a Croud of People ? which , as Mr. Hobbs hints in his Leviathan ; is only an Apprehension of Danger , in the first man that Runs ; the Rest , Fearing , and Running by example , every man supposing his Fellow to know why . At This Rate , Ten Cowwards may destroy Twenty Thousand Valiant men . Against Despair ; Arguments are best upon the Place : Revenge may be Prevented by a Generous , and Military Severity . So that they shall neither have any Provocation to the Attempt , nor Security in the Execution : But against Their Inconstancy there is no Remedy . The mischieves which may arrive upon the account of Ambition , or Corruption , are searce to be Prevented , but by chusing Persons of an Impregnable Fidelity ; or Otherwise the Fairest Bidder carries it . And against Popular Risings , nothing better then a Strict Discipline ; and an Impartiall Iustice betwixt the Souldiery and the Country . It does well also , to Interess Both Parties , ( Civill , and Military ) as fairly as possible , in the Common Care of the Publick : For a Pure Military Force has the Face rather of an Enemy , then of a Guard : But where Persons of Eminent Repute , and Integrity in the Country are joyned in Commission with others as Eminent for Martial Affaires , Both sides are satisfi'd , and the Common Good better provided for . Sect. V. How to Prevent , or Remedy Seditions arising from the CITY . WHere the Metropolis is not well Season'd , and in good Order , Many , and Great are the Advantages it has to Disturbe a Government . It has Men , Mony , and Armes always at hand . But yet let a Prince , in his Greatest Distress , have a Care how he Abandons it ; for 't is by much a more dangerous Enemy at a Distance , then at Home . The Ordinary Pretenses of a Troubled City , are either concerning Religion , Oppression , Privileges , or Poverty , but still 't is Ambition that sets the Wheel going ; and it is the Monarch's yielding at first , that destroyes him in the End. For while the Party is Tender , and Wavering ; the Humour Corvigible , and the Authority of the Prince , not as yet either exposed by Patience , or Prophan'd by Popular Contempt , and the Insolencies of the Rabble ; Then is the time , to cut off all Possibility of Sedition . Murmurings are but the Smoak of Rebellion ; the Fire 's already in the Straw , but easily smother'd : That is , if seasonably look'd after : for if it break forth into a Blaze , All the Buckets in the Town will hardly Quench it . The very first Mutterings against the Government , are but a pretty way of putting the Question ; as who should say , Sir , May we Rebell ? And the Forbearance of the Prince , seems to Answer them : Yes ; Ye may . And Then , to work they go . First , upon Religion : the most Dangerous , and the most wicked Quarrell in Nature . Is there a God ? Or , Is there none ? Let any Reasonable Rebell , whether Atheistick , or Religious , answer me . If a God there be ; Upon what Nation will he power out the fierceness of his Wrath ; Upon what Heads will he employ his Thunder ? If not upon That Nation , where his Divinity is made a Stale ; His Majesty Affronted in all his Attributes : And upon Those Heads , that entitle the Basest of Corruptions to his Immaculate Purity ; and the Dictates of the Devill , to the Inspirations of the Blessed Spirit . Now to Those that say in their Heart , There is no God : They 'l yet allow the Political Convenience of persuading the People otherwise . So that were This Freedom in Matters of Religion is permitted to the Multitude : Either the Abuse draws down a Vengeance from Heaven , or the Superstitious League among the People unites a Party against the Soveraign . To deal frankly ; All Seditions are to be imputed to Misgovernment : To the want of Early Care in the Magistrate . One Man begins ; He Imparts himself to Others ; They Conferr with Their Interests , and so the Mischief Branches it self , till it comes to Overspread a Nation . How easie a matter is it , to Smother a Spark in the Tinder-Box ? A little Harder , to blow out a Candle : Harder yet , to put out the Fire . In short , when the Town is in a Flame , thank Him that neglected the first Spark . The Prince that would prevent Schismaticall Seditions , in a City , must begin with the Clergy , and assure himself of the Pulpit . To say 't is Dangerous ; may in some Cases be a Truth . But Dangerous as it is ; If it be more so , to let them Alone , What signifies that Objection ? Suppose the Hazard almost desperate , on the One side : But there 's a never failing Certainty on the Other : Here 't is Hard ; There 't is Impossible . It is Necessary also to suppress Conventicles , Pamphlets , and all other Irregularities , which either Draw People together , or Vnite them , in Order to a Separation . In a Particular manner , let heed be taken , that the Magistracy of the City , consist of Persons Well-affected to the Government of the Church : And if they Struggle , let them be timely Taught , that the Liberty of their Charter , does not discharge the Bond of their Allegiance . This Strictness ought to be indispensible ; for it is not to be Expected , that One Schismatick should Punish Another . The Second Grievous Complaint is Oppression ; and whether it be True or False , let it be strongly Vrg'd and Credited , 't is the same thing . Some Oppressions are Procur'd at the Instance of certain Ill Instruments about the Soveraign ; on purpose to stir up the People against him . And this is done by shewing how Other Princes hamper Their Capital Cities : Never considering , that the same manner of Governing will no more fit all Varieties of Custom , Temper , and Scituation , than the same Doublet and Hose will fit all Bodies . And then they Cry , This Damn'd City must be Humbled and Taken down . 'T is very Right ; but This must be spoken softly , and done warily . For to Level the Menace at the City , in stead of the Delinquent , is a great mistake . In such a Heat as This , a Prince needs no more than Three or Four Churlish and Rash Officers ; Two on Three spiteful and Illegal Actions , to bring his Royalty in danger . Briefly ; a Mean there is , betwixt Fury and Slumber ; and equally ruinous to Princes , are Those Counsels that lead to either of These Extreams . May not That very Thing which these People pretend they aim at , be done by Gentle , Legal , and Familiar Means ? Let them Choose their own Officers ; That pleases the City : But 't is the Publick Care to see the Choice be Honest : and that secures the Prince . On the One side , no Clemency can be too great , that stands with the Rule of Government : On the Other side , no Severity too strict , in Case of a Contumacy that Crosses it . Burthensom Taxes are many times a Great Complaint , and sometimes a Iust One. Lighter , or Heavier they are according to the various Humours of the Prince ; and the different Exigencies of Times and Occasions ; Nay , and according to the differing Disposition in the People at several times , to understand them . Publick Necessities must be Supply'd ; and the Supream Magistrate is the Iudge of Publick Necessities . Yet still where a more than Ordinary Levy is Necessary , the Ordinary way of Raising it may be Convenient : for the One way , they only stumble at the Present Burthen ; but the Other , they are startled with an Apprehension of the Perpetuity of it . In which Case , it fares with Rulers , as it does with Racking Landlords , in Comparison with Those that Let better Penny-worths . The One has more in his Rental , but the Other has more in his Pocket : And the Reason is ; the Tenants run away with the Rent . Sir Francis Bacon is of Opinion , That [ Taxes and Imposts upon Merchants , do seldom good to the King's Revenue ; for that he wins in the Hundred , he loses in the Shire ; the Particular Rates being Encreased , but the Total Bulk of Trading rather Decreased . ] Some Oppressions again there are , that proceed only from the violence of Extorting , and Corrupt Officers . To Complaints against Abuses of this Quality , a Prince his Ear is to be ever Open ; for it is in a Peculiar manner , his Duty , to Relieve the Oppressed . A Prince that Invades the Priviledges of a City , Breaks his Word : If they are Forfeited , he may Resume , or Remit at Pleasure : Otherwise , let them stand Sacred . It can never be safe to Govern ad Libitum : for when People find no Security in Obedience , it puts them upon the Experiment of Sedition . If a Monarch has an Over-grown Subject , that he would be quit of ; that he would Sacrifice to his Proper Advantage ; let him but give him a Temptation to Encroach upon the Rights or Customs of his Imperial City : and if he take the Bait , let him Discover him , and bring him upon the Stage of a Publick Oppressor . Such an Action lays That City at his Feet . To Finish ; That Prince that would have his Subjects firm to Him , in Danger , must be Kind to Them , in Peace . The Fourth and Last Motive to Sedition , is Poverty : A Terrible Enemy to a Great and Populous City ; Nor is such a City , in Extream Want , a less Formidable Enemy to the Monarch : for Hunger is neither to be Aw'd , nor Flatter'd . The Causes of it are so many , and so incertain , 't is hard to assign particular Remedies . In some Cases , Restraint of Building is convenient ; In others , Sumptuary Laws ; the Regulation and Emprovement of Trade ; The calling of Corrupt Ministers to Account , &c. — For fear of the worst , it is good , if the Necessitous Party grow Numerous , for the Prince rather to make War with Them abroad , then to stay , till They make it upon Him , at Home ; by That means , exchanging a Civil War , for a Forreign . If the Mischief be too far gone , and that it breaks forth into a Direct Sedition ; yet can it very hardly happen , that a Prince can warrant the forsaking of his Metropolis . First , with Five Hundred Men he keeps a Million in Awe ; That is , If He Himself , and his whole Party , be not Coup'd up under the same Roof , They can Destroy Him , by Number ; and He , Them , by Fire ; in case of being put to that last Extremity . Next ; Let the Prince but carry the First Scuffle , and ( the World to nothing ) the Town is his own . Whereas , let Him withdraw ; so great is the Advantage he leaves to the Rebels , both as to the Readiness , and Proportion of Men , and Provisions for War ; that ( at a Distance ) he may get the Better of Five or Six Pitch'd Battels , and yet Lose all at Last . For They shall sooner Re-enforce a Broken Army , than He Recruit a Scatter'd Regiment . A Third Reason may be , that it lessens the Reputation of his Power , to give Ground . We shall conclude with the Fourth ; which is , That Citizens will stand better , far from Home , than under their own Walls : for what with the Importunities of their Relations : Their Interests in view ; and the Convenience of a Near Retreat ; They Fight in Distraction . We speak here of a Civil War , for against a Forreign Force ; These Reasons transport them into a more Determinate Obstination . From the City , now to the Country . Sect. VI. How to Prevent Seditions from the COUNTRY . IT is very rarely seen that the Country begins a Seditious Quarrel , unless in case of some Barbarous and Depopulating Tyranny , or for pure want of Bread. In Truth , their Business is too Innocent , and They 're so Full on 't too , they have scarce Leisure from their Sleep and Labour to Think of Wrangling ; and when they do , they dread it . The hurt They do , is by Siding , and Seconding , and That Vnwillingly too : So that to keep Them Quiet , no more is Necessary , than to have an Eye upon their Patrons , and to allow the Common Sort only to Live upon their Labours . Sect. VII . Certain CAUTIONS Directing how to Prevent and Avoid Dangers arising from the BODY REPRESENTATIVE . THere are Three Grand Hazards which Occur in the Consideration of a Body Representative . The Choice of the Persons ; The Manage of Affairs ; And the Subject Matter of their Consultations . Touching the Choice ; Regard must be first had to the Legality ; and Then , to the Prudence of it . : That the Candidate may be of such Age and Quality ; and Chosen in such Manner , as the Law of the Place requires : And moreover , that he be a Person of Moral Integrity ; A Lover of his Prince and Country ; and One that Understands his Duty and Employment . There is a Duty also Incumbent upon the Electors ; That they be not Corrupted by Money , Overborn by Importunity , or Transported by Fear , or Favour , to an Vnworthy and Vnsuitable Choice . From the want of This Care and Fidelity , proceed many times the Ruine of Princes , and the Subversion of Kingdoms . Before the Soveraign Summons This Grand Convention , he may consider how the Last Ended ; the Present Temper of his People ; and hold a Strict Intelligence concerning such Persons , and Fellowships , as are likely to Cross him . If the Last Assembly Acted and Concluded to the Satisfaction of Himself and the Kingdom , he may Hope well of the Next : but if the Contrary , let him expect a Faction : Unless in the Intervall , he take off That Animosity : which may be attain'd by doing That Himself , as of his own meer Grace , and Motion , which may bear some Proportion with what they would have done by Their Deputies : but within the Bounds of Honour and Prudence , there 's a great Difference ; betwixt a King's Reforming of Abuses by Himself , and by his Counsell : In the One Case , it looks as if the People help'd Themselves : and makes them think better of their Own Authority , then they ought to do : In the Other , they find Themselves Dependent upon the Grace of the Soveraign , and ascribe the Relief to his Bounty ; In fine , it is no tamifs for a Prince still to usher in , the Call of his Great Assembly with some Particular Obligation upon his Subjects . As to the Rest , if the Prince finds the Temper of the People Peevish , and Factions Boyling ; such as no Clemency , and Goodness can Engage ; the less Subject for Clamour he leaves them , 't is the Better ; and if upon Convening , he finds the Mixture Petulant , and Soure ; he may with the less noise Dismiss them . According to the Choice of Persons , will be the Manage of Affairs : The Publick Good ; Particular Iustice , and the Dignity of the Assembly , will be the Chief Care of a Good Choice : but if the Choice be Bad ; These Noble Offices , and Regards , will be the Least part of their Business . They fall then into Partialities , and Sidings ; Help me to day , and I 'le Help you to morrow . Acts of State will be Bias'd by Particular Interests : Matters Concluded by Surprize , rather then by any formal Determination ; and the Reverence of Order , and Reason will be dash'd out of Countenance , by the Voicings of Faction , and Clamour . As Politick Bodies have no Souls , so Publick Persons should have no Bodies : but leave those Impediments of Iustice , and Distractions of Counsell ; ( Project and Passion ) at the Dore of the Senate . In short ; where such a Partiality happens , as we here Imagine , the Two main Mischiefs are These : The Iniquity of the end , or the Disorder of the Means . The Former may in some Measure be Prevented , by an Oath to deal Vprightly : ( but the Grand Failing was in the Election . ) The Latter may be Regulated by such a Clearness of Rule and Method ; together with such a Strictness in the Observation of That Rule , that both Every man may know his Duty , and no man dare to Transgress it . But Concerning the Subject Matter now of their Consultations : There lies the Peril , when they come to reach at Affairs Forreign to their Cognisance . The Hazard is This ; step by step , They Eneroach upon the Soveraign ; Claiming a Right to One Encroachment , from the President of another . So that Meeting with an unwary Prince , they Steal away his Prerogative by Inches ; and when perchance His Successor comes to Resume his Right ; That Pilfery is call'd the Liberty of the Subject , and There 's a Quarrel started betwixt the King and his Subjects . Then comes the Doctrine in Play , That Kings are Chosen for the Good of the People , and that the Discharge of that Trust and Care is the Condition of his Royalty . The very Truth is , All Government may be Tyranny . A King has not the Means of Governing , if he has not the Power of Tyrannizing . Here 's the short of the Matter : We are certainly Destroy'd without a Government , and we may be Destroy'd with One : So that in Prudence , we are rather to choose the Hazard of a Tyranny , than the Certainty of being worry'd by One-another . Without more words , The Vulgar End of Government is , to keep the Multitude from Cutting One-anothers Throats : which they have ever found to be the Consequence of Casting off their Governours . When Popular Conventions have once found This Trick of gaining Ground upon the Soveraign ; they catch their Princes , commonly as they do their Horses , with a Sieve , and a Bridle : ( a Subsidy , and a Perpetual Parliament ) If They 'll take the Bit , they shall have Oats . But These are the Dictates of Ignorance and Malice : for such is the Mutual Tye and Interest of Correspondency betwixt a Monarch and his People ; that Neither of them can be Safe or Happy , without the Safety and Felicity of the Other . The best way to prevent the Ill Consequence of the Peoples Deputies acting beyond their Orb , is Clearly , and Particularly , to State Those Reserves of the Prerogative , with which they are not to Meddle . And likewise to set forth the Metes and Bounds of their own Priviledges , which They themselves are not to Transgress . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A47884-e110 The Matter o● Sedition . The Causes of it . The Remedy . Contempt more fatal to Kings than hatred . Poverty breeds Sedi●on . A numerous Nobility causeth poverty . Fears and Jealousies . The dangers of Libels . Sir F. B. The Rise of the late War. The first Tumult against the Service-book . The Covenanters Usurp the Supream Authority . The Institution of the Scottish Covenant . The promoters of it . Hist. Indep . Appendix , pag. 14. The Covenant a Rebellious Vow . A Plea for Treason . The Usurpations of the Covenanters . A Pacification with the Scots . Their Infidelity . They enter England . The influence of the Scotish Army , and the City-tumults , upon the Long Parliament . The two Houses usurp the Militia . The Rebellion begins at Hull . The Kings defence of himself , Voted a War against his Parliament . Teasonous Prositions of the two Houses . Deposing Propositions of Iune 2. Che Cause of the War , was Ambition . The Rabble were the Pillars of the Cause . Religion the pretence . Their Zeal agaidst Popery . The Method of the Reformation . Rebellion divides God and the King. Scandal Emproved , and Invented . The late King was betray'd by presbyterians in his Counsel . A Dear peace , the cause of a long War. Tria priciipia . The Method of Treason . Rebellion begins in Confusion , and ends in Order . The English follow the Scottish pattern . The prologue to the late War. Loyalty persecuted . Rebellion rewarded . The King goes for Scotland . His Welcome at his Return . The King Affronted by Tumults first ; And Then for complaining of them . The Presbyterians ruin'd by their own Arguments . England a Free-State . Quarrels with the Dutch. The Long Parliament dissolved . Barebones Parliament : Their Acts. Their Zeal . Their Dissolution . The corruption of a Conventicle , is the General of a Protector . Cromwell Installed , and Sworn Protector . A Councell of one and Twenty . Cromwells Masteries . The Foundation of Cromwels Greatness . Cromwels Character . Cromwell Jelous of his Counsell . And of his Army . Oliver erects Major-Generals , and then fools them . The Persecution of the Cavaliers . Cromwels Test of the House . The Recognition . Cromwels design upon St. Domingo , Disastrous . Blake makes amends at Tunis . His Success against the Plate-Fleet near the Bay of Cadiz . Addresses . Oliver's Kindred stood his Friends . The Petition and Advice to Declare his Successor . Oliver's Other House . privy-Council . Revenue . Cavaliers incapable of Office. Cromwell Installed Protector . Olivers Other House . Enraged the Commons . Thenew Peers . The Commons pick a Quarrell with the Other House . Olivers heart-breaking cross . He Fools the City of London . Addresses . Barbarous Cruelties . Cromwells Death . Olivers Maximet . Richard Recognized upon condition . Each of the Three Parties Enemy to the Other Two. The Army Ruffles the House . The House Opposes the Army . Richard dissolves his Parliament . And is laid aside himself . The Army acknowledge their backslidings . And invite the old Parliament to sit again . The Rump . The Armies Petition . The Faction flies high . The Rump and the Army Clash . The Rump thrown out . The Army settles a Committee of Safety . General M. Secures Scotland . Hewsons Insolence toward the City . Hazelrigg seizes Portsmouth The Rump sits again . Lambert and his Party submit . The City refuse to Levy Monies . The Rump offended with the City . The Secluded Members re-admitted . Cromwel's Rise to the Soveraignty . What hindred his Establishment . He w●●l Generally Hated . The war with Spain was an Oversight . A Standing Army dangerous . The Rise of Cromwels Standing Army . Exact Collect. Pag. 44. Ibid. The Consequences of the House of Commons Guard. The Effects of a Standing Army . Note . Exit The Rump . All Factious unite against the King. They divide . And Subdivide The Effects of a Military Government . The English Impatient of Slavery . This was calculated for 1662. It seems to be the Interest of France to maintain a Standing Army . A Guard both Sutable and necessary about the Person of a King. The Maries of France abus'd the Confidence of their Masters . Pepin , the Son of a Powerfull Subject , deposed his Prince , and sets up Himself . The State of France . The effects of a Standing Army in France . A Standing Army more hazardous in England , than in France . Alterations of Customs dangerous . Our Saxon Kings kept no Standing Army . Nor Edmond Ironside . Nor William the Conquerour . Nor William Rufus . Nor Hen. 3. Edw. 1. Edw. nor Ric. 2. Nor the Henries 4 , 5 , 6 , & 7. Nor Hen. 8. Edw. 6. Queen Mary , nor Q. Eliz. Nor K. James , nor Charles the MARTYR . Expedients to prevent or disappoint Dangers . A Standing Army destructive to the Government . An Army without Pay , is the most Dangerous Enemy Money is the Interest of the World. What 's the Benefit of a Standing Army . The mischief and danger of it . A Royal Guard necessary and sufficient . With the timely execution of good Laws . Conscience the strongest Tye. The Rise of Schism . The method of it . The motion of Schism into Sedition . The Design . And Effect of it . Note . Qu. May an enemy to Bishops exercise the Ministry ? Three Questions propoundded by King Charles the Martyr , concerning Church Government . The derivation of Episcopal Government . Christ's Mandate to the Apostles . Episcopacy unalterable . Corruptio Optimi , Pessima . The method of Schism . A Scandalous Clergy , makes a Seditious Layety . Slander is the Sin and Practice of the Devil . Shun Appearances of Scandal . Ignorance a Species of Scandal . Bishops blamed by the more blameable . Fears and Jealousies . Bishops charged with Pride , by the prouder Brethren . Conscience hnd Law govern the World. Occasions of Sedition . Seditious Lawyers and Schismatical Divines are the most abominable Seducers . Plotters of Sedition . Are of three Sorts . Usurpers . Monarchomachists . Jesuited Puritans . Time is the best Tryal of Fidelity . The Knowledge of Persons , is more then the Understanding of Matters . The Noblest Natures most easily Deceived . Abuses from Great Persons hardly Rectify'd . What he must do that undertakes it . The Art of Flattery . Conscientious Sedition . An Ambitious Person . The Test of an Honest Favourite . An ill sign . Another as bad . Note . Mark again . The Advantages of a Confederacy in Councell . Their Method . Rather to Countenance a Sedition , then Head it . How to know the Faction . By their Haunts . By their Cabales . By their Debates . By their Domesticks . By their Favourites . The Composition of a fit Instrument for a Corrupt States-man . By their Conversation and Behaviour . An honester sort of Ill Subjects . A Caveat to Courtiers . The Politicks of the Vulgar . The Effects of Corruption in a Court. Court-Beggers Non-payment of Debts . The Interests of the Souldiery . An Ambitious Commander does better Abroad then at-Home . A Holy War is a Contradiction . Hazard not a Rebellion in one Place , for fear of a Sedition in another . The Constitution of a Guard-Royall . Court and City seldom agree . The Reason of it . The Power of a City . The Manner of Preparing the People for Sedition . A Seditious Principle . The King only Accountable to God , and the People to the King. Cursed be the Sons of Cham. Religious Sedition , either referring to Heresie , or Schism . Rebellion upon a point of Heresie , more Pardonable , then That from Schism . Seditions arising from Schism . The Means of provoking Sedition . The Advantages of Great Towns for Seditions . Cities are inclinable to Seditions , from the Temper of the Inhabitants . Religions Innovatours begin with Women . Four Reasons why . A Zealous Sister . And her Confessour . A Shee-Proselyte . Oppression causes Sedition . A Presbyterian Trick . The Politick Hypocrite . Loyalty is Indispensable . Citizens are tender of their Priviledges . Principally in point of Trade Their Immunities are Precarious . Neither Prince nor People can be secure but by Agreement . Poverty an Irresistible Incentive to Sedition . The most dangerous Poverty . Corruption the Cause of Scarcity . Private Hoardsbreed Publick Penury . The Composition of wicked Ministers of State. The Misery of them . If either they look back ; Forward ; Round about ; Above them ▪ Below : or within them . The Sollicitous estate of the Guilty . Taxes may cause or occasion a Scarcity divers ways . Subjects are to Obey without Disputing . Leave no Mark standing to remember a Discourtesie by . Josh. 4.6 . Shifting passes for Wisdom . Excessive Building . Knavery of Tradesmen . The Country is sure to be undone by a War. The Fruits of it . A Discontented Nobleman . Ambition . Pride . Revenge . The Rich Churle . The Contentious Free-born Subject . The Dangerous mixture of a Representative . The Designing Party . Their Industry and Combination . The Matter they work upon . Their manner of Proceeding . The Permitters of Seditious Contrivements . The Deserters of their Trust are taken off by Profit , Pleasure , Vanity , by Sloth and Neglect , by Partiality . Passion . Fear , or Personal Animosity . Fools are fit Instruments for Knaves . Love and Reverence are the Pillars of Majesty . The Power of a Prince depends upon the Love of his People . The Grounds of Sedition . Let a Prince Stick to his Laws , and his People will stick to him . The Oath of Protecting , implies a Power of Protecting . Where a King has it not in his Power to Oppress his People ▪ They have it in Theirs to destroy their King. A Mixture of Indulgence , and Severity , Obliges the Loyal , and Aws the Refractary . The Influence of Prudence and Courage . A Prince that bears Affronts , and Familiarities from his Subjects , Lessens himself . How to hinder the Spreading of a Seditious Humour . Let a Prince keep an Eye over Great Assemblies . Let him be Quick , and Watchful . The most dangerous of all Seets . A sure way to prevent Schism . Have a Care. The Presbyterians Set-form . And Method . Their Modesty . The means of Preventing Schism . Object . Petition for Peace ▪ pag. 4 , 5. Answ. The Hazards of Toleration . The Foundation of Presbytery . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . pag. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 239. Let Pagans blush at These Christians . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . p. 263. The Growth of Schism . A Noble Resolve . Let the Prince Reform betime . And Impartially . Ambition is the Cause , no matter what 's the Cry. Corrupt Divines and Lawyers are in the forlorn of all Rebellions . But the Contrary , are the Pillars and Blessings of Society . The Common Crime of Vitious Lawyers is , Avarice . The Basest of Corruptions . An Ignorant Judge is a Dangerous Minister . And so is a Timorous . A hard matter to make a good Choice . A Rule to Choose by . Hae nuga Seria ducunt in mala . A way to prevent Treasonous Mistakes . The Contrivers of Seditions are of Three Sorts . The Puritan . Religion is but Talk. Every man for himself . A Traytour is of no Religion . No ill Story . The Presbyterian has gotten a Strain . A Ceremony may be as well impos'd as a Tax . Ambition dangerous in a Favourite . A Caution . Ambition does better in a Souldier , then in a Counsellour . It is the Interest of a Prince to dispose of Offices by Particular Direction . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Pag. 240. How to crush an Insolent Favourite . The Danger of a Favourite that upholds Faction . And manage of his Design . Sir F. Bacon . How to disappoint an Ambitious Design . Favourites necessary to the Prince . And desirable to the People . Concerning the Choice of Servants . Let them be Honest and Fit. Of approved Loyalty to the Father . Nor upon Recommendation . Publick Natures for Publick Places . Not One to all Purposes . Let a Prince set his Confident his Bounds afore-hand . In Points of Conscience , Honour , and Convenience , let not a Favourite press the Soveraign . The Danger of Over-greatness as to the People . A Proud man in Power . Easily crush'd . A Covetous Great man. The Mischief of False Intelligence . Good Advice to a Counsellor . Prudence provides for the worst . Reward and Punishment keep People in Order . Honest Truths are Dangerous . A Case put . The Lower Region of the Court. Four or Five Beggars in Chief . Corrupt Officers a General Pest. An Excellent way of Raising Moneys . Ill-pay the reason of Ill-payment . Want of Money makes People Religious . The Ill-principled Courtier . Dangers from the Camp. How Mutinies may be caused . Good Pay will bear good Discipline . Modelling and Disbanding are dangerous . How to New model an Army . How to Disband . The Causes of Revolts . A good Choice is the best Security against a Revolt . The Danger of an Ill-order'd City . Pretext of Religion is a dangerous and wicked Quarrel . Is there a God ? Or is there None ? All Seditions proceed from Misgovernment . Begin with the Clergy to prevent Schism . Let the Magistracy be well-affected . Oppression procur'd by Ill-Instruments . Though the Levy be Extraordinary , let the Way be Ordinary . Priviledges are Sacred . Poverty is a terrible Enemy . The Prince not to forsake his Metropolis . Let the Choice be Legal and Prudent . Better the Soveraign Reform , than the Councel . The Effects of a good Choice and of a bad . The Mischieves of Partiality . Better a Tyranny , than an Anarchy . 


c0: A78129
c1: H. B.
c3: 1649
c5: atheists; bin; book; discoverers; good; law; man; men; mens; people; text; things; wealth; ● ●
c6: 8575
c7: 221
c8: 57
c9: A78129.xml
c10: A78129.txt
c2:
  The crafts-mens craft. Or The wiles of the discoverers. In abusing and incensing authority and the people against innocent and harmlesse men, by false accusations, and sophistical suggestions: viz. because they are not formalists they are atheists: because not superstitious, therefore irreligious: because they are against tyranny and oppression, therefore they are against government, magistracy, and laws: because for good and equal laws, therefore for no order or distinctions, and for equalling mens estates, &c. and these delusions are here cleerly manifested. / By H.B.

c4:
  I speak not this , either for fear , of inf●rmations much less to administer an excuse for neglects or miscarriages ; but onely out of my desire to chalk out to both a way to union , if it be possible ; which I think is of greatest concernme●t to both , and to the Common wealth that may be . An●●ers in the Di●coverer , disgusts I fear , and dis-●at●sfactions will continue ; as finding that the Childs Shoe cannot cover the mans foot : The things desired , are generally confest to be good , but the season is dislik●t , and haply the expression :

c11:
   The crafts-mens craft. Or The wiles of the discoverers. In abusing and incensing authority and the people against innocent and harmlesse men, by false accusations, and sophistical suggestions: viz. because they are not formalists they are atheists: because not superstitious, therefore irreligious: because they are against tyranny and oppression, therefore they are against government, magistracy, and laws: because for good and equal laws, therefore for no order or distinctions, and for equalling mens estates, &c. and these delusions are here cleerly manifested. / By H.B. H. B. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78129 of text R206018 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E561_11). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 47 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 8 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78129 Wing B73 Thomason E561_11 ESTC R206018 99865225 99865225 117462 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78129) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 117462) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 86:E561[11]) The crafts-mens craft. Or The wiles of the discoverers. In abusing and incensing authority and the people against innocent and harmlesse men, by false accusations, and sophistical suggestions: viz. because they are not formalists they are atheists: because not superstitious, therefore irreligious: because they are against tyranny and oppression, therefore they are against government, magistracy, and laws: because for good and equal laws, therefore for no order or distinctions, and for equalling mens estates, &c. and these delusions are here cleerly manifested. / By H.B. H. B. [2], 13, [1] p. Printed by J. and J.M. for W.L. at the signe of the Black-moor, within Bishopsgate, London : 1649. A reply to: Canne, John. The discoverer, Part I. Annotation on Thomason copy: "June 25". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Lilburne, John, 1614?-1657 -- Early works to 1800. Canne, John, d. 1677? -- Discoverer, Part I. Levellers -- Early works to 1800. Sedition -- England -- Early works to 1800. A78129 R206018 (Thomason E561_11). civilwar no The crafts-mens craft. Or The wiles of the discoverers.: In abusing and incensing authority and the people against innocent and harmlesse m H. B. 1649 8865 160 0 0 0 0 0 180 F The rate of 180 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2007-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-02 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Crafts-mens Craft . OR The Wiles of the Discoverers . In abusing and incensing Authority and the People against innocent and harmlesse Men , by false Accusations , and Sophistical Suggestions : viz. because they are not Formalists they are Atheists : because not Superstitious , therefore Irreligious : because they are against Tyranny and Oppression , therefore they are against Government , Magistracy , and Laws : because for good and equal Laws , therefore for no Order or Distinctions , and for equalling mens Estates . &c. And these Delusions are here cleerly manifested . By H. B. And they consulted together that they might take Jesus and kill him . Mat. 26.4 . And the Jews which were of Asia moved all the People , and said hands on Paul , crying Men of Israel Help , This is the man that teacheth all men every where against the People , and the Law , and this place . Act. 21.27.28 . Be not a witnesse against thy Neighbour without cause ; for wilt thou deceive with thy lips ? Prov. 24.28 . Go not forth hastily to strife , lest thou know not what to do in the end thereof when thy Neighbour hath put thee to shame . LONDON Printed by J. and J. M. for W. L. at the signe of the Black-moor , within Bishopsgate . 1649. THE Crafts-mens Craft . BE a cause never so good , and the men never so innocent that promote it ; yet if it cross the stream , and be in dis-favor with Authority ; it shall be sure to bear the brand of the worst Design , and be clothed with the foulest and most deformed shapes that Ar● and Malice can invent . This is so far from being a new thing , that almost every Age , History , and Country , gives abundant instances thereof : So that though the present Oppressed Party ( usually , but opprobiously , called Levellers ) suffer much , yet they suffer no more then what the Prophets , our blessed Sav●our , his Apostles , the Martyrs , the Protestants in times of Popery , the Anabaptists , Puritans , Presbyters , in times of Episcopacie , the Separatists , and Independents , during Presbyterie , have endured before them . And why should not we also taste of that cup , so many , and so good having drunk deep draughts of it ? The Potion may indeed be bitter , but 't is medicinal , and will ( by making us watchful and circumspect in all our waies and actions ) preserve us ( I hope ) from many frailties and infirmities we might otherwaies through the pravity of mans nature , be apt to slip into : So we may say with King David , It is good for us that we have bin afflicted , for otherwise we had gone astray . However , the Guilt of Josephs Brothers , in going about to Murder him , was ne●er the less , because it prov'd the means of making him the Preserver of Gods People in Aegypt : the Rods ( though Instruments of Chastisements in the Lords hand ) are commonly thrown into the fire . And in Testification of this also , History , and our own Experience , is very copious . The times are necessitous , and rewards are to be had , Is it to be supposed therefore , that officious , needy , or ambitious men will be wanting to themselves in this particular ? what way so easie to wealth , advancement , offices ? The labors of a mans life cannot produce so much , as a weeks time in a handsome , well-wrought , artificial fiction : Alas ! what 's thirty pieces now ? 't is nothing ; every Spy and Intelligencer that is but any thing his Crafts-master , proposes a greater largess for the Traps and Pit-falls he makes for innocent and harmless people : And therefore , what wonder is it that our Friends in the Tower , before their close Restraint , had almost every day some Visitants , that under the disguise of Friendship , came to Ensnare and Betray ; and that it is already come to that pass , that a man dare hardly trust his Bosome-Friend , nor communicate himself to any man , without fear and inward reluctance ? What wonder is it that a busie and subtile People , should make it their work to vilifie and reproach us ; to mix with all companies , and scatter false reports and forgeries of us ? hoping thereby first to possess mens minds , knowing how difficult a thing it is ( eradicare errorem ) to remove a Bel●ef ( though never so slightly grounded ) that has took root in them ? For when a scandal is once entertain'd , 't is afterward reported ; and the Parties reporting , are thereby engaged , not onely to stand to the justification of that , but then greedily to suck in all new calumnies , so to keep down the injur'd from ever ha●ing opportunity to right themselves . What wonder is it to see book after book to fly abroad ( like the Spirit of Delusion amongst the false Prophets ) to furnish every mans mouth with a false Accusation aga●nst Us ; and , as we have endeavored the good of all , to make us hated by all ; to take away first our Reputations , that so they may the more easily take away our Lives ; to mis-guide and incense Authority , and the People against Us , by falsly charging us with such things as are of greatest abomination to Us ; that so they may the better cry out , Crucifie , Crucifie , Away with such Monsters from the Earth , it is not fit they should draw breath amongst us ? And why all this ? But because we are faithful to the sublike interest , and will not shut our eys , and stifle our Consciences , but dare still urge for those good things have bin so often declared for , and promised ; and can by no baits , threats , or allurements , be drawn there-from . Much time hath bin spent already , and much hath bin said for our Vindication ; but there are some men , who hearing , will not hear ; and seeing , will not understand ; whose work it is , not to believe , nor to suffer others to be rightly informed ; they should then ( ●l●um , & operam perdere ) lose their Labour , and peradventure the Recompense of their Reward too . They have now sumd up all in a Book call'd the Discoverer , which is for the most part of it , the old Scandals new modell'd ; Calumny clothed in a more Scholastical Habit , and confident ( as the Custom is ) of easier admittance , because of its finer Apparel . At first it was usher'd into the world by the Recommendation of the Councel of State ; I know not whether that Honor was really conferr'd , or fictitiously imposed , because in the Copies last Printed , the Councel of State is left out , and the Authors only ( and those unknown too ) substistuted in their rooms : But admit the first , 't is very usual , all know , for Authority to be misinformed , especially when they have as yet only heard but the Accusing Party : When the Iews had said many ( and those grieveous ) complaints against Paul ; questionless , the Spirits both of the hearers , and of his Iudges were very much incensed against him ; but after he had pleaded for himself , the tyde was turn●d ; Festus found nothing worthy of death in him , and Agrippa was almost perswaded to be a Paul . For my part , I make no doubt , but if the Par●iament and Councel of State will in time see how exceedingly we have been in●u●ed by the malevolent Reports of bad men , and that both the Ends we aime at , are in themselves good and beneficial to the Common-wealth ; and the means we have used for the accomplishment thereof , very lawful and justifiable : Which that they may , I shall make bold to do the best I can to discover our Discoverer , his Wilts and Fallacies I mean ; in doing whereof , I shall not trace him in every politick and extravagant excursion , to which I shall only cursorily and occasionally speak , but as my main drift , extract so much out of him , as is most material , and whereto he seems to ●ring's proof ; the rest every un-prejudiced Reader will ( I suppose ) of himself see thr●ugh , and take , as the customary Stratagems , that Designing-men use to make others odious . But before we come to his Particulars , we also shall make one Observation , as giv●ng light to our present Discovery . Prudential and ●ood men do well observe , that when a People or Party prove Obstina●e , that is , constant to their Engagements , and resolute in the promotion of those things that tend to the good of the Common-wealth ; and can by to means be taken oft , or with-drawn , to the promotion of another Interest ; that then the common and politick cu●●om is , to make them odious , that ●o ( since they will not assist ) their complaints and opposition shall be as in-ef●ectual and inconsiderable as may be : And in making them odious , there particular Waies and Methods ( amongst many others ) are used . 1. To aggravate every weakness and frailty of any particular man , and impute is to the whole Party . 2. To contrive , and confidently affix such Scandals upon them , as are most distasteful to the People , and most difficultly disproved . 3. To impose upon them the deviations of other men , not of their Party ; and yet make the World believe they are . 4. To Interpret their Intentions , and make indirect Inferences upon their Words and Act●ons ; as , that because they are against Tyranie and Oppression , therefore they are against Magistracy and Government ; because they are for an Isonomie , Impartiality or Equality in the Law , therefore they are for no Order of Distinction , and for Equalling mens Estates . 5. To cry down , and charge them with Hypocrisie , but in the highest and most visible manner exercise it themselves . 6. To evade the point in Controversie , or the real Difference ; and divert every mans thoughts there from , by false Accusations , and Reports , for that end raised , and taken up . 7. To up-braid them with their poverty , and intimating false and groundless surmises thereupon . 8. To invent nick-names , importing that of which they are not guilty : To charge them with Heresie , Atheisme , Anti-Scripturisme , Sedition , Treason , &c. and any thing that is of ill Report among men ; That these , even all of them , and many more , both have bin , and are taken up , and made use of by the Discoverer , and others against us , is as cleerly to be seen , as was Gehazie's leprosie on his fore head ; which shall more cleerly be manifested in the following Treatise ; and we do desire the Reader to take good notice of it : For doing so , he shall the bet●er know the Tree by the Fruit . That we have urg'd the Removal of Tythes , Excise , Free-quarter , and other Taxes , and Grievances , is as the Discoverer saies , very true : and 't is as false that we have done it either to Ingratiate our selves , or to make the people disaffected towards the Parliament . If he could truly enter into our hearts , as he takes upon him to do , he would find , that the onely motive engaging us to press for their Removal , is our sense of the burden , and our compassion towards those that are more prest ( especially by Free-Quarter ) then our selves . We see not but that the Parliament may remove them ; and their Declaring so often that they will , is a motive to us ( it being not done ) to press them for the doing thereof . During their Session , what hath bin more usual almost in every bus●ness that ●s in demur or suspense ? Why should that therefore be justifiable in all others , and condemnable in us ? 2. For the impossibility of removing them , by which the non-removal is justified : Under favor , he must excuse us if we see it not : We both see that it may be done , and how it may be done ; and have many things to offer in order thereunto , but that we can have no favorable acceptance . 3. He urges , That 't is by our means burdens are continued . 'T is easily said indeed , but most difficultly ( we may say impossibly ) proved ; for what is not true in it self , cannot be proved . If one hundred thousand pounds , and twice the sum too , be spent upon Intelligence , are we to be blamed for it , that have no other weapons but Prayers and Petitions ; and put the Common-wealth to no other trouble or charge , but what goes to the reading and debating our humble Addresses ? For the passages urg'd out of The Picture of the Councel of State , the Letter of Lieut. Col. J. Lilburn , and R. Overton , to the General , and other writings that concern men so able to write in their own Vindication , I purpose to leave them to the Defence of their own pens ; onely I could wish that they and the Discoverers were upon even terms ; and that the one for speaking were not in hope of a reward , and the other in fear of a punishment . For those harsh Expressions which have past some of our Friends writings , though we could wish they had not bin provoked thereunto , or that being provoked , they had forborn ; yet Affliction , Oppression , and that hard measure they judge they receive in their Sufferings , may well excuse that heat and tartness that many times comes from them ; and we could wish likewise they had no cause . But on the other side , Has it not bin with Interest return'd by their Adversaries upon them ? And does it not strike deeper too ? Amounting to no less than an endeavor to take away their lives : We will agree with you , if you please , to perswade with our Friends on both sides , to forbear all bitter language ; and desire you that you would press them likewise with those four Argumen●s which for that end you urge upon us . Sir , We know very well the disadvantages we●ly under , in that most of you are Politick men , that have studied the Behaviors and Rules of other Politicians , and have acquired thereby , an Art of Commanding your Passions ; Whereas we engage out of the Plainess and Singleness of our Hearts , and Desires of Good to the Nation , and have no Arts of Concealing our Intentions or Passions ; Our Spirits presently rise when we see things done to the prejudice of the Common-wealth ; and in this regard , haply we may have somwhat disadvantaged our selves . Your Story of Duron , you might have spared ; for you know well , our Expressions were higher before the restraint of our Friends , than since ; onely I see , you are willing to show u● ( though not the railing of your Tongue , yet ) the Rancor of your Heart . You are very pleasant with your Fables in other mens calamities ; and like the Harpiae , that sing at the cries of Mariners , and a Shipwrack , so do you sport your self at the sad afflictions of your Brethren ; and are very Poetical in your Malice , but very ridiculous withal ; for otherwise you could not imagine , that the vehement and hasty Expressions of our Friends , can be supposed by them to be a means to get themselves out , since in natural consequence , they must rather be judged the means to keep them longer in : From whence you may conclude , that they flow from them rather by instigation and necessity , than any Designe . For the relinquishment is spoke of in the Manifestation , of many good things proposed ; it relates most to the Army , who have relinquisht many good things presented in their Agreement : Neither do we so much press for Speed in the doing them , as Assurance that they shall be done . And though our Impatience be often urg'd upon us to our prejudice , yet we could instance a Time , and a Declaration ( which the Discoverer has forgot ) wherein these very Grievances of the People , which are not yet removed , were said to be so pressing , that but so many ( and those very few ) daies , could be allowed for their Removal . Sed non videmus ie manticae quod in tergo est . In other mens faults we are like Linceus , in our own Sand blind , and cannot see at any distance . You are pleased to give your guess and interpretation of our thoughts , what we mean by good things : and contrary to your own Rules , p. 27. Interpret all to the worst . We mean by good things , not what you Surmise ; but we Express in our Petitions , Representation , and Agreement : He that but conjectures at that which is not , when he may be ascertained from that which is , must either be a weak , or a wicked man . We are neither for Delay , where it is Dangerous ; nor for Hast , where it makes Wast : But as for good things , so for a fit and convenient season , which we judge to be now ; and if it is not , let us have good reason for it , and we shall be satisfied . You next come to Particulars , whither I will make bold to follow you . You urge , that though you know we profess , and urge our Manifestaon for it , that we believe there is one Omnipotent God , the Author and Preserver of all things in the World , &c. yet you suppose us Atheists , and say in our Profession we are Hypocrites . Alas ! How fain would you have us worse than we are ? How sorry are you that we are not so bad as you would have us ? What pains you take to make us seen to be what indeed we are not ? Atheists . If so plain and candid a Profession we have made , and you have recited , and our endeavors to square our lives answerable thereunto , be not sufficient to confirm men in a Belief of our Acknowledgement and Submission to a Deity ; what else can be ? I profess I know not . What greater Testimony can you give us , of your not being Atheists ? But you have reasons to believe us to be Hypocrites : I pray , let 's examine them . Alas , how you deceive the World ! They are Citations out of a Book none of us own , called , The New Law of Righteousness : What an Inference is here ! A certain man to whom we have no Relation , has wrote a Book wherein are many particulars : From whence you infer the denyal of a Deity ( and that but falsly too , as he will tell you ) and therefore we are Atheists . Good Sir , Speak no more of Incongruities in us , so long as you can pass this over in your self . But you further urge M. Overtons Book , denying the Immortality of the Soul . Si● , if you had perused the Book , you would have found , that though he asserts the Mortality of the Soul with the Body , yet he grant , also , and affirms that the whole man rises again , and both Body and Soul comes to judgement . So that the whole controversie in his Book , is only of the nature of the Soul ; And his opinion therein , though different from the common strain , yet when t●ken together , and not in piece-meal , it implies , and presupposes a Deity , and a Resurrection : And therefore here also you demonstrate , either your ignorance , in not exam●ning his Book , ( which since you take upon you to judge , you ought to have done ) or your wilfulne●s ( to say no more ) in making a false conclus●on , that the premises no way will hear . Lipsius in his Politicks , and Livie in his History , and some other of the Heathens , tell you ( you say ) That Religion , and Gods Worship , is necessary for t●e Saf●ty and Prosperity of a Common-wealth . You a●e inform'd well ; neither do we think otherwise ; But what 's your inference hence ? Nothing verbal , but tacitely you imply , and you would have the World believe , that we are wor●e than the Heathens ; because we would have no Religion : you suppose you have prov'd it before ; which whether you have or no , let the world judge . The Presbyters are against Toleration , though the Independents are for conformity ; cleerly this is your Argument ; for there it as g●eat disparity between the opinions of those he cite , and us ; as between the Presbyters and Independent . T is true indeed , we are not so much for the Formal , or rather Suppo●●tious part of Gods Service , further than is cleer and evident unto us ; but for the real and practical part of his Worship , we wish we could more exactly sq●are our lives thereunto ; and I hope it will be every day more and more our endeavors that we may : But where we have not sufficient grounds , and certainty in the things , and judge the essential wanting , who●e we cannot take things upon ●rus● , and a traditional conveyance , as others can ; there we suspend our practise ; and from hence , because we will not be superstitious , we are said not to be Religious . The Ordinances were intended for the Comfort and Confortation of man ; and therefore , certainly for our own sakes , we would not neglect any of them , where we have plain and certain grounds for exerci●e thereof ; But for conforming our lives and conversation according to the Rules and D●ctates of Scriptures , which are plain , obvious , and ●ndisputable , ( which S. James define to be Pure Religion ) this is pr●ncipa●ly to Honour God ; viz When our Light doth so shine before men that they seing our good works , may glorifie our Father which is in Heaven . Truly Sir , we ever took good life not for the smoke , as you express it , but the substantial part of Gods Service : Neither do we neglect , or have any other than precious e●●eem o● the Ordinances , all things essential to the●r practise being present ; You do us exceeding wrong therefore , and your self too , to shew so much weakness , as to brand us ( and that upon so slight grounds , and no proof ) with Atheisme ; especially considering how far the prejudice of such a slander will extend against us . A● Atheist is not fit for humane Society , for he has no●ty upon him , nothing within to check him from rushing with greediness upon any evil his lust or advantage can prompt him ●o ; He will say any thing of any man , do any thing against any man to prof●t himself ; No Law holds him , no Promises , no Engagements , where they may safely , and for his commodity be broken : He saies not onely in his Heart , but ●n all his Actions , There is no God : And according to this Descr●ption ( which certainly comes neer the matter ) The greatest Atheists are Politicians . Not such as out of singleness of heart do the●r Countrey Service , and for that end , expose themselves to all hazards , neglect the Pomp and Van●ty of the Wor●d ; and count it better to suffer affliction for a good Cause , than to enjoy the pleasures of Sin for a season . You have words no question , and fine stories ; and can by a cuning contexture thereof , make any thing of ●ny thing ; but when a right judgement is made , and matters cloe●ly lookt into , without the Spectacles of Prejudice , and the false Opticks of your Imagination ; we doubt not to stand right in the opinion of all good people , that take things as they are ; not as they are gloss'd and painted over , with such colours as your ends and interests engage you to set upon them . But you have one nail more to fasten Atheisme upon us , and that is , That in all our Agreement , there is not one thing proposed for the holding forth , and furtherance of Gods Worship and Service ; whereas in all other Platforms , you say , though drawn up by Heathens , Religion alwaies had the first place and pre-eminence : And the implied conclusion from hence must be , That we are men of no Religion ; for that you are undertaking to prove . Answ. 1. That the same complaint lies against the Agreement of the Army in this particular , as against us ; For Religion had neither the first place there , nor was there any plat-form for the holding forth of Gods Worship and Service , more there than in ours : So that mutatis nominibus de Vobis Fabula narratur : His Excellency , and the Officers of the Army , by the same inference , must be his Atheists . The Parliament has already established a Form and Method of Religion ; which as they have power to do , so is there no Restriction in the Agreement , but that they may at all times have the like ; For , where they are not restrain'd , there they are impowred . When are we like to have an Agreement , if there must be in it a Plat-form for Religion ? Considering the un●versal difference and discord●ncie in mens sp●rits about matters of Religion : We have done as much ( we think ) in that particular , as is necessary ; in making necessary Cautions and Reserves against Compuls●on and En●orcement ; Further we could not go , w●thout the hazard of having no Agreement at all , if we had put that into it , to which before-hand we were certa●n the people could not agree . For the Parishoners chusing their own Ministers , 't is no more but what in most places they may do already ; and where Patrons are that impose , is there not the same likely h●o● that they may impose a Turk , or a Jew upon a Parish , as that the Parishoners should chuse one ? Will a Patron think you , be more careful of them , than they are of themselves ? Every straw ( I see ) must be brought to your Building : Note also what your Inference must be hereupon ; We would have the People chuse their own Ministers , therefore are we Atheists , and would have no Religion : And to itch up this pitiful Argument , the Anabaptists of Munster ( Levellers you now call them ) must be brought in : The old trick of the Bishops , and of every body else , that have Designes on foot ; Where Proof is wanting , there Resemblances are insinuated in their stead ; and Comparisons made either in such things as are true of neither , or e●se , the Party that is to be made odious , is likened to such as are alre●dy odious , in some particulars not material ; and yet thereby is suggested a similitude in all the rest . You have their proofs that we are Atheists ; which though they promised you should be cleer and certain , out of our own Books ; yet you see , when touched , they fall to dust ; like the fair seeming Apples of Sodome , and remain rather as proofs of their rancor and spleen against us ; or else , of their Stratagems and Designs upon us : Non ut Probant loquntur , sed ut Decipiant : They speak not to prove , but to deceive . Their next work is , to make us Levellers ; In order whereunto , they cite two passages in the Manifestation , page 4. As , First . We profess , we never had it in our thoughts to level Mens Estates ; it bring the uttermost of our aime , that the Common wealth be reduced to such a pass , that every man may with as much security as may be enjoy his Propriety . And Secondly , Vnderstanding by levelling , an Equalling of mens Estates , and taking away that Right and Title that every man hath to what 's his own : To attempt an enducing the same , is most injurious , unless there did precede an Vniversal Assent thereunto , from all , and every one of the People . Thus far the Manifestation : From whence they make this Paraphrase ; Disc As if they should say the thing is good , onely wanting means and power at present , it must be left , till there be further opportunity to do it . What is in these mens brain , or what in their hearts , that they can so confidently abuse us , and the World , yea , and themselves most of all ? For apparent falshood , are like Arrows shot upright , that fall down upon the head of the Shooter . What Bars and Bolts have we put against levelling , in our Petitions , Agreement , and all our Writings ? How have we declared it to be without the Power of Parliament it self to do it , answered the Objections concerning the Primitive Christians Community ? Every thing we have brought to light , our Proposals , Articles , and Provisions , do all cleerly , and evidently imply and relate to Propriety ; and yet to see , when it concerns men that the World should believe us to be Levellers , how against all light , and apparent certainty of the contrary , they can urge it upon us . But they have further proofs , viz. Expressions our of our Writings , that do imply it as cleer as day . I confess the Citations they have brought there , do not onely imply , but express it ; But the Expressions cited , and the Books out of which they cite them , are no more ours , or owned by us , then by them that cited them : And what dealing I pray is this , to lay other mens infirmities upon our shoulders ? His Inference is , West●s horses came into Gladmens Grounds , therefore Fields Cattel shall be pounded . This is such a way to make men guilty , as was never heard of before , I think : A sure way , for allowing it , no man can be innocent : This is so far from taking doubtful actions in the best sense , and to make the Fairest and Noblest construction in things dubious , which is the Discoverers rule , p. 27. that instead thereof , where Actions and Words are plain , and no waies dubious ; he puts a contrary sense upon them , and will force upon us , things which we utterly disclaim . Two leaves he has spent in citations of this nature , which we shall not speak to , because they concern us not ; but shall onely desire , that the Inferences and Applications which are made thereupon , may ( and we know they will ) by all ingenuous men , have no reflection at all upon us . But before they leave this , they be think themselves , that our profession against Levelling , is very plain and s●gnificant in the Manifestation and therefore they have found a device to enervate and weaken it , as they th●nk ; and that is a special one ; you shall hear it . When we say , that Levellihg is injurious , unless there did precede an Vniversal Assent in All , and Every One of the people : First , they object , that we imply that the thing in it self is good . 2. That by All , we mean All Restrictively ; that is , Some and those the poor Commoners . To the first we answer ▪ that we cannot suppose , nor do we think any Rational men do believe the thing unlawful in it self ; for then the Primitive Christians d● unlawfully : But we say , it is unlawful and in●ur●ous for any sect or sort of men , to impose or enforce it ; but that to make it lawful , there must be an unanimous and ●ndividual assent of every man thereunto : And for a further Vindication in this point , we refer to our Manifestation . The second Objection is the most absurd and groundless surmise , that ever any men took up ; That we should mean by All , onely Some ; God defend us from such contrar●ety between words and meaning ; between the Tongue and the Heart : May our da●s be shortned , and the course of our lives expire before its natural Term , rather than we live to such a degree of Imposture , and wicked Reservation : There is not any thing our souls do more abhominate ; and we desire a●l men to consider , how extremely in this particular we are abused . It our writings that are permanent , be thus wrested to a sense contrary to what in themselves they import ; how much more will they , and how much more indiscoverably may they abuse us in our Speeches and Discourses , which a●e semper in trans●●● , n●●hing remaining of them to cleer themselves , and evidence the falshood of the Report . How careful were the Manifestators to express themselves so plainly , so fully , as to put it past being mis-understood ; Vnless there did precede an universal assent from all and every one of the People : Three bolts they made , as if they had fore-seen an intention in the Discoverers , to force a passage here , into their Reputations ; and yet all will not serve the turn : Paul must be a Pestilent Fellow , Our Saviour● a Perverter of the Nation ; and therefore , let them bear themselves how they will , and say what they can ; the Bow is drawn , and the Arrow must fly abroad . However , the Wo●ld may see by this , that 't is not Truth that guides these Discoverers but Design ; a handsom Fiction will go as far ( they think ) as Verity , till it comes to be laid open , and then ( as in tricks of Legerdemain ) the wonderful Art is but cleanly conveyance , and slight of hand : So here , the whole Accusation amounts to no more , but a Fiction well mou●ded , a Fable artificially contrived , and told by a voluble Tongue , and an inventive brain ▪ 'T were well though , that somthing else were the subject matter of these mens dexterity , and not their Brethren●Lives and Reputations . We have done with their two principal Discoveries ; viz. That we are Atheists , and Levelle●s : which though at first they promised to demonstrate by Reason and Proof abundantly ; yet have they ( as many confident Merchant ▪ use to do ) failed in the performance , and made it evident to all , that thereby they intended onely , to pre-occupate the peoples understandings , that men might piece up the defects and deficiencies of the Discoverers Reasons and Arguments , with their willingness , and easie credulity . The next charge is , our Sedition , and raising Discontents , and Differences amongst the Souldiers , and incensing them against their Officers ; by commending the Goodness and Fidelity of the one , and decrying the Apostacie , Ambition , Perfidie , and Cruelty of the other ; and by making the People out of love with the Parliament . To this we answer ; That the proofs urged for the making of this good , are many of them out of books not owned by us , and therefore of no validity against us . The places that are cited out of some of our Books , are cited but piece-meal , without the preceding and subsequent passages , necessary for the clearing our intentions , and manifesting the grounds and reasons of those passages : Allowing this Liberty ; it is an easie matter by the Armies writings , to make them Traytors to the Parliament . Is it so unpardonable a crime for Inferior men to find fault with such as are in Authority , as to be judged therefore Traytors , Seditions , Mutineer● ▪ &c. That they must therefore suffer death for it . Disc. p. 33. Be cut asunder alive : ibid Be Hanged up in the most noted places of the Land : Nay , and be kill'd by any body that meets them ? Certainly this Doctrine is but of a late Stamp and Coynage : At New-marker it was otherwise , at Reading , Hammer smith , and many other places : If it be considered how much good hath arisen to this Common-Wealth by some irregular●ties that in probability but for them , we had bin ruined ; such complaints certainly as the Discoverer mentions , which are far short of forcible Opposition and Resistance , which has by others bin exercised , would find a gentles , and more favorable sentence . If a General turns his Canon against the Souldier , or the Pilot steers upon a Rock ; the Souldier may resist the one , and the Mariner ; prevent the intended mischief of the other : So say the Declarations of the Army ; and make themselves Iudge of the Parliament : Declar. Novemb 30. 1648. p. 5. I see Beams are but Motes in some mens eys , and in other some , Motes are made Beams . I wish to God there were no ground of just complaint , and that every jealousie may be presented by an actual performance of Promise● , and the many good things declared : Would it be so , I should judge it the happiest time that ever came to England , and the best way to secure all men that have served their Country , to allay all differences and discontents , to answer all scruples and objections . And I do likewise wish , and heartily desire of that party ( for so it will be called ) of which I am , that they would Interpret all things to the best ; and allow , that though they see what things ought to be done ; yet that they may not see that onely so much , as things stand , can be done ; and accordingly to bear themselves . I speak not this , either for fear , of inf●rmations much less to administer an excuse for neglects or miscarriages ; but onely out of my desire to chalk out to both a way to union , if it be possible ; which I think is of greatest concernme●t to both , and to the Common wealth that may be . For Expressions that have bin Bitter of either hand , it may be I may be mistaken , but I judge it best that they be remited and forgotten by both : I speak without commission , but I think , not without reason , and a due regard to both . If words have bin high from some of us , the provocations considered , and that their speeches have not bin altogether causless ; considering likewise , that the men so speaking , have spent themselves for their Country , and cannot in truth be said to have other ends , than its Freedom and Safety ; having never either kept the Tract , or used the means to make themselves great or rich , but slighted both ; which is no small badge of their Integrity : These things considered ( I say ) it will be no bad advice I believe Recepini canere ; to found a Retreat ▪ and bethink our selves of the impossibility of a perfect ●in on , unless there be some Rem●ssion of all hands , of the dangers of our differences , in case the enemy ever appear again : and of many other particulars that might be urged , but tha● some will be apt to surmise , that this proceeds from the apprehension of our present condition and not from a desire of peace , and strengthning the Nation by a good and well joynted union ▪ However , it has ever bin counted good advice to the wisest States , to stint and moderate their fortunes ; and in greatest successes , rather to look backward than forward ; and rather to stop the current of dangers ensuing , than to follow the stream of that Victory , by which they may be more encreased ▪ 'T is Tacitus advice , Securitati potius , quam potentiae consulere ; to consult rather our Security , than propose the increase and inlargement of power : This Advice haply will be dis-relisht ; and who can help it ? However 't is given . But we urge against Martial Law , and so endeavor the breaking of the Army ; For how can an Army subsist without Discipline ? and where is Discipline , if there be no Martial Law ? Answ. That what the Law is express against , that we may urge against : But the Law is express against Martial law in time of peace ; Ergo ▪ Our Ancestors it seems knew very well the rigor and severity of that Law that aptness of its being extended beyond the camp , a chlamyde ad Togam ; from the Sould●er to the Citizen ; and many other inconveniences of it ; and therefore have expresly provided against it ▪ exercise in times of Peace . And cer●ainly , other men ought not to plead for that the Law provides against : Nor ought our Desires to be so slighted and condemned , that are grounded upon express Law . And whereas the Discoverers urge , that we have made hurly-burlies , and therefore by our own Arguments it may be exercised now ; We answer , First , That he is mistaken in his major , and takes that for granted , which we laterly disclaim , and is in it self false . 2. That allowing it to be true , yet our pleas against Martial Law , were before the hurly-burlies . 3. His conseque●ce is very infirm ; For the meaning of Times of Peace , is according to Sir Edw. Cook , When the Courts of Justice are open ; in whom is to be had Iustice against all Faults and Offences . Some other Excursion , and Expostulations are made hereupon by the Discoverers , which we onely desire may be read : we conceive there needs no answer . For the remaining part of their Book , 't is spent in confuta●ion of the first and second part of Englands New Chains Disco●ered : In doing whereof , I command their wisdoms for caving out the most , and most considerable parts thereof ▪ as ●ut 〈◊〉 f●othy , and impertinent passages : they have as safe a combat of this ▪ a● he that fenc'd with the ●ree , and need not fear any steping from beh●nd it : T is a hands●m predicament we are in , be●ng made Traytors for holding our peace ; for what can't Art and Sophistry do ? and we should hardly scape he la●n or Treason , if in this case we should speak . 'T is a meritorious work indeed , and a gloriou● conquest , fir●t to hold our hands , and then to buf●et us ; To ●ag , and then re●●●e us : Howe●er , we had thought these times , and men pretend●ng to Freedom ▪ wou●d never have found fault with some things therein ; which have from the b●gini●g of these Distractions bin justified by the ablest and most ingenuous men . But when is it a better time to condemn th●ngs good then when no man dares appear in their justification ? I wish some other way might be found to unt●ngle tho●e chains ; Non respondendo , sed ar●ndo ▪ not by an●wer●ng , but doing : Herodian . — The Ey● are Credulous , when the Ears are not . The Paper will remain , and when compar'd with the An●●ers in the Di●coverer , disgusts I fear , and dis-●at●sfactions will continue ; as finding that the Childs Shoe cannot cover the mans foot : The things desired , are generally confest to be good , but the season is dislik●t , and haply the expression : For the last , let the strong bear with the weak : For the first , T is not good to be overmuch fixt and peremptory : Let assurance be given that they shall a● a better reason be done , and see whether that will not satisfie . Consider however , that e●ght yeers waiting may beget some impatience ; and on the other side , that they that have waited eight yeers , may tarry a little longer : Thus it will become us all , one sort and another , to be indeed rather umpires , than parties ; to press for those things that are desired ; not as engaged men , or as particularly concern'd , but as Agents or Factors for the Common wea●th ; not with heat , but reason ; not with reviling , but perswas●on ; The one makes parties and sets us at variance , the other begets Love and Concord , a●d will make it appear one to an●ther ( though I would have it be in reality , and not onely in appearance ) that though we may differ in the way , yet we really intend one anothers good . I pray God in the first place , to incline my heart exactly to fol●ow this Councel ; and I think it will be needful also for all and every one of all parties ; and above all things , to intend un●on ; for as the Discoverer observes , M Walw●n well know , That by Concord ▪ the least things encrease ; By Discord , the greatest come to nothing . And though it 's said of us , that we follow the rule of Divine & Impera , Devide and Reigne : yet all impart●al men cannot but impute the following of that cursed maxime to any , rather than to us . For we not onely have declin'd all means of rule , having never put our selves forward , or bin eager in the pursuit of Offices ; but our principles also do so bound all Officers to Express Rules , Limits , and Accounts , as that the gain will not much over-po●●e the labor ; and we could wish it at that pass , and questionless it would be so , were it not for the large Revenue , opportunity of corruption , &c. that instead of hunting after them , men should rather desire to dec●ine them , and that the discharge thereof , should be taken as a Favor , and acceptable Service to the Common-wealth . Other Scandals there are dispersed through the Book ; but because they are here●o●ore answe●ed by us , we shall not need to say any thing particularly to them , but refer the Reader to the Manifestation , the Fountain of Slander opened ; the Charit● of Church men ; desiring onely that notice be taken , that where answers be given ( as in that slander against M. Walwyn of perswading the Woman to make away with her self ) the answers are not considered and disprov●d , but the slanders afresh reported ; as if satisfaction were not desired , but rather slighted , as a means to prevent the intended work of making us odious . And so we have done with the first part of the Discoverers ; onely we shall make one observation ; that what our party principally stick● to , they altogether decline ; viz. Our Mani●estation , and the Agreement : By the one , unjust Aspersions are wip'd on , and we manifest what we are not ; By the other , we evidence to all the World what we are , and what we seek for . Other papers are personal , and concern haply this or that man , as they have bin by occasion and provocation necessitated from them ; but these do more generally concern us all , and are own●d by the Party : And therefore , it will do better hereafter , that men make not excursions a causa , ad non causam ; from the cause , to the accident● : In the last , we say we center and acquiesce , especially in a constant and frequent Representative ; and shall even judge it our duties to press for the Establishment thereof . And so till the Second part of the Discoverers , we shall take respite ; desiring that they may well consider the evil effects which have proceeded from Officious mens incensing and mis-guiding Authority ; And that Ahassuerus had never bin so violent against the Jews , but for the instigations of Haman ; Nor Paul●s Compan●ons suffered so much at Macedonia , but for the Covetousness of Demetrius and his Crafts-men . FINIS . 


c0: A78910
c1: England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I)
c2: His Majesties message to the House of Peers April 22. 1642.
c3: 1642
c5: house; peers; text
c6: 769
c7: 42
c8: 70
c9: A78910.xml
c10: A78910.txt
c4:
  This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78910 of text R210461 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[6]). Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Robert Barker, printer to the Kings most excellent Majestie: and by the assignes of John Bill, Imprinted at London : 1642.

c11:
   His Majesties message to the House of Peers April 22. 1642. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78910 of text R210461 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[6]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78910 Wing C2481 Thomason 669.f.5[6] ESTC R210461 99869259 99869259 160719 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78910) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160719) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[6]) His Majesties message to the House of Peers April 22. 1642. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Robert Barker, printer to the Kings most excellent Majestie: and by the assignes of John Bill, Imprinted at London : 1642. Requesting the Lords to proceed against the author and publisher of a seditious pamphlet 'A question answered how laws are to be understood and obedience yeelded'. The doctrine 'that humane laws do not bind the conscience' means the speedy dissolution of civil government. -- Steele. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Sedition -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Government, Resistance to -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. A78910 R210461 (Thomason 669.f.5[6]). civilwar no His Majesties message to the House of Peers: April 22. 1642. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 324 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE DIEV ET MON DROIT . ❧ His Majesties Message to the House of Peers . April 22. 1642. HIs Majestie having seen a Printed Paper , entituled , A Question answered how Laws are to be understood and obedience yeelded ; ( which Paper He sends together with this Message ) thinks fit to recommend the consideration of it to His House of Peers , that they may use all possible care and diligence for the finding out the Author , and may give directions to His learned Councell , to proceed against Him and the Publishers of it , in such a way as shall be agreeable to Law and the course of Justice , as Persons who indeavour to stir up Sedition against His Majestie ; And His Majestie doubts not but they will be very sensible how much their own particular Interest ( as well as the publike government of the Kingdom ) is , and must be shaken , if such Licence shall be permitted to bold factious spirits to withdraw His Subjects strict obedience from the Laws established , by such Seditious and Treasonable distinctions . And of Doctrines of this nature His Majestie doubts not but that their Lordships will publish their great dislike , it being grown into frequent Discourse , and vented in some Pulpits ( by those desperate turbulent Preachers , who are the great Promotors of the distempers of this time ) That humane Laws do not binde the Conscience ; which being ones beleeved , the civill Government and peace of the Kingdom will be quickly dissolved . His Majestie expects a speedie account of their Lordships exemplary Justice upon the Authors and Publishers of this Paper . ¶ Imprinted at London by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majesty : And by the Assignes of JOHN BILL . 1642. 


c0: A84475
c1: England and Wales. Council of State.
c3: 1660
c5: council; state; text
c6: 1171
c7: 57
c8: 63
c9: A84475.xml
c10: A84475.txt
c2:
  By the Council of State. A proclamation. The council of state being intrusted, in this interval of Parliament, with preservation of the publick peace; and being well informed, that some persons, from mistaken apprehensions of the temper of the army, ...

c4:
  This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A84475 of text R211751 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.24[40]). At the Council of State at VVhitehal. A proclamation ordering the arrest of such persons as 'do attempt the debauching and alienating the affections of some in the army' -- cf. Thomason Catalogue.

c11:
   By the Council of State. A proclamation. The council of state being intrusted, in this interval of Parliament, with preservation of the publick peace; and being well informed, that some persons, from mistaken apprehensions of the temper of the army, ... England and Wales. Council of State. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A84475 of text R211751 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.24[40]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A84475 Wing E783A Thomason 669.f.24[40] ESTC R211751 99870455 99870455 163771 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A84475) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163771) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f24[40]) By the Council of State. A proclamation. The council of state being intrusted, in this interval of Parliament, with preservation of the publick peace; and being well informed, that some persons, from mistaken apprehensions of the temper of the army, ... England and Wales. Council of State. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Abel Roper, and Tho: Collins, Printers to the Council of State, [London] : [1660] Title from caption and opening lines of text. Date and place of publication from Wing. Dated at end: Saturday March 24. 1659. At the Council of State at VVhitehal. "A proclamation ordering the arrest of such persons as 'do attempt the debauching and alienating the affections of some in the army'" -- cf. Thomason Catalogue. Annotation on Thomason copy: "March 26. 1660". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng England and Wales. -- Army -- Early works to 1800. Soldiers -- England -- Early works to 1800. Sedition -- England -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Commonwealth and Protectorate, 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. A84475 R211751 (Thomason 669.f.24[40]). civilwar no By the Council of State. A proclamation. The council of state being intrusted, in this interval of Parliament, with preservation of the publ England and Wales. Council of State. 1660 715 1 0 0 0 0 0 14 C The rate of 14 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the Council of State . A PROCLAMATION . THe Council of State being intrusted , in this Interval of Parliament , with Preservation of the Publick Peace ; and being well informed , That some Persons , from mistaken Apprehensions of the temper of the Army , do secretly attempt the debauching ▪ and alienating the Affections of some in the Army , from that Obedience and Duty which they owe , and ( as upon good Grounds is hoped , and believed ) bear to the present Authority , established by Parliament , and to their Superior Officers in the Army ; HAVE therefore thought fit , hereby to declare , and make known , their great dislike of such Proceedings , as tending , and ayming at the disturbance of the Peace of this Commonwealth , and engaging it into new Distractions and Blood ( now that such a Door of Hope is opened of Deliverance and Settlement . ) And do hereby charge and require , all and every Person and Persons , of what sort or degree soever , whether belonging to any the Armies of this Commonwealth , or others , to forbear , at their uttermost perils , all Applications , of what kinde soever , to any the Officers or Soldiers of the Armies of this Commonwealth , by way of Agitating , or otherwise , with design or endeavor , by word or act , to beget Dissatisfactions in any such Officer or Soldier , towards the present Government ; or to withdraw them from their Obedience to their Superiors ; or to make Combinations or Factions in the Army , to the disturbance thereof , or endangering the Peace of the Nation . And the Council do hereby Impower , and Require all Officers , both Military and Civil , and all Soldiers , and others , upon certain Information given them of any Person or Persons , contriving , advising , or prosecuting any design , or endeavor to the purposes aforesaid , forthwith to seize and secure every such Person and Persons , and him , and them , to bring or send in custody to the Council of State , to answer the same : And albeit , the Council have reason to hope , That every Person concerned in the Safety and Publick Interest of the Nation , will be thereby sufficiently obliged to discover and bring to condign punishment all Offenders in this kinde ; yet for the better encouragement of all whom this may concern , to be faithful to that Duty which they owe to their Countries Peace , the Council doth hereby Declare and Promise , That for every Person , who upon due proof to be made , shall appear to have acted under the name of an AGITATOR , or otherwise , for the mischievous ends and purposes aforesaid , there shall be allowed , and paid out of the Publick Treasure of this Commonwealth , the sum of Ten Pounds , to the Officer or Officers , Soldier or Soldiers , who shall discover , secure , and bring or send in custody , to the Council , any such Person as aforesaid . And all Officers , Military and Civil , are required upon request made in that behalf , to be aiding and assisting in the apprehending , securing , and bringing in custody , to the Council , all and every Person and Persons who may be justly charged with the Crimes aforesaid . And the Chief Officers of the respective Regiments , Troops , and Companies of the Army , are required forthwith , after it shall come to their Hands , to cause this Proclamation to be published in the Head of their Regiments , Troops , and Companies , to the intent the same may be better taken notice of , and put into the more effectual Execution . Saturday March 24. 1659. At the Council of State at VVhitehal . ORdered , That this Proclamation be forthwith Printed and Published . W. JESSOP , Clerk of the Council . Printed by Abel Roper , and Tho : Collins , Printers to the Council of State . 


c0: A84478
c1: England and Wales. Council of State.
c3: 1660
c5: council; john; state
c6: 1008
c7: 56
c8: 66
c9: A84478.xml
c10: A84478.txt
c2:
  By the Council of State. A proclamation. Whereas the Council of State hath received information, that there is an endeavour by Colonel John Lambert, and other officers (lately reduced) to raise a new war and to imbroil the nation in blood and distractions, and to hinder the members from meeting in the next Parliament, on whose free councel (under God) the hope of setling the nations both principally depend. ...

c4:
  John Hewson, Edward Salmon, Ashfield, Major Creed, Maj. General Tho. Harrison, Col. John Okey, Major Wagstaff, Lievtenant Col. Miller, Capts. Whereas the Council of State hath received information, that there is an endeavour by Colonel John Lambert, and other officers (lately reduced) to raise a new war and to imbroil the nation in blood and distractions, and to hinder the members from meeting in the next Parliament, on whose free councel (under God) the hope of setling the nations both principally depend.

c11:
   By the Council of State. A proclamation. Whereas the Council of State hath received information, that there is an endeavour by Colonel John Lambert, and other officers (lately reduced) to raise a new war and to imbroil the nation in blood and distractions, and to hinder the members from meeting in the next Parliament, on whose free councel (under God) the hope of setling the nations both principally depend. ... England and Wales. Council of State. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A84478 of text R211822 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.24[71]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A84478 Wing E786 Thomason 669.f.24[71] ESTC R211822 99870515 99870515 163802 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A84478) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163802) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f24[71]) By the Council of State. A proclamation. Whereas the Council of State hath received information, that there is an endeavour by Colonel John Lambert, and other officers (lately reduced) to raise a new war and to imbroil the nation in blood and distractions, and to hinder the members from meeting in the next Parliament, on whose free councel (under God) the hope of setling the nations both principally depend. ... England and Wales. Council of State. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Abel Roper and Tho. Collins, Printers to the Council of State, London : [1660] Title from caption and opening lines of text. Dated at end: Given at the Council of State at Whitehall, this one and twentieth day of April, 1660. "As Col. Lambert and other officers are trying to raise a new war, Cols. John Hewson, Edward Salmon, Ashfield, Major Creed, Maj. General Tho. Harrison, Col. John Okey, Major Wagstaff, Lievtenant Col. Miller, Capts. John Blackwell, Richard Dean, and Major Gladman with Col. Robert Lilburne are suspected of wishing to join Lambert. They are to surrender at Whitehall within three days after the proclamation of this in their country, on pain of sequestration." -- Cf. Steele. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Lambert, John, 1619-1683 -- Early works to 1800. England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800. Sedition -- England -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Commonwealth and Protectorate, 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. A84478 R211822 (Thomason 669.f.24[71]). civilwar no By the Council of State. A proclamation· Whereas the Council of State hath received information, that there is an endeavour by Colonel John England and Wales. Council of State. 1660 411 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ❧ By the Council of State . A PROCLAMATION . WHereas the Council of State hath received Information , that there is an endeavour by Colonel John Lambert , and other Officers ( lately reduced ) to raise a new War , and to unbroil the Nation in blood and distractions , and to hinder the Members from meeting in the next Parliament , on whose free Councel ( under God ) the hope of setling the Nations doth principally depend . And being informed that Colonel John Hewson , Col Ralph Cobbet , Col. Edward Salmon , Col. Ashfeild , Major Creed , Major General Tho. Harrison , Col. John Okey , Major Wagstaff , Lievtenant Col. Miller , Captain John Blackwell , Captain Richard Dean , and Major Gladman ( some of them being the number of those nine Officers upon whom the Parliament put a mark of displeasure , for their former disturbing of Parliament Authority , and Colonel Robert Lilburn , Who was summoned to attend the Council , and came accordingly to London , hath lurked privately about the Town , and is since departed , without making his Appearance ) are persons apprehended to be dangerous , and bent to engage with the said Colonel John Lambert , in disserving the Peace of the Nation , and to interrupt the sitting of the next Parliament . The Council doth therefore hereby strictly charge , and require the said Colonel John Hewson , Col. Ralph Cobbet , Col. Edward Salmon , Col. Ashfeild , Major Creed , Major General Thomas Harrison , Col. John Okey , Major Wagstaff , Lieutenant Colonel Miller , Captain John Blackwell , Capt. Richard Dean , Major Gladman , and Col. Robert Lilburr , to appear and render themselves to the Council at White-hall , Within three daies after the proclaiming of this Proclamation , in the County to place where any of the said persons are or shall be , under the pains and penalties of being proceeded against , and of having their Estates to be forthwith Seized and Sequestred for the use of the Common-wealth , in case of their Fader to appear according to the time limitted by this Proclamation . Given at the Council of State at Whitehall , this one and twentieth day of April , 1660. LONDON , Printed by Abel Roper and Tho. Collins , Printers to the Council of State . 


c0: A84481
c1: England and Wales. Council of State.
c3: 1660
c5: council; state; text
c6: 1115
c7: 54
c8: 66
c9: A84481.xml
c10: A84481.txt
c2:
  By the Council of State. A Proclamation. The Council of State having received information, that since the escape made out of the Tower of London, by Colonel John Lambert, a person of loose principles, and reduced, by his own miscarriages, into a desperate fortune, he doth endeavour without any colour of authority, to rendevouz such of the souldiers, ...

c4:
  This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A84481 of text R211824 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.24[70]). Collins, Printers to the Council of State, London : [1660] Title from caption and opening lines of text.

c11:
   By the Council of State. A Proclamation. The Council of State having received information, that since the escape made out of the Tower of London, by Colonel John Lambert, a person of loose principles, and reduced, by his own miscarriages, into a desperate fortune, he doth endeavour without any colour of authority, to rendevouz such of the souldiers, ... England and Wales. Council of State. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A84481 of text R211824 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.24[70]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A84481 Wing E789 Thomason 669.f.24[70] ESTC R211824 99870517 99870517 163801 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A84481) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163801) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 247:669f24[70]) By the Council of State. A Proclamation. The Council of State having received information, that since the escape made out of the Tower of London, by Colonel John Lambert, a person of loose principles, and reduced, by his own miscarriages, into a desperate fortune, he doth endeavour without any colour of authority, to rendevouz such of the souldiers, ... England and Wales. Council of State. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Abel Roper and Tho. Collins, Printers to the Council of State, London : [1660] Title from caption and opening lines of text. Dated at end: Given at the Council of State at Whitehall, this one and twentieth day of April, 1660. "John Lambert, since his escape, is trying to foment a new war. All persons aiding him are proclaimed traitors. His and their estates are forfeit. His adherents are to submit themselves within 24 hours." -- Cf. Steele. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Lambert, John, 1619-1683 -- Early works to 1800. Sedition -- England -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Commonwealth and Protectorate, 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. A84481 R211824 (Thomason 669.f.24[70]). civilwar no By the Council of State. A Proclamation. The Council of State having received information, that since the escape made out of the Tower of Lo England and Wales. Council of State. 1660 598 1 0 0 0 0 0 17 C The rate of 17 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ❧ By the Council of State . A PROCLAMATION . THe Council of State having received Information , That since the escape made out of the Tower of London , by Colonel John Lambert , a Person of loose principles and reduced , by his own miscarriages , into a desperate Fortune , he doth endeavour without any colour of Authority , to Rendevouz such of the Souldiers , and others , as , by falshood and mis-information he can with-draw from their obedience , and to engage them to a conjunction with him , in order to the raising of a New War , the Embroiling the Nation in Blood , and Distractions , the making of disturbances in opposition to the present Government , as the same is established , and the hindering of the Members from Meeting in the next Parliament , on whose Free Counsels , under God , the hopes of setling these Nations do principally depend : They do therefore hereby Declare the Actions and Proceedings of the said Colonel John Lambert , to be High Treason , and himself , for the same , a Traytor . And do strictly Charge , Require , and Command all , and every Person and Persons , adhering to , and joyning with him , in such his Treasonable Attempts and Endeavours , forthwith to withdraw and separate from him , at his , and their uttermost perils : And the Council do further Declare , That whatsoever person or persons , of what condition or quality soever he or they be , Whether Souldiers , or others , shall presume after the Publication hereof , to joyn with , or Assist him therein ●ll , and every such person and persons , shall be reputed guilty of High Treason , and incur the Pains and Penalties , which by Law , are to be inflicted on Traytors ; And his , and their Estates shall be forthwith Seized and Sequestred to the use of the Commonwealth . And that every person who hath been so far deluded , as to adhere to , and joyn with him therein , and shall not within twenty four hours after the Publication hereof , in the County or Place where such Person or Persons are or shall be , Wholly desert and withdraw from Him , and his Party , submit to the Present Authority , and render himself to the Governour of the next Garrison , or Commander in Chief of the next Forces of this Commonwealth , under the obedience of the present Government , Quartering in the Countrey where such person shall at that time be , All , and every such person and persons , shall incur the same Pains , Penalties , and Sequestration , and be proceeded against , as aforesaid . And all the Militia Forces of this Commonwealth , and all other well-affected Persons whatsoever , are required to be Aiding and Assisting in the surprizing and subduing of the said John Lambert , and all such as shall be Accomplices with , or Adhere to , and Assist him in his said Treasonable Practises , or any others that shall in any part appear in Arms , without Authority from the Parliament , the Council of State , or General . Given at the Council of State at Whitehall , this one and twentieth day of April , 1660. LONDON , Printed by Abel Roper and Tho. Collins , Printers to the Council of State . 


